Hay, Colin; Stoker, Gerry; Barr, Matthew
A major programme of research on cognition has been built around the idea that human beings are frequently intuitive thinkers and that human intuition is imperfect. The modern marketing of politics and the time-poor position of many citizens suggests that ‘fast’, intuitive, thinking in many contemporary democracies is ubiquitous. This article explores the consequences that such fast thinking might have for the democratic practice of contemporary politics. Using focus groups with a range of de...
Bolleyer, Nicole; von Nostitz, Felix-Christopher; Little, Conor
This article theorises and empirically assesses some important intra-organisational implications of maximising democratic equality in political parties both between followers and members and between members and elites. They include weak member commitment, passivity of the rank-and-file membership...
Full Text Available According to recent conceptual proposals, institutional corruption should be understood within the boundaries of the institution and its purpose. Political corruption in democracies, prominent scholars suggest, is characterized by the violation of institutional ideals or behaviors that tend to harm democratic processes and institutions. This paper rejects the idea that compromises, preferences, political agreements, or consent can be the baseline of conceptualization of political corruption. In order to improve the identification of abuse of power, the concept of political corruption should not be related directly to democratic institutions and processes; rather, it should be related to ideals whose content is independent of citizens’ preferences, institutions and processes. More specifically, I articulate the relations between political corruption and the notion of subjection, and include powerful citizens in the category of political corruption. Yet, I also suggest redefining under what conditions agents are culpable for their motivations in promoting private gain. By doing this, we better realize how democratic institutions can be the source of corruption and not just its victims. Such a redefinition, I propose finally, is the basis for the distinction between individual and institutional corruption.
A.R. Edwards (Arthur)
textabstractA conceptual framework is proposed for discussing the ICT strategies of intermediaries and their effects on democratic intermediation. The main line of reasoning is that both ‘disintermediation’ and ‘re-intermediation’ have to be related to specific models of democracy and styles of
Dumas, Wayne; Dumas, Alesia
Investigates civic education curricular reform in the former German Democratic Republic (GDR). Discusses the problems inherent in reforming an entire educational system, from textbooks to teachers, originally designed for Marxist-Leninist purposes. Examines the German state educational structure and the role that the main political parties play in…
Public Sphere (EPS). It is inspired by results and reflections from the European Gender Project (EGP) , where intersectionality was used as an approach for analysing negotiations between gender and ethno-national diversity in selected European countries and in relation to the European Public Sphere....... The aim of the essay is to further deepen the theoretical and empirical understanding of intersectionality by reflecting on the relations between political intersectionality and democratic politics from a particular European perspective. It thus confronts theory and research findings concerning...... intersections of gender and ethnic diversity in political life at the national and transnational levels across Europe. In this context, political intersectionality refers to the framing of gender and ethnic diversity by major political actors as well as by activities of women’s and anti-racist organisations...
Perrin, Andrew J.
At the core of democratic citizenship is deliberation: citizens' tendency and capacity for debating issues of common importance. This study considers civic organizations--often found to be political mobilizers--as political microcultures: environments for political discourse that structure participants' understanding of the practice of…
Full Text Available This article examines political dynamics in Malaysia and assesses the prospects for change in the direction of greater political liberalization. It focuses on the 12th General Election of 2008 and its implications for opportunities and challenges for liberal democratic change in Malaysia. It discusses the role of the internet-based new media in shaping an emerging public sphere, and some factors affecting the changing role of non-Malay voters in the political process. This article argues that democratization in Malaysia is already occurring, albeit at a gradual pace; it is being pushed by the new political forces of civil society actors, newly empowered opposition parties, and the internet-based media. The boundaries of this emerging democratic space is simultaneously being shaped and contested by the political competition between status-quo and reformist forces in this society. Some institutional changes have expanded the parameters of democratic space, although the entrenched dominant institutions of the ruling regime continue to wield sufficient amounts of institutional capacity to subvert any consolidation of these democratic changes for now.
Full Text Available The robustness of the EU’s constitutional framework – and its ability to accommodate democratic politics – is challenged as never before. The growing disconnect between formally democratic procedures and substantive choice is well illustrated by the Greek crisis. Since its first bailout in May 2010, Greece has held four general elections and a referendum. Yet, the anti-austerity preferences of the Greek electorate have not been effectively translated into policy.
Full Text Available This paper presents an analysis of the political and legal debate of the declaration of unconstitutionality of the referendum that sought the re-election presidential second term in 2010. On the other hand, it exposes the debate between those who spoke of bias and political argument in the court ruling related to the idea of “democratic security”; while others speak of the persistence of “democratic legality” consisting of autonomy guaranteed legal reasoning from deliberative processes. Finally, it is noted that the degree of institutionalization of discourse of the Court is an important factor that speaks in favor of it’s independence.
Ibrahim Kawuley Mikail
Full Text Available Democracy and Democratization process was among the top priorities in the new post-cold war global agenda. This issue has convinced some undemocratic countries of Arab World to set up in quest for democracy and to assertively demand their long-denied socio-economic and political justice by the autocratic rulers for the region. Indeed, the current Arab spring is geared towards transition from undemocratic system (i.e. Monarchy and Military dictatorship to democracy. Secondary data was adopted in this study. The study revealed that humiliation, prolong monarchy/military dictatorship, lack of economic reform, globalization and proliferation of mass literacy were among the factors responsible for political transition in the region. Meanwhile, establishment of tenets of democracy (i.e. rules of law, human rights, freedom, etc. and insecurity, external domination and loss of lives were among the prospect and challenges of the transition. The paper recommended among others that there is need for political and economic reform in the Arab countries which would lead to transit to democracy.
This article examines the impact of identity politics on gender equality. More specifically it explores the paradoxical and complex relationship of religion and politics in a multi-religious society and the complicated ways in which women's activism has both reinforced and challenged their gender identities. Contrary to the argument that religious politics does not always negate gender equality, the article argues that the Hindu religious politics and women's activism associated with it provides a compelling example of the instrumentalisation of women to accomplish the political goals of the Hindu right. It also examines the approach and strategies of influential political parties, women's organisations and Muslim women's groups towards legal reform and the contested issue of a uniform civil code. Against those who argue that, in the current communal conjuncture, reform within Muslim personal laws or Islamic feminism is the best strategy for enhancing the scope of Muslim women's rights, the article argues that such an approach tends to freeze identities within religious boundaries. It shows how women's and minority rights are used within the politics of religion to sideline the agenda of women's rights.
I. A. Tsurkanova
Today, the political situation in Ukraine, strongly suggests that Ukrainian society is still prevalent understanding of the revolutionary democracy as freedomdestroying. However, in assessing the possible existence of democracy in modern conditions of development of Ukraine, among other principles, it is necessary to consider that in any case it should seek fundamental values and ideals not overseas for the dales, and the private Ukrainian political history and culture.
Full Text Available The article discusses the contribution of Croatian political science to the development of democracy in Croatia. The focus of the analysis is the concept of culture which author talks about in five steps. In the first step it is understood in the modern key, in the second step as different for nature and in the third as different from society. In the fourth step author differentiates political culture from political economy and political institutions, but in the fifth part there is an attempt to show culture as a fundamental part of politics, policy and polity. On the basis of these insights author shows that the matrix of Croatian political science is more and more devoted to scientific investigation of politics as culture as both study of political culture and as a source of development as politics as culture.
Full Text Available The ‘fourth age’ of political communication is emerging. In the fourth age the logics of media and digitization shapes the public sphere, because algorithms and polarized drama increasingly determine what we become aware of in digital and mass media. The result may very well be a less informed public sphere. The emerging class of policy professionals has the opportunity to mix the logics of mediatization and digitization. While such a mix may very well lead to democratic decay, based on elitism, it may also hold fruitful potentials for a more democratic and ethical type of political communication, called phronetic political communication.
Full Text Available The study of American trade politics is of great significance when interpreting U.S.A. trade policies and understanding China-U.S.A. trade relations. In order to explain the mechanism of American trade politics, this paper constructs a new analytical framework of “democratic government-interest groups”, which argues that U.S.A. trade policies are not only the choices made by the democratic government between state interests and political private benefits, but also the outcomes of interaction between the U.S.A. government and interest groups. The case study of the U.S.A. trade policies toward China since the new century also demonstrates how the interaction between the government and interest groups ultimately shapes trade policies. Therefore, we need to understand the logic of American trade politics, generate more mutual benefits for our two countries, and work together to promote the bilateral free trade as well as the bilateral relations between China and the U.S.A.
Full Text Available Political parties are nowadays key actors in democratic societies, shaping social mentalities, creating and following ideologies, inducing common vision, establishing targets and ideals. Their main goal is gaining the political power by conquering the access to the highest levels of decision in the State. They are based on the freedom of association and, unlike other associations, they have a specific constitutional and legal position because they are defining and giving expression to the citizens' political will, in respect of the principles of democracy. Romanian Basic Law provides that political pluralism represents one of the supreme values of the Romanian State governed by the rule of law. In this context, the Constitutional Court has solved, over the years, various issues regarding the political parties. Authorities of constitutional jurisdiction in European countries have also been asked to express, one way or another, their opinion in connection with the activity of the political parties. Taking into consideration their importance for a healthy democratic system, the European Commission for Democracy through Law -Venice Commission has paid special attention to the complexity of aspects involved by the protection of democratic values.
Mandel, David R.; Omorogbe, Philip
Previous research finds that Republicans report being happier or more satisfied with their lives than Democrats. Using representative American samples from 2002, 2005, 2007, 2009, and 2010, we tested a Person × Situation interactionist account in which political affiliation (Democrat, Republican) and political climate (favorable when the president in office is of the same party) are proposed to affect past, present, and anticipated future life satisfaction. Meta-analyses of related tests of key hypotheses confirmed that (a) life satisfaction was greater when the political climate was favorable rather than unfavorable and (b) Republicans were more sensitive to political climate than Democrats. As predicted, Republicans also were more politically polarized than Democrats. Taken together, the findings indicate that, compared to Democrats, Republicans are more apt to self-identify in political terms, and core aspects of their subjective well-being are more easily affected by the outcome of political events. PMID:24901253
In the paper, it is argued that democratization in Central and Eastern Europe involves important forms of differentiation of democracy, rather than merely convergence to a singular – liberal-democratic, constitutional - model. One way of taking up democratic differentiation in post-communist societies is by analysing the constitutional documents of the new democratic orders, and the constitutional politics leading to the foundational documents. In a first step, the paper analyses constitution...
Full Text Available According to advocates of direct democracy, it is important to involve citizens more directly in political decision-making processes in order to create a democratic linkage between citizens and the political system. Indeed, some studies have demonstrated that citizens who live in direct democracies have higher levels of trust in political institutions and a higher sense of political efficacy. However, not all empirical evidence confirms this relationship. In a recent article on Switzerland, it was shown that, while the availability of direct democratic rights enhances trust in political institutions, using those rights actually initiates distrust. In this paper I expand the analysis of Bauer and Fatke (2014 and test whether the different effects of availability of direct democratic rights and the frequency of their use also hold for broader measures of trust in political institutions and political efficacy. I find that, even though an increased use of direct democratic measures is associated with lower levels of confidence in authorities on the cantonal level, this relationship is no longer apparent when applying a more comprehensive measurement of trust in political institutions.
Full Text Available The holders of political power may choose among the myriad of institutional possibilities that exist between capitalism and socialism. After explaining why any system of production is mixed, this essay explores both why markets are frequently considered preferable to other arrangements and which are the “simple” wrongs associated with capitalist market economies. Among these “simple” wrongs, we find markets’ tendency to self-subversion, to permeate the whole of social life, and to inflict damage when it is permitted to markets to encompass the factors of production, like labor, natural resources, and money. Despite these “simple” wrongs, democratic socialists and social democrats believe that the political power mobilized within liberal democracies can cope with these side-effects by resorting to instruments like anti-trust legislation, market-constraining policies, and to the protection of the factors of production. Finally, the essay explains why social democrats and democratic socialists believe that liberal democracy, with its emphasis on liberty and equality, on the one hand, and on representation, contestation, and accountability, on the other, is the institutional arrangement that can best cope with the inherent pathologies of capitalist market societies
Full Text Available This article will address the Muslim politics in Malaysia in the light of the broader shifts towards democratization and Islamization by focusing on politics among the majority ethnic Malay community, followed an overview of the ideological rivalry between UMNO and PAS, with special reference to the electoral performances of these parties in the past three general elections (November 1999, March 2004 and March 2008 . It then explores the underlying reason for the perceived importance of Islam in understanding the voting trend among the Malay-Muslim electorate which raised the question to what extent was the discourse on Islam instrumental in persuading the Malays to switch their support from PAS to the UMNO during the 2004 elections, and in the process of continued participation as an ‘Islamic Party’ in Malaysian mainstream politics what factors were that encouraged the PAS leaders to compromises and to play by the ‘rule of democracy’. In the concluding part of the article the writer also provide with an overview on reform agenda of Civilizational Islam (Islam Hadhari under premiership of Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and the current Malaysia’s Transformation Programme (GTP under the leadership of Dato’ Sri Mohd Najib Tun Abdul Razak.
The ‘fourth age’ of political communication is emerging. In the fourth age the logics of media and digitization shapes the public sphere, because algorithms and polarized drama increasingly determine what we become aware of in digital and mass media. The result may very well be a less informed public sphere. The emerging class of policy professionals has the opportunity to mix the logics of mediatization and digitization. While such a mix may very well lead to democratic decay, based on eliti...
Scott, Kirstin W; Blendon, Robert J; Benson, John M
Improving the quality of care delivered by the U.S. health care system is a topic of important policy and political debate. Although public opinion surveys have shown concerns regarding the state of quality of care nationally, the majority of Americans are satisfied with the quality of care they personally receive. Studies have shown that Republicans and Democrats may differ in these views. We used a 2012 national survey of 1,508 American adults that captured perceptions of quality, political party, medical experiences, and self-reported interactions with the health care system due to an illness to examine these differences. Regardless of having a recent illness or hospitalization, Democrats generally expressed greater concerns about the country's state of health care quality relative to Republicans. Partisan differences also emerged when identifying the most important problems contributing to quality-of-care deficiencies in the nation. However, partisan differences were nonexistent on measures related to self-reported experiences with quality of care. Although their individual experiences with quality of care do not differ, Republicans and Democrats differ in their views on national quality-of-care issues. This may have implications for efforts to improve quality of care in the current polarized healthcare environment.
Dijk, van R.A.; Haynes, J.
This chapter explores the relationship between the father-metaphor, gerontocratic power, democratization and religion in the context of changing political culture in Malawi. It argues that democratization in Malawi signalled a change in the nature of the dominant gerontocratic power relations
Full Text Available Plato is normally taken as one of the founders of Western political philosophy, not at least with his Republic. Here, he constructs a hierarchy of forms of governments, beginning with aristocracy at the top as a critical standard for the other forms of governments, and proceeding through timocracy and oligarchy to democracy and tyranny at the bottom. Following Karl Popper, the paper argues that Plato’s is a totalitarian philosophy that emphasizes the similarities between democracy and tyranny, which it considers to be the two worst forms of government. Plato’s denigration of democracy has dominated the tradition of political philosophy until recent times. This paper, however, shows that political philosophy in fact originates in democracy, especially as developed by the sophists and that philosophy is only a form of sophism with a similar origin in ancient Greek democracy. A discussion of Pericles’ funeral oration is used to show that Pericles presented a democratic political philosophy that can serve as a counterpoint to Plato’s political philosophy in the Republic.
This article examines the gendered implications of the intertwining of Islam and politics that took shape after the process of democratisation in Turkey had brought a political party with an Islamist background to power. This development revived the spectre of restrictive sex roles for women. The country is thus confronted with a democratic paradox: the expansion of religious freedoms accompanying potential and/or real threats to gender equality. The ban on the Islamic headscarf in universities has been the most visible terrain of public controversy on Islam. However, the paper argues that a more threatening development is the propagation of patriarchal religious values, sanctioning secondary roles for women through the public bureaucracy as well as through the educational system and civil society organisations.
MOHD IZANI MOHD ZAIN
Full Text Available The Muslim political rivalry in democracy has triggered the birth of two groups; Islamist and Muslim Democrat. The two groups are competing by using a different approach in getting the support of the people. The Islamist group is championing its Islamic State agenda and the implementation of Shari`a as a political ambition within the framework of democracy while the Muslim Democrat recognises democracy and freedom as the basis of their struggle. Due to a greater development in democracy and a more open political rivalry, the Islamist group that was initially strongly backed by their rigid ideology and approach, has decided to change for a more moderate approach. This can be seen through their political strategy that emphasises on universal issues such as democracy, justice and good governance without rhetorical expressions of Islam and Shari`a. This change from Islamist to that of Muslim Democrat is an exciting development for it shows the transition path and direction of Muslim politics in Malaysia. This paper examines the latest development of the Islamist group, i.e. PAS in political rivalry in Malaysia, particularly in the recent General Election in 2013. This article reveals that due to the changing political landscape and democratization, the Islamist has pragmatically moderated their stance to gain more supports and it has embarked on a new landscape for Muslim political rivalry in Malaysia. Although PAS’s new approach to transform its approach to be more open and democratic is still questionable, this study believes that the participation of the party in democracy is no longer just for the sake of election, on the other hand it should recognise democracy as a political culture that emphasizes justice, freedom and good governance.
The pardon and release of thirty-eight political detainees, mostly from the leadership of the main opposition party, may give impetus to political negotiations in Ethiopia after more than two years crisis and stalemate...
Full Text Available The aim of this article is to show that the modernization of Chile’s environmental institutions (called Nueva Institucionalidad Ambiental, introduced in 2009/2010 consolidates the informal networks that have traditionally linked its main actors (investors, State and experts. Consequently, it is a public policy that despite the incorporation of governance standards marked by accountability, transparency and public participation does not contribute to the formation of citizenship and public agenda around models of development and use of natural resources, but limited to assess/ mitigate/legitimize pre-established agendas, introduced by productive, extractive or infrastructure investment projects. In our view, this is due to the tendency to oligarchization of the Chilean political system and of the domination of elites in general and the persistence of an accumulation model based on the extraction of natural resources. Both serve as a structural lock that bolts any substantive change of environmental policy in a more democratic direction
Visse, M.A.; Abma, T.; Widdershoven, G.
This paper examines if and how responsive evaluation as a deliberative approach can serve as a guide for a politically oriented care ethics. A political care ethics puts the assignment of responsibilities and the inclusion of multiple perspectives of people at the centre of care. It honours the
Warring, Anette Elisabeth
The article argues that the point of departure for the societal role of historians and of the science of history should be an ethic for a politic of history in a democratic setting designed to increase the individual's autonomous power to take action. The article discusses what this implies...
This paper analyses the role of the ethnic factor in political choices in the Democratic .... 4 Decision no 031/CEI/BUR/06 on the announcing of provisional results of the 30 July .... is complicated when we add the purchasing of consciences.
... exacerbated social and political unrest, and in some cases led to violent confrontation. ... IDRC invites applications for the IDRC Doctoral Research Awards ... cooperation agreement to support joint research projects in December 2017.
Full Text Available The majority of Latinos in the United States identify with the Democratic Party, a tendency with broad political implications as Latinos become an increasingly large segment of the population. Little research, however, has delved into the origins of this preference. In this research, we contrast two explanations for Latinos’ Democratic proclivities: an instrumental explanation grounded in ideological policy preferences and an expressive identity account based on the defense of Latino identity and status. In analysis of data from two large national datasets, the 2012 Latino Immigrant National Election Study and American National Election Study focused on Latino immigrants and citizens respectively, we find strong support for the expressive identity explanation. Hispanic and partisan identities have converged among Latinos in the United States to create a large number of Latino Democrats regardless of citizenship status. Those who identify strongly as Latinos and see pervasive discrimination against Latinos are the strongest Democrats, a process that further intensified over the course of the 2012 election. A strong partisan preference increased political campaign activity, though this activity level was modest overall. Relatively few Latinos had worked on a campaign or given money to a candidate; somewhat larger numbers had tried to convince others about a candidate or worn a button or displayed a sticker. Finally, some support was evident for an instrumental account. Latino support for government-provided health insurance in 2012 consistently increased support for the Democratic Party.
The question of whether cinema is democratic is a vast one, which requires research limitations of time and place to actually find an answer for. In this study, the place will be the United States, because nowhere else is the industry of cinema so powerful and generates more elements of popular culture; where also the country is considered to be democratic and practicing freedom of speech. The time will be the period following 11th September 2001: a date after which American politics has been...
Wibisono, Aria Teguh Mahendra
In the investigation, the domestic sources of foreign policy analytical framework were used to analyze the dynamics of elites in foreign policy making. After analyses of the results of mostly personal interviews and historical materials, it was determined that political elites do matter in foreign
Alexey Alexandrovich Semenov
Full Text Available Rapid economic growth of the PRC has brought new challenges and promoted social transformation in Chinese society. China suffers profound changes involving fundamental principles of public relations. The political regime in China is in a changeable condition, and continues to transform. Some decisions of the Chinese government affect not only the economy and public administration, but also in some ways human rights and political changes. Chinese political regime takes on the pending social problems and begins to gently lift old political bans. There is development of processes which at least by the formal features can be attributed to be democratic or quasi-democratic. However, despite a number of political changes and improving of human rights situation in last decades, China is still an illiberal state. Moreover, the level of repression in China has increased in the last few years. All of these actions raise questions about the political future of China. The scale of the socio-economic changes that have occurred in the PRC is so significant, that the maintaining of the existing governance structure is not possible. Rapid economic growth reduced public discontent at the disregard to fundamental human rights. Yet the “economic miracle” is coming to an end, and the country desperately needs economic and political reforms. Lack of reforms or its incorrect implementation can put the existing system out of balance, which will lead to adverse effects not only in China but also in the world. Depending on the reforms we can assume several scenarios for further development of the PRC.
Balliet, Daniel; Tybur, Joshua M.; Wu, Junhui; Antonellis, Christian; Van Lange, Paul A.M.
Theories suggest that political ideology relates to cooperation, with conservatives being more likely to pursue selfish outcomes, and liberals more likely to pursue egalitarian outcomes. In study 1, we examine how political ideology and political party affiliation (Republican vs. Democrat) predict
Pridemore, William Alex; Kim, Sang-Weon
Durkheim argued that acute political crises result in increased homicide rates because they pose a threat to sentiments about the collective. Though crucial to Durkheim's work on homicide, this idea remains untested. The authors took advantage of the natural experiment of the collapse of the Soviet Union to examine this hypothesis. Using data from Russian regions (N = 78) and controlling for measures of anomie and other covariates, the authors estimated the association between political change and change in homicide rates between 1991 and 2000. Results indicated that regions exhibiting less support for the Communist Party in 2000 (and thus greater change in political ideals because the Party had previously exercised complete control) were regions with greater increases in homicide rates. Thus, while democratization may be a positive development relative to the Communist juggernaut of the past, it appears that the swift political change in Russia is partially responsible for the higher rates of violence there following the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Rose, Jeremy; Sæbø, Øystein
The extension and transformation of political participation is dependent on widespread deliberation supported by information and communication technologies. The most commonly found examples of these eParticipation systems are political discussion forums. Though much of the discussion...... of these technologies is conducted in the eGovernment and (particularly) the eDemocracy literature, political discussion forums present a distinct set of design and management challenges which relate directly to IS concerns. In this article we analyze problems in establishing political deliberation systems under five...... headings: stakeholder engagement, web platform design, web platform management, political process re-shaping and evaluation and improvement. We review the existing literature and present a longitudinal case study of a political discussion forum: the Norwegian DemokratiTorget (Democracy Square). We define...
Balliet, Daniel; Tybur, Joshua M; Wu, Junhui; Antonellis, Christian; Van Lange, Paul A M
Theories suggest that political ideology relates to cooperation, with conservatives being more likely to pursue selfish outcomes, and liberals more likely to pursue egalitarian outcomes. In study 1, we examine how political ideology and political party affiliation (Republican vs. Democrat) predict cooperation with a partner who self-identifies as Republican or Democrat in two samples before ( n = 362) and after ( n = 366) the 2012 US presidential election. Liberals show slightly more concern for their partners' outcomes compared to conservatives (study 1), and in study 2 this relation is supported by a meta-analysis ( r = .15). However, in study 1, political ideology did not relate to cooperation in general. Both Republicans and Democrats extend more cooperation to their in-group relative to the out-group, and this is explained by expectations of cooperation from in-group versus out-group members. We discuss the relation between political ideology and cooperation within and between groups.
Andrew R Flores
Full Text Available Transgender people—people whose gender identity or expression is different from their assigned sex at birth—and their allies advocate for the inclusion of gender identity or transgender in state non-discrimination policies. These policies generally proscribe discrimination in employment, housing, and public accommodations. Courts and administrative agencies have determined discrimination against transgender people is a violation of existing statutes, but there remain efforts by advocates to seek policies that explicitly prohibit discrimination on the basis of transgender status, which are often the result of legislation going through the political process. A pluralist understanding of the political process theorizes that a majority coalition of minorities can offer social groups policies they support. This rests on the presumption that a majority coalition of minorities should rule. Any indication to the contrary may suggest a democratic deficit, whereby more than a majority is necessary for policy introduction. We find that there is a substantial democratic deficit regarding the inclusion of gender identity or transgender in employment non-discrimination policies. On average, state support for the policy must be 81% in order for the state to have a policy reflecting such sentiment. This leaves substantial implications for the political powerlessness of transgender people in the political process.
Roč. 8, č. 2 (2016), s. 51-73 E-ISSN 1803-8220 R&D Projects: GA ČR GA13-29032S Institutional support: RVO:68378025 Keywords : Czech politics * political disaffection * regime legitimacy Subject RIV: AD - Politology ; Political Sciences http://acpo.vedeckecasopisy.cz/publicFiles/001208.pdf
Cooper, Joel; Feldman, Lauren A; Blackman, Shane F
The field of experimental social psychology is appropriately interested in using novel theoretical approaches to implement change in the social world. In the current study, we extended cognitive dissonance theory by creating a new framework of social influence: imagined vicarious dissonance. We used the framework to influence attitudes on an important and controversial political attitude: U.S. citizens' support for the Affordable Care Act (ACA). 36 Republicans and 84 Democrats were asked to imagine fellow Republicans and Democrats, respectively, making attitude discrepant statements under high and low choice conditions about support for the ACA. The data showed that vicarious dissonance, established by imagining a group member make a counterattitudinal speech under high-choice conditions (as compared to low-choice conditions), resulted in greater support for the Act by Republicans and marginally diminished support by Democrats. The results suggest a promising role for the application of vicarious dissonance theory to relevant societal issues and for further understanding the relationship of dissonance and people's identification with their social groups.
The article presents a conceptual model of democratic electoral system development and analysis of empirical data on factors of political success in the electoral situation. Various participants of the electoral process (population, politicians, journalists, government employees, analysts-politologists) evaluated the political success factors; and comparative analysis of these evaluations made it possible to determine the main vectors (“reverse” and “manipulative-mystifying”) affecting deviat...
Full Text Available The article analyzed the evolution of the political system in Moldova. The authors note three stages of the formation and consolidation of the political system in the country which have directly infl uenced the political domain and democratization of the society. The analysis is based on the legislative experience of other countries and the opinions of experts.
Cátia Rejane Liczbinski Sarreta
Full Text Available The proposed study relates to the democracy and political power considering the implementation of sustainability. Presented as theoretical basis the democratic principle itself, as well as the realization of human and fundamental rights. Exploring the possibility of re (construction of the state and own power and political and social culture of democracy through the promotion of development and sustainability. In a democratic state the appropriate political power embodies the rights of the citizen. A key element that should be considered is education for training social actors capable of promoting the transformation of dominant practices and that take important roles in politics and influence the state and society. The method used is deductive.
Wiseman, Alexander W.; Astiz, M. Fernanda; Fabrega, Rodrigo; Baker, David P.
Unique cross-national data on adolescents' civic skills, knowledge, and political attitudes are used to examine the democratic processes of modern mass schooling, effects of national political systems, and patterns of youth political socialization in 27 nations. Compared to the generally weak reported effects on mathematics and reading…
Full Text Available In this article we argue that the university cannot fully contribute to democratic life without being both an institution whose governance is collegial and based on principles of equality, equity, inclusion, transparency, and accountability, and a vector of critical thinking closely linked to academic freedom. Based on this understanding of the ‘democratic university,’ we seek to highlight some of the key tensions between the ‘managerial university’ and the democratic university, as reflected in institutional structures, regulations, legal frameworks, and principles. In order to achieve this objective, we identify two sites of political struggles from which it is possible to examine the interaction between a managerial and a democratic conception and practice of the university. The first of these sites is the bicameral governing structure, membership, rules, and regulations of the University of Ottawa. The second site is academic freedom in Canada, which we will discuss by comparing the Canadian Association of University Teachers’ (CAUT Statement on Academic Freedom (CAUT, 2011 with the Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada’s (AUCC Statement on Academic Freedom (AUCC, 2011. By stressing the necessary link and positive relationship between democratic governance and academic freedom, the article offers a normative evaluation of the impact the managerial reengineering of Canadian universities has had on the possibility and practice of a more democratic university.
Friele, Minou Bernadette
Bioethical and bio-political questions are increasingly tackled by committees, councils, and other advisory boards that work on different and often interrelated levels. Research ethics committees work on an institutional or clinical level; local advisory boards deal with biomedical topics on the level of particular political regions; national and international political advisory boards try to answer questions about morally problematic political decisions in medical research and practice. In accordance with the increasing number and importance of committees, the quality of their work and their functional status are being subjected to more and more scrutiny. Besides overall criticism regarding the quality of their work, particular committees giving political advice are often suspected of being incompatible with democratic values, such as respect for affected parties, representation of diverse values and transparency in the decision-making processes. Based on the example of the German National Ethics Council, whose inauguration caused a still ongoing debate on the aims and scopes of committees in general, this paper discusses: (1) the requirements of modern democratic societies in dealing with complex scientific-technical problems; (2) the composition and organisation of committees working as political advisory boards; and (3) the appointment procedures and roles of laymen and experts, and here in particular of ethicists, who may legitimately be taken on by a committee. I will argue that bioethics committees do not necessarily endanger democratic values, but can considerably improve their realisation in democratic decision-making procedures--if, and only if, they do not act as substitutes for parliamentarian processes, but help prepare parliamentarian processes to be organised as rationally as possible.
The author considers the place of education for leisure in primitive political systems, traditional political systems, and modern political systems (including premobilized and mobilized dictatorships and democracies). (GW)
José Enrique MOLINA V.
Full Text Available One of the main areas of work in Comparative Politics and Political Theory has been the determination of the variables associated with the stability/instability of political systems in general, and democracy in particular. This paper focuses on one of these variables. One with newly acquired importance after the recent electoral successes by the left, but that nevertheless has not been in the spotlight of scholarly analysis: ideological polarization. Particularly, ideological polarization brought about by the attempt to pursue by the government a leftist political project. The main focus is on the ideological project pursued by the Venezuelan Bolivarian Government and its association with the political instability of 2002 and 2003. The paper considers this topic taken into account mainstream theoretical approaches on political stability, and the experience of previous Latin American leftist governments. The paper reaches the conclusion that in Latin America the attempt to implement a socialist program by a democratically elected government, if it is done without meaningful social and political negotiation, and with authoritarian overtones, is likely to lead to intense political instability and to the ultimate failure of the proposed social change.
Daniela Aurelia Popa
Full Text Available Starting from the assumption that media is tightly related to the political system of the respective country, we will focus on the aspects that define democracy and determine the profile of the journalist’s role in a democratic system. A good political system has the duty to accomplish two things: to create governments that ensure the well being of the citizens, through a civil society based on legislation and free changes in the market and to protect the citizens against corruption. We will provide a comparative analysis of the roles that journalists play in a democratic society. Our paper deals with the way in which the relation between the media and the political class is perceived in a democracy. This role is often defined by syntagms that focus on the journalists’ rights and not on their responsibilities. Without a clear establishment of the obligations assumed by press professionals, these syntagms allow abuses. This paper will deal with the following aspects: the relation between the media and the political class, the transition of the Romanian media from totalitarianism to democracy, the free market of ideas, and the influence of journalists’ professional culture.
Lidia Valera Ordaz
Full Text Available This article examines the democratic value of user-generated comments on the Facebook profiles of three Spanish candidates during the Spanish General Election campaign of 2011 through a content analysis that operationalizes deliberative democracy. The findings show that these online spaces do not meet deliberative standards, but that they still serve democratic functions, such as citizen self-expression, democratic socialization and reinforcement of social cohesion among party activists and sympathizers. Moreover, results indicate that democratic value might vary depending on the size of the party where talk takes place. Political conversation on the walls of hegemonic candidates who belong to big consolidated political parties is mostly oriented towards self-expression and features some ideological diversity, so that individuals are sporadically confronted with diversity. For its part, talk on the Facebook profile of the minor candidate lacks fundamental disagreement but includes more in-group interaction, allowing minority ideological spheres for the cultivation of social cohesion and the construction of collective narratives in favorable discursive conditions.
Full Text Available The great depth of changes in the capitalism system beginning in the middle of the twentieth century has produced a total new way of life, which encloses from social behavior patterns to the relationship between capital, employment and the State. International organisms have been created to organize the changing process in the Nations’ agenda around the world, including the educational area that begins to be understood as priority justifying the needs of a new social pact, which implies the participation of the whole society. In Brazil, the municipal, state and federal laws sanction the principle of “democratic administration”. What we need to verify, though, is how this principle has been put in practice. Hence, the text intends to analyze the school board performance within the education system of São Carlos/SP, identifying the participation possibilities of the community inside the school. For that, we used the statements given by the municipal school counselors, and, as a result we identified two important obstacles regarding the democratic inner workings of the school board: one related to parity and power sharing; and the other regarding the representation.
Background/Context: In discussions about democratic education, there is a strong tendency to see the role of education as that of the preparation of children and young people for their future participation in democratic life. A major problem with this view is that it relies on the idea that the guarantee for democracy lies in the existence of a…
Behagel, J.H.; Arts, B.J.M.
Multi-level governance, network governance, and, more recently, experimentalist governance are important analytical frameworks through which to understand democratic governance in the EU. However, these analytical frameworks carry normative assumptions that build on functionalist roots and
Behagel, J.H.; Arts, B.
Multi-level governance, network governance, and, more recently, experimentalist governance are important analytical frameworks through which to understand democratic governance in the EU. However, these analytical frameworks carry normative assumptions that build on functionalist roots and
Kahne, Joseph; Hodgin, Erica; Eidman-Aadahl, Elyse
The digital revolution has enabled important changes in political life. Opportunities to engage in "participatory politics" have expanded significantly. Participatory politics differ from institutional politics in that they are peer-based, interactive, and not guided by deference to traditional elites and institutions. These changes…
Martinson, David L.
The author contends that too much political advertising is a form of public relations "spin" in which the truth is sacrificed and the political process damaged as a result. The goal of much of this advertising too frequently focuses on transmitting "disinformation" that, while perhaps not technically a lie, is intended not to inform the public but…
Decisive parts of the Western political system have demonstrated a seemingly surprising misinterpretation of military might. As Madelaine Albright has suggested, the mighty perceived themselves as "almighty". Political power seems to have invested in instrumental coercive power relations and found...... military coercion to be the appropriate mean. Using the system theory and the theory of systemic risks displayed by the German sociologist Niklas Luhmann the article demonstrates how military systems due to their own autonomy and autopoiesis do not fit into the idea of political government....... The Clausewitzian ideal of a political system that could continue its power games by means of war was moderated by Clausewitz' own analysis of "friction". How can a political system be so blind towards the possibilities of another system? What are the risks of systemic blind spots? The argument of the paper...
Full Text Available This article discusses methods and results of an explorative study of two generations of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD: the two generations comprise, on the one hand, older and younger members of the postwar generation who witnessed the Second World War as young soldiers or as children, and on the other hand, the generation that was born in the 1950s and has mainly been responsible for shaping policy for some years. The aim of my dissertation was to analyze the ability of the social democratic leadership to represent the full range of party members and (base voters by comparing two generations, using a sample of political leaders and the habitus/field-analysis inspired by Pierre BOURDIEU. The basis of the analysis were partly biographical, partly theme-focused interviews, as well as a range of sources and already published literature regarding the biographies of these political leaders. The following article is based on my dissertation and is focused on a description of selected theoretical implications, on the description of the essential criteria for selecting the sample and on some of the methods used. These are an analysis of the life, life and field effects, the factions and the development of types of political leaders. I will present some results to exemplify the methods used. They show that the ability of the SPD to represent the full range of party members and (base voters and the power structure of the SPD have changed, thus threatening the party’s status as a "Volkspartei." URN: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs1102197
Paulo J. Krischke
Full Text Available These research notes raise the hypothesis that the Worker´s Party (PT actively participates in the cultural democratization of the country - for instance, through its initiatives for the recognition of the citizen´s sociopolitical and cultural diversity. First, there is a need to distinguish between the policies of socioeconomic redistribution and those policies geared to sociopolitical and cultural recognition. Second, it is also necessary to focus on the relations between participatory policies and changes in the political culture. Such relations may show that the increasing support to democracy accompanies the recognition of pluralism and of the right to difference, among the youth, and in the locations administered by the PT during the last decade.
This article explores how political representation is enacted in governance networks, where interdependent actors from government, business, and civil society coproduce public policy. A combined dramaturgical and discourse analysis considers how representation is staged, performed, and articulated
Full Text Available Between 1976 and 1989, about 60,000 East German citizens were in political detention in the former GDR, a fact which was disclaimed by the GDR government. In this article, I focus on the auto-biographies which were collected by the use of narrative interviews. How do people who were politically persecuted and imprisoned remember their detainment now? Are they able to integrate this event in their life history and talk about it in their social environment? On the basis of biographical case-reconstructions and global analysis, I present four types of memory and biographical work. The analysis shows that the limited reprocessing prior to 1989 as well as the political discourse after 1990 about the GDR past produced a politicization of their imprisonment by the biographers, for example, in the construction of their identity as a political opponent. URN: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs110218
Full Text Available The rising antagonistic attitudes and tension between the Malay majority and ethnic and religious minorities in Malaysia since 2007 is intriguing because it has occurred when society experienced an unprecedentedly large-scale and assertive multi-ethnic pro-democracy movement. This article argues that precisely these assertive and confident civil and political societies â€“ and their emphasis on equal rights and equitable development for all Malaysians â€“ have put the traditional Malay and religious elites on the defensive. The pro-democracy movement and the prospects of regime change have threatened not only the party-dominant regime but also â€“ and more importantly â€“ the constitutional and institutional foundations of ethnic exclusivism and privileges. Moreover, two Malay-based parties, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO and the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS, are viewed as giving too many political concessions to the non-Malay communities to gain an electoral advantage, making the traditional Malay and religious elites even more defensive of their position and power. As a result, religious issues are excessively politicised, further deteriorating the already complicated inter-ethnic relations of the country. The prospects for achieving a democratic regime and society appear grim, although hopes have run high since the electoral rise of the multi-ethnic opposition.
A central aspect of education has always been the passing on of norms and values. This task is not fulfilled if pupils only learn the meaning of established norms and values. It is also about making pupils believe in them and to act according to them. Thus, teaching is also a kind of political socialization. The values taught change historically…
Pasek, Josh; Feldman, Lauren; Romer, Daniel; Jamieson, Kathleen Hall
Despite a growing consensus that civic education is an important aspect of political socialization, little research has prospectively examined how gains made during civics courses are maintained after high school. This study used a quasi-experimental design to examine longer-term effects of the Student Voices program, which was originally…
The overall aim of the paper is to examine the process of the Inter-Congolese Dialogue (ICD) from the aborted Addis Ababa meeting, through the Sun City I process of February-April 2002, the December 2002 Pretoria agreement up to the Sun City II final talks of April 2003. The specific aim is to look at the politics ...
Full Text Available This paper aims to find some answers regarding the long term sustainability of the pension system. Romania’s pension system originates from the invalidity insurances and pension system designed by the German cancellor Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismark in 1889. From a European perspective, Romania has to fill an obvious gap regarding the reformation of the national public pension system. International experience, particularly of the last 130 years, indicates that, in actuality, multiple pension systems have been put into function in most of the world’s countries and which are diferenciated by some elements (organizing and managing the system, defyning pension rights, method of forming the resources, the pension’s level rapported to the average income etc. and after the eficacity degree dependent on internal influences, social, economic and demographic environment, and last but not least by the political factor.
Schulze, Jürgen P.
We present a new approach for how multiple users\\' views can be rendered in a surround virtual environment without using special multi-view hardware. It is based on the idea that different parts of the screen are often viewed by different users, so that they can be rendered from their own view point, or at least from a point closer to their view point than traditionally expected. The vast majority of 3D virtual reality systems are designed for one head-tracked user, and a number of passive viewers. Only the head tracked user gets to see the correct view of the scene, everybody else sees a distorted image. We reduce this problem by algorithmically democratizing the rendering view point among all tracked users. Researchers have proposed solutions for multiple tracked users, but most of them require major changes to the display hardware of the VR system, such as additional projectors or custom VR glasses. Our approach does not require additional hardware, except the ability to track each participating user. We propose three versions of our multi-viewer algorithm. Each of them balances image distortion and frame rate in different ways, making them more or less suitable for certain application scenarios. Our most sophisticated algorithm renders each pixel from its own, optimized camera perspective, which depends on all tracked users\\' head positions and orientations. © 2012 IEEE.
Schulze, Jü rgen P.; Acevedo-Feliz, Daniel; Mangan, John; Prudhomme, Andrew; Nguyen, Phi Khanh; Weber, Philip P.
We present a new approach for how multiple users' views can be rendered in a surround virtual environment without using special multi-view hardware. It is based on the idea that different parts of the screen are often viewed by different users, so that they can be rendered from their own view point, or at least from a point closer to their view point than traditionally expected. The vast majority of 3D virtual reality systems are designed for one head-tracked user, and a number of passive viewers. Only the head tracked user gets to see the correct view of the scene, everybody else sees a distorted image. We reduce this problem by algorithmically democratizing the rendering view point among all tracked users. Researchers have proposed solutions for multiple tracked users, but most of them require major changes to the display hardware of the VR system, such as additional projectors or custom VR glasses. Our approach does not require additional hardware, except the ability to track each participating user. We propose three versions of our multi-viewer algorithm. Each of them balances image distortion and frame rate in different ways, making them more or less suitable for certain application scenarios. Our most sophisticated algorithm renders each pixel from its own, optimized camera perspective, which depends on all tracked users' head positions and orientations. © 2012 IEEE.
Лусине Арменовна Мелконян
Full Text Available The article reveals the meaning and components of the concept of «national idea» in the Japanese understanding, the relationship between the national idea and the state’s foreign policy iplementation process, as well as the peculiarities of the Japanese political system. Domestic and external factors that had a significant impact on the process of forming the political culture of Japan, which at first glance has certain contradictions but which through the synthesis of social and political elements of the external world and its traditions made it possible to become a modern industrialized democratic state, are also researched.
Communities emerging from violent conflict confront complex challenges that are specifi c from one context to another. The 2002 Peace Accord for the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) signed in Pretoria, South Africa, marked a post-confl ict chapter for the country and inaugurated a range of actors and strategies to ...
De Merode, Emmanuel; Cowlishaw, Guy
Our understanding of the linkages between the bushmeat trade and the wider informal economy is limited. This lack of knowledge is particularly problematic for conservation under conditions of political instability, when the informal economy can be highly dynamic and impacts on wildlife populations can be severe. To explore these interlinked processes, we conducted a study of the bushmeat trade in Garamba National Park, Democratic Republic of Congo, through a combination of market surveys, semistructured interviews, and direct observation. We focused on the sale of protected and unprotected species in urban and rural markets, and the bushmeat commodity chains that supplied these markets, under conditions of political stability and armed conflict. During peacetime, protected species from the park (predominantly elephant and buffalo) rarely appeared in the rural markets, but they comprised more than half of all bushmeat sales in the urban markets. This pattern reflected differences in the rural and urban commodity chains. Automatic weapons were urban trade. The use of such weapons was discouraged by the traditional chiefs, who administered the village markets. During wartime, the sales of protected species in the urban markets increased fivefold because the military officers fled, leaving behind an open-access system that led to a massive increase in the exploitation of protected species. In contrast, the rural markets remained relatively stable because of the continued authority of the village chiefs. Our results indicate that sociopolitical factors can be an important determinant of species offtake and, therefore, that knowledge of the bushmeat commodity chain can be vital to controlling theprocesses that drive species extraction. In addition, our findings suggest that traditional authorities can be potentially valuable partners for bushmeat management.
Swami, Praveen . 2007. India, Pakistan and the Secret Jihad: The Covert War in Kashmir 1947–2004. London: Routledge. Terror Free Tomorrow and the...Collapse in the International System, Second Edition. New Haven: Yale University Press. 12 Swami, Praveen . 2007. India, Pakistan and the
Rodrigo Santiago Juárez
Full Text Available Every democratic regime has to guarantee that participation and representation set in both sides of the same coin. In a lot of modern democracies, government doesn’t foment citizen participation, or just do it in case of periodic elections. That’s why is necessary to foment participation and civic virtues. Finally, we have to support deliberative teories to give legitimacy to our democracies.
Full Text Available This article studies the process of transformation of the Swedish political party system in the 1980s. The study aims to develop a typology of the Swedish political party system before and after the transformation processes commenced. The article identifies the key prerequisites for such transformation: the crisis of social democracy and an increase in the nationalist attitudes in the society caused by the negative repercussions of the system of integration of migrants into the society based on the multiculturalism principles. The interethnic tension manifested itself in the wide support for the Swedish Democrats Party in the 2010 parliamentary election. From a political party system dominated by social democrats, the Swedish political party system turned into one with two leading parties – the centre-left Swedish Social Democratic Labour Party and the centre-right Moderate Party. The Swedish Democrats position themselves as an alternative to the two party blocs headed by the dominating parties (the Alliance and the Red-Green. The study employs an interdisciplinary approach in the framework of science synthesis. Its results can be of practical significance for politicians, social activists, and academicians.
D. Y. Arabadjyiev
Based on classical and modern views on democracy, the generalization that democratic political system, citizens participate in elections to prove its direct expression, and the government is aware of the need for fair and transparent elections as proof of the legitimacy of his power. It is concluded that the political system of modern Ukraine NGOs play a triple role, providing a steady realization of citizens’ rights, preventing any attempt to influence the process by the government and at the same time guaranteeing the fairness and transparency of the electoral process.
Dietfried Müller-Hegemann was one of the prominent figures in East German psychiatry and psychotherapy of the 1950s and 1960s. Having been a communist prior to 1933, a resistance fighter during the National Socialist regime and having gone through political training during his exile in Soviet Russia, he proved to be a committed member of the new ruling SED socialist party in Eastern Germany. As such both governmental and party organs regarded him as a promising and reliable party member to be supported and implemented as executive staff within the new, socialist scientific system. Also, due to the fact that he supported the Pavlovian school of thought for modern psychiatry, Müller-Hegemann was installed as the new head of the Department of Neurology and Psychiatry at Leipzig University by the state secretary for higher education, notably against the clear opposition of the university medical faculty. Soon thereafter however Müller-Hegemann fell from favor due to the fact that he supported views that did not follow the strict ideological guidelines, e. g. with regard to the emergence of fascism. Moreover, he strongly opposed the separation of neurology from psychiatry as ruled by the ministry. An attempt in 1963 by junior party members and ministerial staff to remove him from office failed, but still managed to make Müller-Hegemann resign from his Leipzig post and take over that of director of the Griesinger hospital for the mentally ill in East Berlin. In May 1971, after new conflicts with party officials, he did not return from a business trip to Essen in West Germany. This study does not review the scientific and medical merits of Müller-Hegemann, but concentrates on how his career as a leading psychiatrist was manipulated, both supported and sabotaged, and ideologically controlled by the German Democratic Republic (GDR) system. His development is documented proof that party officials did not tolerate opposition, neither in ideological nor in
Full Text Available People have tended to load their different conceptions of democracy with their own political ideals; in this paper it is argued that normative and definitional questions should rather be separated, so that political philosophers and political scientists may adopt the same concept of democracy, even if they disagree normatively or politically. Moreover, it is argued that we should replace an absolute notion of democracy by a relativized notion, which allows for different degrees of democraticity. This facilitates the separation of normative and conceptual issues and it is convenient in contexts in which “democratic deficits” are discussed – as e.g. when democracy is to be implemented on a supranational level. Moreover, it has the consequence that democratic deficits are not necessarily bad. DOWNLOAD THIS PAPER FROM SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1837342
Effing, R. (Robin); Hillegersberg, van J. ( ); Huibers, T. (Theo)
This paper presents the results of a literature review in regard to Social Media and participation. Besides that, to understand the meaning and impact of Social Media on elections, we show field results from the 2010 and 2011 elections in the Netherlands. There are several challenges when it comes
Effing, Robin; van Hillegersberg, Jos; Huibers, Theo W.C.
This paper presents the results of a literature review in regard to Social Media and participation. Besides that, to understand the meaning and impact of Social Media on elections, we show field results from the 2010 and 2011 elections in the Netherlands. There are several challenges when it comes
I. V. Ishchenko
Full Text Available Political security is connected with the lack of external and internal threats, or the reduction of their severity. The maintenance of the internal public security should start from the explanation of the nature of the relationship between the political and institutional structures and most active social groups. The author suggests using a mental construct as an indicator of conflict/harmony in this sphere. It has been proposed to implement this idea by comparing the mental constructs of political institutions and social environment. One of the methods to implement this idea has been revealed in the article. This method is based on the search of leading values which are characterizing basic political and institutional structures and social environment. Two components have been described in the mental constructor: rational and irrational. Moreover, the formula, that makes it possible to compare and evaluate the congruence of mental constructs of political and institutional structures and the environment on the basis of the detected values, has been suggested. The advantage of this formula is its flexibility. Consequently, it can describe the features of social and political interaction in all political systems. The regularity has four components. The first component describes the level of implementation of the social environment’s values being a result of certain internal and external policies. It contains a self-assessment of individuals - representatives of the social environment level of its own value system’s implementation. Moreover, the author takes into account the assessment of the political and institutional structures that is given by these individuals. Individuals assess these structures in connection to the actions and decisions aimed at the implementation of public interests and values. The second component of the formula describes the level of implementation and the congruence of values of basic political and institutional
Cichocka, Aleksandra; Górska, Paulina; Jost, John T; Sutton, Robbie M; Bilewicz, Michał
We examined the link between political engagement and the tendency to justify the sociopolitical system. On one hand, confidence in the system should be negatively related to political engagement, insofar as it entails reduced desire for social change; on the other hand, system confidence should also be positively related to political engagement to the extent that it carries an assumption that the system is responsive to citizens' political efforts. Because of the combination of these 2 opposing forces, the motivation for political engagement should be highest at intermediate levels of system confidence. Five studies revealed a negative quadratic relationship between system confidence and normative political engagement. In 2 representative surveys, Polish participants with moderate levels of system confidence were more likely to vote in political elections (Study 1) and to participate in solidarity-based collective action (Study 2). Two field studies demonstrated a negative quadratic relationship between system confidence and actual participation in political demonstrations (gender equality and teachers' protests in Poland; Studies 3 and 4). This pattern of results was further corroborated by analyses of data from 50 countries drawn from the World Value Survey: we observed negative quadratic relationships between system confidence and collective action as well as voting. These relationships were stronger in democratic (vs. nondemocratic) regimes (Study 5). Our results suggest that some degree of system confidence might be useful to stimulate political engagement within the norms of the system. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved).
Full Text Available Public policies are the most practical part of the triad polity-politics-policy. Public policies are related to the practical areas of planning, implementation and evaluation of the governmental activities. From this perspective, to talk about a perfect public policy (or which aspires to perfection means to speak about an efficient institutional system of a state as a sign of its degree of democratization. This article aims to explore “the cuisine” of democratic systems taking into account the applied perspective of public policy functionality, a type of functionality which is determined by a particular decision, by a kind of rationality or motivation of the actors involved or by a type of an organizational culture. Thus, the study of democracies involves an analytical approach developed at a micro level (the types of parties, institutional designs, election systems, public policies becoming indices of democratization for every state system.
This article deals with mass media in modern democratic societies, using the example of Israeli news reports in German television (TV) news. Central to this interest are processes of mediating politics: political socialisation and education; that is to say, empowering citizens via TV news to participate in democratic processes. The article…
Dompere, Kofi Kissi
This volume presents an analysis of the problems and solutions of the market mockery of the democratic collective decision-choice system with imperfect information structure composed of defective and deceptive structures using methods of fuzzy rationality. The book is devoted to the political economy of rent-seeking, rent-protection and rent-harvesting to enhance profits under democratic collective decision-choice systems. The toolbox used in the monograph consists of methods of fuzzy decision, approximate reasoning, negotiation games and fuzzy mathematics. The monograph further discusses the rent-seeking phenomenon in the Schumpeterian and Marxian political economies where the rent-seeking activities transform the qualitative character of the general capitalism into oligarchic socialism and making the democratic collective decision-choice system as an ideology rather than social calculus for resolving conflicts in preferences in the collective decision-choice space without violence.
Over recent years there has been a tendency to present John Locke as an equalitarian democrat (Ashcraft) and being close to the political views of the levellers (Waldron). This is not a completely new interpretation (Kendall, 1941), but contrasts with the prevalent view presented in textbooks (......, criteria for a democratic process, and the institutions of polyarchy. The conclusion has implications for the relationship between political liberalism and constitutionalism on the one hand and democracy on the other....
Democracy is the most venerated of American ideas, the one for which wars are fought and people die. So most people would probably agree that leaders should be able to lead well in a democratic society. Yet, genuinely democratic leadership is a relative rarity. Leading democratically means viewing leadership as a function or process, rather than…
Lupia, Arthur; McCubbins, Mathew D.
Although this book concedes that people lack political information and that this ignorance can allow people "of sinister designs" to deceive and betray the uninformed, it does not concede that democracy must succumb to these threats. Rather, the book argues that limited information need not prevent people from making reasoned choices,…
Emmanuel, Nikolas G.
a political conditionality approach. Few countries have felt the weight of conditionality as much as Malawi did in the 1990s. Here, donors were able to use aid sanctions to successfully encourage democratization, while strengthening the demands of domestic opposition forces. This paper argues that three...
Blom-Hansen, Jens; Bækgaard, Martin; Serritzlew, Søren
shows that even in a setting where the information is not disclosed by a powerful sender, information may have a stronger impact on political preferences than other well-known determinants such as committee and party affiliation. Our findings speak to learning theories, knowledge perspectives...
Peer Møller Christensen
Full Text Available The new economic importance of the Chinese economy has created Chinese expectations that the country will be able to regain a political and cultural position in the world in accordance with this economic status. But for China to become a respected member of world society, one of the most severe obstacles is its, from a western perspective, undemocratic political system. The article describes the lively debate going on among Chinese intellectuals of diverse political-ideological convictions about what kind of democracy should be the model for China’s future political system. The liberally oriented intellectuals want a political system very much like American liberal constitutional democracy, while intellectuals on the left side of the political spectrum want a democracy with a clear socialist basis. Although Chinese intellectuals form a minority in society, these intellectual debates are sure to have influence on both public opinion and opinions and attitudes among political decision makers inside the Chinese Communist Party. Further investigations will have to establish to what degree the perceptions of China's political future and democratization are reflected in the political attitudes among the Chinese in general, and how they are perceived inside the confines of political decision making in the Chinese Communist Party. Only then will it be possible to answer the questions: "What kind of democracy do the Chinese want?" and "What kind of democracy are the Chinese going to get?"
Participation,” in Nepal: Quest for Participatory Democracy , ed. L. R. Baral (New Delhi: Adroit, 2006), 1. 68 Ibid, 3. 69 Ibid, 10. 70 Yanyong Innanchai...Political Participation.” In Nepal: Quest for Participatory Democracy , edited by L. R. Baral, 1–15. New Delhi: Adroit, 2006. . “The Nepali...with an emphasis on the current period. Since its first experience with democracy in 1950, the king intenupted Nepal ’s pw-suit of consolidation until
Poţincu, C. R.
Full Text Available In a democratic system, the legal framework is a guarantee of the favourable development of several activities, including those regarding the implementation of the promotional techniques used in the political marketing.
Pedersen, Søren Hviid
The main purpose of this paper is to justify two propositions. One, that Schmitt’s political vision is indeed democratic and second, that Schmitt’s democratic vision, plebiscitary or leadership democracy, is better adapted to our modern political condition and the challenges confronting modern...
Straume, Ingerid S.
Even though the interrelationship between education and democratic politics is as old as democracy itself, it is seldom explicitly formulated in the literature. Most of the time, the political system is taken as a given, and education conceptualized as an instrument for stability and social integration. Many contemporary discussions about…
Uses international examples of the ways in which political learning takes place--indoctrination, political socialization, and political education--to suggest that open and democratic political education is not common, even in democracies. (SK)
Khan, Muhammad Saqib; Khan, Irfanullah; Khan, Ahmad Ali; Jan, Farooq; Ahmad, Riaz; Rauf, Hamid
This study is conducted to measure the influence of social media over the democratic behavior of the students. Social media is the main component of political participation in democratic societies and the study of democratic behavior is a highly specialized sub-field in political and social science. The study was concerned with the reasons that to…
The paper addresses how the media system and the political system in Denmark interact or couple. The overall question of the paper is whether this interaction should be seen as a strong and continuing structural coupling or as a new emerging system with a new binary code. The paper will be limited...
This paper provides a general framework for analyzing political (in)stability in comparative political systems. It distinguishes different subgroups of a society, some of which have a potential for pursuing a redistribution of wealth in its broadest sense via constitutional or non-constitutional government overturns. Political instability implies a cycle of overturns and redistributions with no stable equilibrium. It will be shown that individual incentives for participating in overturn attem...
Full Text Available Swedish democracy ranks very high in international democracy indexes. It fascinates political scientists from all over the world because it seems to have resolved a fundamental political dilemma: the choice between equality and liberty, without the historical inconvenient of regimes which favoured too much equality - but killed liberty, or regimes which favoured liberty - but failed to make citizens equal... The "'egalitarian pluralism" practiced in Swedish political system is rooted in a specific political culture. This culture has opted for popular sovereignty and comes from the ancient peasant society. Lutheran values and the absence of feudalism paved the way to the search for equality and the edification of a strong State. In the 20th century, the Social-democrats endorsed the traditional Swedish values and prolonged them in the so-called Swedish model, with social policies allowing more equality along with more individual autonomy. Nowadays, the model is evolving, coping with globalization, and the definition of equality is under discussion.
Exploring Women's Understanding of Politics, Political Contestation and Gender Transformation in the Caribbean. IDRC's Democratic Governance, Women's Rights and Gender Equality initiative is supporting a body of comparative research on whether and how democratic processes and institutions are responding to ...
This paper mainly discusses the political promotion system in China. Specifically, we develop a generalized analytical framework by introducing the contest success function. On the one hand, the central government can give the optimal political promotion benefits to local officials to incentivize them to exert desirable developmental efforts. On the other hand, the central government can undertake a further design of the political promotion system to motivate local officials vi...
Sørensen, Eva; Torfing, Jacob
impact of governance networks. It claims that the initial celebration of the pluralization of public governance and the subsequent call for a democratic anchorage of governance networks should give way to a new concern for how governance networks can strengthen and democratize political leadership. Tying......Initially, governance networks were intended as tools for making public governance more effective. Yet, scholars have argued that governance networks also have the potential to democratize public governance. This article provides an overview of theoretical arguments pertaining to the democratizing...... political leadership to networked processes of collaborative governance fosters ‘interactive political leadership’. The article presents theoretical arguments in support of interactive political leadership, and provides an illustrative case study of a recent attempt to strengthen political leadership...
Grundy, John; Moodie, Rob
The Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea (DPRK), under the leadership of the Ministry of Public Health (MOPH), undertook the development of a Health System Strengthening (HSS) proposal through the support of the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization (GAVI). The aim of this paper is to outline the approach to the development of the HSS strategy in DPRK, and describe opportunities and challenges associated with its development and future implementation. Sources of information for this review have included national programme plans, in country social sector reviews, information generated through HSS proposal developments and the international literature. Updated assessments in DPRK indicate some recent improvements in the health situation for women and children, but there remain ongoing concerns regarding health management, human resource and physical infrastructure barriers to health services access. In response to this situation, the DPRK developed a health system strengthening strategy, the main elements of which are the strengthening of health management and service delivery systems at the implementing agency levels of county (district) and Ri (sub district). Three success factors were associated with the reaching of consensus on HSS strategy in DPRK. These were partnerships formed between system planners and programme planners, the identification of an overall health sector strategic framework, and high-level leadership of the MOPH. Although DPRK is in the very early stages of health system reconstruction, there are significant and new opportunities to alleviate the health conditions of women and children in DPRK, through implementation of health system strengthening strategies that are nationally coordinated and internationally supported.
Full Text Available This article studies the process of transformation of the Swedish political party system in the 1980s. The study aims to develop a typology of the Swedish political party system before and after the transformation processes commenced. The article identifies the key prerequisites for such transformation: the crisis of social democracy and an increase in the nationalist attitudes in the society caused by the negative repercussions of the system of integration of migrants into the society based on the multiculturalism principles. The interethnic tension manifested itself in the wide support for the Swedish Democrats Party in the 2010 parliamentary election. From a political party system dominated by social democrats, the Swedish political party system turned into one with two leading parties – the centre-left Swedish Social Democratic Labour Party and the centre-right Moderate Party. The Swedish Democrats position themselves as an alternative to the two party blocs headed by the dominating parties (the Alliance and the Red-Green. The study employs an interdisciplinary approach in the framework of science synthesis. Its results can be of practical significance for politicians, social activists, and academicians.
Full Text Available Successful constitutions manage to predetermine in juridical frame the political life of a country, by imposing a durable core equilibrium, i.e., a specific political system. The integrative function of the constitution derives from a reflexive political decision, at the constitution-making moment, for a specific form. The current theoretical difficulty in characterizing with precision the political system established by the Constitution of 1991 reflects the syncopated constitutional conflicts of recent years. The instability can be traced back to the continued absence of the preconditions for a genuine constitutional foundation. The initial indecision has been reinforced by later influences, including the EU accession process.
This summer I have been working on an Army Deep Futures Model project named Themis. Themis is a JPL based modeling framework that anticipates possible future states for the world within the next 25 years. The goal of this framework is to determine the likelihood that the US Army will need to intervene on behalf of the US strategic interests. Key elements that are modeled within this tool include the world structure and major decisions that are made by key actors. Each actor makes decisions based on their goals and within the constraints of the structure of the system in which they are located. In my research I have focused primarily on the effects of structures upon the decision-making processes of the actors within them. This research is a natural extension of my major program at Georgetown University, where I am studying the International Political Economy and the structures that make it up. My basic goal for this summer project was to be a helpful asset to the Themis modeling team, with any research done or processes learned constituting a bonus.
This is an introduction to a Special Issue that first considers representative and deliberative conceptions of democratic legitimacy in the EU, and then presents empirical research on how the institutions of the EU are attempting to increase the democratic legitimacy of the multi-level political
Today, the benefits of liberal democracy have increasingly been cast into doubt. The debate over alternative energy policies illustrates the problems associated with liberal democracy. For many, it is the realization that energy choices and the selection of social and political values amount to much the same thing. Simply put, energy policy decisions, and the concomitant energy technologies, carry implications of an ethical, social and political nature. The argument of the social and political effects of energy technology flows from the more general thesis that all forms of technological practice condition social and political relations. That is, technological systems, beyond performing the specific functions for which they were designed, act upon and influence social and political arrangements. Seen in this light, energy technologies are as important to the promotion and preservation of this country's political values as are its institutions and laws. Further, there is evidence to suggest that this country's cherished democratic value of freedom is slowly being eclipsed by the values attendant to corporate capitalism and its singular pursuit of growth. It is this dominance of economic values over political values which provides the environment within which the technological debate is waged. Ultimately, tracing the historic linkage between property and liberty, it is concluded that the preservation of our freedom require new thinking regarding the present configuration of ownership patterns. The questions surrounding energy policy serve to illuminate these concerns.
Roehnsch, W.; Gegusch, M.
The system of accountancy for and control of nuclear material in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) with its legal bases and components is embedded in the overall State system of protection in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. As the competent State authority, the Nuclear Safety and Radiation Protection Board of the GDR is also responsible for meeting the GDR's national and international tasks in the control of nuclear material. At enterprise level, the observance of all safety regulations for nuclear material, including the regulations for the control, is within the responsibility of managers of establishments, which are in any way concerned with the handling of nuclear material. To support managers and to function as internal control authorities, nuclear material officers have been appointed in these establishments. Design information, operating data, physical inventory of nuclear material and the respective enterprise records and reports are subject to State control by the Nuclear Material Inspectorate of the Nuclear Safety and Radiation Protection Board. This Inspectorate keeps the central records on nuclear material, forwards reports and information to, and maintains the necessary contacts with, the IAEA. For the nuclear material in the GDR four material balance areas have been established for control purposes. To rationalize central recording and reporting, electronic data processing is increasingly made use of. In a year-long national and international control of nuclear material, the State control system has stood the test and successfully co-operates with the IAEA. (author)
Young, Mitchell; Sørensen, Mads P.; Bloch, Carter Walter
The emphasis on competitiveness and the knowledge-based economy in European policymaking has resulted in a heightened focus on monitoring and steering the science system, particularly through metric-based instruments. Policymakers’ general aims of fostering excellent research and breakthroughs......, the cases demonstrate why the relationship between the science system and the political system needs to be understood as a horizontal rather than a vertical relationship, and using concepts from organizational theory, provides a model and terminology for identifying and analyzing the types of mechanisms...
We consider a power system with N transmission lines whose initial loads (i.e., power flows) L(1),...,L(N) are independent and identically distributed with P(L)(x)=P[L≤x]. The capacity C(i) defines the maximum flow allowed on line i and is assumed to be given by C(i)=(1+α)L(i), with α>0. We study the robustness of this power system against random attacks (or failures) that target a p fraction of the lines, under a democratic fiber-bundle-like model. Namely, when a line fails, the load it was carrying is redistributed equally among the remaining lines. Our contributions are as follows. (i) We show analytically that the final breakdown of the system always takes place through a first-order transition at the critical attack size p(☆)=1-(E[L]/max(x)(P[L>x](αx+E[L|L>x])), where E[·] is the expectation operator; (ii) we derive conditions on the distribution P(L)(x) for which the first-order breakdown of the system occurs abruptly without any preceding diverging rate of failure; (iii) we provide a detailed analysis of the robustness of the system under three specific load distributions-uniform, Pareto, and Weibull-showing that with the minimum load L(min) and mean load E[L] fixed, Pareto distribution is the worst (in terms of robustness) among the three, whereas Weibull distribution is the best with shape parameter selected relatively large; (iv) we provide numerical results that confirm our mean-field analysis; and (v) we show that p(☆) is maximized when the load distribution is a Dirac delta function centered at E[L], i.e., when all lines carry the same load. This last finding is particularly surprising given that heterogeneity is known to lead to high robustness against random failures in many other systems.
Antonio Pantoja Chaves
Full Text Available Resumen: Para finalizar con esta serie de artículos sobre el análisis de los discursos de los líderes más importantes del proceso de Transición democrática en España, en esta entrega nos centramos en la figura política de Manuel Fraga Iribarne. Su trayectoria estuvo marcada por una activa participación institucional durante los últimos años del régimen de Franco, reconducida hacia una realidad política y social consensuada por los principios democráticos.Summary: To end this series of articles on the analysis of the speeches of the most important leaders of the democratic transition process in Spain, in this issue we focus on the political figure of Manuel Fraga Iribarne. His career was marked by active institutional participation over the last years of the Franco regime, redirected towards a political and social consensus for democratic principles.
Apple, Michael W., Ed.; Beane, James A., Ed.
This book illustrates how educators in four U.S. communities committed themselves to preparing students for the democratic way of life. In four narratives, educators directly involved in four different school-reform efforts describe how they initiated demographic practices in their educational settings. The four schools serve as reminders that…
Full Text Available The aim of this paper is to explore the relation between democratic values and emotions. The author argues that democratic values and emotional judgments are inter-reducible: political agents use emotional judgments to reflexively evaluate normative paradigms of political life. In the first part of the paper, the author describes the state of emotions in contemporary political philosophy and identifies Charles Stevenson’s ethical conception of emotivism as the first comprehensive attempt to neutrally conceptualize emotions in moral and political thinking. The second part of the paper explores the shortcomings of emotivism and finds an adequate alternative in Martha Nussbaum’s concept of emotional judgment as the one that contains beliefs and values about social objects. In the final part of the paper, the author identifies that moral and political disagreements emerge in democracies from ranking of the importance of political objects. The evaluation criteria for this type of ranking is derived from democratic values which are reducible to agents’ emotional judgments. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 179076
Alejandro Monsiváis Carrillo
Full Text Available Rethinking political representation is necessary to understand many contemporary democratic challenges. However, a widely accepted view states that democracy and representation are two irreconcilable principles, thus hindering the theoretical assessment of political representation's democratic relevance. According to this view, what democracy needs is more popular participation; instead, representation involves elitism and political detachment. In this paper I will argue that such a view is inaccurate. Through the reconstruction of the democratic ideal, and the discussion of the concept of political representation, I intend to show that processes of political authorization, accountability and public justification are both elements of political representation and expression of democratic politics.
Full Text Available Newly democratising states experience challenges in reconciling â€œtraditionalâ€ or â€œcustomaryâ€ dispute resolution practices with newly established state-based legal systems based on the rule of law. For Timor-Leste, these tensions are pronounced in continuing debates concerning the killing or injuring of women accused of witchcraft. Defences of extrajudicial punishments tend to conflate democracy with local support and fail to deal with the key institutions of democratic systems, including the rule of law, political equality, and civil rights. In Timor-Lesteâ€™s case, where equality and social rights were incorporated into the Constitution as fundamental governmental obligations, localised extrajudicial punishments threaten internal and external state legitimacy and highlight the difficulties of ensuring the primacy of state-based institutions. Extrajudicial punishments challenge Timor-Lesteâ€™s capacity to consolidate new liberal democratic political institutions.
Norman K. Denzin
Full Text Available Written on the eve of the 2004 American presidential election, this political narrative offers a critical reading of two models of democracy: Instant-Mix imperial democracy (bring to a boil, add oil, then bomb, criticized by Arundhati Roy, and Garrison Keillor’s Homegrown Democrat. Keillor’s pastoral view of democracy is anchored in LakeWobegon, his imaginary utopian community. His homegrown democracy is narrow, provincial, and White. The author concludes that he must look elsewhere for his alternative view of democracy.
Full Text Available The Oriental Republic of Uruguay is seen by many as a pioneer among Latin American nations to modernize its state and its policy. Since the late nineteenth century to the twentieth, Uruguayan political actors operate significant changes such as the separation of church and state, labor regulation, divorce law, women's vote, etc. Because of this and the progressive modernization, it was called the “Switzerland of the Americas”. Today, it still stands out in this area by regularizing abortion, homoaffective marriage, liberalization and access to marijuana. Moreover, noteworthy that such measures were achieved largely because of governance that the executive enjoys in the midst of this political system. Thus, this work aims to analyze such Uruguayan political system. In short, a political system is understood by the government system, the electoral system and the party system. That said, it will be analyzed in the political scenario of the country, their characteristics, party and election rules, political parties, party dynamics and relations between the powers.
to provide for an adequate representation of women's needs and interests. The legal standards on political equality of men and women have been incorporated into the international and regional legal frameworks. Yet, the international conventions, declarations, optional protocols, strategies, action plans and recommendations for policy-makers at different levels have not generated a significant change in the general attitude to political equality of men and women. Why is it so? Women are underrepresented whenever the number of women in the elected bodies of authority is unproportional to the total number of women in the general population; such exclusion of women from politics is unjust because it diminishes the quality of political debate and undermines the essence of democratic legitimacy. For the past ten years, the academic community has been involved in a debate on different aspects of women's political representation. Within the framework of feminist research on gender, politics and state, the discussions have focused on the following issues: what are the benefits of increasing the number of women in politics; will the increase of female MPs in parliament change the nature of politics (given that it may be a chance to articulate women's perspective and discuss women's problems and interests; do women MPs make a difference in political life (and, if so, in what circumstances; and what kind of changes may be expected from their participation in politics? Most discussions have focused on establishing and analyzing the mutual relations between the descriptive and substantive women's representation in politics, primarily concerning the issue whether the increase in the number of female MPs contributes to increasing their interest in representing women's political interests. The quota system, which has been applied in the EU counties as a response to the problem of women's underrepresentation in politics, and the introduction of women's policy agencies (aimed at
Begley, Paul T.; Zaretsky, Lindy
Democratic leadership processes are desirable for schools not only because they reflect socially mandated ethical commitments to collective process. They can be professionally justified as a necessary approach to leading schools effectively in the increasingly culturally diverse communities and a world transformed by the effects of technology and…
Perotti, E.; Schwienbacher, A.
This paper argues that historical political preferences on the role of capital markets shaped national choices on pension reliance on private funding. Under democratic voting, a majority will support investor protection and a privately funded pension system when the middle class has significant
We review a model of sociophysics which deals with democratic voting in bottom up hierarchical systems. The connection to the original physical model and technics are outlined underlining both the similarities and the differences. Emphasis is put on the numerous novel and counterintuitive results obtained with respect to the associated social and political framework. Using this model a real political event was successfully predicted with the victory of the French extreme right party in the 2000 first round of French presidential elections. The perspectives and the challenges to make sociophysics a predictive solid field of science are discussed.
political leadership , interparty alliances, and legislatures by which society constitutes itself politically to select and monitor democratic government... democratically elected civilian leadership .” Matei, “New Conceptualization,” 31. Young posits expertise, essential duties, responsibility, and corporateness as...CONFLICT RECONSTRUCTION: IMPLICATION FOR DEMOCRATIZATION IN SRI LANKA by Don Kapila Sarath Kumara Dolage December 2016 Thesis Advisor: Anshu
It is hypothesized in the fields of political education and citizenship studies that a discrepancy exists between the rhetoric of political education as expressed in official policy documents, guidelines, and curricula, on the one hand, and the reality of what happens in the classroom, on the other. This study tests this hypothesis in relation to…
Adler Lomnitz, Larissa
This paper describes the origin and evolution of two Chilean political parties (the Radical Party and the Christian Democrat Party) through the analysis of the social networks that originated and composed them. The aim of this study is to propose a model of national political cultures on the basis of the structure of social networks related to power and of the symbol system, which legitimizes it. The structure of social networks, horizontal and vertical, are based on reciprocal or redistribut...
Robert E. Goodin
Full Text Available The 'democracy unbound' project aspires to extend democracy in two dimensions: range and scope. The former would give a wider range of people the vote. The latter would give people a wider scope of things to vote on. In practice, no doubt there is room to do much more of both. But whereas it would be democratically justifiable in an ideal world for democracy to be completely unbounded as regards range, even in an ideal world democracy ought be subject to some limits internal to the logic of democracy itself as regards its scope. DOWNLOAD THIS PAPER FROM SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1837428
The aim of this paper is threefold. The first section shows how the political uses of language engendered by both western-style liberalism on the one hand and various forms of nationalism on the other lead to the negation of democratic ideals. Because of the current international situation, political aspects of language are receiving more and more…
Solhaug, Trond; Kristensen, Niels Nørgaard
The very idea about democracies is public participation in elections, decision-making and/or public engagement. The democratic participation distributes power among ordinary people and serve to legitimize decisions in public affairs and is a vital characteristic of a political culture.”The term...
Full Text Available This article analyzes the incentives generated by presidential electoral systems in Bolivia. The system that was in place until 2005 led to the formation of coalition governments that aimed at giving the Executive the majority in Congress. However, these coalitions gradually lost the electorate confidence, and citizens sought alternative political options to major parties from the early nineties on, giving rise to a social dissatisfaction with democracy. This, in turn, led to the resignation of Sánchez de Lozada and, later, to the triumph of Evo Morales. The new electoral system for electing the president, included in the 2009 Constitution, increases the likelihood that the elected government does not have a majority in Congress. Similar situations in the past led to political crisis and anticipation of elections. In a more favorable context characterized by greater satisfaction with democracy and their parties, the challenge is to take decisions inclusively, something unprecedented in Bolivian politics.
Troy R. E. Paddock
Full Text Available Walter Benjamin’s observation that fascism turns politics into aesthetics is, by now, a well-worn idea. This article argues that Benjamin’s critique of politics can apply just as much to the modern democratic politics of the United States. Borrowing from Benjamin, Jürgen Habermas, and Carl Schmitt, this article suggests that modern political discourse in the United States does not follow the classical liberal ideal of rational discourse in the marketplace of ideas within the public sphere. Instead, contemporary politics has become spectacle where images and slogans replace thought and debate in a 24/7 news cycle and political infotainment programs. The result is that progressives and conservatives have their own political “ecospheres” which enable them to have their own perspective reinforced, and debate is replaced by straw man arguments and personal attacks.
In spite of the increased and sophisticated scholarly output on the Igbo, there is still a tendency to depict precolonial Igbo political systems in general and therefore overly simplified and misleading terms. This paper is an attempt to reconfigure the depiction of those systems. As with previous works that have carefully studied ...
Though the science of medicine subscribes to learning from best practices and the transmission of superior treatment regimens across national boundaries, the same ethos does not inform political debates surrounding health system reform. The Canadian and English health systems have been used - and, more frequently - abused by American politicians in their quest to support their own model of reform, or preserve the status quo.
Orr, D W
Assuming that a political system is a resource-distribution mechanism, the author examines the possible effects of the predicted new age of scarcity on the system built on the assumption of continuing abundance of both energy and resource stocks. He does this by examining generally the relationship between the carrying capacity (along a scarcity and abundance continuum) and the value system (along a steady-state and growth-oriented continuum), and showing the possible outcomes of the interaction between the two. 35 references.
Full Text Available The article explores whether the interstate dynamics of the BRICS can activate those processes of convergence of politicalregimes and practices known as “democratic contagion.” As this contagion was experienced during the “third wave” ofdemocratization, mainly because of homogeneity among states and structural conditions for democratic attraction, theBRICS are not likely to repeat these dynamics. On the contrary, the only real constitutional homogeneity among the BRICScountries is the standard of non-interference in the internal affairs of each member. Non-interference also means abstainingfrom any initiative to condition the transformation of political regimes in consideration of the same interstate cooperation. Thedynamics of the BRICS shows that different political regimes can promote institutionalized forms of interstate cooperationwithout any mutual contamination at the constitutional level. The theories of “transition” and “democratic contagion” areinsufficient to understand these dynamics in the context of the BRICS; for this reason, the theory of democratic transitioncannot provide an adequate analysis of BRICS. With its members “split in unity,” as an institution the BRICS suggests anevolution toward a model of “not eurocentric dependence” that can overcome the “peripheral realism” of the role of eachstate in its own foreign policy.
Full Text Available The article examines the party-state relationship in post-communist Romania. It shows the connections between the existence of patronage, corruption and the states’ weak administrative capacity, on one hand, and the dynamics of the political party system, as an explanatory variable, on the other hand. The instability of the political parties in Romania and their changing relations within the system make the electorates’ task of anticipating and sanctioning their politics impossible. Consequently, the political parties have the possibility of extracting resources from the state without being held accountable in elections, as an effect of their dynamic, but non-robust competition.
Voting from abroad is possible in slightly more than half of all countries, even though it may not be an option for all a country’s citizens permanently or temporarily out-of-country. This paper looks at the special electoral systems created for this purpose as it focuses on changes and innovations...... in electoral system design in order to cater for the special interests of diaspora voters. Most countries allowing voting from abroad simply includes the votes coming from out-of-country among the votes cast in-country, so no special electoral system has been invented or implemented. But at least 14 countries...... have created exterritorial constituencies, where they in most cases basically use the same electoral system as they do for the ordinary in-country voting. The conclusion is that the creation of new electoral systems for voting from abroad has not – at least not so far – attracted a lot of interest from...
Full Text Available This essay was motivated by the gap between proclaimed democratic principles and the perceptions of politics which are exhibited by the citizens in transitional countries -more specifically in the Republic of Macedonia. It is based on research data collected in the past few decades, which illustrate that, in their political actions, the citizens are highly motivated by personal benefits and profits, rather than by their internalized values and ideologies. Non-democratic, authoritarian values prevail, while politics is perceived as a value itself, in the most materialistic meaning of the word. It creates a suitable milieu for growth of corruption, nepotism and clientelism. The authors conclude that such a circulus vitsiosus is a corner stone of the Macedonian political regime, and an enormous obstacle for the advancement of the participative, democratic political culture in reality, in spite of its formal acceptance.
Demokratikleşme Sürecini Tamamlayamamış Toplumların Ekonomik ve Siyasi Açıdan Değerlendirilmesi: Sürdürülebilir Demokrasi( Evaluation of The Societies, Which Did Not Complete Democratization Process, in Terms of Economical and Political Perspectives: Sustainable Democracy
Full Text Available Democracy is the indispensable political regime of 21 century societies. While 20. century century takes place in history as that many countries met with democracy, 21 century seems to be a candidate that will be remembered together with the interventions to the democratic process with a panic to lose the democracy. In each century, with different improvements and different forms, the military-political power, or in other words, the military-civilian relations, has taken place in the agendas of the countries. In history this relationship between the military and political power, exhibits a model which is sometimes moderate and sometimes with conflicts. Finally, it is easy to set up a democratic regime, but it is difficult to make it sustainable. This study is trying to explain to the countries that are willing to digest representative democracy, what to do to make it sustainable.
The political behaviour of public institutions exhibited in the management of critical natural ... natural resource management and the modes in which they impact on accountable systems in Uganda. ... the provision of critical resources such as water at the expense of consumers and citizens. ... AJOL African Journals Online.
Kloppenburg, S.; Vliet, van B.J.M.
This chapter discusses political consumerism in the context of a transformation towards a low-carbon electricity system. Over the past decades, deregulation, liberalisation, and privatisation have opened up spaces for Western consumers to influence the greening of energy provision and consumption
van Ree, E.
This article offers a critical assessment of the Political Religion Theory on the basis of a comparative analysis of the Orthodox and Stalinist belief systems and ritual. The theory works under the assumption that sacralisation of secular objects endows these objects with a transcendental, divine
Klomp, J.G.; de Haan, J.
We analyze whether the political system and its stability are related to cross-country differences in health. We apply factor analysis on various national health indicators for a large sample of countries over the period 2000-2005 and use the outcomes of the factor analysis to construct two new
Pietraszewski, David; Curry, Oliver Scott; Petersen, Michael Bang; Cosmides, Leda; Tooby, John
Research suggests that the mind contains a set of adaptations for detecting alliances: an alliance detection system, which monitors for, encodes, and stores alliance information and then modifies the activation of stored alliance categories according to how likely they will predict behavior within a particular social interaction. Previous studies have established the activation of this system when exposed to explicit competition or cooperation between individuals. In the current studies we examine if shared political opinions produce these same effects. In particular, (1) if participants will spontaneously categorize individuals according to the parties they support, even when explicit cooperation and antagonism are absent, and (2) if party support is sufficiently powerful to decrease participants' categorization by an orthogonal but typically-diagnostic alliance cue (in this case the target's race). Evidence was found for both: Participants spontaneously and implicitly kept track of who supported which party, and when party cross-cut race-such that the race of targets was not predictive of party support-categorization by race was dramatically reduced. To verify that these results reflected the operation of a cognitive system for modifying the activation of alliance categories, and not just socially-relevant categories in general, an identical set of studies was also conducted with in which party was either crossed with sex or age (neither of which is predicted to be primarily an alliance category). As predicted, categorization by party occurred to the same degree, and there was no reduction in either categorization by sex or by age. All effects were replicated across two sets of between-subjects conditions. These studies provide the first direct empirical evidence that party politics engages the mind's systems for detecting alliances and establish two important social categorization phenomena: (1) that categorization by age is, like sex, not affected by alliance
In this article, the relationship between ethics bodies and democratic concepts will be introduced. One should bear in mind that the relationship between the flourishing of ethics committees (EC) and democracy is by no means undirectional. The line of causation can easily be reversed as a higher level of democracy is likely to lead to a spurt in such committees at different levels of society. It is not a coincidence that they appear in larger numbers in relatively more open and democratic societies. In this sense, their sheer existence might be taken as a sign of a higher level of awareness for openness and democracy. EC seems to have some functions theoretically: To contribute to the eradication of corruption in society; To increase the accountability of different sections of the population; To play an important part in increasing the awareness about the rights and duties; To contribute to the spread of self-disciplining behavior in society; One final point to be emphasized is that for ethical committees to fulfill the above functions they should have a clear set of guidelines, powers to enforce them and effective deterrents to prevent wayward behavior. The principal question of how it does works in Turkey--a country located at the junction of Europe and Asia--ought to be perceived from the point of view of a medical ethicist from a developing country.
Full Text Available Despite no shortage of thoughtful analysis concerning how to more democratically develop and assess new technologies, practical progress toward democratized innovation has been paltry. This state of affairs suggests that the barriers to such democratic ends merit more attention. Building upon calls to more seriously examine citizens’ understandings of technology as autonomous or deterministic, this paper characterizes the assumptions, beliefs, and patterns of thought undergirding technological determinism and permissionless innovation as technocratic governing mentalities. That is, they contribute to the biasing of political discourses, practices, and organizations toward non-decision making and adaptation with regards to technological change. Indeed, permissionless innovation is quickly becoming the motto of those aiming to legitimate a “hands-off” approach to the sociotechnical “disruptions” sought by Silicon Valley entrepreneurs. Moreover, this paper explores how STS, as both an academic and political endeavor, might better respond to the challenges these modes of thinking present. Drawing upon relevant work within social psychology and communications, several fruitful avenues for engaged research regarding undermining technocratic governing mentalities become apparent. Not only is there a pressing need for accessible and parsimonious counternarratives to technological determinism and permissionless innovation but also rhetorical strategies for making the democratization of technological appear continuous with aspects of status quo systems. Finally, given that technocratic governing mentalities are likely to have practical and material roots, inquiry should be directed toward understanding how different sociotechnical arrangements impact citizens’ perception of the desirability and feasibility of democratizing technology.
Mihaila, Ramona; Popescu, Gheorghe H.; Nica, Elvira
The purpose of this article was to gain a deeper understanding of Arendt's educational philosophy, her perspective of political involvement as a kind of political education, and natality as the fundamental nature of education. The current study has extended past research by elucidating Arendt's view of participatory democratic politics, her…
van de Pas, R; van Schaik, L G
A progressive erosion of the democratic space appears as one of the emerging challenges in global health today. Such delimitation of the political interplay has a particularly evident impact on the unique public interest function of the World Health Organization (WHO). This paper aims to identify some obstacles for a truly democratic functioning of the UN specialized agency for health. The development of civil society's engagement with the WHO, including in the current reform proposals, is described. The paper also analyses how today's financing of the WHO--primarily through multi-bi financing mechanisms--risks to choke the agency's role in global health. Democratizing the public debate on global health, and therefore the role of the WHO, requires a debate on its future role and engagement at the country level. This desirable process can only be linked to national debates on public health, and the re-definition of health as a primary political and societal concern. Copyright © 2013 The Royal Society for Public Health. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
El discurso político de Santiago Carrillo durante la Transición. Aplicaciones metodológicas / The political discourse of Santiago Carrillo in the process of Democratic Transition. Methodological applications
Antonio Pantoja Chaves
Full Text Available Resumen: Continuando con el análisis de los discursos de los líderes más importantes del proceso de Transición democrática en España, en esta entrega nos centramos en la trayectoria política de Santiago Carrillo y su liderazgo del comunismo en España. A diferencia del resto de los oradores analizados, su perfil no muestra ningún punto de inflexión que refuerce su discurso, más bien asiste a un declive continuo y progresivo, desde un discurso que equilibra dos posiciones contrarias ante un auditorio comprometido y agraciado por las palabras del orador, hasta presentar un perfil que reproduce el eclipse de la autoridad del líder comunista.Summary: Continuing with the analysis of the speeches of the most important leaders of the democratic transition process in Spain, in this installment we focus on the political trajectory of Santiago Carrillo and his leadership of communism in Spain. Unlike the rest of the speakers discussed, his profile shows no turning point to strengthen his speech, rather attends a continuous and progressive decline, from a speech that balances two opposing positions before an audience engaged and graced by the speaker's words, to present a profile that reproduces the eclipse of the communist leader's authority.
R. M. Kliuchnyk
Full Text Available The article is dedicated to axiological crisis as one of the factors of development of political system. Intergeneration and civilization crises are separated. It is shown that contradictions between survival and self-expressionpolitical values often lead to political crises. The Arabic Spring is proved to have been a consequence of a deep generation crisis. Dangerous consequences of cultural and civilization crisis within globalization are underlined. The influence of illegal migration, extremism and intolerance on axiological crises is considered. A special attention is paid to modernization possibilities of high school within axiological crisis. The necessity of reforming of high school in order to avoid negative consequences of axiological crises is underlined. International experience in high school reforms is analyzed. The perspectives of its implementation in Ukraine are considered.
Coplin, William D.; O'Leary, Michael K.
This package introduces college students to the elements of the Prince System, a widely used system for making political forecasts and developing political strategies. Designed to be completed in two to three weeks, the two exercises enable students to (1) identify political issues that the Prince System can help them understand, (2) determine the…
Fotel, Trine; Sørensen, Eva; Torfing, Jacob
There has been a growing debate about the democratic problems and potentials of governance networks among political scientists and public managers. While some claim that governance networks tend to undermine democracy, others argue that they have the potential to improve and strengthen democracy....... This debate is found wanting in two respects. First of all, there has been far too little discussion about what democracy means in relation to pluricentric governance networks. Second, the current debate builds on the assumption that it is possible to give a clear-cut answer to the question of the democratic...... problems and merits of governance networks. This assumption is highly questionable, and prevents a more nuanced assessment of the democratic performance of governance networks. As such, it diverts the focus of attention away from the fact that governance networks may be democratic in some respects...
The transportation operations plan for the 2004 Democratic National Convention (DNC) in Boston, Massachusetts, was not a typical transportation plan driven by goals such as mobility and air quality. The DNC was the first national political convention...
Full Text Available The aim of the study is to tersely present the situation of the political culture in Romania after 1989. The comprehension of the political culture seen as a result of a valorous past full of religious content constitutes the single path that can reveal the imaginary of the Romanian people; moreover, the study has as a purpose to improve the understanding of the political and cultural values which are linked to the consolidation of a democratic system in a similar manner to the connection between the forms and the causes of any social and political change in the country.
Christensen, Ann-Dorte; Rasmussen, Palle
In this article democratic learning is conceptualised with inspiration from two academic traditions, one being the conceptions of citizenship, political identities and deliberative democracy in political sociology; the other theories and research on social and lifelong learning. The first part......'s empowerment and inclusion in the Danish democratic model. On the background of these two analyses the authors finally discuss some current democratic problems with integrating the diversity represented by ethnic minority groups. The discussion emphasizes the learning theory perspective on the initiative...... of the article outlines the authors' understanding of the core concepts involved. In the second part these conceptual discussions are related to two themes: the question of public adaptation of historical experiences in connection with the German reunification and the learning perspectives related to women...
Klomp, Jeroen; de Haan, Jakob
We analyze whether the political system and its stability are related to cross-country differences in health. We apply factor analysis on various national health indicators for a large sample of countries over the period 2000-2005 and use the outcomes of the factor analysis to construct two new health measures, i.e., the health of individuals and the quality of the health care sector. Using a cross-country structural equation model with various economic and demographic control variables, we examine the relationship between the type of regime and political stability on the one hand and health on the other. The political variables and the control variables are measured as averages over the period 1980-1999. Our results suggest that democracy has a positive relationship with the health of individuals, while regime instability has a negative relationship with the health of individuals. Government instability is negatively related to individual health via its link with the quality of the health care sector, while democracy is positively related with individual health through its link with income. Our main findings are confirmed by the results of a panel model and various sensitivity tests.
Full Text Available Educational field is impelled to increase performance and quality, financial discipline, strategic behaviour and its goals in order to enhance “effectiveness”. As a result the incorporation of private sector management practices into the educational field is taking place. But it is important to notice that a proliferation of private managerial practices into the educational field goes along with a conflict-laden and contradictory process. Education provides an important area of implementation for techniques of performance evaluation aimed at improving the performance of public services. One of the most common conceptual frameworks in measuring organisational performance takes the form of a production function where the educational institution is seen as analogous to a company transforming inputs into outputs and outcomes through a production process. But the problems and the vagueness in determining educational system’s inputs, outputs and outcomes cause difficulties in making political decisions and that is why clear policy prescriptions have been difficult to derive. The purpose of this article is to create a discussion whether performance measurement should be a part of decision-making in educational politics. The authors debate about incorporating private sector management practices into the educational field. The debate is based on the example of evaluating the social impact in the educational field and the performance of teachers’ work in the educational system. The article consists of three parts. Firstly, the theoretical background of the performance measurement in educational field is discussed. Secondly, the important criteria for performance measurement design and political issues are argued. Thirdly, the evaluated shortcomings in Estonian educational organisations, which restrict them to be effective, are brought out. Relieving some of these shortcomings could be in authority of Estonian educational politics.
there was general consensus that the “democratic experiment” had taken root in Africa ... African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance is of particular importance in this context. The .... of governmental work through results in the interests of citizens. ... declarations impact on the reality of political rule in Africa?
The paper analyzes 3 main trends: (t1) The economic development in the Muslim world is slower than in the rest of the world. (t2) The world grows increasingly democratic due to rising incomes, but this trend does not affect the Muslim world. (t3) The world grows increasingly secular due to rising......-Western countries, though at a lower level. Further, it is demonstrated that Muslims deviate as to religiosity, family life values and as to the preference for religion in politics....
Specifics of horizontal and vertical relations in Ukrainian political communication on the background of the party building’s process, political science theory and requirements to Ukrainian political context
K. Y. Odarchenko
Full Text Available The specifics of horizontal and vertical relations in Ukrainian political communication on the background of the party building’s process has been analysed. Aims of this article are: 1 determination of the subjectivity of political communication; 2 disclosure of the main features of internal politics and communications; 3 setting the essential features of the political parties’ status after peaceful protests in Ukraine 2013-2014 year; 4 explanation of the actual gap that has horizontal and party political communication in Ukraine. Political modernization, capacity of Ukrainian political parties has been characterized. It has been shown that Maidan didn’t influenced tools of creating political parties and their typology greatly. Maidan as a political component was weak and did not respond to the challenges, which Ukrainian political system faced to. The weakness was in the fact that leaders of the oppositional political camp would rather keep old then implement real political change of the political system , which was adapted by the old oliharcial clan. Public sector was not able to identify their environment with new political leaders, nor with a mass movement, based on the creation of new organized political force. It has been found that in a democratic society communication is effective only if it is not only technically modern, interactive, two-way, but if it is consistent to other democratic demands, such as legal and moral control of society over the media, maintenance of basic pluralism, direct contact between senders and recipients of information, feeds decentralization, respect of freedom of expression and privat opinion. Summary of the political communication in Ukraine has to move away from thinking of policy and bureaucratic political consciousness. Otherwise, the simulation is effective and efficient for countries and regions where political communication can become a daily political farce communication in public space.
Robbin, Alice; Courtright, Christina; Davis, Leah
Presents a literature review that covers the following topics related to information and communications technologies (ICTs): (1) theories of ICTs and how they frame political life; (2) normative democratic theory and concepts; (3) e-political life; and (4) research on e-government, e-governance, and e-democracy; (Contains 276 references.) (MES)
IDRC's Democratic Governance, Women's Rights and Gender Equality initiative is ... They continue to be underrepresented in positions of power. ... social, economic, cultural and political situation of rural women in Malawi affects the political ...
I. Z. Derzhko
Full Text Available Political culture relates to the development and improvement of human abilities for social life within a community and creates conditions for the realization of these abilities. Typically, it is a state or a particular cultural region within the state. Despite the fact that the political culture of a society cannot and should not be subject to a management, it should be regulated and coordinated through a policy - national, which must be state policy. This paradoxical situation requires the use of specific management approaches. There is some configuration management knowledge, training or life, to work effectively, it is necessary to act at the right time and in the right place. Synergetic paradigm creates a methodological basis for a rather broad and full use of all the cultural, regional and individual diversity. Such use may be appropriate and successful implementation provided competent management and, above all, self, which in turn requires a developed political culture in both the public and the private sector. It is important to understand that social system like any complex system, with not one single and multiple alternative paths of evolution. It should be clearly aware of the existence of different trends of evolution, the ambiguity of the transition to the future. Future states of complex social systems do not just open and predictable, there are range of possible forms of the future, the field of possible ways forward. Value under the transitional regime elements authoritarian and democratic organization of society is one of the most controversial issues. Between these two forms of political domination exists a close relationship than it may seem at first glance. To determine the influence of civil society in the process of becoming a democratic political regime and democratic political culture, it is necessary to outline the main characteristics of this concept. Without dwelling on the analysis of understanding of civil
Nelson Jair Cuchumbé Holguín
Full Text Available The multicultural approach seems to be the most praiseworthy instrument through which the acknowledgement of cultural diversity could renew the deontic structure legitimised by the socio-political order in Colombia. Facing a State model based on the denial and exclusion of diversity, the multicultural State allows for pluralism to be articulated into it. In this way, the formation of political unity becomes a matter determined by dialogue, mutual acknowledgement and cultural enhancement. Nevertheless, the multicultural interpretation lacks plausibility if the formation of the State is understood in a pragmatic and universalistic way. From this perspective, the inclusion of the Other is likely only if social actors promote interactions regulated by a political culture based on constitutional principles, active participation, public deliberation and the organisational ability of communities. A shared political culture of this nature seems unavoidable if the purpose is to form a citizenship more suited to living in a democracy.
guides this work supposes that the PAN reproduced during its ruling similar corruptive practices that the PRI used to apply. The text is developed in four parts. Firstly, it is presented as a brief historical overview of the influence of corruption. Secondly, it is examines the role of corruption during the rule of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI. Thirdly, it is describes the transformation of the patterns of corruption, and finally, it studies the persistence of corruption in the governments of the democratic transition represented by the PAN party. The article contributes an array of elements in order to study the corruption in Mexico from a perspective of socio-political and historical, which describes the development of corruption in Mexico as a widely complex phenomenon, interacting cultural and economical factors, as well as social, juridical and political structures, and conjunctures critical that allows more or less visibility to the phenomenon of corruption.
Ashbaugh, Hayley R; Kuang, Brandon; Gadoth, Adva; Alfonso, Vivian H; Mukadi, Patrick; Doshi, Reena H; Hoff, Nicole A; Sinai, Cyrus; Mossoko, Mathias; Kebela, Benoit Ilunga; Muyembe, Jean-Jacques; Wemakoy, Emile Okitolonda; Rimoin, Anne W
Ebola virus disease (EVD) can be clinically severe and highly fatal, making surveillance efforts for early disease detection of paramount importance. In areas with limited access to laboratory testing, the Integrated Disease Surveillance and Response (IDSR) strategy in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) may be a vital tool in improving outbreak response. Using DRC IDSR data from the nation's four EVD outbreak periods from 2007-2014, we assessed trends of Viral Hemorrhagic Fever (VHF) and EVD differential diagnoses reportable through IDSR. With official case counts from active surveillance of EVD outbreaks, we assessed accuracy of reporting through the IDSR passive surveillance system. Although the active and passive surveillance represent distinct sets of data, the two were correlated, suggesting that passive surveillance based only on clinical evaluation may be a useful predictor of true cases prior to laboratory confirmation. There were 438 suspect VHF cases reported through the IDSR system and 416 EVD cases officially recorded across the outbreaks examined. Although collected prior to official active surveillance cases, case reporting through the IDSR during the 2007, 2008 and 2012 outbreaks coincided with official EVD epidemic curves. Additionally, all outbreak areas experienced increases in suspected cases for both malaria and typhoid fever during EVD outbreaks, underscoring the importance of training health care workers in recognising EVD differential diagnoses and the potential for co-morbidities. © 2017 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
Searing, Donald D.; And Others
Assesses the significance of data on childhood political learning to political theory by testing the structuring principle,'' considered one of the central assumptions of political socialization research. This principle asserts that basic orientations acquired during childhood structure the later learning of specific issue beliefs.'' The…
Ilyin, Ilya V.; Rozanov, Alexander Sergeevich
Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to analyze the impact of globalization on the formation of a global political system. Design/methodology/approach: Taking into account the fact of global political evolution, the authors of the paper point out that the global political structures tend to change. Findings: During the past millennium the global…
This paper summarizes research and development activities in the field of computerized operator support systems, self-powered detectors, boiling diagnostic and loose part detection systems in the German Democratic Republic
Nuclear information (Nl) interests people for many reasons, with energy supply, safety, and security being at the top of the list. Democratizing nuclear information has its roots in the growth of a knowledge-based economy, the knowledge worker as a user of nuclear information, developments in information and communication technologies (ICT), and the impact of internet growth. Results of democratization are apparent in the process of information creation, in how nuclear information is distributed and accessed, and in the conditions for using the information found. The International Nuclear Information System (INIS) both reflects and contributes to these trends. Nuclear information falls under the overall umbrella of scientific and technical information (STI). It is highly specialized, but it follows general principles and trends of STI. The world of STI has its own culture and its own long-established rules of use and existence. These have brought us many inventions and improvements, introduced important technological changes, and made our lives and work much easier and more pleasurable. However, the world is constantly changing, and the traditional closed STI environment, including the world of nuclear information, is not keeping up with today’s changes. (author)
Full Text Available The article is analyzing the inappropriateness of the “classical” theories of transition for the analyses of democratic consolidation in the contemporary post-communist societies, including the Croatian one. The authors are claiming that the aforementioned theories are insufficient for a subtle explanation of the recent ongoing major political and social changes in the post-communist societies. The article is stressing the most characteristic examples of the “bluntness”, i.e. of the inappropriateness of the transition theory basic concepts for the analyses of democratic consolidation, as well as of the socio-cultural and socio-structural assumptions and other important concepts related to the post-communist transition phenomenon. Furthermore, the article is exposing the problems connected with various interpretations of the phases of the transition period in relation to the cleavage between the institutional constitution of the democratic system and the democratic deficit characteristic of the post-communist states. Finally, the article is bolding the necessity of re-conceptualization of the basic concepts of the theory of transition; however, not towards the construction of a new theory, but rather towards the adaptation of the existing theory to the recent social and political processes in the contemporaneous post-communist societies.
Full Text Available This article and the previous «Convergence and divergence between the local and regional state around solid waste management. An unresolved problem in the Sacred Valley» from Teresa Tupayachi are published as complementary accounts on the management of solid waste in the Vilcanota Valley in Cusco. Penelope Harvey and Teresa Tupayachi worked together on this theme. The present article explores how discontinuities across diverse instances of the state are experienced and understood. Drawing from an ethnographic study of the Vilcanota Valley in Cusco, the article looks at the material politics of waste disposal in neoliberal times. Faced with the problem of how to dispose of solid waste, people from Cusco experience a lack of institutional responsibility and call for a stronger state presence. The article describes the efforts by technical experts to design integrated waste management systems that maximise the potential for re-cycling, minimise toxic contamination, and turn ‘rubbish’ into the altogether more economically lively category of ‘solid waste’. However while the financialization of waste might appear to offer an indisputable public good, efforts to instigate a viable waste disposal business in a decentralizing political space elicit deep social tensions and contradictions. The social discontinuities that decentralization supports disrupt ambitions for integrated solutions as local actors resist top-down models and look not just for alternative solutions, but alternative ways of framing the problem of urban waste, and by extension their relationship to the state.
Dávila Torres, Javier
The politics as an activity oriented to the decision making process, seeks to achieve specific objectives, and it is a fundamental tool for the transformation of the National Health System (NHS). It is important to point out that there are different elements, interest and participants that take part in the design and implementation of these policies. Therefore, it should be considered the presence of the health care institutions in the development of the health policies, as well as the participation of the Congress where each political party presents and defends their proposals, negotiate the approval and assignation of the financial budget, among others. Nowadays, there are elements with a relevant presence on these policies and in the transformation process of the NHS such as the media and laboral force represented by the unions. Finally, some general statements are expressed to contribute with the advances in the integration process for a stronger NHS. This should consider the economic, demographic and social changes in the country; furthermore it should focus on universal coverage and provision of a better health care for the Mexican population.
The left and the democratic stability in Latin America: the ideology of the Bolivarian Revolution and its impact on the political processes in Venezuela and Latin America Izquierda y estabilidad de la democracia en América latina: la ideología de la revolución bolivariana y su repercusión sobre el proceso político en Venezuela y América latina
José Enrique MOLINA V.
Full Text Available One of the main areas of work in Comparative Politics and Political Theory has been the determination of the variables associated with the stability/instability of political systems in general, and democracy in particular. This paper focuses on one of these variables. One with newly acquired importance after the recent electoral successes by the left, but that nevertheless has not been in the spotlight of scholarly analysis: ideological polarization. Particularly, ideological polarization brought about by the attempt to pursue by the government a leftist political project. The main focus is on the ideological project pursued by the Venezuelan Bolivarian Government and its association with the political instability of 2002 and 2003. The paper considers this topic taken into account mainstream theoretical approaches on political stability, and the experience of previous Latin American leftist governments. The paper reaches the conclusion that in Latin America the attempt to implement a socialist program by a democratically elected government, if it is done without meaningful social and political negotiation, and with authoritarian overtones, is likely to lead to intense political instability and to the ultimate failure of the proposed social change. Los factores vinculados a la estabilidad o inestabilidad de los sistemas políticos y la democracia han sido una preocupación central de la política comparada y la teoría política. Este trabajo se centra en analizar un factor que adquiere nueva importancia dado el resurgimiento de la izquierda en América Latina, pero que no ha estado en el centro del debate académico sobre la estabilidad democrática: la polarización ideológica producida por el adelanto de un proyecto político de izquierda desde el gobierno. Su análisis se enmarca en los enfoques teóricos sobre la estabilidad de la democracia y los sistemas políticos. Dentro del contexto de los gobiernos de izquierda en América Latina, se
Hawley, Willis D.
Major issue raised in this paper is whether schools are providing students with the type of programs and environment that foster the full development of interest in, and capacity for, democratic politics. (Author)
attainment of a successful democratization process and national stability. ... insecurity, sectarian violence, ethnic strifes, political instability and threats of .... of nation-states out of disparate socio-economic, religious, ethnic and geographical.
Maghrabi, Rozan Omar
One of the demonstrators during the 2011 Egyptian revolution tweeted "We use Facebook to schedule the protests, Twitter to coordinate, and YouTube to tell the world," thus acknowledging and establishing the fundamental role of social media in the political unrest and revolution against the regime in Egypt. Information Systems (IS) have…
Full Text Available Over the last decade the Global Positioning System has become a global, multifunctional tool which provides services that are an integral part of U.S. national security as well as the security of other highly developed countries. Economic development, transport security as well as homeland security are important elements of the global economic infrastructure. In 2000 the United States acknowledged the growing significance of GPS for civilian users and stopped intentionally degrading accuracy for non-military signals that are known as “Selective Availability”. Since then, commercial applications of satellite systems have been proliferating even more rapidly, and therefore, their importance in everyday life has greatly increased. Currently, services that depend on information obtained from the Global Positioning System are the driving force behind economic growth, economic development and the improvement in life safety. This economic development would not be possible without the financial and political support of the US government to maintain the operation of the GPS system. Therefore it is important to have knowledge about the intentions of the US government how system GPS will be developed in the future. Decisions taken in the last 3 months are the subject of this article.
This paper asks the question whether political ideology affects economic growth. Voters may demand inefficient levels of redistribution and government intervention, and they may care too little for aspects that really matter for the economy. Their norms and perceptions of society might, via...... their political ideology, affect economic performance. The paper presents evidence suggesting that rightwing societies have grown faster in the last decades than other democratic societies. Further analysis suggests that these societies develop better legal systems and less government intervention, which in turn...
Vaughan, Geoffrey M.
The political educator takes the perspective that, in Thomas Hobbes's phrase, "man is not born fit for society." To make him so fit, contemporary political educators seek to develop individual autonomy and democratic affect, which would have the added task of reforming all of society in the future. The current consensus holds that the…
Woods, Philip A.
In this book Philip Woods turns his attention to issues of democracy and leadership. He has provided an eloquent, intellectually compelling and sophisticated account of a new leadership label--democratic leadership. He argues that the purpose of "democratic" leadership is to create and help sustain an environment that enables everyone…
Full Text Available The paper explores the need of connecting the technology, political and cultural system in the right way to achieve the companies’ goals in terms of globalization and changes. The leaders have the main role in realizing the company’s strategy. They must be strategy focused and they are responsible for connecting the employees, processes and technologies. In the beginning of the paper, the characteristics of strategy focused leadership are analyzed. The available tools of strategy focused leadership through the model are presented. The matrix of strategy management can be used like a manual which helps the management in connecting systems with managerial instruments: mission and strategy, organization structure and management of human resources. The goal of the paper is to show that with professional approach, the strategy focused leaders play the main role in connecting and changing the existing systems in companies. This is the way of reaching the best performance of companies and surviving at the global world market.
Young, Mitchell; Sørensen, Mads P.; Bloch, Carter; Degn, Lise
The emphasis on competitiveness and the knowledge-based economy in European policymaking has resulted in a heightened focus on monitoring and steering the science system, particularly through metric-based instruments. Policymakers' general aims of fostering excellent research and breakthroughs are shared by researchers as well; however, below the…
Hess, Alexander J.; Trexler, Cary J.
Modern agriculture poses ecological problems and opportunities, which defy simple democratic reform without an educated citizenry. Developing an educated citizenry can be accomplished by further developing agricultural literacy in elementary education. While benchmarks for agricultural literacy have been produced, relatively little attention has…
Full Text Available This article discusses the varying effects of quota systems, as they emerge from a scenario of women’s increased inroads into politics in Latin America, expressed in the increased number of women in elected offices, the implementation of quota systems and increased presence of the issue of gender equality in political agendas. The character of the electoral system, as based on “open” or “closed” lists; the absence or presence of a norm of a compulsory competitive position for women within political parties and political parties’ commitment to quota policies are the crucial factors that determine variation.
Full Text Available Current accounts – and particularly the critique – of canon formation are primarily based on some form of identity politics. In the 20th century a representational model of social identities replaced cultivation as the primary means to democratize the canons of the fine arts. In a parallel development, the discourse on canons has shifted its focus from processes of inclusion to those of exclusion. This shift corresponds, on the one hand, to the construction of so-called alternative canons or counter-canons, and, on the other hand, to attempts to restore the authority of canons considered to be in a state of crisis or decaying. Regardless of the democratic stance of these efforts, the construction of alternatives or the reestablishment of decaying canons does not seem to achieve their aims, since they break with the explicit and implicit rules of canon formation. Politically motivated attempts to revise or restore a specific canon make the workings of canon formation too visible, transparent and calculated, thereby breaking the spell of its imaginary character. Retracing the history of the canonization of the fine arts reveals that it was originally tied to the disembedding of artists and artworks from social and worldly affairs, whereas debates about canons of the fine arts since the end of the 20th century are heavily dependent on their social, cultural and historical reembedding. The latter has the character of disenchantment, but has also fettered the canon debate in notions of “our” versus “their” culture. However, by emphasizing the dedifferentiation of contemporary processes of culturalization, the advancing canonization of popular culture seems to be able to break with identity politics that foster notions of “our” culture in the present thinking on canons, and push it in a more transgressive, syncretic or hybrid direction.
Full Text Available The primary aim of this study was to determine the democratic attitudes of the classroomteachers. This study is a descriptive research. In this research, democratic attitude scala which was developed by“published for the attitude research labaratory” and adapted to Turkish educational system by Gözütok (1995 wasused. Research group consisted fifty teachers from four private primary schools in Ankara. The data were analyzed byone way ANOVA. According of the results of the research, democratic attitudes of teachers have been discriminated onteachers’ sexuality, seniority and graduate level
The Aalborg PBL Model [Kjersdam & Enemark, 1997; Kolmos et al., 2004] is an example of a democratic learning system [Qvist, 2008]. Writing one project each semester in teams is an important element in the model. Medicine with Industrial Specialisation - a study at the Faculties of Engineering......, Science and Medicine at Aalborg University - has combined the Aalborg Model with solving cases as used by other models. A questionnaire survey related to democratic learning indicates that the democratic learning has been enhanced. This paper presents the results....
Maria Hermínia Tavares de Almeida
Full Text Available This paper discusses the contradictory impulses towards decentralization and centralization in Brazil during the 1990s and early 2000s. After discussing the analytical issues related to the specific nature of decentralization in federal systems, the paper examines two sets of policy issues: those regulating the fiscal relations between national and sub-national governments and those redefining responsibilities for social services provision (basic education, health care, social assistance. Against conventional academic wisdom, it sustains that although there has been some re-centralization of fiscal decisions and of targeted income transfer programs, a clear re-centralization tendency cannot be siad to exist. Decentralization and centralization trends coexist propelled by different forces, with different motives and different outcomes.
The Long-Term Impact of High School Civics Curricula on Political Knowledge, Democratic Attitudes and Civic Behaviors: A Multi-Level Model of Direct and Mediated Effects through Communication. CIRCLE Working Paper #65
Hutchens, Myiah J.; Eveland, William P., Jr.
This report examines the effects of exposure to various elements of a civics curriculum on civic participation, two forms of political knowledge, internal political efficacy, political cynicism, news elaboration, discussion elaboration and various forms of interpersonal and mediated political communication behaviors. The data are based on a…
Maria Paula NASCIMENTO ARAUJO
Full Text Available Brazil experienced a long process of political transition featured by an intense game of political and social forces, in which different actors with different democratization projects clashed. Despite the leadership of the transition process have been in the hands of conservative elites linked to the military dictatorship, broad sectors of the oposition and of the lefts, as well as representants of social movements, disputed the transitional space and expanded the initial design of the regime. This long transition —marked by negotiations, frustrations and resilience— reflected on the transitional justice model adopted by the country. Almost 30 years after the end of military dictatorship, the Truth Commission established by President Dilma Rousseff in 2012, drew attention to issues related to memory, justice and reparation and showed that the democratization process, in some respects, is still incloncluded. This article aims to restore this historical process highlighting some of its characteristics and specificities.
Full Text Available Abstract : In contemporary political philosophy, the focus of the most important controversies is on the deliberative model of democracy. These controversies concern not only the theoretical problem of providing the best justification for a deliberative model of democratic legitimacy, but also the practical problem of designing the best deliberative procedure that will secure the implementation of deliberative democracy. In this paper I will present and analyze some of the most important deliberative designs: deliberative polls, citizens’ juries, consensus conferences and planning cells. I argue that these deliberative events can have a significant impact on the political behavior of a democratic community. However, I explain that all of them have only a limited influence on the policy-making activities in local and central governing structures. This is the reason why I believe we could only supplement and never fully replace the traditional aggregative procedures of democracy (voting and bargaining with a deliberative design.
Balliet, Daniel; Tybur, Joshua M.; Wu, Junhui; Antonellis, Christian; Van Lange, Paul A. M.
Theories suggest that political ideology relates to cooperation, with conservatives being more likely to pursue selfish outcomes, and liberals more likely to pursue egalitarian outcomes. In study 1, we examine how political ideology and political party affiliation (Republican vs. Democrat) predict cooperation with a partner who self-identifies as Republican or Democrat in two samples before (n = 362) and after (n = 366) the 2012 US presidential election. Liberals show slightly more concern for their partners’ outcomes compared to conservatives (study 1), and in study 2 this relation is supported by a meta-analysis (r = .15). However, in study 1, political ideology did not relate to cooperation in general. Both Republicans and Democrats extend more cooperation to their in-group relative to the out-group, and this is explained by expectations of cooperation from in-group versus out-group members. We discuss the relation between political ideology and cooperation within and between groups. PMID:29593363
Parigi, Paolo; Bearman, Peter S.
This article describes the impact of the Italian electoral reforms of 1993 on the structure of local political alliances. The reform, which moved Italy from a purely proportional representation system to a mixed, largely majoritarian system, was designed to increase transparency, reduce corruption, limit the number of political parties, and create…
Full Text Available The article outlines Chinese literature following the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in relation to Mao’s Communist policy. It presents the occurrence of Misty poetry as an opposition to the political ideology of the Great Cultural Revolution (1966–1976. Misty poetry is understood as a spontaneous illegal poetic movement of individuals who veiled their political demands directed against Mao’s ideology in metaphors. This oppositional stance resembled the movement of 4th May 1919 which took place after the collapse of the last Chinese dynasty and criticised the traditional dominant ideology of Confucianism and sought democratization of the Chinese society. The same desire was shared by the Misty poets but this time under the dominance of the political ideology of the Chinese Communist Party in the period following 1942 which was indicated by Mao Zedong in his speech in Yan’an. Mao’s policy was repressive in nature since the role of literature and art, and thereby also poetry, was seen only as being utilitarian and was thus sealed in the dictated reflection of the class struggle. Therefore, in essence, the communist period laid its path to capitalism.
Full Text Available Many political theorists argue that cross-cultural communication within multicultural democracies is not best served by a commitment to identity politics. In response, I argue that identity politics only interfere with democratic participation according to an erroneous interpretation of the relationship between identity and reasoning. I argue that recognizing the importance of identity to the intelligibility of reasons offered in the context of civic deliberation is the first step towards the kind of dialogue that democratic participation requires.
Máximo Augusto Campos Masson
Full Text Available The article discusses the management of education from the debate on the democratic management of social institutions, in particular, the school. It reflects on the changes that have occurred in the school due to the presence of new students belonging to the subaltern classes and the possibility of the democratic management of teaching being an important instrument for overcoming school failure. It discusses aspects of Brazilian legislation on the theme and the possibilities arising from the growth of political conservatism oppose initiatives to democratic management of education.
Ribesse, Nathalie; Bossyns, Paul; Marchal, Bruno; Karemere, Hermes; Burman, Christopher J; Macq, Jean
In the field of development cooperation, interest in systems thinking and complex systems theories as a methodological approach is increasingly recognised. And so it is in health systems research, which informs health development aid interventions. However, practical applications remain scarce to date. The objective of this article is to contribute to the body of knowledge by presenting the tools inspired by systems thinking and complexity theories and methodological lessons learned from their application. These tools were used in a case study. Detailed results of this study are in process for publication in additional articles. Applying a complexity 'lens', the subject of the case study is the role of long-term international technical assistance in supporting health administration reform at the provincial level in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Methods section presents the guiding principles of systems thinking and complex systems, their relevance and implication for the subject under study, and the existing tools associated with those theories which inspired us in the design of the data collection and analysis process. The tools and their application processes are presented in the results section, and followed in the discussion section by the critical analysis of their innovative potential and emergent challenges. The overall methodology provides a coherent whole, each tool bringing a different and complementary perspective on the system.
Nicholas O Rule
Full Text Available BACKGROUND: Individuals' faces communicate a great deal of information about them. Although some of this information tends to be perceptually obvious (such as race and sex, much of it is perceptually ambiguous, without clear or obvious visual cues. METHODOLOGY/PRINCIPAL FINDINGS: Here we found that individuals' political affiliations could be accurately discerned from their faces. In Study 1, perceivers were able to accurately distinguish whether U.S. Senate candidates were either Democrats or Republicans based on photos of their faces. Study 2 showed that these effects extended to Democrat and Republican college students, based on their senior yearbook photos. Study 3 then showed that these judgments were related to differences in perceived traits among the Democrat and Republican faces. Republicans were perceived as more powerful than Democrats. Moreover, as individual targets were perceived to be more powerful, they were more likely to be perceived as Republicans by others. Similarly, as individual targets were perceived to be warmer, they were more likely to be perceived as Democrats. CONCLUSIONS/SIGNIFICANCE: These data suggest that perceivers' beliefs about who is a Democrat and Republican may be based on perceptions of traits stereotypically associated with the two political parties and that, indeed, the guidance of these stereotypes may lead to categorizations of others' political affiliations at rates significantly more accurate than chance guessing.
Ehn, Pelle; Brandt, Eva; Halse, Joachim
Designers and design researchers are increasingly exploring societal challenges through engagements with issues that call forward new publics and new modes of democratic citizenship. Whatever this is called design activism, social design, adversarial design, participatory design or something else...
Full Text Available In this paper I will present the way in which Lefort interprets modern democracy as a new form of society in regard to the sources of law and legitimacy. Lefort is a thinker who is difficult to place within the context of contemporary political theory: he not only defends democracy against Marxism but also thinks that this form of society cannot be circumscribed within the limits of the modern state, nor be understood through the categories that the tradition of political philosophy has developed to distinguish between political regimes. Lefort combines the defense of democracy with a radical critique of the established order. He identifies the democratic invention with the institution of a dynamic that makes, by right, the radical questioning of law the source of political legitimacy.
Sørensen, Mads P.
at political party meetings and at public meetings and hearings. However, the rise of new social media like Facebook provides new, interesting platforms for these conversations—and many opinion makers and scholars have high expectations for their democratic potential. This chapter examines what happens when......Key to the idea of a democratic public sphere has always been the ongoing conversations among citizens and between citizens and politicians (Koch, Mansbridge, Habermas, etc.). The conversations between politicians and citizens in the Danish political system have traditionally taken place...
Striking disparities in access to healthcare and in health outcomes are major characteristics of health across the globe. This inequitable state of global health and how it could be improved has become a highly popularized field of academic study. In a series of articles in this journal the roles of power and politics in global health have been addressed in considerable detail. Three points are added here to this debate. The first is consideration of how the use of definitions and common terms, for example 'poverty eradication,' can mask full exposure of the extent of rectification required, with consequent failure to understand what poverty eradication should mean, how this could be achieved and that a new definition is called for. Secondly, a criticism is offered of how the term 'global health' is used in a restricted manner to describe activities that focus on an anthropocentric and biomedical conception of health across the world. It is proposed that the discourse on 'global health' should be extended beyond conventional boundaries towards an ecocentric conception of global/planetary health in an increasingly interdependent planet characterised by a multitude of interlinked crises. Finally, it is noted that the paucity of workable strategies towards achieving greater equity in sustainable global health is not so much due to lack of understanding of, or insight into, the invisible dimensions of power, but is rather the outcome of seeking solutions from within belief systems and cognitive biases that cannot offer solutions. Hence the need for a new framing perspective for global health that could reshape our thinking and actions. © 2016 by Kerman University of Medical Sciences.
Striking disparities in access to healthcare and in health outcomes are major characteristics of health across the globe. This inequitable state of global health and how it could be improved has become a highly popularized field of academic study. In a series of articles in this journal the roles of power and politics in global health have been addressed in considerable detail. Three points are added here to this debate. The first is consideration of how the use of definitions and common terms, for example ‘poverty eradication,’ can mask full exposure of the extent of rectification required, with consequent failure to understand what poverty eradication should mean, how this could be achieved and that a new definition is called for. Secondly, a criticism is offered of how the term ‘global health’ is used in a restricted manner to describe activities that focus on an anthropocentric and biomedical conception of health across the world. It is proposed that the discourse on ‘global health’ should be extended beyond conventional boundaries towards an ecocentric conception of global/planetary health in an increasingly interdependent planet characterised by a multitude of interlinked crises. Finally, it is noted that the paucity of workable strategies towards achieving greater equity in sustainable global health is not so much due to lack of understanding of, or insight into, the invisible dimensions of power, but is rather the outcome of seeking solutions from within belief systems and cognitive biases that cannot offer solutions. Hence the need for a new framing perspective for global health that could reshape our thinking and actions. PMID:27694651
Bech, Emily Cochran
We know that government performance and the tone of political debate can affect citizens’ trust in state institutions and political leaders, which have long been known to underpin democratic sustainability. But how does political debate about public employees affect their confidence in political...
Using Denkyira (an Akan tribal group in Ghana) as case study, the paper analyses the emergence, subsistence and declivity of indigenous political systems in post-colonial Africa. It argues that whilst there has been continuity in the cherished values of democracy and development, there has been a change in the political ...
Bischoff, Carina Saxlund; Christiansen, Flemming Juul
parties themselves as well their impact on potentially innovative public decisions. One major expectation is that hierarchical parties with centralized leadership make more efficient decisions but that sustainable innovation outcomes promoted by collaborative efforts are easier to obtain for decentralized...... political parties with participatory internal democratic processes....
Andersen, John; Siim, Birte
identities. Politics of empowerment has to do with the agency and mobilisation dimension of social and political change. The title of the book "Politics of Inclusion and Empowerment" address the leitmotiv: namely to discuss plussumgame between politics of inclusion and politics of empowerment......The objective of the book is to analyse different politics of inclusion and empowerment and the different paradigms of inclusion/exclusion in order to underline the close link between politics of scoial equality and politics of recognition of ciultural difference. Politics of inclusion is thus...... theproductive/innovative linkage of politics of redistributuin and politics og resognition, whnich over a longer time span creates sustainable paths of democratic and social development, which increases the capacity to handle both conflicts about economic resources and life-chances and conflicts about...
Boom, J-T.; Svendsen, Gert Tinggaard
, at the international level, industrial lobbyism was non-significant. Only the 'fossil fuel lobby' played a role. Third, at the national level, one could expect strong political opposition from industry lobbies in case quotas are actually to be distributed at firm level. But trade among countries may benefit industry...
Gil, Leoncio Vega
Our paper has as its first aim to highlight the fact that the approach on which studies about educational policies or the politics of education (the second concept being more widely used in social sciences) have been based so far involves returning to the stance posited by J.A. Maravall--a category composed of ideas, foundations, mind-set,…
politics, put into perspective by (b) R.C.-Dupont 1993 as the movement of the US in a field of tension between eco- and geopolitics; and (c) a 2006 declaration of ten former environmental ministers to end the nuclear age and to reform the UN mandate of the International Atomic Energy Agency....
Aug 29, 2006 ... Political representation as a central component of democratic ... require attention from African scholars, civil society, political leaders and policy- ..... and their constituents' attitudes to representation, from style of doing poli-.
Bühlmann, M; Zumbach, D
Political competition plays a crucial role in the democratic cycle, be it as a possible mainspring of political participation or as the essential element of democratic accountability and responsiveness. Thus, it is not surprising that many scholars focus on the impact and meaning of political competition. Unfortunately, such is very often misspecified as a unidimensional concept. At least since Stefano Bartolini's seminal paper Collusion, Competition and Democracy (1999, 2000), however, th...
McCall, Leslie; Orloff, Ann Shola
Many Democrats hoped that a particular kind of identity politics - women's - would help Hillary Clinton win the White House. In the aftermath of the election, some commentators bemoaned the fact that a majority of white women had voted for Trump, and called it a kind of betrayal, underlining their expectation that women would naturally, on the basis of their gender identity, support a woman with women-friendly politics. Indeed, this kind of thinking about identity politics has been widespread with reference to a number of demographic groups. Meanwhile, identity politics is lamented from the right and left by those who favour a greater emphasis on class-based inequalities, or a greater national identity, some of whom blame identity politics for spawning or justifying a backlash of right-leaning populism in the US. We argue for a turn to a more robust definition of identity as multidimensional and politically mediated for understanding political alignments over the past several decades. The multidimensionality of inequality - intersectionality or complex inequality - is widely accepted in the study of gender and race across the social science disciplines but has yet to be as successfully integrated into studies of electoral politics. Thinking about women's positioning in systems of complex inequality, and how the political parties have or have not articulated the concerns of different groups of women, helps us to understand the 2016 election, as well as past and potentially future political developments. © London School of Economics and Political Science 2017.
Brian J. Gareau
Full Text Available This paper incorporates world-systems perspectives into an analysis of global environmental politics, thus adjoining a political economic analysis of scale with studies of global environmental policy. It is the ability of some social groups and institutions to jump scale that determines how global environmental policies are shaped. The United States carbon-intensive economy is seen to face larger short-term costs from global environmental agreements than many other countries in the core of the world-system, but what remains unexplored in the environmental politics literature is the question of why the United States sees its long-term economic condition hindered by these agreements. This analysis points to the ways industry actors intervene at multiple scales of global environmental negotiations to affect national policy positions as well as larger discourses about science and risk. The article reviews the methyl bromide controversy in the Montreal Protocol to explain why this agreement has recently failed to live up to expectations in removing ozone-depleting substances. The United States is particularly responsible for this impediment: rather than innovate in response to new information and changing international contexts, industry actors have drawn upon US hegemony to enforce their dominant market positions. As the parties to the Montreal Protocol remain polarized over questions of methyl bromide use, this analysis calls for attention to the ways capital, states, and other social institutions are embedded in international environmental agreements and how they use such arrangements to obstruct successful multilateral agreements. I conclude by suggesting that environmental and other social movements might strategize in two ways: 1 by helping support an emergent green hegemony (most apparent in Chinese policy as a counterhegemonic alternative, and 2 by developing strategies that account for the ways industry interests overlap with declining
This thesis investigates the transformation of West-European television systems since the onset of the liberalisation process through a systematic comparison of 17 television systems between 1980 and 2008. The transformation of West-European television systems is analysed through a dualistic
Rose Joy E. Smith
Full Text Available Liberal democracy has become the predominant political regime in the 21st century even in countries that have little or no history of ‘democratic structures and practices’. However, it seems as though setting up a functional, stable, and viable democratic state is harder than overthrowing autocratic rulers. This rhetorical criticism explores gridlocks that hamper the development of universal liberal democratic values by emphasizing the Western hegemonic status of defining what liberal democracy is. It is pertinent to look into this dominant role considering that it is through these values that actions, policies, and other values are to be construed and judged. This paper aims to (1 highlight the role of moral cosmopolitanism as the initial step of Western hegemony, (2 identify the paradox of defining liberal democracy as universal but treating it as a particular, and (3 discuss the ironies of democratic imperialism and its hindrance to self-determination. This paper hopes to shed some light in the importance of various interpretations, definitions, and adaptations of liberal democratic values depending on the context of the society incorporating, its culture, its values, and its identity, in order to find a more comprehensive definition of democracy.
Khrennikova, Polina; Haven, Emmanuel; Khrennikov, Andrei
The Gorini-Kossakowski-Sudarshan-Lindblad equation allows us to model the process of decision making in US elections. The crucial point we attempt to make is that the voter's mental state can be represented as a superposition of two possible choices for either republicans or democrats. However, reality dictates a more complicated situation: typically a voter participates in two elections, i.e. the congress and the presidential elections. In both elections the voter has to decide between two choices. This very feature of the US election system requires that the mental state is represented by a 2-qubit state corresponding to the superposition of 4 different choices. The main issue is to describe the dynamics of the voters' mental states taking into account the mental and political environment. What is novel in this paper is that we apply the theory of open quantum systems to social science. The quantum master equation describes the resolution of uncertainty (represented in the form of superposition) to a definite choice.
O. I. Tupitzya
Thus, viewing the political position of trade unions in a modern democratic society suggests that the trade union units are fully capable to absorb some elements of liberal doctrines. This indicates a broad base complementarity and mutual conceptual foundations of trade unionism and democratic society.
. E J Duru, I A Uno. Abstract. The paper is on contentious political pressures and democratization in Nigeria - A focus on MOSOP. The aim is to show the impact of contentious political pressures on the process of democratization in Nigeria ...
A dimensão político-democrática nas teorias de desenvolvimento sustentável e suas implicações para a gestão local Political-democratic dimension within sustainable development theories and its implications for local management
Full Text Available O artigo analisa diversas concepções de desenvolvimento sustentável, com ênfase nas dimensões do modelo político-administrativo, do papel do Estado e do potencial democrático inerente às abordagens propostas. São analisadas primeiro aquelas concepções que apostam no mercado como força reguladora do desenvolvimento (abordagem econômico-liberal de mercado. Segundo, as abordagens que consideram o Estado e suas instituições de regulação e de planejamento como instrumentos indispensáveis para garantir a prevalência do bem comum no processo de desenvolvimento (abordagem ecológico-tecnocrata de planejamento. Finalmente, as concepções que salientam a necessidade de uma ampla mobilização política e um maior envolvimento da própria população e das organizações da sociedade civil na busca de um modo sustentável de desenvolvimento (abordagem política de participação democrática. Ao final do trabalho, são discutidas as implicações dessas abordagens para a gestão local e sugeridos alguns elementos essenciais na busca de um modelo democratizante de gestão do desenvolvimento sustentável das cidades.The article analyses several concepts of sustainable development, focusing on the following dimensions: the political-administrative model, the role of the State, and the democratic potential of these approaches. First, the paper analyses those approaches that consider the market as the fundamental regulative force of development (market approach of economic liberalism. Second, it tackles approaches that consider the State and its regulatory and planning institutions indispensable instruments to guarantee the prevalence of the common good in developing processes (ecological-technocratic planning approach. Finally, it examines conceptions that highlight the necessity of an extended political mobilisation and an enhanced involvement of the population and civil society organisations in the search for a sustainable mode of
Full Text Available Why do democracies survive or break down? In this paper, it returns to this classic question with an empirical focus on Latin America from 1945 to 2005. The argument deviates from the quantitative literature and a good part of the qualitative literature on democratic survival and breakdown. It is argued that structural variables such as the level of development and inequalities have not shaped prospects for democratic survival in Latin America. Nor, contrary to findings in some of the literature, has economic performance affected the survival of competitive regimes. Instead, it is focused on the regional political environment and on actors’ normative preferences about democracy and dictatorship and their policy radicalism or moderation. It is argued that 1 a higher level of development did not increase the likelihood of democratic survival in Latin America over this long time; 2 if actors have a normative preference for democracy, it is more likely to survive; and 3 policy moderation facilitates democratic survival.
María PUIG GUTIÉRREZ
Full Text Available Let’s sense beforehand in this article a tour concerning the educational European policies that favors the development of a democratic citizenship. The aim that we chase is to understand the way in which nowadays it is being interpreted and stimulated the Citizenship education from European Union. for it we offer a conceptual delimiting of «Citizenship education» and later, we show an analysis of the principal documents and materials elaborated principally by the Council of Europe that mark the way followed by European Union as for education for Democratic Citizenship (EDC.
McIntyre, Thomas D.
The use of sports in the German Democratic Republic and the People's Republic of China is both propagandist and ideological. International sports competition can enhance the country's image and domestic sport is a means of political socialization. (DF)
Full Text Available Citizenship is one notion that generated debates and, on occasion, contradictory positions within academic community, opening the doors not only for political scientists, but for practitioners, activists, politicians as well to step in. The paper aims to explore and highlight how sociologists, political scientists and mass media practitioners envisage responsible and democratic citizenship in Romania. Reviews of literature developments on citizenship in connection with democracy and participation, and perspectives of local journalists, sociologists and political scientists on the intersection of media and responsible citizenship allowed me to highlight key inner marks of responsible and democratic citizenship. The final part of the paper proposes a process of (rethinking citizenship, emphasizing few propositions with a decisive role when drafting responsible and democratic citizenship: citizenship cannot be separated from participation, active participation; citizenship is correlated with political interests; 3. Active citizenship is democratic and responsible citizenship; citizenship has both a private and a public dimension.
The extent of coverage provided by a country's health services is directly related to the level of development of that country's democratic process (and its power relations). The United States is the only developed country whose government does not guarantee access to health care for its citizens. It is also the developed country with the least representative and most insufficient democratic institutions, owing to the constitutional framework of the political system, the privatization of the electoral process, and the enormous power of corporate interests in both the media and the political process. As international experience shows, without a strong labor-based movement willing to be radical in its protests, a universal health care program will never be accepted by the US establishment.
Georgeta TÂMPESCU (LUCA
Full Text Available “No political party is born unless there is need of it, unless it is preceded by certain conditions that make it necessary” - said C. Rădulescu Motru in 1900. The Conservative Democrat Party (1908–1922 led by Take Ionescu became the exponent of the masses that could no longer adhere to the policy of the two historical parties. The petty bourgeoisie of the cities, entrepreneurs, clerks, teachers, lawyers saw in Take Ionescu the leader that could voice their needs and followed him unconditionally. Due to his overflowing personality and to the doctrine he presented, Take Ionescu won new and new supporters, registering never before seen electoral success under the vote poll tax system.
London, David T
.... The Congo's political development from the 1700s to 1960 resulted in a democratically elected Congolese administration that at the time of independence was unable to operate the national government or the economy...
Hansen, Allan Dreyer; Sonnichsen, André
In this interview, Ernesto Laclau discusses his theoretico-political endeavour from the publication of Hegemony and Socialist Strategy; questions of radical democratic subjectivity; the social order, sedimentation and change; and finally his relationship to the work of Michel Foucault....
A democratic learning system can be defined as a system where decisions, processes and behaviour related to learning are established through argumentation (discussion) or negotiation (dialog), voting or consensus (alone or in combination) between those affected by the decision simultaneously...... reaching the learning outcomes, the technical and professional knowledge and insight. In principle the participants must be equal with equal rights and feel committed to the values of rationality and impartiality. The Aalborg Model is an example of a democratic learning system although not 100% democratic......, processes and behaviour related to learning can be established through argumentation (discussion) or negotiation (dialog), voting or consensus (alone or in combination) within the group simultaneously reaching the learning outcomes, the technical and professional knowledge and insight. This article...
This paper's central concern is with signs of fascism in recent political developments in a number of European countries and the United States. It takes the reader back to earlier periods in European and American history when this same anguished question was raised. Thus a longer intellectual history of concerns about the viability of democratic systems is drawn to guide us in our current political evaluations.
Irina V. Smirnova
Full Text Available Thanks to different mass media sources, members of any society are well aware of political developments and events and politicians. Every person has his or her own formed political beliefs and affirmations, interpreters other people's actions during political developments and evaluates events that take place. Political forces, in turn, see a person (a potential elector as an object of external information influence. This lets them use political communication when competing for the power. In the modern democratic society this competition is carried out via parliamentarian debates, politicians' speeches, examining political parties' programs, political agitation and voting. General audience-oriented political discourse implements its function of political information influence. As the goal of any political party's program (as an independent form of text in the system of political discourse is to win the elections and come to power, thus the audience influence function is one of the most fundamental and serve as the basis for the text. The text of a program itself is characterized by its persuasive orientation towards the audience, which reveal itself in such methods as convincing, argumentation, manipulation and evaluation. All the political programs pertain to parties which are at the power or which are in opposition. The main characteristic of oppositional programs is the criticism of the power, vice versa, the dominant party's programs confirm the correctness of their policy. All the political programs are multi-authored. The written form of any political program lets put into practice a detailed text analysis. This article presents the analysis of the texts of two leading Spanish political parties (the Spanish socialist worker's party and the people's party of Spain.
McCormick, Paul R.
The purpose of this study is to examine the experiences of a democratic school leader and understand how his conception of leadership is congruent or incongruent with notions of democracy and democratic leadership. This small, participant-observer case study follows a democratic school leader and his staff for a year and examines those challenges…
This article discusses the normative relationship between contract law and democracy. In particular, it argues that in order to be legitimate contract law needs to have a democratic basis. Private law is not different in this respect from public law. Thus, the first claim made in this article will
Outlines a model process of developing knowledge from within different groups and cultures to allow more equitable participation of all world societies in the definition of global governance. Reviews concepts relevant to education's contributions toward learning and creating democratic global governance. Discusses the educational utility of…
Full Text Available
As an intellectual Jewish immigrant, Hannah Arendt’s work is informed by two key factors: the failures of German intellectuals regarding the rise of fascism and the promise of American democracy. Arendt was haunted by the past and the memories of how the democratic structures of the Weimar Republic had been undermined, manipulated, and finally transformed into a totalitarian terror regime. The issues of freedom, equality, and the shortcomings of democratic societies form a transcultural nexus in her oeuvre. This reading of Arendt will reveal how her efforts to deal with a transatlantic traumatic past shaped the felt need to voice democratic dissent in the United States. While much has been said about her theoretical groundwork on the mechanisms of totalitarian systems, Arendt’s living conditions as a naturalized foreigner, her enthusiasm for American democracy, and her refusal to return to Germany have been largely neglected. Arendt is usually rooted firmly in a European philosophical context. She has been canonized as one of the foremost philosophical thinkers from Germany on the emergence of totalitarian systems and the Holocaust. This transatlantic force field looms large over the second half of the twentieth century in the realm of culture and politics. Among her fellow intellectual émigrés and exiles such as Adorno, Horkheimer, Marcuse, or Fraenkel, Arendt stands out. She decided not to return to the new democratic Germany with its Grundgesetz fashioned along the lines of the American Constitution. Instead, she insisted on becoming naturalized and used her transnational background as a basis to address democratic gaps from the vantage point of an American citizen. First, Mehring shows in which ways Arendt identified herself as an American and wished to become recognized as an American citizen. Second, he reconnects Arendt’s democratic dissent with her efforts to become recognized as an American citizen.
Costera Meijer, I.
Media scholars and journalists expect local media to function as vital institutions for the creation and maintenance of a democratic political and public arena and a general sense of social cohesion and public connection (Aldridge, 2007; Couldry et al., 2007; Franklin, 2006; Rosenstiel et al.,
Chan, Eugene Y
Some prior research has suggested that exposure to the American flag tilts Americans towards Republicanism, while others have proffered that it brings outs a common 'together' perspective instead. We explore a third possibility - that it may actually polarize Americans' political ideology. It is generally accepted that exposure to an environmental cue can shift attitudes and behaviours, at least partly or temporarily, in a manner that is consistent with that cue. Yet, the same cue can mean different things to different people. In the same vein, given how national identity and political ideology are intertwined in the United States, we hypothesize that the American flag should heighten different political beliefs depending on individuals' political ideology. To Democrats, being American is to support Democratic values, but to Republicans, being American is to support Republican values. The American flag thus should heighten Democrats of their Democratic identity, and it should heighten Republicans of their Republican one. The results of an experiment with 752 American respondents who were representative of the US population supported this polarizing effect of the American flag. The theoretical and policy implications of the findings are offered. © 2017 The British Psychological Society.
Despite the potential for media and technology to act as a democratizing force and the challenges to democracy posed by partisanship and the explosion of political media spending, media education and the preparation of active citizens in schools is virtually nonexistent. This essay presents the case for revitalizing media education for the age of…
P H Stoker
democratic control of military and security institutions is strategic to democratisation for two main reasons: firstly because these institutions have a peculiar intimate relationship to political power and secondly because their security functions, including the management of insecurities that may be generated by democratisation ...
Gunnell, John G
During the last half of the twentieth century, the concept of system was arguably the most important concept in the theoretical repertoire of the discipline of American political science. Although systems analysis was broadly employed in the behavioral sciences, David Easton's work was particularly influential in the study of politics. This is in part because he attempted to develop a distinct account of the political system that was not theoretically subservient either to general systems theory or to conceptions of the social system such as that advanced by Talcott Parsons. Although a great deal of attention has been devoted to Easton's theory, the origins and evolution of the system concept in his work have not been carefully reconstructed and analyzed. © 2013 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Educação e sociedade democrática: interpretações sociológicas e desafios à formação política do educador Education and democratic society: sociological interpretations and challenges to political education of educators
Alexandre Silva Virginio
Full Text Available Neste trabalho, procuramos situar o papel da educação na constituição de uma sociedade democrática. A relação entre democracia e educação funda-se na identificação dos predicados da primeira, sobretudo, a partir das contribuições de Karl Mannheim, e nas propriedades da segunda, mormente em sua dimensão política, estribo para a convergência entre processos curriculares e necessidades sociais. Tomando por base a realidade nacional, asseveramos que a construção de uma consciência e personalidade democrática decorre da consecução de uma outra sociabilidade, qual seja, consoante aos valores da reciprocidade e da cooperação, tanto quanto sensível à qualificação dos termos que definem, objetiva e subjetivamente, a qualidade de vida. Tal qualidade decorre, ademais, do desenvolvimento das interpretações críticas e/ou propostas criativas colocadas na e pela experiência cotidiana. Considerando a natureza precária de nossa cidadania, tanto quanto os desafios educacionais em curso, colocamos em relevo o desafio da formação política do educador. Esta dimensão formativa, principalmente se levarmos em conta as carências e dificuldades das classes populares, pode, se observadas e desenvolvidas as relações ético-políticas que permeiam o saber e o fazer docente, conferir um outro cariz, de natureza humanista, ao processo de socialização escolar. Mais do que isso, pode significar a mediação necessária, ainda que não suficiente, entre utopia democrática e sociedade democrática, entre realidade social e contextos de cidadania e entre necessidade da política e mudança social.In this work we aim at pointing out the role of education in the constitution of a democratic society. The relationship between democracy and education is established by the identification of the predicates of the first, mainly from the contributions of Karl Mannheim, and the properties of the latter, especially in its political dimension
Terán Tamayo, Luis Fernando
In this book a fuzzy-based recommender system architecture for stimulating political participation and collaboration is proposed. It showcases the ""Smart Participation"" project, which uses the database of ""smart vote"", a well-known voting advice application (VAA) for local, cantonal and national elections in Switzerland. Additionally, an evaluation framework for e Participation is presented, which allows to analyze different projects and their development towards the enhancement of citizen's participation and empowerment. The book demonstrates the potential for building political communiti
Vetrenko Inna Aleksandrovna
Full Text Available In the article the analysis of problems in the field of political management in modern Russia is carried out. Initially, the author considers the possibility of explaining the nature of these problems through the theory of the “Resource curse”, but it allows only updating the vulnerable areas of the system of political governance in our country, without identification of their nature. The author highlights such aspects of the current state of the political system of Russia, as ethno-federalism, its risks in modern conditions, state capitalism and examines its manifestations in the economy and politics of the country. From the author’s point of view, the analyzed theory of “resource curse” cannot fully explain and solve the multidimensional problems of political management of modern Russia. There are deeper and more systematic characters than a statement about possession of hydrocarbon resources, the sale of which is in the ground budget replenishment. The attention is focused on the fact that one of the weak points in the political management of modern Russia is a decreased credibility and role of the Parliament, as well as the weak institutionalization of small and medium businesses. The factor causing destabilization of social relations and inefficiency of the system of state administration in the Russian Federation is an established model of ethno-federalism – “Matreshka”. Such system of administrative and territorial structure of the country decreases the values of the statehood. The author highlights that the article largely reflects the positions of those political scientists who try to go beyond logical, but at the same time limited postulates of liberal theories when searching for a way out from difficult socio-political situation in the country. These concepts are ideologized and cannot escape the temptation of stigmatization of Russia as a country “cursed” by its natural resources.
Ho, Lara S; Labrecque, Guillaume; Batonon, Isatou; Salsi, Viviana; Ratnayake, Ruwan
More than a decade of conflict has weakened the health system in the Democratic Republic of Congo and decreased its ability to respond to the needs of the population. Community scorecards have been conceived as a way to increase accountability and responsiveness of service providers, but there is limited evidence of their effects, particularly in fragile and conflict-affected contexts. This paper describes the implementation of community scorecards within a community-driven reconstruction project in two provinces of eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. Between June 2012 and November 2013, 45 stories of change in the health system were collected from village development committee, health committee, community members (20 men and 18 women) and healthcare providers (n = 7) in 25 sites using the Most Significant Change technique. Stories were analyzed qualitatively for content related to the types and mechanisms of change observed. The most salient changes were related to increased transparency and community participation in health facility management, and improved quality of care. Quality of care included increased access to services, improved patient-provider relationships, improved performance of service providers, and improved maintenance of physical infrastructure. Changes occurred through many different mechanisms including provider actions in response to information, pressure from community representatives, or supervisors; and joint action and improved collaboration by health facility committees and providers. Although it is often assumed that confrontation is a primary mechanism for citizens to change state-provided services, this study demonstrates that healthcare providers may also be motivated to change through other means. Positive experiences of community scorecards can provide a structured space for interface between community members and the health system, allowing users to voice their opinions and preferences and bridge information gaps for both
Milana, Marcella; Bern Jensen, Tore
Since the mid-90es the importance of strengthening democratic citizenship (DC) through learning activities has become an important aspect of European education policy. Accordingly, civic competences (CCs), "based on knowledge of social and political concepts and structures and a commitment...... activities organized by the non-formal adult education system in cooperation with national NGOs, which aim at promoting CCs among the out-of-school and unemployed population. The analysis will draw extensively on the Danish "folkeoplysning" research tradition, which provides a useful frame for interpreting...
Full Text Available The bases of the political art of John Dewey or his new practice of democratic citizenship are reviewed. Dewey is acknowledged as one of the most prominent of the American philosophers in the first half of the twentieth century. He is also the most influential due to endowing philosophy a public task, namely, political and educational concern. From the instrumentalist method applied to the political area, crucial postulates in the major writings of Dewey are selected to revitalize the meaning and draw up the practical impacts of the central element of his political philosophy: ‘the collective power of democratic community’.
Transparency and accountability are essential pillars of democratic government the world over. These virtues are significant in measuring the success or otherwise of any democratic system. Apart from the activities of anti-graft agencies in combating corruption in the society, the mass media are often looked upon as ...
Luis Henrique Leandro Ribeiro
Full Text Available The Uni ed Health System (SUS constitutes a large technological system wi- thin the Brazilian territory since it aggregates a broad and diverse materiality in organizing and managing its ows. Additionally, it has two other attributes that make it unique: high sensibility to speci cities of different places; and technical and political centralization and decentralization of its actions. The macro dimen- sion is the SUS, leading it to be understood not simply as a health system, through its: multidimensionality – elements of other life instances (social, economic, cul- tural and political; broad and unequal spectrum of actors (state and non-state who move it and the meanings of its actions; and the trans-scaleness of its con- cretion in places (local, national and international nexuses. As an infrastructure of everyday life, it is a hegemonic large technological system that acts upon objec- tive (technosphere and subjective (psychosphere conditions of existence, a con- ception that has important implications for health policy and territory integration.
Jaeger, Mark Daniel; Michaelowa, Katharina
Along with the large middle-income countries Brazil, China, and South Africa, India has been put under increasing pressure to shoulder parts of the mitigation burden and commit to national emission reduction targets. India, however, refers to its limited capacity and widespread poverty. Is India......-poor arguments advanced at the international level. Given their large number and the country's democratic system, the poor do have some weight in Indian politics. However, pro-poor policies end where they do not translate into greater vote shares. Moreover, India's international position ignores the existing...
Baer, H A
This essay presents an effort to incorporate the "environment" into critical medical anthropology. Rather than relying upon the multifactorial approach characteristic of medical ecology or biocultural approaches in medical anthropology, it urges critical medical anthropologists to turn to the burgeoning literature on eco-Marxism, eco-socialism, or political ecology in their efforts to develop a political ecology of health. Given that political ecologists generally advocate democratic eco-socialism as a meaningful alternative to the capitalist world system, this essay also presents a critical examination of the environmental record of post-revolutionary societies.
Welch, S. E.
The paper advances an interpretation of political scandal and its place in democratic politics, taking the scandals of the ‘Watergate era’ in American politics as its evidential basis. The interpretation focuses on an aspect of political scandal that has been neglected in existing treatments, namely the politically constructed rather than epistemologically simple nature of scandalous ‘exposure’. The career of the ‘smoking gun’ in the Watergate era provides illustration. The paper goes on to r...
Full Text Available Starting from the socio-political context of changes that have affected the education systems of Eastern European countries, the authors summarize the specific nature of the process of democratization of education in Europe at the turn of the century. The paper analyzes the purpose of democratization of education and of introduction of Civic Education and Religious Education classes in the education system of the Republic of Serbia, observing the idea that education may serve as a generator of social changes, and stating that school is an important support pillar in promoting and accepting the values of the community, as well as in personal growth and the development of every individual. The presented theoretical concepts are supported by the summary of results of empirical studies that have been focused on the analysis of the pedagogical aspects of the implementation of teaching these subjects at the secondary level of education from the perspective of teachers, pupils and parents. Based on the insight into the topic, the authors suggest searching for a “common tangent” in Civic Education and Religious Education teaching process via an open and tolerant dialogue of participants of both subjects, which would enable the exchange of experiences, attitudes, and opinions of pupils, as well as coinciding and permeating of spiritual and democratic values as a foundation for further democratization of school in general. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 179036: Pedagogical Pluralism as the Basis for Education Policy
Full Text Available The article proposes a reflection on the idea of monumentality in political and religious power, and its reconversion of a democratic society. There are 3+1 types of cultural exhibition space that are analyzed: the traditional palace or the church, which contain great works of classical art, inside of the historic centers; the art galleries associated with market economy, tend to stimulate the city centre area, and the autonomy of the architectural object in the vicinity of the traditional city. Lastly it is referred the case study - Silo Cultural Space - inside the Norteshopping, but arranged in a peripheral form, which is distinguished by an apparent proximity to multiple public.
Well-stated modern political or democratic theory is rights-based. Meaningful democracy rests as a precondition on the equal rights of citizens. This idea stems from Rousseau’s distinction between a general will*one which is impersonal and tends toward equality, that is, the equal basic rights of citizens*and a transitory will of all. For instance, absent equal basic rights, one might imagine a possible world in which what I have called a self-undermining series of wills of all, or the ...
Millei, Zsuzsa; Kallio, Kirsi Pauliina
In his inspirational article titled 'Bringing politics into the nursery', Peter Moss argues for early childhood institutions to "become" places of 'democratic political practice'. In this article, the authors add to Moss's call and argue that these institutions are sites of 'mundane political practice', containing various attitudinal…
Full Text Available Political transition of Albania is a phenomenon that started since the death of Enver Hoxha, the dictator of communist regime in Albania. After the death of Enver Hoxha on 11 April 1985, Ramiz Alia was appointed as his successor, who for 40 years had been at Enver Hoxha’s side as his most trusted man. He succeeded Hoxha for nearly 6 years believing that he would maintain the communist system. Ramiz Alia came on duty as the head of the Albanian state when the economic situation was very precarious. Political and economic legacy led by Hoxha was almost miserable. The country had the severest political system throughout the communist bloc. In a political point of view, the country’s new leader was elected precisely to continue the political legacy of former leader Hoxha. Ramiz Alia was forced to take immediate measures to change the degraded situation. He undertook several reforms to improve the situation in the country. Among other things, Alia expressed the equality of Albanian citizens, freedoms and human rights. Events were passing each other, marking a great historical importance. Among other things, Alia approved the political pluralism giving way to significant social changes. Echoes of these events and the positive developments in the country do not remain outside the attention of internationals. The arrival of political pluralism and the establishment of Democratic Party, the first opposition party in the country and other political entities exposed the European dream of Albanians. Massive movements in the form of protests and rallies, aimed at overturning the communist regime in the country Main objective of this paper is the analysis of the Political transition of Albania 1985-1991.
The incidence of political anger and its dynamics calls for concern in the political arena. It has left in its trail all forms of casualties and threat to political and democratic stability in Nigeria. This paper argued that high stakes in politics, limited avenues for ventilating anger, the tendency to focus on majority ethnic groups while ...
Full Text Available Se analizan las transformaciones de los partidos políticos y del sistema de partidos, tras la desaparición de los líderes fundadores de los tres principales partidos políticos modernos: Bosch (PLD, Peña Gómez (PRD y Balaguer (PRSC. Se analizan los procesos constitutivos del sistema de partidos y los estilos de liderazgo. Se discute la relación del sistema de partidos con el Estado, destacando su ascendiente neopatrimonialista y la función del clientelismo. Finalmente, se proponen algunas notas destacando el proceso de formación de una élite neopatrimonialista y el manejo clientelar de la política electoral.The analysis of transformation of political parties as well as the party system have taken place after the disappearance of the three mayor political leaders and founders of the three most important modern political parties: Bosch (PLD, Peña Gómez (PRD and Balaguer (PRSC. The constituent process of party system and leadership styles have been studied. The relationship between party systems and the State have been discussed, emphasizing its neopatrimonialist ascending and clientelism performance. Finally, a few notes have been provided in order to address the development of a neopatrimonialist elite and clientelistic management of electoral politics.
Full Text Available Nowadays “education for citizenship” is presented as a solution for many of the political, social, and co-existential issues in Western democratic societies in order to tackle dysfunctionalities produced by globalization, populism, migration, information and communication technologies (ICTs, and violence. At the same time, particularly among “millennials” or “digital natives”, lack of civil commitment and apathy toward politics as a whole contrasts with their intensive usage of digital social networks, or social media. By examining in-depth the scientific literature about the potential conceptual correlations between the use of “digital social networks” and civilian participation among “millennials”, this paper explores two widely studied paradigmatic events of democratic regeneration: the “Kitchenware Revolution” in Iceland after the financial collapse on 6 October 2008, and the “15M Movement” in Spain after 15 May 2011. Despite the substantial relevance that digital social networks played in both cases, this paper wonders to what extent digital social networks foster millennials’ civilian participation, when, paradoxically, they seem to be the population target who contests the status quo but who is not actually being represented democratically in the formal political system. The author concludes that digital social networks could initially foster civilian participation, but they should be seen as a new artefact that, itself, does not necessarily lead to a better political representation of millennials. As well, this paper argues against the widespread assumption regarding the correlation between socioeconomic and educational status and Internet usage factors of millennials when it comes to civilian participation, particularly in extreme political mobilisation events such as the Kitchenware Revolution and 15M.
Landwehr, Barbara; Weisseno, Georg
Very little research has been conducted on the contribution of political education to learning progress in Germany. Hence, there is a need for intervention studies measuring performance against the theoretical background of a political competence model. This model comprises three constructs: subject knowledge, motivation and attitudes. According…
Paldam, Martin; Gundlach, Erich
The paper considers the transformation of the political system as countries pass through the Grand Transition from a poor developing country to a wealthy developed country. In the process most countries change from an authoritarian to a democratic political system. This is shown by using the Gast....... The long-run result survives various robustness tests. We show how the Grand Transition view resolves the seeming contradiction between the long-run and the short- to medium-run effects....... democracy index from Freedom House. First, the basic pattern of correlations reveals that a good deal of the short- to medium-run causality appears to be from democracy to income. Then a set of extreme biogeographic instruments is used to demonstrate that the long-run causality is from income to democracy...
Yacoubian, Hagop A.
Scientifically literate citizens must be able to engage in making decisions on science-based social issues. In this paper, I start by showing examples of science curricula and policy documents that capitalise the importance of engaging future citizens in decision-making processes whether at the personal or at the societal levels. I elucidate the ideological underpinnings behind a number of the statements within those documents that have defined the trajectory of scientific literacy and have shaped what ought to be considered as personal and societal benefits. I argue that science curricula and policy documents can truly endorse scientific literacy when they embed principles of democratic education at their core. The latter entails fostering learning experiences where some of the underlying assumptions and political ideologies are brought to the conscious level and future citizens encouraged to reflect upon them critically and explicitly. Such a proposal empowers the future citizens to engage in critical deliberation on science-based social issues without taking the underlying status quo for granted. I end up the paper by situating the preparation of scientifically literate citizens within a framework of democratic education, discuss conditions through which a curriculum for scientific literacy can serve democratic decision-making processes, and provide modest recommendations.
Scholten, D.J.; Bosman, Rick
This paper explores the potential political implications of the geographic and technical characteristics of renewable energy systems. This is done through a thought experiment that imagines a purely renewable based energy system, keeping all else equal. We start by noting that all countries have
V A Annikova
Full Text Available The article examines the process of forming the theory of systems as a scientific paradigm of social-humanitarian cognition. Focusing their attention on the interpretations of the structural composition of a political system, the authors analyze the relations between the state and the citizens of modern Russia, the actually effective mechanisms of interaction between the authorities and public associations.
Full Text Available Until a few months to the 2015 general elections, many political parties that have conveniently hibernated for a better part of their existence, perhaps owing to lack of proper organizational structure or support base, uncoordinated programmes or were registered because of pecuniary gains or admittance of anticipated poor electoral outing, suddenly began to jostle for political space. The main opposition party and the ruling party were either perfecting a merger processes or engulfed in internal wrangling such that communication with the electorate on fundamental issues became inconsequential. In fact, the two dominant parties, the Peoples Democratic Party and All Progressive Congress only produced their presidential candidates less than five months to the election; and the electoral campaign assumed desperate contestation in a climate of prejudice and intolerance. Hate speeches and violence were the hallmarks of their electoral campaigns. The 2015 general elections therefore, offer a unique context to interrogate the place of party political communication in an emerging democracy and specifically how hate campaigns among political gladiators/contending parties could generate violence, and if not tamed, derail democratic consolidation. This essay affirms that hate speech is not only inspired by some social circumstances but also part of a general democratic process. It attests to the fact that Nigerian politicians have become more desperate and daring in taking and retaining political power; and more intolerant of opposition, criticism and efforts at replacing them. Relying extensively on secondary sources with the aid of descriptive and narrative tools, this essay concludes that the political culture of a country determines the behavior and attitude of the population towards the political system and that democratic transition from one administration to another, particularly in emerging democracies, has often been accompanied by violence
Tybur, Joshua M; Merriman, Leslie A; Hooper, Ann E Caldwell; McDonald, Melissa M; Navarrete, Carlos David
Previous research suggests that several individual and cultural level attitudes, cognitions, and societal structures may have evolved to mitigate the pathogen threats posed by intergroup interactions. It has been suggested that these anti-pathogen defenses are at the root of conservative political ideology. Here, we test a hypothesis that political conservatism functions as a pathogen-avoidance strategy. Across three studies, we consistently find no relationship between sensitivity to pathogen disgust and multiple measures of political conservatism. These results are contrasted with theoretical perspectives suggesting a relationship between conservatism and pathogen avoidance, and with previous findings of a relationship between conservatism and disgust sensitivity.
Full Text Available This article seeks to unpack the idea of the automaton as a figure of political dissent within technological networks. The idea of the automaton is that of a body where the concepts of life, agency, and subjectivity are in question; these questions have made the automaton into an important element in the projects of Enlightenment humanism and as an unspoken element in posthumanist examination of the cyborg. The figure of the automaton is an expression of Cartesian mind-body dualism that reverses the idea of cogito ergo sum, by questioning the intentionality that lies behind the acts of another body. The body exists, but does it think? This article is not concerned with the idea of the automaton as an object of transcendental dualism, but rather aims to investigate this idea in terms of its immanence within network communication. The automaton is an idea that deliberately complicates the relationship between machines and individuals within a network, without prioritising either perspective. As Alan Turing shows, we cannot predict whether a computer on a network (or other machine is being used by a human agent, or whether the machine is simply programmed to act autonomously. The issue is then, are the actions of political dissent of a single node on a computer network the product of an independent agent working in tandem within a democratic framework? Or, is it the reverse: are these acts of political dissidence the automated actions of a small number of individuals exploiting systems of automation in order to achieve political goals? If we use the automaton to stand in as a figure that is neither entirely human nor entirely cyborgean, then certain concerns of network politics and assumptions about the democratic nature of network communications become destabilised.
Brewer, Dominic J.; Killeen, Kieran M.; Welsh, Richard O.
This brief utilizes case study methodology to illustrate the role of governance in educational accountability systems. Most research on the effectiveness of such systems has focused on technical components, such as standards-setting, assessments, rewards and sanctions, and data collection and reporting. This brief seeks to demonstrate that this…
This dissertation focuses on the relationship of American nuclear energy to democracy. It examines whether the nuclear policy processes have furthered the legitimacy-government accountability and citizen participation-which the democratic institutes are based. Nuclear policy and its institutions have placed severe limitations on democratic practices. Contravened democracy is seen most clearly in the decoupling of policy from politics. Decoupling refers to the weakening of institutional linkages between citizens and government, and to the erosion of the norms that ground liberal democracy. Decoupling is manifested in policy centralization, procedural biases, technical rationality, and the spatial displacement of conflict. Decoupling has normative implications: While federal accountability was limited and citizen participation was shackled, other major groups enjoyed privileged access to policy making. The decoupling of nuclear policy from politics arose within the context of US liberal-democratic capitalism. The federal government pursued its own goals of defense and world leadership. Yet, it was not structurally autonomous from the hegemony of the political-economic context. Economically, the Atomic Energy Act did not permit federal agencies to directly invest in power plant construction, and did not authorize them to commercially generate electricity. Private industry was structurally placed to domesticate the atom. Politically, the liberal-democratic system hampered an unquestioning pursuit of atomic energy. Federal institutions have been forced to heed some of the anti-nuclear concerns. The pervasive influence of the US political economy on nuclear policy has come to transgress democracy. Nuclear power's growth faltered during the 1970s. The political and economic constraints on federal actions have limited the means available to revive a becalmed nuclear industry; this has exerted strong pressure on federal institutions to decouple policy from participation
Social values, which represent our visions, determine the decisions made in the energy sector more than their technical feasibility. The present energy system is based on 80 % fossil fuels. This situation will continue at least for the coming 20 years, since there are no innovations and no radical change of lifestyle to be expected within this time frame. The absolute level of energy consumption will raise. The rural - urban migration will continue. Scenarios of feasible energy developments may be characterized by fossil-, renewable and nuclear driven energy technologies. The worldwide energy resources are plentiful available and are sufficient even for a growing population. The conflicting objectives of the decision makers in the energy sector drive the energy dichotomies, the sustainability, and the effects of energy competition to an even more severe situation. System Engineering is an approach, which combines systems analysis and technology know-how and by which realistic and optimal energy solutions may be developed. Verbundplan uses System Engineering to plan and erect complex power systems, especially hydro power plants, to evaluate decisions in the energy and environmental field and to optimize investments and the operation of energy systems. (author)
Eka Hendry AR.
Full Text Available Inspired by the book of Michael Mann about the dark side of democracy that discusses the paradox between the ideality of democratic values and empirical realities of violence in the name of freedom (democracy, this paper begins with the exposure of the paradox, such as the rise of the violent conflict between groups of people (both ethnic and religious-based and the high prevalence of violence between religious groups in Indonesia. Even worse, a very wrenching violence involves state actors (rulers. This paper tries to understand the roots of the paradox, with a look at how the relationship between state and religion and the religious community trend of Indonesia (especially Muslims. The author argues that the democratization of religion is a solution to the issues. To answer what kind of religious democracy lives in Indonesia, the author analyzes through a religious procedural (or constitutional democratic dimension and religious substantial democratic dimension. The phenomenon of disobedience of law and system and the euphoria of law-making that reflects “intolerance” in several places in Indonesia display the fundamental issue in the religious procedural democracy. Whereas in the context of religious substantial democracy, the prevailing trend of religion that serves as a political and economic vehicle and ignores religion as a substantial aspect of the behavior of the Indonesian society has resulted in the marginalization of religious position and function. Then, the infiltration of the model of political Islam has also led to alienation of the character of the Islamic society of Indonesia, from a democratic pattern to a revival (radical one. In this light, the author needs to present a strategy to encourage religious democracy in Indonesia, structurally through formulating the ideal relation model between state and religion and culturally through a substantial pattern of religion embedded with the character of Indonesian religious
If one reads Michel Foucault "backward," so to speak, one can sense the contours of a "big narrative" of "the political" which is founded on the claim that "Where there is obedience there cannot be parrhesia" (Foucault, 2011, p. 336). What Foucault is doing with this sentence is breaking the circle...... from showing how obedience is incompatible with a politics of truth. The unity created by centralized domination, he holds, is democratically "false," however legitimate it may be. There can be no real democracy where laypeople are commanded to hand over their capacity and right to govern themselves...
Full Text Available Political participation and the public education that have always been deployed to support the incipient progress of the civic life are revived in the modern political discourses. It has been believed that the age of pre-Socrates was the age of the Sophists whose acrid fallacy works occupied the political sphere, a malaise in government. However, speaking non-traditionally in the modern pedagogical system, there were some pre-Socratic thinkers and political philosophers/orators who’s works are the backbone of modern discourse on this matter. It will be examined whether any part of the classical rhetoric apparatus can be recovered and put to a good practice in the modern education and modern political participation. This point will be illustrated, furthermore, in this paper by alleging the importance of rhetoric, its role in Ancient Greek Democracy, and its influence on the modern concepts of power and democracy, as a continual element in a historical-political life. The further consideration is whether there was any democratic Polis existed in Ancient Athens and then, if there was, what characteristics it consisted of. Moreover, whether such concept can or should be considered in modern political discourses. In this sense, the liberal, non-dogmatic strain of the sophistry of Isocrates tradition urges us to indicate that the findings of this educational principles are, if not necessary, but adjutant complementary metes to our modern political knowledge of the states. In the end, it is inquired to see comparatively that how the tradition of rhetorical art and the concept of power in the Ancient Greek society have pertained to the modern democratic elements and whether we are able to empower this influential element in modern states.
Palmer, Ayo; Anya, Samuel E; Bloch, Paul
In developing countries building national health research systems is a movement similar to a political leadership contest. Increasingly, political campaigns to select leaders depend less on ideologies and political messages and more on promising change that will promptly improve the quality of life of the voters. In this process the benefits and risks of every action and statement made by the candidates are carefully assessed.Approaches currently promoted to strengthen health research within ministries of health in developing countries place emphasis on implementing logical steps towards building national health research systems including developing a national health research policy and strategic plan, conducting a situational analysis of research in the country, setting a national health research agenda, establishing research ethics and scientific committees, and building human and institutional capacity for health research management and conduct. Although these processes have successfully improved the standards of health research in some settings, many developing countries struggle to get the process going. One reason is that this approach does not deal with basic questions posed within a ministry of health, namely, "What is the political benefit of the ministry assuming control of the process?" and "What are the political implications for the ministry if another institution spearheads the process?"Seen from the perspective of non-governmental organizations, academic institutions and donors trying to support the processes of strengthening national health research systems, one of the foremost activities that needs to be undertaken is to analyze the political context of national health research and, on that basis, plan and implement appropriate political health research advocacy initiatives. This includes the development of explicit messages on the political benefits to the leadership in the ministry of health of their role in the conduct, management and
Full Text Available Abstract In developing countries building national health research systems is a movement similar to a political leadership contest. Increasingly, political campaigns to select leaders depend less on ideologies and political messages and more on promising change that will promptly improve the quality of life of the voters. In this process the benefits and risks of every action and statement made by the candidates are carefully assessed. Approaches currently promoted to strengthen health research within ministries of health in developing countries place emphasis on implementing logical steps towards building national health research systems including developing a national health research policy and strategic plan, conducting a situational analysis of research in the country, setting a national health research agenda, establishing research ethics and scientific committees, and building human and institutional capacity for health research management and conduct. Although these processes have successfully improved the standards of health research in some settings, many developing countries struggle to get the process going. One reason is that this approach does not deal with basic questions posed within a ministry of health, namely, "What is the political benefit of the ministry assuming control of the process?" and "What are the political implications for the ministry if another institution spearheads the process?" Seen from the perspective of non-governmental organizations, academic institutions and donors trying to support the processes of strengthening national health research systems, one of the foremost activities that needs to be undertaken is to analyze the political context of national health research and, on that basis, plan and implement appropriate political health research advocacy initiatives. This includes the development of explicit messages on the political benefits to the leadership in the ministry of health of their role in the
Blom-Hansen, Jens; Houlberg, Kurt; Serritzlew, Søren
, are amalgamated to harvest scale effects. The purpose of this article is to evaluate the argument on economies of scale in the economic costs of running political systems. Our testing ground is a recent Danish reform. It allows us to avoid endogeneity problems often facing researchers of size reforms. The reform...
Full Text Available Review of Global Warming and the Political Ecology of Health: Emerging Crisis and Systemic Solutions. Hans Baer and Merrill Singer. 2008. Left Coast Press, Inc., Walnut Creek, CA. Pp. 238. $32.95 (paperback. ISBN 978-1-59874-354-8.
Sadchenko Olena Vasylivna
Full Text Available The article deals with proposals for entrepreneurial model of environmental management, in particular environmental marketing in modern political and administrative systems. In the context of the complexity of the social structure, forming a dense network of communications, globalization, cultural and economic-ecological space offers new mechanisms for the relationship between the state and civil society in environmental management.
paved the way either to the strengthening or resurgence of the hegemony, both in policy and discourse, of: [a] “global war on terrorism” over historically sensitive conflict resolution mechanisms; [b] “authoritarian liberalism” over democratization; and [c] neo-liberalism over developmental statism....... Each of these phenomena is inherently unstable and conflict-ridden. Hence, the securitization of social life in the region is not resulting in the reproduction of security-development agenda patterned after the US, but in the reproduction of social antagonisms that spring from the very contradictions...
Full Text Available This paper aims at analysing political correctness in the context of education. Political correctness has already been widely studied and commented on; however, the phenomenon has received surprisingly little attention in relation to schooling and, particularly, teachers. In the Polish system of education, political correctness is manifest first of all in the overt policy applied by people in charge of education, who refrain from using terminology of e.g. “free market,” “commercial value,” “product,” “competition,” or “profit,” which could be unfavourably received or assessed by teachers. It turns out that political correctness, though founded upon proper assumptions and ideally contributing to common good, can be incorrectly understood or used for political purposes, and thus lose its initial sense, thwart communication between politicians and teachers and hinder their mutual understanding or even render it impossible. This paper attempts to reveal yet another set of conditions, this time the language-related ones, in which contemporary teachers work.
Feinberg, Matthew; Tullett, Alexa M.; Mensch, Zachary; Hart, William; Gottlieb, Sara
It is commonly assumed that how individuals identify on the political spectrum–whether liberal, conservative, or moderate–has a universal meaning when it comes to policy stances and voting behavior. But, does political identity mean the same thing from place to place? Using data collected from across the U.S. we find that even when people share the same political identity, those in “bluer” locations are more likely to support left-leaning policies and vote for Democratic candidates than those in “redder” locations. Because the meaning of political identity is inconsistent across locations, individuals who share the same political identity sometimes espouse opposing policy stances. Meanwhile, those with opposing identities sometimes endorse identical policy stances. Such findings suggest that researchers, campaigners, and pollsters must use caution when extrapolating policy preferences and voting behavior from political identity, and that animosity toward the other end of the political spectrum is sometimes misplaced. PMID:28207906
Feinberg, Matthew; Tullett, Alexa M; Mensch, Zachary; Hart, William; Gottlieb, Sara
It is commonly assumed that how individuals identify on the political spectrum-whether liberal, conservative, or moderate-has a universal meaning when it comes to policy stances and voting behavior. But, does political identity mean the same thing from place to place? Using data collected from across the U.S. we find that even when people share the same political identity, those in "bluer" locations are more likely to support left-leaning policies and vote for Democratic candidates than those in "redder" locations. Because the meaning of political identity is inconsistent across locations, individuals who share the same political identity sometimes espouse opposing policy stances. Meanwhile, those with opposing identities sometimes endorse identical policy stances. Such findings suggest that researchers, campaigners, and pollsters must use caution when extrapolating policy preferences and voting behavior from political identity, and that animosity toward the other end of the political spectrum is sometimes misplaced.
Full Text Available It is commonly assumed that how individuals identify on the political spectrum-whether liberal, conservative, or moderate-has a universal meaning when it comes to policy stances and voting behavior. But, does political identity mean the same thing from place to place? Using data collected from across the U.S. we find that even when people share the same political identity, those in "bluer" locations are more likely to support left-leaning policies and vote for Democratic candidates than those in "redder" locations. Because the meaning of political identity is inconsistent across locations, individuals who share the same political identity sometimes espouse opposing policy stances. Meanwhile, those with opposing identities sometimes endorse identical policy stances. Such findings suggest that researchers, campaigners, and pollsters must use caution when extrapolating policy preferences and voting behavior from political identity, and that animosity toward the other end of the political spectrum is sometimes misplaced.
This publication includes an analysis regarding which RE-electricity governance framework should be chosen on a global basis, both in Europe and in Denmark, and how the political system should be designed in order to handle technological change that encounters strong resistance from established energy companies on the market. We thus analyse both the RE-electricity institutional framework ('first order' institutional framework), and the political system that designs and governs this framework ('second order' institutional framework). This 'double purpose' is motivated by the current situation of change, which is characterised by a crucial shift away from techno-organisational structures linked to fossil fuels and uranium, to new and relatively weak (politically and financially speaking) techno-organisations linked to energy conservation and the use of RE resources. This change often implies a decrease in the market share of financially and politically well established fossil fuel based companies. A fact that often results in a win/lose situation (seen from the viewpoint of these companies) is that, compared to the previous situation, they mostly do not possess any competitive comparative advantages when it comes to the development and implementation of the new green energy technologies. In many cases, in fact, they are even disadvantaged, due to their stranded hardware and software costs. Therefore, developing and implementing new technologies within such companies mostly has to compete with the short-term marginal costs of fossil fuel techniques. This condition has been enforced, especially since these companies have, in recent years, and especially in Europe, consistently shown excess capacity. In the current situation, the Parliament has an important role to play, as the institution supporting the innovation and implementation of the new green technologies that are considered 'innovation risks' by fossil fuel and uranium based companies. The Parliament is
Kessel, van W.M.J.; Maloka, E.
This chapter examines what democratic transition in the 1990s has meant for women in southern Africa. It focuses in particular on the impact of democratization processes on political participation by women, notably women's representation in parliament in Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius,
Mooney, Patrick H.
Sustainable development demands institutions manage the conflicts and struggles that inevitably arise over material and ideal interests. While current cooperative theory privileges the economic element, a political economy of cooperation emphasizes cooperatives' tentative bridging of economic and political spheres with a democratic ethos. The…
Hahonou, Eric Komlavi
The paper retraces the recent political emancipation of the Gando, a group of people from Northern Benin whose servile status had been an argument for placing them at the margins of their society and excluding them from political participation. Since the recent democratization process that took p...
27 Mayıs Darbesi Sonrası Celal Bayar ve Eski Demokrat Partililerin Türk Siyasi Hayatına Etkileri Ss, 2585-2598 The Effects of Celal Bayar and Former-Democratic Party Members on Turkish Political Life After the Coup of 27th May
Full Text Available Coup of 27th May 1960 was made against the Democratic Partygovernment. Other actors of the multi-party political life in Turkey,such as Republican Peoples Party and Republican Peasants’ NationParty were keeping its position, Democratic Party was officially bannedby the new regime. After the coup, 500 members of the party, includingex-prime ministers, ministers, parliamentarians and officials werearrested. A new court named Supreme Court of Justice wasestablished. After a year of prosecution process, Supreme Court ofJustice sentenced these members ranging from life imprisonment todeath penalty. The ex-president and the ministers who were sentencedto life imprisonment and death penalty were all pardoned after theheavy pressures of the Democratic Party electorates. The need for astabilization and the political anticipations of the new parties alsoplayed an important role on this decision. Some of them was freedbefore because of their health problems. After gaining their freedom,these politicians struggled for their political rights and fought to gettheir reestablishments. Although these politicians were all freed fromtheir penalties, they were also banned from any politicial activities, suchas membership to parties and participation in elections. They also werebanned from doing their previous jobs. At the end they got their rightsafter the reconciliation of the government and the opposition. With thenegative effects of 12th March 1971 and 12th September 1980 events,this process turned into a very harsh one. Former Democratic Partymembers at that time initiated to form their ex-party again. By doingthis they also wanted to establish the center-right policy again inTurkey. They were unsuccessful at this initiative because of the newand powerful parties of that time, most of which were founded by theex-Democrats, and their supporters from the young generations. In thisarticle, the struggle of the ex-Democrats will be evaluated. 27 Mayıs darbesi
The emergence of state system in the history of mankind brought alongside issues that border on the modalities for its existence. There has actually not been any known rigid formula for its emergence. This has been eliciting excitement and, on many occasions, conflicts among proponents and opponents of rigid state ...
The authoritarian standpoint in medicine has been under challenge by various groups and researchers since the 1980s. The challenges have been ethical, political and medical, with patient movements at the forefront. Over the past decade, however, a deep challenge has been posed by evidence......-based medicine (EBM), which has challenged the entire strategy of medical treatment from the point of view of a self-critical, anti-authoritarian and hereby also (it has been claimed) a more democratic medical practice. Previously, the challenges arose out of the patient rights perspective. EBM, by contrast......, was taken to challenge the way doctors consider their medical practice as a whole. The present paper puts this claim of democratization into a historical context. Two dimensions of the democratization hypothesis are discussed and it is argued that they are insufficient to capture the substantial changes...
Mubedi, Josué Ilunga; Devarajan, Naresh; Le Faucheur, Séverine; Mputu, John Kayembe; Atibu, Emmanuel K; Sivalingam, Periyasamy; Prabakar, Kandasamy; Mpiana, Pius T; Wildi, Walter; Poté, John
Physicochemical and ecotoxicological analyses have been performed to assess the quality of sediments receiving untreated hospital effluents from Indian and Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) hospitals. The sediments were collected monthly and characterized for grain size, organic matter, total organic carbon, total carbon, nitrogen, phosphorus, toxic metals and ecotoxicity. The results highlight the high concentration of toxic metals from the Indian hospital effluent receiving systems, especially for Cr, Cu, As, Zn and Hg. On the other hand, the metal concentrations in the sediment receiving system from DRC are low (e.g. maximum Hg and Zn concentration were 0.46 and 48.84 mg kg(-1) respectively). Ostracods exposed to sediment samples H2 (September month sample) and H3 (June and September month samples) were found dead after 6d of exposure whereas the higher mortality rate for Congo sediments was 23% but was accompanied with 33 ± 7% of growth inhibition. The results of this study show the variation of sediment composition on toxic metal levels as well as toxicity related to both, the type of hospitals and the sampling period. Additionally, hospital effluent disposal practices at the study sites can lead to the pollution of water resources and may generate risks for aquatic organisms and human health. Copyright © 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
The legislative basis, structure, functions, records and experience of the State System of Accounting for and Control of Nuclear Materials (SSAC) in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) are reviewed. The GDR's nuclear activities are characterized by research establishments and power reactors and by the absence of industrial bulk handling facilities such as fuel fabrication, reprocessing and enrichment plants. As a consequence both the national and the international safeguards approach can be based on the principles of item accountability which does not require the establishment of an elaborate measurement system. Right from the beginning the safeguards implemented were of the NPT type as the GDR was among the early parties to the Non-Proliferation Treaty. The national rules and procedures of safeguards were thus established in harmony with the international requirements and have closely followed their development. The SSAC in the GDR is part of the comprehensive set-up of protective measures against the potential hazards in the use of nuclear energy under the National Board for Atomic Safety and Radiation Protection which has established a number of inspectorates, among them the inspection group for nuclear material control -the Nuclear Material Inspectorate. 5 figs., 2 tabs
This essay explores aesthetics, affect, and educational politics through the thought of Gilles Deleuze and Jacques Ranciere. It contextualizes and contrasts the theoretical valences of their ethical and democratic projects through their shared critique of Kant. It then puts Ranciere's notion of dissensus to work by exploring it in relation to a…
Houlberg, Kurt; Holm Pedersen, Lene
It is becoming difficult to maintain consensus in a period of economic austerity, and this possibly challenges the ability of democratic institutions to take decisions on tough economic questions. In order to find out how political consensus influences fiscal outcomes, this article sets out...
Levinsen, Klaus; Yndigegn, Carsten
Young people's engagement in political discussions with parents and friends represents a significant component of the political socialization process and can be seen as an activity where they learn some very basic democratic skills. Based on data from qualitative interviews and a questionnaire su...
Antonio Pantoja Chaves
Full Text Available Resumen: El presente artículo se centra, como primera toma de contacto , en el análisis del discurso político de Adolfo Suárez y de su componente ideológico durante la Transición, dentro del conjunto de las diferentes fuerzas políticas que más protagonismo tuvieron a lo largo de todo el proceso. La coalición de personalidades políticas que se reunieron en torno a la formación de la Unión de Centro Democrático, con la figura destacada del joven presidente Adolfo Suárez, presenta, no ya sólo para aquella época sino en la actualidad, un interés constante como objeto de estudio a partir de nuestro particular análisis metodológico. Summary: The present article concentrates, as an introduction, in the analysis of the political discourse of Adolfo Suárez and his ideological component during the Transition, within the set of the most outstanding political forces throughout the whole process. The coalition of political personalities that gathered in the formation of the Unión de Centro Democrático, with the prominent figure of young president Adolfo Suárez, is, not only for that one time but at present, a constant interest as object of study from our particular methodological analysis.
Nejabati, Reza; Peng, Shuping; Simeonidou, Dimitra
The current Internet infrastructure is not able to support independent evolution and innovation at physical and network layer functionalities, protocols and services, while at same time supporting the increasing bandwidth demands of evolving and heterogeneous applications. This paper addresses this problem by proposing a completely democratized optical network infrastructure. It introduces the novel concepts of the optical white box and bare metal optical switch as key technology enablers for democratizing optical networks. These are programmable optical switches whose hardware is loosely connected internally and is completely separated from their control software. To alleviate their complexity, a multi-dimensional abstraction mechanism using software-defined network technology is proposed. It creates a universal model of the proposed switches without exposing their technological details. It also enables a conventional network programmer to develop network applications for control of the optical network without specific technical knowledge of the physical layer. Furthermore, a novel optical network virtualization mechanism is proposed, enabling the composition and operation of multiple coexisting and application-specific virtual optical networks sharing the same physical infrastructure. Finally, the optical white box and the abstraction mechanism are experimentally evaluated, while the virtualization mechanism is evaluated with simulation. © 2016 The Author(s).
Anthony Ufearoh. Abstract. This write-up intends to locate democratic ideals the traditional Igbo .... quintessential leader in the communalist leadership system of the traditional .... style is 'inclusionary' rather than 'exclusionary'. Representation.
Fuchs-Schündeln, Nicola; Schündeln, Matthias
Democracies depend on the support of the general population, but little is known about the determinants of this support. We investigated whether support for democracy increases with the length of time spent under the system and whether preferences are thus affected by the political system. Relying on 380,000 individual-level observations from 104 countries over the years 1994 to 2013, and exploiting individual-level variation within a country and a given year in the length of time spent under democracy, we find evidence that political preferences are endogenous. For new democracies, our findings imply that popular support needs time to develop. For example, the effect of around 8.5 more years of democratic experience corresponds to the difference in support for democracy between primary and secondary education. Copyright © 2015, American Association for the Advancement of Science.
Pereira, Carlos; Teles, Vladimir Kühl
This manuscript empirically assesses the effects of political institutions on economic growth. It analyzes how political institutions affect economic growth in different stages of democratization and economic development by means of dynamic panel estimation with interaction terms. The new empirical results obtained show that political institutions work as a substitute for democracy promoting economic growth. In other words, political institutions are important for increasing economic growth, ...
Full Text Available Contrary to standard narratives on the declining function of parties in fostering political participation, this article argues that far from abandoning the cause of participation, post-communist political parties diversified the understanding of the party as a mobilizing agency by adapting their internal organizations. On the basis of a mid-range number of cases (e.g. Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia the study identified different patterns of evolution within a complex interaction effect between participation and organizational development. The peculiarity of the parties’ organization and functions has shaped political participation both as an opportunity structure (legitimizing the political system and increasing citizens’ involvement in politics and as a democratic challenge (increasing the pro-pensity of parties towards populism, ‘seasonal’ membership, corruption and clientelism.
Full Text Available Essay faces the problem of determinacy of global capitalism processes for the reality of urban political life. The city is naturally communitarian form of human life and seems to be the place where radical pro-community politics could be undertaken. Already existing and operating forms of power could fruitfully influence the city social relations. Values and norms of conduct are broadly delegated on the urban space and materiality, thus conscious shaping of city space has severe consequences for community life. If a crisis of the political partly has its roots in metamorphoses of the cities, then also remedies, rising from the urban materiality and reestablishing political subjects, could be thought. City, as most real place of political life could be either reduced to the aggregate of consumers or reestablished as a political community. Due to this is the place where undesired course of action could be stopped, hence precisely here the radical democratic politics can emerge.
Mehmet Akif Çukurçayır
Full Text Available The foundation of modern local governments in Turkey was laid with an imperial edict in 1839. This reform also called Gulhane Hatt-i Hümayunu or Tanzimat Edict, paved the way for local and regional councils. Since the 1850s, the municipalities have been established. However, it is not possible to talk about the functionality of these municipalities in current terms. Since the proclamation of the Turkish Republic, modern laws regulating local governments were issued. Village Law and Municipal Law are the first examples of these reformations. With the 1961 Constitution, modern participatory local government approach was adopted and mayors began to be elected directly by people for the first time. From 1960 to present, many local government reforms were made, but none of them were so fundamental as in 2012. With this reform, local government system has completely changed. Aim of this study is investigation of results of this reform and find out needs for a new wave of reform. New Metropolitan Municipalities Law is problematic in terms of local governance and local participation. Although European Charter of Local Self-Government and the European Urban Charter paying special importance to citizen’s participation, last developments in Turkey as a European Union candidate continues in the opposite direction. Therefore, it is necessary to discuss all aspects of the new regulation. So that, field researches will be analyzed and recommendations will be presented in the light of these field studies relevant to the reforms.
Aliyu Mukhtar Katsina
Full Text Available Their nature and functions make political parties central to democratic governance especially in the new democracies of Africa that face the challenge of building strong and enduring democratic institutions. It is accepted that the existing trend in most of these democracies of one big party dominating the political space weakens democracy and undermines its prospects for consolidation. Big parties—usually the ruling ones—exhibit tendencies such as absence of internal democracy that are antithetical to democratic governance. While observations such as these are incontestable, there is little understanding into the nature, character, ideology, and internal structure of big parties generally. In this article, I attempt to address this concern. Specifically, I examine the nature, structure, and ideology of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP, Nigeria’s ruling party at the federal level with considerable strength at local level between 1999 and 2015. Relying on data obtained from multiple sources, I investigate the process of its formation, the nature of its ideology, internal organization, its electoral strength, and how absence of internal democracy contributed significantly to its defeat in 2015 general elections.
Singh, Guddi; Owens, John; Cribb, Alan
Co-creation is seen by many as a means of meeting the multiple challenges facing contemporary health care systems by involving institutions, professionals, patients, and stakeholders in new roles, relationships, and collaborative practices. While co-creation has the potential to positively transform health care systems, it generates a number of political and ethical challenges that should not be overlooked. We suggest that those involved in envisioning and implementing co-creation initiatives pay close attention to significant questions of equity, power, and justice and to the fundamental challenge of securing a common vision of the aims of and agendas for health care systems. While such initiatives present significant opportunities for improvement, they need to be viewed in light of their accompanying professional, political, and ethical challenges. © 2017 American Medical Association. All Rights Reserved.
Tatyana Evgenevna Beydina
Full Text Available The subject of this article is the study of political and social developments of the USA at the present stage. There are four stages of the American tradition of studying political processes. The first stage is connected with substantiation of the Executive, Legislative and Judicial branches of political system (works of F. Pollack and R. Sili. The second one includes behavioral studies of politics. Besides studying political processes Charles Merriam has studied their similarities and differences. The third stage is characterized by political system studies – the works of T. Parsons, D. Easton, R. Aron, G. Almond and K. Deutsch. The fourth stage is characterized by superpower and the systems democratization problem (S. Huntington, Zb. Bzhezinsky. American social processes were qualified by R. Park, P. Sorokin, E. Giddens. The work is concentrated on the divided explanation of social and political processes of the us and the reflection of unity of American social-political reality. Academic novelty is composed of substantiation of the US social-political process concept and characterization of its features. The US social-political process is characterized by two channels: soft power and aggression. Soft power appears in the US economy dominancy. The main results of the research are features of the socio-political process in the United States. Purpose: the main goal of the research is to systematize the definition of social-political process of the USA and estimate the line of its study within American political tradition. Methodology: in this article have used methods: such as system, comparison and historical analysis, structural-functional analysis. Results: during the research the analysis of the dynamics of social and political processes of the United States had been made. Practical implications it is expedient to apply the received results in the international relation theory and practice.
Marcela Monica Stoica
Full Text Available The present paper analyzes the evolution and characteristics of the democratic process in theEuropean Union from the perspective of political science using the recent theories in this field. Following theentry into force, the Treaty of Lisbon establishes the principle of participatory democracy that puts the focusof the European citizen, a citizen who is actively involved in European Union life, strengthening EU - citizenrelationship. The essence of participatory democracy is the destruction of political apathy and the maximizingof active participation of citizens in the democratic tasks. So, the basic principle of the participatorydemocracy is solidarity. The results of this analysis show that although participatory democracy is establishedin the European law, citizens are less involved in the decision-making in EU and are more and moreindividual, contradicting thus the very foundations of this type of democracy.
Politisches „Milieu“, Familienwirklichkeit und Rechtsreform. Katholische und sozialdemokratische Positionen in der Weimarer Republik Political “Milieu,” Family Reality, and Legal Reform: Catholic and Social Democratic Positions in the Weimar Republic
Full Text Available Bei der verdienstvollen und materialreichen Arbeit Heinemanns handelt es sich um die gekürzte und überarbeitete Fassung einer an der Universität Augsburg 2002 abgeschlossenen Dissertation. Literatur ist bis einschließlich 2002 eingearbeitet. Mit Katholizismus und Sozialdemokratie hat die Arbeit zwei der bedeutendsten politischen und kulturellen Bewegungen – und auch “Milieus“ (S. 13 f. – Deutschlands in der Zeit der Weimarer Republik zum Gegenstand. In der Arbeit werden Fragen der historischen Familienforschung, Sozialgeschichte und Parteiengeschichte behandelt. Sie enthält darüber hinaus – ausbaufähige – rechtshistorische, frauengeschichtliche, parlamentsgeschichtliche und ehephilosophische Abschnitte sowie ein Schwerpunktkapitel (S. 213–292 zur Bevölkerungspolitik.Heinemann’s work, deserving and rich in material, is a shortened and revised version of a dissertation submitted to the University of Augsburg in 2002. Literature published up to the year 2002 is included in the text. The work has made as its focus two of the most important political and cultural movements—as well as “Milieus” (page 13 and following—of Germany during the time of the Weimar Republic: Catholicism and social democracy. Questions relating to historical family research, social history, and party history are dealt with in the work. It also includes sections, which could be expanded upon, on legal history, the history of women, parliamentary history, and the philosophy of marriage, as well as a central chapter focusing on the politics of demographics (213–292.
Home birth has emerged as a political issue in several states in the United States, and this essay examines two aspects of home births politics. First, legislative battles over home birth policy do not conform to our typical models of partisan (i.e., Democratic vs Republican) politics, and attempts at advocacy cannot rely on classical strategies of alignment with a dominant party in a state. Second, the debates over home birth have increasingly begun to parallel current partisan battles in their emotion and intensity with the related gridlock and reluctance to consider compromises that are often necessary to achieve policy goals. This essay calls for a greater willingness for all sides to approach home birth less as an ideological mission and more as a health policy challenge to support consumers interested in an integrated system of care. © 2012, Copyright the Authors Journal compilation © 2012, Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Kahindo, M J B; Schirvel, C; Karemere, H; Mitangala, P; Wodon, A; Porignon, D
The aim of this study was to assess the contribution of mid-level management and support practices to the overall performance of a district healthcare system. This case study was carried out in the North Kivu Province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It was based on analysis of (i) preventive and curative healthcare services and (ii) management and support practices provided from 2000 to 2008. In response to recurring sociopolitical unrest since 1992, the mid-level health system (provincial level) in North Kivu has strengthened management and support practices. The main goals have been to optimize allocation of interventions by external emergency organizations and integration of specialized program activities, to harmonize intervention techniques implemented by external partners, to standardize supervision of sanitary districts with regard to care provider skills, and to adapt strategic options defined by the Ministry of Health to the provincial level. Using this comprehensive approach, the performance of the North Kivu Province in terms of curative and preventive care has exceeded the national average since 2001. Between 2001 and 2008, use of curative services progressed from 0.36 to 0.50 new cases/capita/year. Positive results have also been recorded for infrastructure coverage, essential medicine stock, health information system, and emergency preparedness. Stronger mid-level management and support practices have improved care activities in the health district while protecting the population from unstructured interventions by emergency organizations or specialized programs. A comprehensive management approach has also improved the resilience of the district and increased its contribution to Millennium Development Goals.
without a law for sexual harassment , and one study says that there are still about 85 discriminatory laws and 137 discriminatory legal provisions.147...procedures because federalization and democratization of the state are mutually supportive, a lesson learned from India and Spain. Only political...supportive, a lesson learned from India and Spain. Only political understanding at the highest possible levels and compromise of political interests
Schmitt, Hermann; Schmitt, Hermann; Thomassen, Jacques J.A.
The purpose of this book is to expand knowledge of political representation in the EU and of the legitimacy of its political order. In this concluding chapter, a summary is given of what has been learned on these two subjects and what this says about the EU as a developing democratic political
Both domestic and international political sociologists based on empirical investigations argue that the greatest obstacle to democratic consolidation in. Nigeria is electoral violence. This is as a result of the rascal politics that the political elites engage in. Sometimes, the violence is intra-party, and most of the time, it is ...
How to explain political monopolies in democratic institutional settings? Dominant parties in countries with robust formal democratic institutions are surprisingly frequent, yet poorly understood. Existing theories explain away the puzzle by characterizing dominant parties as `catch-all' parties that survive on the basis of historically imbued mass voter legitimacy. This dissertation develops a theory of how dominant parties in fact routinely win free and fair elections despite counter-majori...
Curriculum is a site of political, racial, gendered, and theological dispute. Teachers who acknowledge this and see the implications for democratic living embrace their teaching practice as curriculum leaders and participate in complicated conversations. With the focus on gender equity as a democratic ideal, this article explores the lived experiences of some South African female teachers. From the findings, it became evident that some teachers still experience their school contexts as pervad...
ravaged by a brutal armed conflict. In comparison to the three past presidents, Joseph Kabila has managed to restore political stability and calm to much...DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO-A FERTILE GROUND FOR INSTABILITY IN THE GREAT LAKES REGION STATES A thesis presented to the Faculty of...From - To) AUG 2016 – JUNE 2017 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE Democratic Republic of Congo-A Fertile Ground for Instability in the Great Lakes Region
Two decades after the demise of communism, one can draw a state of the art of democratization in Romania. The task of building democracy was not only an endeavor of institutional engineering, but also a re-conceptualization of the intellectual resources of politics, as well as a re-conversion of the instruments and modes of government. Romanian democratization meant simultaneously unraveling the state and the regime and separating the state and the society. Both processes were grounded in the...
The lack of hierarchy and multiple restrictions by the radiation protection laws in Japan, causes multiple dose records of individual and scattering dose records. To solve the problem, the National Radiation Dose Registration Systems was proposed already by Atomic Energy Commission about 40 years ago. But only one radiation dose registration system is partly effective, which was applied for workers in nuclear plants. This paper reports political problems in the system of radiation protection laws of Japan, and proposes the new national radiation dose registration systems which will be able to have a function of supplementation of quality assurance of radiation protection laws. (author)
Rostbøll, Christian F.
Compromise has attained renewed interest among political theorists writing on pluralism and disagreement. It is controversial, however, whether compromise is a mere pragmatic necessity or if it has non-instrumental value. This article argues that the reasons for compromise are inherent in the dem......Compromise has attained renewed interest among political theorists writing on pluralism and disagreement. It is controversial, however, whether compromise is a mere pragmatic necessity or if it has non-instrumental value. This article argues that the reasons for compromise are inherent...
Risso-Gill, Isabelle; McKee, Martin; Coker, Richard; Piot, Peter; Legido-Quigley, Helena
Myanmar has undergone a remarkable political transformation in the last 2 years, with its leadership voluntarily transitioning from an isolated military regime to a quasi-civilian government intent on re-engaging with the international community. Decades of underinvestment have left the country underdeveloped with a fragile health system and poor health outcomes. International aid agencies have found engagement with the Myanmar government difficult but this is changing rapidly and it is opportune to consider how Myanmar can engage with the global health system strengthening (HSS) agenda. Nineteen semi-structured, face-to-face interviews were conducted with representatives from international agencies working in Myanmar to capture their perspectives on HSS following political reform. They explored their perceptions of HSS and the opportunities for implementation. Participants reported challenges in engaging with government, reflecting the disharmony between actors, economic sanctions and barriers to service delivery due to health system weaknesses and bureaucracy. Weaknesses included human resources, data and medical products/infrastructure and logistical challenges. Agencies had mixed views of health system finance and governance, identifying problems and also some positive aspects. There is little consensus on how HSS should be approached in Myanmar, but much interest in collaborating to achieve it. Despite myriad challenges and concerns, participants were generally positive about the recent political changes, and remain optimistic as they engage in HSS activities with the government.
Azam, M. Nazrul Islam and Muhammad; Azam, Muhammad
The paper deals with the efforts made by American private sector and civil society actors after 2000 to popularize democratic values and norms in the six Gulf states, namely Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. The study is focused on areas including politics, education, culture, media, human rights, and women empowerment. The paper also deals with approaches adopted, goals and objectives set and strategies devised and employed by the American NGOs regardi...
Azam, M. Nazrul Islam and Muhammad
The paper deals with the efforts made by American private sector and civil society actors after 2000 to popularize democratic values and norms in the six Gulf states, namely Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. The study is focused on areas including politics, education, culture, media, human rights, and women empowerment. The paper also deals with approaches adopted, goals and objectives set and strategies devised and employed by the American NGOs regardi...
Karine Nyborg; Inger Spangen
In traditional cost-benefit analyses of public projects, every citizen’s willingness to pay for a project is given an equal weight. This is sometimes taken to imply that cost-benefit analysis is a democratic method for making public decisions, as opposed to, for example, political processes involving log-rolling and lobbying from interest groups. Politicians are frequently criticized for not putting enough emphasis on the cost-benefit analyses when making decisions. In this paper we discuss t...
Michael T. Rock
How has democracy impacted growth in Southeast Asia? This question can be answered by demonstrating how political elites in Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand crafted quite unique democratic developmental states that enabled them to provide the public goods and public policies to maintain high growth. Because of this, growth under democracy has been as high as it was during the heyday of these polities’ developmental autocracies. Moreover, as there was no single dominant pathway to the construc...
Full Text Available The article enriches the discussion on the legal reasons and conditions fostering the viability of democratic constitutions by analyzing the rich experience of the Russian Constitution of 1993. Particular attention is paid to the concept of countermajoritarian institutions. The authors elaborate the idea that countermajoritarian institutions can play an important role in ensuring the viability (put in other terms, the proper balance between stability, adaptability, and dynamic development of modern democratic constitutions as well as political regimes.The article presents evidence-based data showing that the President and the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation systematically acted as countermajoritarian institutions at the initial stage of the implementation of the “blueprint for the future” set down in the 1993 Russian Constitution. As a result of the activities of these institutions, strong legal frameworks were created that are necessary for the establishment of anew constitutional system of the Russian state and law.Today, the Russian Constitution of 1993 is one of the longest lasting democratic constitutions in the world (the average “life expectancy” of democratic constitutions adopted over the past 250 years is about seventeen years. The study of the countermajoritarian provisions in the 1993 Russian Constitution is of both theoretical and practical importance. In particular, the results of the study can be useful in creating efficient legal instruments for the maintenance of political stability and social development management both within sovereign states and within interstate communities.
Mwanamoki, Paola M; Devarajan, Naresh; Thevenon, Florian; Birane, Niane; de Alencastro, Luiz Felippe; Grandjean, Dominique; Mpiana, Pius T; Prabakar, Kandasamy; Mubedi, Josué I; Kabele, Christophe G; Wildi, Walter; Poté, John
This paper discusses the occurrence and spatial distribution of metals and persistent organic pollutants (POPs: including organochlorine pesticides (OCPs), polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), Polybrominated diphenyl ethers (PBDEs), and polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) in sediments from a river-reservoir system. Surface sediments were sampled from thirteen sites of the Congo River Basin and Lake Ma Vallée, both situated in the vicinity of the capital city Kinshasa (Congo Democratic Republic). Sediment qualities were evaluated using toxicity test based on exposing Ostracods to the sediment samples. The highest metal concentrations were observed in sediments subjected to anthropogenic influences, urban runoff and domestic and industrial wastewaters, discharge into the Congo River basin. Ostracods exposed to the sediments resulted in 100% mortality rates after 6d of incubation, indicating the ultimate toxicity of these sediments as well as potential environmental risks. The POPs and PAHs levels in all sediment samples were low, with maximum concentration found in the sediments (area of pool Malebo): OCP value ranged from 0.02 to 2.50 with ∑OCPs: 3.3μgkg(-1); PCB ranged from 0.07 to 0.99 with Total PCBs (∑7×4.3): 15.31μgkg(-1); PAH value ranged from 0.12 to 9.39 with ∑PAHs: 63.89μgkg(-1). Our results indicate that the deterioration of urban river-reservoir water quality result mainly from urban stormwater runoff, untreated industrial effluents which discharge into the river-reservoirs, human activities and uncontrolled urbanization. This study represents useful tools incorporated to evaluate sediment quality in river-reservoir systems which can be applied to similar aquatic environments. Copyright © 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
The forms that are adopted to give practical meaning to democracy are assessed to identify what their implications are for the production of public policies in general and cultural policies in particular. A comparison of direct, representative, democratic elitist and deliberative versions of democracy identifies clear differences between them in terms of policy form and democratic practice. Further elaboration of these differences and their consequences are identified as areas for further res...
This paper investigates the democratic role orientation in news media and the perception and preference in the population towards the democratic practice of these news media.......This paper investigates the democratic role orientation in news media and the perception and preference in the population towards the democratic practice of these news media....
Full Text Available Elements of oligarchy, democracy, and hierarchy coexisted in the polis of Roman times, and the survival of the democratic element may reflect the prospering of small businessmen with their own political interests.
Political parties play a major role in democratic processes around the world. Recent empirical research suggests that parties are increasingly less important to citizens. Simultaneously, classic and contemporary theories of representative democracy specifically still minimally incorporate accounts
The Impact of Globalization on Political Development in Nigeria (1999-2007) ... PROMOTING ACCESS TO AFRICAN RESEARCH ... This problem is analyzed in view of attenuated democratic institutions, inefficient public service, and rent ...
Oryan, Shlomit; Gastil, John
Some prominent parent education theories in the United States and other Western countries base their educational viewpoint explicitly on democratic values, such as mutual respect, equality and personal freedom. These democratic parenting theories advocate sharing power with children and including them in family decision making. This study presents a textual analysis of two such theories, the Adlerian model of parent education and the Parent Effectiveness Training (PET) model, as they are embodied in two original bestselling textbooks. Through content and argumentation analysis of these influential texts, this study examines the paradoxes inherent in these two theories when they articulate how to implement fully democratic principles within the parent-child relationship. We discover that in spite of their democratic rationale, both books offer communication practices that guide the child to modify misbehaviour, enforce parental power, and manipulate the child to make decisions that follow parental judgment, and thus do not endorse the use of a truly democratic parenting style. We suggest, as an alternative to the democratic parenting style, that parents be introduced to a guardianship management style, in which they do not share authority with children, but seek opportunities for enabling children to make more autonomous decisions and participate in more family decision making.
Hagmann, Tobias; Abbink, Jon
This paper introduces a special issue of the Journal of Eastern African Studies devoted to a review of Ethiopia's 20 years of “revolutionary democracy”. The collection brings together 11 articles exploring differing aspects of Ethiopia's political experience since 1991. This introduction begins...... with a short summary of these 11 papers, but then moves to a substantive review of Ethiopia's political history over the past two decades, featuring consideration of the extent of transformation and continuity under the ruling Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the importance...
Full Text Available This paper sets out to discuss the enigma of revolutionary new political beginnings of constitutional orders. The problem is that when a political community is constituted, the act of constituting per definition is unconstitutional or extra-legal. For this reason the question of new beginnings is a political and not a legal question. The question of what the authority of the constituent act is presents an important question since the constitution is the fundamental law from which the legitimacy or authority of all other laws is derived. The problem for this paper is whether and in what way it is possible to think new beginnings that are not merely institutionalizations of factual relations of domination or arbitrary acts of violence. This problem is discussed on basis of two revolutionary theories in the tradition of constituent power—Emmanuel Sieyès and Hannah Arendt—that both understand power to emanate from below and not from above whereby they both, though in different way, present arguments against the understanding that new beginnings merely are institutionalizations of relations of domination and arbitrary acts of violence. The question of whether and to what extent they are successful and whether their theories are democratic will finally be discussed.
M A Kaverin
Full Text Available The article analyses general regularities of development of international organizations. Dynamics of international organizations is described with the equation of biological populations’ growth and is related to the evolution of international multilateral law and world development parameters. As the result of the research, the evolution of global political system is represented with the system of international governance based on the multilateral mechanisms and the model of social structures’ types. The transformations in the system of international organizations partially confirm the hypothesis of emerging World-organism.
Nengher N. Vang, Ph.D
Full Text Available Since the initial resettlement of the Hmong in the United States in the mid-1970s, they have maintained strong political and military relationships with the Lao People‘s Democratic Republic (LPDR. Yet, there is little research on that relationship and the involvement of the Hmong in the United States in political developments in Laos. Most works on Hmong political activism have focused on the electoral participation and representation of Hmong Americans in relation to American domestic politics. In this article, using archival, ethnographic, and interview data that I have collected between 2006 and 2009 in Laos, Thailand, and the United States, I describe and analyze the non-domestic or transnational form of Hmong American political expression and participation. I argue that Hmong political activism in America not only was transnational from the outset, but that their transnational involvement in political developments in Laos and their relations with the Lao PDR government also had a significant impact on their ethnic politics. Many Hmong political activists made their entry into ethnic politics through the door of transnational politics, and many were motivated by transnational political issues to participate in domestic American politics. By exploring their transnational involvement in political developments in Laos and their relations with the Lao PDR government, we get a more complete and dynamic understanding of Hmong political activism in the United States than is possible by focusing exclusively on domestic and electoral participation. Examining their transnational politics also allows us to see the transnationality of not only their culture, identity, and community but also that of their political activities and aspirations.
Ponedelkov Aleksander Vasilievich
Full Text Available The analysis of the dynamics of the political process in Russia shows that institutional changes are taking place in the political system. Integration into the world community is accompanied with a request from the Russian society to a civil dialogue with the government, social stability based on democratic principles, the institutionalization of the turnover of the elites. Problems of search of civil identity are caused by the actualization in the public mind the necessity to mobilize the nation on the principles of patriotism, moral revival.
Laustsen, Lasse; Petersen, Michael Bang; A. Klofstad, Casey
Humans are equipped with a psychological system of followership that evolved to regulate choices of leaders based partly on would-be leaders’ physiological features. One such feature is voice pitch, which is determined by the physiology of the throat. Recent studies find that political candidates...... these findings by demonstrating that conservatives and Republicans tend to view the world as much more competitive and threatening than liberals and Democrats. We utilize two existing data sources to show that political candidates with lower-pitched voices are preferred more among conservative Republicans than...
Mwanamoki, Paola M; Devarajan, Naresh; Niane, Birane; Ngelinkoto, Patience; Thevenon, Florian; Nlandu, José W; Mpiana, Pius T; Prabakar, Kandasamy; Mubedi, Josué I; Kabele, Christophe G; Wildi, Walter; Poté, John
The contamination of drinking water resources by toxic metals is a major problem in many parts of the world, particularly in dense populated areas of developing countries that lack wastewater treatment facilities. The present study characterizes the recent evolution with time of some contaminants deposited in the Congo River and Lake Ma Vallée, both located in the vicinity of the large city of Kinshasa, capital of Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Physicochemical parameters including grain size distribution, organic matter and trace element concentrations were measured in sediment cores sampled from Congo River (n = 3) and Lake Ma Vallée (n = 2). The maximum concentration of trace elements in sediment profiles was found in the samples from the sites of Pool Malebo, with the values of 107.2, 111.7, 88.6, 39.3, 15.4, 6.1 and 4.7 mg kg(-1) for Cr, Ni, Zn, Cu, Pb, As and Hg, respectively. This site, which is characterized by intense human activities, is especially well known for the construction of numerous boats that are used for regular navigation on Congo River. Concerning Lake Ma Vallée, the concentration of all metals are generally low, with maximum values of 26.3, 53.6, 16.1, 15.3, 6.5 and 1.8 mg kg(-1) for Cr, Ni, Zn, Cu, Pb and As, respectively. However, the comparison of the metal profiles retrieved from the different sampled cores also reveals specific variations. The results of this study point out the sediment pollution by toxic metals in the Congo River Basin. This research presents useful tools for the evaluation of sediment contamination of river-reservoir systems.
Full Text Available Abstract Background The problem of training human resources in health is a real concern in public health in Central Africa. What can be changed in order to train more competent health professionals? This is of utmost importance in primary health care. Methods Taking into account the level of training of secondary-level nurses in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC, a systemic approach, based on the PRECEDE PROCEED model of analysis, led to a better understanding of the educational determinants and of the factors favourable to a better match between training in health sciences and the expected competences of the health professionals. This article must be read on two complementary levels: one reading, focused on the methodological process, should allow our findings to be transferred to other problems (adaptation of a health promotion model to the educational sphere. The other reading, revolving around the specific theme and results, should provide a frame of reference and specific avenues for action to improve human resources in the health field (using the results of its application in health science teaching in the DRC. Results The results show that it is important to start this training with a global and integrated approach shared by all the actors. The strategies of action entail the need for an approach taking into account all the aspects, i.e. sociological, educational, medical and public health. Conclusions The analysis of the results shows that one cannot bring any change without integrated strategies of action and a multidisciplinary approach that includes all the complex determinants of health behaviour, and to do it within the organization of local structures and institutions in the ministry of health in the DRC.
Parent, Florence; Kahombo, Gérard; Bapitani, Josué; Garant, Michèle; Coppieters, Yves; Levêque, Alain; Piette, Danielle
BACKGROUND: The problem of training human resources in health is a real concern in public health in Central Africa. What can be changed in order to train more competent health professionals? This is of utmost importance in primary health care. METHODS: Taking into account the level of training of secondary-level nurses in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), a systemic approach, based on the PRECEDE PROCEED model of analysis, led to a better understanding of the educational determinants and of the factors favourable to a better match between training in health sciences and the expected competences of the health professionals. This article must be read on two complementary levels: one reading, focused on the methodological process, should allow our findings to be transferred to other problems (adaptation of a health promotion model to the educational sphere). The other reading, revolving around the specific theme and results, should provide a frame of reference and specific avenues for action to improve human resources in the health field (using the results of its application in health science teaching in the DRC). RESULTS: The results show that it is important to start this training with a global and integrated approach shared by all the actors. The strategies of action entail the need for an approach taking into account all the aspects, i.e. sociological, educational, medical and public health. CONCLUSIONS: The analysis of the results shows that one cannot bring any change without integrated strategies of action and a multidisciplinary approach that includes all the complex determinants of health behaviour, and to do it within the organization of local structures and institutions in the ministry of health in the DRC.
Leno Francisco Danner
that each individual achieves their happiness correlatively in the promotion of the welfare of others. A reconsideration of the policy as an ethos that allows us to be happy and achieve the accomplishment as citizens is extremely important in today`s society in which political corruption, authoritarianism and paternalism discredit politics and tend to depart the political institutions of the average citizen, thus fomenting civil privatism and undermining the democratic process and its effectiveness. Key-Words: Democracy; Politics; Happiness; Corruption; Authoritarianism
Cornell, Agnes; Lapuente, Victor
, in democracies with meritocratic administrations, incumbents are credibly constrained from undertaking partial policies because their hands are tied in terms of managing the staff policy of the state apparatus. Consequently, countries with meritocratic bureaucracies have greater prospects for democratic...... stability. Empirically, we illustrate the mechanisms with two well-documented cases of democratic transitions that enshrined a politicized administration – Spain (1876–1936) and Venezuela (1958–1998) – and one transition that kept a meritocratic bureaucracy, Spain (1975–)....
The contribution is based on a topical panel set especially adjusted to the requirements of political culture research, electoral research, and movement research. The book is centered around empirically verified findings of political-cultural modernization and differentiation processes, and the development of German political culture. It was possible to empirically confirm the main thesis in particular: The new social movements call for rigid and quick social changes in emancipatory, equalitary, ecological and fundamental-democratic orientation. Apart from the Greens, an independent political subculture has formed itself, which is, even in the present phase with little movement-specific mobilization, politically effective and empirically ascertainable. (orig.) [de
Hansen, K.F.; Turek, M.G.; Eubanks, C.K.
The safety and performance of nuclear power plants are a function of many technical factors such as initial design, service and maintenance programs, and utility investment in improvements. Safety and performance are also a function of the social/political influences that affect requirements on personnel, practices and procedures, and resource availability. This paper describes a process for constructing models of the social/political influences on plant operations using the system dynamics technique. The model incorporates representation of internal utility actions and decisions as affected by external factors such as public opinion, intervenor actions, safety and economic regulation, and the financial community. The feedback between external agents and plant performance is explicitly modeled. The resulting model can be used to simulate performance under a variety of different external and internal policy choices. In particular, the model can be used to study means of improving performance in response to externally imposed regulations
Full Text Available Purpose: to determine the place of Olympic sports in modern world; to analyze dynamic of its political, economic and social significance progress. Material: publications on the topic of this article were used as sources of information. Results: we characterized influence of Olympic sports on transformation of views and practical functioning in sphere of elite sportsmen’s training. Main stages of modern Olympic sports’ formation have been regarded. Strategy of elite sports’ development in historical aspect has been presented. Changes in attitude of political leaders, state figures and general population to Olympic Games have been shown. Directions of development and perfection of elite sportsmen’s training national systems have been outlined. Conclusions: recent years, potential of Olympic sports have being reflected in foreign and home policy of many countries. It resulted in drastic changes in spheres of organization, management, financing, material technical and personnel provisioning of sportsmen’s training.
Full Text Available Civil Society envisages the growth of civilization in a way that the society is in “civilized form.” It has been prominent in Social science since time immemorial. Till 18th century, it was synonymous with the state or political society. It was more or less direct translation of Cicero’s Societas’ Civilis and Aristotle’s Koinonia politike. According to Karl Marx, “Civil Society embraces the whole material intercourse of individuals within a definite stage of development of productive forces.” Civil Society is an arena where modern man legitimately gratifies his self-interest and develops his individuality, but also learns the value of group action, social solidarity which educates him for citizenship and equips him to participate in the political sphere of the state. It provides “networks of civic engagement” within which reciprocity is learned and enforced, trust is generated. An active and diverse civil society plays a valuable role in advancement of democracy. It seeks to ensure that citizen’s interests are taken seriously. The social work intervention may not be democratically envisaged until it is promulgated by civic engagement through Civil Society. Methodology: This is a descriptive study which consists of secondary source of data collection based on reports, books, periodic journals, web-based articles. There have been utilized three case studies for reaching the findings of study. This article will highlight on role of civil society in providing democratic space and assisting social workers to ensure inclusive growth through conglomeration of state and individuals.
Beise, E.; Mielke, H.G.; Mueller, W.; Oppermann, U.
The report explains the concept adopted by the former GDR. The system based at Morsleben, for centralized inventory keeping and management of radioactive waste is explained, refewing to the amounts of waste accrued, storage and transport of waste drums, classification and preparation of waste forms, and ultimate disposal of radioactive waste in the Morsleben repository. The report includes information on the management of special waste and spent fuel elements which cannot be stored at the Morsleben site. Most of the radioactive waste produced in the former GDR has been stored since 1979 at the Morsleben site. The waste came from the nuclear power plants (Greifswald, Rheinsberg), and from installations and institutes applying or producing radionuclides - so-called APR waste - (e.g. from the institutes at Rossendorf and Berlin-Buch, and from about 1300 other waste producers). The waste was accepted as or processed to solid waste forms, liquid waste, sealed radiation sources, and special waste; the ultimate storage techniques applied are packing of drums, backfilling, solidification of liquid waste and disposal in boreholes. Up to the end of the year 1989, the Morsleben repository received about 14000 m 3 of radioactive waste (about 40% solid waste, and about 60% liquid waste). (orig.) [de
Witvliet, Margot I; Stronks, Karien; Kunst, Anton E; Mahapatra, Tanmay; Arah, Onyebuchi A
Responsiveness is a dimension of health system functioning and might be dependent upon contextual factors related to politics. Given this, we performed cross-national comparisons with the aim of investigating: 1) the associations of political factors with patients' reports of health system responsiveness and 2) the extent to which health input and output might explain these associations. World Health Survey data were analyzed for 44 countries (n = 103 541). Main outcomes included, respectively, 8 and 7 responsiveness domains for inpatient and outpatient care. Linear multilevel regressions were used to assess the associations of politics (namely, civil liberties and political rights), socioeconomic development, health system input, and health system output (measured by maternal mortality) with responsiveness domains, adjusted for demographic factors. Political rights showed positive associations with dignity (regression coefficient = 0.086 [standard error = 0.039]), quality (0.092 [0.049]), and support (0.113 [0.048]) for inpatient care and with dignity (0.075 [0.040]), confidentiality (0.089 [0.043]), and quality (0.124 [0.053]) for outpatient care. Positive associations were observed for civil liberties as well. Health system input and output reduced observed associations. Results tentatively suggest that strengthening political rights and, to a certain extent, civil liberties might improve health system responsiveness, in part through their effect on health system input and output. © The Author(s) 2015.
V.M.F. Homburg (Vincent)
textabstractInterorganizational information systems are information systems that cross organizational boundaries. Information managers and system developers often assume that the more integrated these information systems are, the more successful the system will be. Such an assumption is indeed
Adler Lomnitz, Larissa
Full Text Available This paper describes the origin and evolution of two Chilean political parties (the Radical Party and the Christian Democrat Party through the analysis of the social networks that originated and composed them. The aim of this study is to propose a model of national political cultures on the basis of the structure of social networks related to power and of the symbol system, which legitimizes it. The structure of social networks, horizontal and vertical, are based on reciprocal or redistributive forms of exchange, on what is being exchanged and on the articulation between networks. In every society there are symmetrical and asymmetrical exchanges, which produce horizontal and vertical networks. These networks interact among themselves to form the social fabric. The dominance of some over others and how they combine, delineate the character of the political culture (authoritarian vs. egalitarian. Chile is a multiparty country within which there are cohorts of horizontal groups of friends, who informally exercise a central control over their members and create invisible boundaries setting them apart from others, in which leadership is under constrains. The result is both a strong presidential system based on an almost fanatic legitimacy, combined with factionalism and a strong parliamentary system.
Full Text Available A powerful positivist and neoliberal ideology in education masquerades more or less unharmed as the meritocratic myth promised under the cloak of democracy. Yet some students and teachers are beginning to interrogate the success-only orientations of neoliberalism in the face of crumbling school systems where many students fail. These students and teachers are not oblivious to the stark realities that characterize their daily existence, as they live under a dark cloud of mass unemployment and inequality where many struggle to “succeed”. Additionally, trained consciousness reveals the pockmarked version of democracy that admits only a few and is attendant with an authoritarian, disciplinary practice that breeds resistance towards education rather than the envisioned freedom it is purported to usher in. These inconsistent positions as an experience of education, by especially marginal students, is intensifying within a neoliberal discourse and invites the intense consideration of the place of critical democratic pedagogy as a more appropriate approach toward democratic teaching and learning practices. Within this context, I explore the theoretical and practical dimensions of critical pedagogy to provide an expanded view of teaching and learning in post-democratic South African education.
José Antonio IBÁÑEZ-MARTÍN
Full Text Available The first approximation to the social current reality offers us numerous motives for the worry. The spectacle of violence and of immorality can scare us easily. But more worrying still it is to verify that the horizon of conviviality, peace and wellbeing that Europe had been developing from the Treaty of Rome of 1957 has compromised itself seriously for the economic crisis. Today we are before an assault to the democratic politics, which is qualified, on the part of the media democracy, as an exhausted system, which is required to be changed into a new and great politics, a politics on a large scale. The article analyses the concept of a politics on a large scale, primarily attending to Nietzsche, and noting its union with the great philosophy and the great education. The study of the texts of Nietzsche leads us to the conclusion of how in them we often find an interesting analysis of the problems and a misguided proposal for solutions. We cannot think to suggest solutions to all the problems, but we outline various proposals about changes of political activity, that reasonably are defended from the media democracy. In conclusion, we point out that a politics on a large scale requires statesmen, able to suggest modes of life in common that can structure a long-term coexistence.
The political instability characterizing the Middle East is reviewed against and background of the region's recent history. The presence of oil and of Israel, regarded by other countries in the region as an alien implant, are seen as the special causes of particularly unstable political conditions. The impact of unsettling political events on oil supply is then explored, revealing that the causes of political instability continue, and so do the risks and dangers of future oil supply disruptions. Decolonization does not solve the underlying problems that cause instability. Underdevelopment is an ill which persists after achievement of independence. The balance of power in the world is so uneven that large nations are still tempted to interfere in the affairs of smaller ones, causing resentment and frustration. Mature democratic systems are not widespread in most parts of the developing world, and authoritarian regimes tend to be destabilizing
Likofata Esanga, Jean-Robert; Viadro, Claire; McManus, Leah; Wesson, Jennifer; Matoko, Nicaise; Ngumbu, Epiphane; Gilroy, Kate E; Trudeau, Daren
The Democratic Republic of Congo has flagged health workforce management and compensation as issues requiring attention, including the problem of ghost workers (individuals on payroll who do not exist and/or show up at work). Recognising the need for reliable health workforce information, the government has worked to implement iHRIS, an open source human resources information system that facilitates health workforce management. In Kasaï Central and Kasaï Provinces, health workers brought relevant documentation to data collection points, where trained teams interviewed them and entered contact information, identification, photo, current job, and employment and education history into iHRIS on laptops. After uploading the data, the Ministry of Public Health used the database of over 11 500 verified health worker records to analyse health worker characteristics, density, compensation, and payroll. Both provinces had less than one physician per 10 000 population and a higher urban versus rural health worker density. Most iHRIS-registered health workers (57% in Kasaï Central and 73% in Kasaï) reported receiving no regular government pay of any kind (salaries or risk allowances). Payroll analysis showed that 27% of the health workers listed as salary recipients in the electronic payroll system were ghost workers, as were 42% of risk allowance recipients. As a result, the Ministries of Public Health, Public Service, and Finance reallocated funds away from ghost workers to cover salaries (n = 781) and risk allowances (n = 2613) for thousands of health workers who were previously under- or uncompensated due to lack of funds. The reallocation prioritised previously under- or uncompensated mid-level health workers, with 49% of those receiving salaries and 68% of those receiving risk allowances representing cadres such as nurses, laboratory technicians, and midwifery cadres. Assembling accurate health worker records can help governments understand health workforce
Full Text Available According to current trends in the analysis of new social movements, protests are related to economic issues or social inequalities, particularly those of a religious or ethnic nature which, in turn, produce new communications directed at the political system. The present study aims to determine the relationship between football and the social movements that occurred in Brazil in June 2013, as well as investigate the responses of the political system to these social grievances, centered primarily on the juridification of these social spheres. Thus, it focuses on how the legal and political systems absorb these communications into their self-referential logic. To that end, the methodology used is based on the structural functionalism of Niklas Luhmann and his theory of autopoietic social systems. The results demonstrate that both systems – political and legal – were significantly influenced by football, specifically by the substantial investments allocated to hosting the 2014 World Cup in Brazil which, when contrasted with the low return of public services in the country, reveal the root causes of June 2013. Según las tendencias actuales en el análisis de los nuevos movimientos sociales, las protestas están relacionadas con cuestiones económicas o desigualdades sociales, en particular las de carácter religioso o étnico que, a su vez, producen nuevas comunicaciones dirigidas al sistema político. Este estudio pretende determinar la relación entre el fútbol y los movimientos sociales que se produjeron en Brasil en junio de 2013, así como investigar las respuestas del sistema político a estas demandas sociales, centradas principalmente en la juridificación de estas esferas sociales. Por lo tanto, se centra en cómo los sistemas legales y políticos absorben estas comunicaciones en su lógica autorreferencial. Para ello, la metodología empleada se basa en el funcionalismo estructural de Niklas Luhmann y su teoría de los sistemas
J. S. Maloy
Full Text Available Attempts to respond to “democratic deficits” in modern constitutional republics must contend with the broad scholarly trend of electoral skepticism. While generally casting doubt on periodic competitive elections’ suitability as vehicles of accountability, electoral skepticism does not necessarily entail an absolute devaluation of elections. Some normative and empirical research responds to this trend by refocusing attention on values other than popular power, such as civil peace, which might be served by periodic competitive elections. Another response short of abandoning the value of popular power, however, is to draw out possibilities for institutional design from the restricted conditions under which previous study has found electoral accountability to be plausible or likely. This second task requires an empirically informed exercise in political theory. Pursuing it in a programmatic and policy-relevant way requires descending from the grand, systemic level of constitutional structures and electoral formulae to intermediate (or middle-range institutional conditions of accountability, such as rules about parties, campaigns, and election administration. My analysis reinterprets principal-agent models to develop four general types of crucial condition for electoral accountability, and then ramifies this scheme by reference to recent empirical research. The result is a “top ten” list of specific institutional factors that could be theoretically decisive in helping or hindering electoral accountability. These ten conditions could guide future research designs and reform proposals alike.
This article argues that gambling is a paradigmatic form of consumption that captures the intensified logic at the heart of late modern capitalist societies. As well as a site of intensified consumption, it claims that gambling has also become the location of what has been described as a new form of 'social pathology' related to excess play. Drawing on Castells' (1996) notion of techno-economic systems, it explores the ways that intersections between technology, capital and states have generated the conditions for this situation, and critiques the unequal distribution of gambling environments that result. It argues that, while the products of these systems are consumed on a global scale, the risks associated with them tend to be articulated in bio-psychological discourses of 'pathology' which are typical of certain types of knowledge that have salience in neo-liberal societies, and which work to conceal wider structural relationships. We argue that a deeper understanding of the political and cultural economy of gambling environments is necessary, and provide a synoptic overview of the conditions upon which gambling expansion is based. This perspective highlights parallels with the wider global economy of finance capital, as well as the significance of intensified consumption, of which gambling is an exemplary instance. It also reveals the existence of a geo-political dispersal of 'harms', conceived as deteriorations of financial, temporal and social relationships, which disproportionately affect vulnerable social groups. From this, we urge an understanding of commercial gambling based on a critique of the wider social body of gambling environments within techno economic systems, rather than the (flawed) individual bodies within them. © London School of Economics and Political Science 2013.
Heinrichs, Harald; Biermann, Frank
he article gives an overview of global sustainability policy and politics. It is shown how international policy making on sustainable development has progressed from environmental policy toward recent approaches of Earth system governance. Key challenges of international sustainability politics are
Labor Unrest and Organized Crime.” September 1995. http://www.envio.org.ni/ articulo /1891 (accessed June 8, 2009). 117 Ibid. 118 Call...Free Market Myth.” June 2005. http://www.envio.org.ni/ articulo /2975 (accessed May 22, 2009). ———. “Labor Unrest and Organized Crime.” September 1995...http://www.envio.org.ni/ articulo /1891 (accessed June 8, 2009). Richani, Nazih. “Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict
and enforce rules and regulations. Furthermore, I discuss the definition, applicability and the appropriateness of the “hybrid governance” concept framing it with literature on state-formation processes, governance and legal processes. I apply a literature review of historical and recent material on women...... and governance of public marketplaces in West Africa (Okonjo’s “Dual-sex political system) and finally discuss the case of the Dantokpa market using own fieldwork data from 2006-2008. I argue that structural changes in the colonial and the post-colonial period in some ways have curtailed women as authorities...
John N. N. Ugoani
Full Text Available Corruption in all ramifications has continued to jeopardize the efforts of governments in forging national unity, infrastructural development and in most cases, leaving the majority of a nation’s citizens to live in absolute poverty. The phenomenon has persisted in many countries mostly due to weak political will or the lack of it necessary to curb the menace. In its simplest form corruption reflects the use of public office for private gain. As a remedy to this there should be a demonstration of credible intent by political leaders, stakeholders groups to attack perceived causes or effects of corruption at a systemic level. This demonstration of credible capacity reflects political will. The political will to curb corruption is also the political will to pursue other goals like good governance and national unity. Political will is not equivalent to political manifesto rhetoric or pressure group statements. Rather, it is the manifestation of a robust system of checks and balances and strong political institutions for combating corruption and promoting good governance as well as restoring trust and confidence in democratic politics. Gowon’s proposal reflects strong political will for good governance, because, if political will is to be more than just a slogan, it must be understood in a broad context. This reinforces the believe that if there is an absence of political will at the top, there will be a general lack of commitment to combat corruption, and pursue other important national goals as political development and poverty reduction. The exploratory research design was adopted for the study. Secondary data were generated through a format designed by the investigator for the purpose of the study. Because of the sensitive nature of the study primary data were also generate through a Liker-type questionnaire to supplement the secondary data. Data generated were analyzed through descriptive and X2 statistics and presented in tables with
Anne-Hélène LE CORNEC UBERTINI
Full Text Available The current evils of the scholars and researchers are the consequence of a dysfunctional communication system. The incompatibility between the spirit of the laws and its mode of application illustrate a worrying retreat of the democratic principles. The university is the mirror of the political system.
Full Text Available The transition requirement for post communism countries, especially the part that is about military forces is to establish those civil-military relation that will have prepared projects for awareness evolving of society and military about necessity of democratic control over military sector of country through development of many different communication forms and shapes. Before everything, it means the entire freedom and independence of media at access to military forces as the topic and subject of its interests and also the organization of public military communication system as integral part of information-communication system in society
Santos Filho, José Camilo Dos
Brazilian society is beginning a new historical period in which the principle of decentralization is beginning to predominate over centralization, which held sway during the last 25 years. In contrast to recent Brazilian history, there is now a search for political, democratic and participatory decentralization more consonant with grass-roots aspirations. The first section of this article presents a brief analysis of some decentralization policies implemented by the military regime of 1964, and discusses relevant facts related to the resistance of civil society to state authoritarianism, and to the struggle for the democratization and organization of civil society up to the end of the 1970s. The second section analyzes some new experiences of democratic public school administration initiated in the 1970s and 1980s. The final section discusses the move toward decentralization and democratization of public school administration in the new Federal and State Constitutions, and in the draft of the new Law of National Education.
Andrei V. Korobkov
Full Text Available Abstract: Crises in Ukraine and the Middle East indicate the existence of deep shifts in the global international relations system. These shifts are much more serious than the widely discussed erosion of the US international monopoly and are related to the global transfer of the world economic and political power center from North Atlantic to the Pacific Basin. Thus quickly collapsing is the world Eurocentric system that has ruled the world since the end of the Fifteenth century. Meanwhile, the Western, and especially the European elites refuse to recognize the scale and the potential consequences of these processes. In particular, their actions are pushing Russia towards China. Retaining stability of the international system would require the recognition by the Global North of the reality of these changes, the return to the acceptance of the state sovereignty concept, and the abandonment of attempts to impose its will on the others under.
Full Text Available This study is a contribution to the debate about the adoption of gender parity policies in Latin America analyzing particular obstacles and challenges related to the implementation of this principle. Electoral systems tend to either optimize or reduce the impact of such gender parity measures. As well as with quotas, the size of the electoral district and the kind of electoral list system are the two variables that most influence the effective implementation of these measures. At the same time, the socio-cultural context also influences the process of implementation of gender parity measures. In patriarchal societies –with high levels of gender-based violence– electoral processes are often characterized by gender-based harassment and political violence, one of the greatest obstacles for increasing women’s political participation. These situations are further complicated in societies which are also characterized by ethnic and cultural diversity, presenting the challenge of including women who are also discriminated against for their ethno-cultural identity.
what actually constitute the fundamental challenges of the Nigerian democratic ... Democratic governance has inherent checks and balance principles that ..... billion on less than $2 a day globally (WDI, 2012), with Africa accounting for a large.
Lees, Kimberly A.
Examines how the concepts advanced by critical theorists exemplify democratic leadership. The concept of democratic leadership is explored as a moral imperative of human issues, and the implications of leadership behavior that emulate the principles of democracy are discussed. (SLD)
Sylwester, Karolina; Purver, Matthew
Previous research has shown that political leanings correlate with various psychological factors. While surveys and experiments provide a rich source of information for political psychology, data from social networks can offer more naturalistic and robust material for analysis. This research investigates psychological differences between individuals of different political orientations on a social networking platform, Twitter. Based on previous findings, we hypothesized that the language used by liberals emphasizes their perception of uniqueness, contains more swear words, more anxiety-related words and more feeling-related words than conservatives' language. Conversely, we predicted that the language of conservatives emphasizes group membership and contains more references to achievement and religion than liberals' language. We analysed Twitter timelines of 5,373 followers of three Twitter accounts of the American Democratic and 5,386 followers of three accounts of the Republican parties' Congressional Organizations. The results support most of the predictions and previous findings, confirming that Twitter behaviour offers valid insights to offline behaviour.
Full Text Available The article approaches the Romanian social-democratic collaboration during 1938-1940 with the authoritarian monarch regime. Even though the party leaders had diverging political views, regards to the acceptance or the non-acceptance of the authoritarian regime, the influential PSDR members held leading positions within the single party and the corporate parliament and within the union structures. The positions were offered by the regime, so that the union leaders would stop instigating workers to go on strike, and to accept the governmental policies. The freedom of speech and the political actions were ceded to the monarch, who governed at the place of the political parties and he controlled the unions, by using the guilds.
Political aspects of nuclear energy figured in United Kingdom elections during the 1970s as the issue of risks aroused popular interest. The failure of such a complex issue to make an impact at the polls reflects certain electoral inadequacies in the democratic process in that too much time elapsed between opportunities for citizens to express their will and this resulted in pressure groups replacing referenda. Nuclear issues illustrate the dilemma of risk assignment and risk assignment when the perception of risks is not balanced by clear information about the benefits. True democratic accountability would allow citizens to vote directly on each major issue rather than periodically electing a representative with a package of unrelated positions. 7 references. (DCK)
Full Text Available The main purpose of this article is to tackle the problem of living together – as dignified human beings – in a certain territory in the field of social philosophy, on the theoretical grounding ensured by some remarkable exponents of the Austrian School − and by means of the praxeologic method. Because political tools diminish the human nature not only of those who use them, but also of those who undergo their effects, people can live a life worthy of a human being only as members of some autarchic or self-governing communities. As a spontaneous order, every autarchic community is inherently democratic, inasmuch as it makes possible free involvement, peaceful coordination, free expression and the free reproduction of ideas. The members of autarchic communities are moral individuals who avoid aggression, practice self-control, seek a dynamical efficiency and establish (together with their fellow human beings a democratic public discourse.
Full Text Available Elections do not always advance democratisation, yet they can. We outline a democratisation-by-elections model according to which the opportunities for political change opened up by each electoral round build on previous election-related democratic progress. We focus on Nigeria, interpret the recent executive turnover in light of previous elections, and set the country within the comparative context of Africa’s democratisation. Using a new Africa Leadership Change dataset, we use election-related events to examine the diverse routes that African regimes have taken since 1990. The analysis highlights two major syndromes: democratic stagnation and recession. In a sizeable group, however, the institutionalisation of democracy has been making gradual progress. While there is no predetermined way to advance democracy, the reiteration of elections can be instrumental in such advancement.
Adams, Nathan A
The objective of this article is to find middle ground between the supporters and opponents of biotechnology by perpetuating the existing legal compromise pertaining to the complete range of health and welfare doctrines relevant to the biotechnological industry. The author aspires neither to add to nor detract from this liberal democratic consensus, but to preserve its constitutive balance between positivism and natural law and over-regulation and under-regulation in the hopes of stabilizing new political fault lines developing around the few biotechnological innovations already grabbing headlines. The most feasible solution is to extend the existing liberal democratic compromise with respect to equal protection, reproductive rights, the First Amendment, human subject experimentation, patent law, and parental rights. This includes banning or monopolizing certain biotechnologies and extending substantive special respect to the ex vivo living human embryo. Biotechnology must not be left to regulate itself.
Rafael Duarte Villa
Full Text Available Brazilian elites as well as foreign policy-makers have long shared a common belief that the ideas of democracy and democratization should serve as some "road map" to foreign policy-making. In areas such as security, regional integration, and disarmament, the goal has been to generate a positive social capital as well as to build trusting relations with Brazilian neighbors in South America. Therefore, under the impact of ideas brought about by new world visions, Brazilian foreign policy has changed a domestic policy feature - the democratic rearrangement of the political system - into a condition and resource for foreign policy-making towards South America. The result has been a fine improvement of Brazilian image and credibility in the regional South American scenario. In other words, there has been a significant increment in "trust" towards Brazil. This argument has been developed based on extracts and transcripts from official diplomatic speeches from Brazilian foreign policy-makers as well as a historical reconstruction of Brazil's diplomatic relations with two South American countries. Our study was based on two cases: Brazilian-Venezuelan and Brazilian-Argentine relations in the 80's and the 90's.
Full Text Available Multi-party political system led to competition between political parties which caused the need for marketing in politics that improves political reputation. Politics, based on rich experience of political practice, used existing, developed methods and techniques of commercial marketing. Political marketing openly admits that politics and politicians are simply goods that are being sold on a political market. Political marketing is a whole way of operation by political parties which ask these questions: how do the voters choose; what affects their preference and how that preference can be influenced. Usage of political marketing in Bosnia and Herzegovina is still not on a satisfactory level but the knowledge about the importance of political marketing is increasing.
beyond it to the school and the community” (Marris, 2003:274) then implementing democratic learning systems as The Aalborg Model are important for supporting and promote democratic bildung of students in higher education. This article defines at a – start - what should be understood by a democratic......, run processes and decide behaviour. It is what a pilot investigation referred in this article indicate. The meaning of this seems to be far behind the study itself and qualifications of the students to the labour marked. If it is true that ”the building of community begins in the classroom but extends...... learning system. It contrasts it to an authoritarian or elitist systems. Then it brings the results from an investigation of 9 process analyses’ written at the end of the second semester 2005 by project groups from The Technical Natural Scientific Basic Year at Aalborg University and concludes...
Full Text Available Huntington asks an important question in The Third Wave: if traditional Islamic values and beliefs have significantly retarded democratic progress in the past, to what extent are they likely to continue to do so in the future? Unlike Huntington’s work, this paper is primarily a micro-level analysis. It seeks to show how Muslim people interpret and evaluate Islam and democracy. So we want to attach more data to Huntington’s theory and wish to demonstrate that non-democratic political space and authoritarian governments in Muslim countries can’t be explained by the features of Islam; there are considerable reasons and facts to convince scholars to look for other factors. The results illustrate nearly all Muslims tend to Islam and democracy at the same time. It seems Large populations of moderate fundamentalists in Muslim countries are appearing who struggle to actualize Islamic teachings in a democratic political model.
processes of democratic pedagogy are often antithetical to the processes of contemporary schooling. Based on a case study of an attempt at democratic pedagogy in an Australian primary school, this paper explores some of the factors that may ... individual citizens for participation in and commit- ment to democratic ...
Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP) intends to make any democratic reform or improve its long track record of suppressing freedom of speech or human rights...to suppress freedom of speech to maintain its political monopoly and tight control of the country. Although the Doi Moi policy has fostered...China share very similar political and economic designs, to include the problems of corruption and repression of freedom of speech . Many postulate
Fries, Sylvia Doughty
The U.S. civilian space station, a hope of numerous NASA engineers since before the agency was founded in 1958 and promoted by NASA as the country's 'next logical step' into space, provides an excellent case study of the way public-sector research and development agencies continuously redefine new technologies in the absence of the market discipline that governs private-sector technological development. The number of space station design studies conducted since 1959, both internally by NASA or contracted by the agency to the aerospace industry, easily exceeds a hundred. Because of this, three clearly distinguishable examples are selected from the almost thirty-year history of space station design in NASA. Together these examples illustrate the difficulty of defining a new technological system in the public sector as that system becomes increasingly subject, for its development, to the vagaries of federal research and development politics.
Describes the workings of the political system as it is important to social workers. Discusses three significant issues in politics: (1) the role of money; (2) crises as pervasive political phenomena; and (3) the habituating nature of political participation. (ABL)
Olwig, Mette Fog; Christiansen, Lene Bull
trends, it can, in a local national setting, develop in ways that are contrary to the political correctness characteristic of global celebrity humanitarianism. In the Danish cultural context we found that anti-elitist cultural norms and social codes, rooted in local understandings of democratic inclusion...... and equality, must be inscribed into celebrity performances. This form of performativity is often achieved through ostensibly politically incorrect, unassuming and underplayed, irony. It is, however, an unenlightened democracy, unaware of those it excludes - i.e. the Other who is kept invisible through...
Silvana Aparecida de Souza
Full Text Available It is a conceptual and theoretical research on school organization and its democratization, focusing on one aspect of an objective nature: its architecture. The study was based on the academic literature on democratization and theoretical contribution of Michel Foucault, with regard to the analysis of space as a resourcecontrol, surveillance and training, going through a historical review of the modelconstruction of school buildings in Brazil. It is therefore a sociological analysis of the school environment, in relation to the democratization process of basic education, understood as ensuring that the conditions of access and permanence to a universalquality education, and conceived and gestated from collective interests of its users.We conclude that the architecture of public schools in Brazil do not provides democratic management, either by format controller of buildings constructed in the republican period, either by the current economic priority for the construction of public school buildings, which includes little or no space for collective activities. The character of the buildings remains controller, no more for its architecture, but made possible by technological development, which allows monitoring by video cameras, which is made with the permission and support of community.
Hreinsdottir, Anna Magnea; Davidsdottir, Sigurlina
In this study, the merit of using deliberative democratic evaluations is studied in light of ten questions asked by House and Howe, which defined the approach and raise issues of interests, representation, and choice of stakeholders, power balances and procedures for controlling them, participation, reflection and deliberation. Suggestions by…
Alleman, Janet; Brophy, Jere
Researchers have been studying children's knowledge, thinking, and attitudes about government for several decades. However, the studies focusing on elementary students, and especially primary students, have little or nothing to say about children's ideas about democracy or democratic government. That is because children at these ages have not yet…
The report presents, in brief, the findings from the study of research literature on Adult Education for Democratic Citizenship, which was carried out in the nine EU member states represented by the project: Austria, Denmark, Germany, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovenia, Spain and United Kingdom...
Pfetsch, Barbara; Esser, Frank
This chapter describes the maturation of comparative political communications as a sub-discipline and defines its conceptual core. It then lays out the concept of “political communication system”. At the macro-level, this model captures the patterns of interaction between media and politics as social systems; at the micro-level it captures the interactions between media and political actors as individuals or organizations. Comparative research in this tradition focuses on the structure of pol...
Full Text Available In this article author examines relations between Athens political identity and architecture of Acropolis. He makes parallels among flourishing of Athens democracy during Pericles' golden age and the building of the most significant architectural complex in Old Greece. His basic thesis is that the concept of freedom shaped the democratic system in Athens and thus its political identity, but at the same time exerted a direct influence in all spheres of human creativity. The power of the idea of freedom is especially visible in the Acropolis architectural complex where the idea fused with the economic potential of ancient Athens has created the most beautiful simbol of democracy and one of the greatest architectural masterpiece in whole human history.
Ruitenberg, Claudia W.
This essay proposes a conception of citizenship that highlights its political aspects. Based on the work of Balibar, Rancière, and Biesta, it is argued that democratic citizenship education must include the education of equality. This means that students must have the opportunity to experience not only the membership aspect of citizenship that…
Baran, Jolanta; Winzer, Margaret
This paper focuses on the democratization of education in the post-socialist space through an examination of inclusive schooling for students with special needs in Poland. It embeds the inclusive education reform and its attendant policies and practices within the political and social transitions that essentially dated from 1989 and saw Poland…
Roč. 47, Supplement (2012), s. 694-694 ISSN 0020-7594. [International Congress of Psychology /30./. 22.07.2012-27.07.2012, Cape Town] Institutional support: RVO:68081740 Keywords : political psychology * democratization * Central and Eastern Europe Subject RIV: AN - Psychology
Acemoglu, Daron; Egorov, Georgy; Sonin, Konstantin
Almost all democratic societies evolved socially and politically out of authoritarian and nondemocratic regimes. These changes not only altered the allocation of economic resources in society but also the structure of political power. In this paper, we develop a framework for studying the dynamics of political and social change. The society consists of agents that care about current and future social arrangements and economic allocations; allocation of political power determines who has the capacity to implement changes in economic allocations and future allocations of power. The set of available social rules and allocations at any point in time is stochastic. We show that political and social change may happen without any stochastic shocks or as a result of a shock destabilizing an otherwise stable social arrangement. Crucially, the process of social change is contingent (and history-dependent): the timing and sequence of stochastic events determine the long-run equilibrium social arrangements. For example, the extent of democratization may depend on how early uncertainty about the set of feasible reforms in the future is resolved.
Koc-Michalska, K.; Lilleker, Darren
The article provides insights into the driving forces that underpin new forms of political participation. Digital technologies offer opportunities for engaging in a wide range of civicallyoriented activities, each of which can contribute to deeper democratic engagement. Conventional acts of political participation are argued to be driven primarily by intrinsic motivations relating to self-efficacy and empowerment with participants feeling they can have influence over decision makers. Little r...
Andersen, Michael P [UC Berkeley; Kolb, John [UC Berkeley; Chen, Kaifei [UC Berkeley; Culler, David [UC Berkeley; Katz, Randy [UC Berkeley
Operating systems and applications in the built environment have relied upon central authorization and management mechanisms which restrict their scalability, especially with respect to administrative overhead. We propose a new set of primitives encompassing syndication, security, and service execution that unifies the management of applications and services across the built environment, while enabling participants to individually delegate privilege across multiple administrative domains with no loss of security or manageability. We show how to leverage a decentralized authorization syndication platform to extend the design of building operating systems beyond the single administrative domain of a building. The authorization system leveraged is based on blockchain smart contracts to permit decentralized and democratized delegation of authorization without central trust. Upon this, a publish/subscribe syndication tier and a containerized service execution environment are constructed. Combined, these mechanisms solve problems of delegation, federation, device protection and service execution that arise throughout the built environment. We leverage a high-fidelity city-scale emulation to verify the scalability of the authorization tier, and briefly describe a prototypical democratized operating system for the built environment using this foundation.
Sônia Weidner Maluf
Full Text Available In this article we describe the electronic editions of Revista Estudos Feministas and our contribution towards a politics of democratization of the access to scientific and academic production. After a brief description of the three spaces of electronic editions of REF (the Electronic Library Scielo, the Scielo Social Science Portal and the Feminist Portal, we discuss the contribution of gender and feminist studies for the democratization of the access to the scientific and academic production.
Katerina Veljanoska; Oliver Andonov; Goran Shibakovski
The process of democratization in Western Balkans is connected with the process of state-building before and after the reconstruction. After the break-up of Yugoslavia, the region became a brutal battleground as different nation-based groups fought to define the boundaries of a set of new states in the Balkans. One of the key challenges related to the democratization of the Western Balkan countries is resolving the issues with their neighbours. However, political pragmatism and bilateral rela...
Whitfield, Lindsay; Therkildsen, Ole; Buur, Lars
in the early stages of capitalist transformation that also experience the pressures of elections due to democratization, this book provides four in-depth African country studies that illustrate the challenges to economic transformation and the politics of implementing industrial policies....
Avery, Patricia G.
Key concepts in political socialization, tolerance, groups, rights and responsibilities can be used to understand the way in which young people struggle with sexual identity issues. Educators may promote greater tolerance for homosexuality among heterosexuals by situating sexual identity issues within a broader discussion of democratic principles.…
Revised edition of 1994 out-of-print Stanford University Press study of human rights protest, social change, and democratization in Argentina. A symbolic politics analysis of the truth commission, trials, and policy reform in Latin America's most sweeping transition of the 1980's.
Hermes, J. J.
On Election Day in 2006, some students at the University of Texas at Austin were prodded by startlingly personal calls from Democratic Party supporters. As political campaigns look to corral young voters, those calls could be a harbinger of things to come in 2008: campaigns going after students through contact information that public colleges are…
-central Somalia. Existing analyses have focused predominantly on local actors and internal dynamics to account for the continuous political disorder in the former Somali Democratic Republic since 1991. In contrast, this study highlights the role of external aid in dysfunctional statebuilding efforts in Somalia...
Klomp, J.G.; Haan, de J.
Most recent cross-country studies on election-motivated fiscal policy assume that the data can be pooled. As various tests suggest that our data for some 70 democratic countries for the period 1970–2007 cannot be pooled, we use the Pooled Mean Group (PMG) estimator to test whether Political Budget
The essay contends that whenever there is high-handedness of leaders in a democratic nation, such a state is either a 'despotic family monarchy' which has been disguised as a 'democracy'; or under normal circumstances, there is an abusive use of most, if not all of the primitive (untamed) elements of political power.
The democratization efforts of the 1990s in West Africa appeared to have put paid to military political adventurism which had been the plague of that region since independence in the 1960s. But since the year 2000 there has been a resurgence of military intervention in the politics of some West African states and this calls ...
In recent years, an agonistic approach to citizenship education has been put forward as a way of educating democratic citizens. Claudia W. Ruitenberg (2009) has developed such an approach and takes her starting point in Chantal Mouffe's agonistic theory. Ruitenberg highlights how political emotions and political disputes can be seen as central for…
Benoit, William L.; Pier, P. M.; Blaney, Joseph R.
Articulates a theoretical framework for understanding the fundamental functions of political advertising (acclaiming, attacking, defending) which occur on the twin grounds of policy considerations and character. Applies this theory of political discourse to presidential general election television spots from 1980-1996, finding that Democrats and…
From preindependence era to date, political corruption and its attendant problems in forms of vote buying, election rigging and manipulation, outright embezzlement by politicians have negatively affected the lives of Nigerians. This has led to increased political apathy and distrust in the country's fledging democratic ideals.
Francesco Caselli; Andrea Tesei
We study theoretically and empirically whether natural resource windfalls affect political regimes. We document the following regularities. Natural resource windfalls have no effect on the political system when they occur in democracies. However, windfalls have significant political consequences in autocracies. In particular, when an autocratic country receives a positive shock to its flow of resource rents it responds by becoming even more autocratic. Furthermore, there is heterogeneity in t...
Full Text Available Philippine democratic consolidation stagnates despite a vibrant civil society. A comparative exploration of three local chambers of commerce in the Visayas and Mindanao reveals that, contrary to established typologies, it is the decidedly non-confrontational stance towards government that keeps the chambers as civil society actors from contributing to democratic consolidation. Further, it becomes apparent that working within the existing clientelistic political structures is the most efficient strategy for interest groups to achieve political goals, while publicly confrontational strategies, which may be most conducive to democratic consolidation, can result in heavy political and economic costs.
This research has been designed because it has been realized that there is only little research carried out about the student participation in the administration for the structuring of the democratic authority in the higher education system in Turkey. In the relevant literature, concepts of democratic authority and education have been approached…
Flaviu Calin RUS
Full Text Available This material wishes to highlight the way in which the main political alliances have been formed in Romania in the last 20 years, as well as the way they have been reflected in the media. Moreover, we have tried to analyze the involvement of journalists and political analysts in explaining these political events. The study will focus on four political alliances, namely: CDR (the Romanian Democratic Convention, D.A. (Y.E.S. - Justice and Truth between PNL – the National Liberal Party and PD - the Democratic Party, ACD (the Centre-Right Alliance between PNL and PC – the Conservative Party and USL (the Social-Liberal Union between PSD – the Social Democrat Party, PNL and PC.
Elwood, Sarah; Mitchell, Katharyne
This article confronts a persistent challenge in research on children's geographies and politics: the difficulty of recognizing forms of political agency and practice that by definition fall outside of existing political theory. Children are effectively "always already" positioned outside most of the structures and ideals of modernist democratic theory, such as the public sphere and abstracted notions of communicative action or "rational" speech. Recent emphases on embodied tactics of everyday life have offered important ways to recognize children's political agency and practice. However, we argue here that a focus on spatial practices and critical knowledge alone cannot capture the full range of children's politics, and show how representational and dialogic practices remain a critical element of their politics in everyday life. Drawing on de Certeau's notion of spatial stories, and Bakhtin's concept of dialogic relations, we argue that children's representations and dialogues comprise a significant space of their political agency and formation, in which they can make and negotiate social meanings, subjectivities, and relationships. We develop these arguments with evidence from an after-school activity programme we conducted with 10-13 year olds in Seattle, Washington, in which participants explored, mapped, wrote and spoke about the spaces and experiences of their everyday lives. Within these practices, children negotiate autonomy and self-determination, and forward ideas, representations, and expressions of agreement or disagreement that are critical to their formation as political actors.
Globalization and neoliberal practices have influenced leadership in education in various ways, including through curricula. One of the most vital sections in curricula is citizenship education. Supranational and international organizations, as well as governments, have advanced interest in elementary school, particularly kindergarten, curricula.…
...; the institutional and constitutional structure of the Ethiopian state; and the best way to ensure equality of ethnic and religious communities, were brought to the fore during the past election cycle...
Leppard, Lynden J.
Asserts that preparing students to be rational decision makers in a democracy and productive participants in the economy are major goals of education. Argues social studies education must provide opportunities for analysis and decision making related to current major issues. Identifies the National Issues Forum in the Classroom program as an…
Stephensen, Jan Løhmann
Marres’ notion of ‘material participation’ as well as Jane Bennett’s theories on ‘vibrant matter’. Picking up from the critiques of deliberative democracy, that the last decades have been raised against it for being a mostly western, white, male, bourgeois, and much too discourse-based construct......, that on closer scrutiny turns out to be anything but democratic, this cluster of new theories, that often go under the name of ‘new materialism', seem to radicalize this critique in order to include non-human agency into the realms of politics and democracy. Rather than subscribing to this metaphor of a rupture...
The societal function of the historians are pointed out, to describe and explain, in cooperation with the archives, the chain of political, economic, social and cultural events that has shaped the country's history. The lessons of the past, whether pleasant or unpleasant, should be passed on to the posterity. Open information is an important element in a democratic society and is normally one of the criteria that distinguishes democracy from autocracy. In the closed and controlled information society all that is hushed up and covered up leads to bitterness and rage among the citizens
Torbacke, J [Stockholm Univ. (Sweden). Dept. of History
The societal function of the historians are pointed out, to describe and explain, in cooperation with the archives, the chain of political, economic, social and cultural events that has shaped the country`s history. The lessons of the past, whether pleasant or unpleasant, should be passed on to the posterity. Open information is an important element in a democratic society and is normally one of the criteria that distinguishes democracy from autocracy. In the closed and controlled information society all that is hushed up and covered up leads to bitterness and rage among the citizens.
Debora Alves Maciel
Full Text Available The article analyzes reconstruction dynamics of the Public Prosecutor’s Office, focusing on the mobilization of prosecutors and prosecuting attorney in the period from 1974 to 1985. We argue that the characteristics of Brazilian political transition were critical to the changing process of the institution, which gained constitutional status in 1988. Liberalization of the military regime changed the links between lawyers, opposition parties and pro-democracy movements. The connection of the institutional movement with dissident political elites and the dense activism network around new social conflicts allowed the Public Prosecutor’s Office to try new strategies of collective action, gain political visibility and thus become a viable alternative to political system to respond to social pressures for judiciary democratization.
Full Text Available Following on the work of Marchildon (2013 this paper examines the political challenges faced by the government of Saskatchewan in rolling out their Lean reforms to the entire provincial health system. The government’s Lean reforms were meant as a vehicle to empower patients and workers in the redesign of service delivery and the creation of a patient-centred system. Lean focuses on continuous improvement, priority setting, employee engagement and the elimination of waste. The reforms appear to have been derailed to a significant degree insofar as key actors inside the system, the media and the public have challenged the goals of the reform, the Lean methodology and process, as well as the cost of the consultants employed to oversee the process. The government’s implementation of the roll-out suffered both from the ability of key actors to withdraw their support and challenge the viability of the reforms in public as well as from a public relations perspective that put the government on the defensive about how people inside the system were being treated with the reforms. As the government moves forward it will have to adjust its implementation processes and strategy in order to overcome the now strong resistance within the health sector.
Laurell, A C
The Mexican case represents an orthodox neoliberal health policy in the context of the structural adjustment adopted by the Mexican government in 1983. The social costs of this strategy are very high, including an increase in unemployment, wage depression, regressive redistribution of wealth, and profound changes in social policies. These transformations are reflected in the health sector, where the four main axes of neoliberal policy--expenditure restrictions, targeting, decentralization, and privatization--have been implemented. This represents a change in social policy from a model based on citizens' social rights and the state's obligation to guarantee them, to a model characterized by selective public charity. This strategy has been imposed on society as a result of the Mexican corporative political regime based on a state party system. Since 1985, however, there has been a growing process of independent organization of civil society. This led in the presidential elections of 1988 to the defeat of the candidate of the governing party by the candidate of a popular-democratic opposition front. Although the government party imposed its candidate through electoral fraud, social mobilization against neoliberal policies continues in the midst of an important political crisis that can only be resolved by profound democratization of Mexican society.
Full Text Available The article compares and points out differences in driving forces of four main landscape change processes that shaped post-socialist countries and old democratic countries of Central Europe during the last two centuries. Studying landscape change processes and corresponding driving forces helps in understanding patterns of present landscape and can help among others in better prediction of future landscape change trends. Here, the presented results are based on review of scientific articles published in peer-reviewed journals between 2000 and 2014. Driving forces affecting these processes were grouped into four categories. Economic forces drove mainly agricultural intensification; agricultural land abandonment and urbanisation and were pronounced especially in the second half of the 20th century and at the beginning of the 21st century. Technological driving forces affected agricultural intensification especially in the 19th century and the second half of the 20th century while cultural driving forces had the biggest impact on urbanisation at the beginning of the 21st century. Political driving forces affected agricultural intensification, urbanisation as well as agricultural land abandonment and were pronounced mainly during the second half of the 20th century in the post-socialist countries. Political forces in the form of subsidies drove agricultural extensification at the beginning of the 21st century. The drivers for the agricultural intensification as well as urbanisation seem to be similar for both old democratic and post-socialist countries. In contrast, agricultural land abandonment in the old democratic countries was driven by technological, cultural and economic driving forces while in the post-socialist countries the political driving forces were mainly responsible. Changes in systems for subsidies and changes in the agricultural commodity markets are also responsible for different frequencies and rates of extensification of
Grabe, Weronika; Knobelsdorf, Wodzimierz
This essay describes the dimensions of political socialization with systematic political education as a major component. Both promote individual acceptance of political norms--particularly where government and school systems are tightly linked. The authors argue that political socialization should promote effective citizenship rather than simply…
Full Text Available A democracy is a society in which everyone has equal rights and is able to participate in decision-making processes. Consequently, in a democratic society, democratic behavior is essential. This work investigates the question: In what ways and to what extent can alternative models of education support the development of democratic skills in children? To explore this question, the author analyzes and compares two different approaches to democratic education: The Sudbury approach and the democratic free school approach. The study is based on qualitative research participant observation and open-ended interviews conducted at different Sudbury and democratic free schools in the US.
Andersen, Torben Juul; Hallin, Carina Antonia
insights that can be used strategically if management at headquarters is cognizant about its existence and able to collect this information. We introduce the notion of democratizing the strategic engagement of managers and employees at all levels and locations of the multinational corporation (MNC......) as an essential leadership paradigm. The implied interaction between slow central analytical reasoning at headquarters and updated insights from fast decentralized initiatives in local subsidiaries constitutes an effective dynamic responsive mechanism. This dynamic interaction implies that critical strategic...
Arun Kumar Tripathi
Technology is a form of culture. Technology is shaping the theoretical framework of our social existence. The technological form of life is part and parcel of culture, just as culture in the human sense inescapably implies technologies. There are unfathomable effects of technology on human culture and society. This paper presents the background and the editorial introduction to the special issue: symposium on Education, Technology, & Democracy: Democratization of Technologies.
Fesseha Mulu Gebremariam
Full Text Available The ruling Ethiopia People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF in its notable second reform appraisal held in the aftermath of the 2005 national election concluded that the utmost priority of the government should be realizing fastest and sustainable economic growth that fairly benefits its citizens’ unless the very existence of the country wouldn’t be guaranteed. Given the history of poverty reduction in developing countries, particularly in Africa, EPRDF realized that it is unthinkable to eradicate poverty from Ethiopia adopting neo-liberalism. Above all, the miraculous economic transformation of the South East Asian countries like South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore and Hong Kong has proved that there is another way to development, not just neo-liberalism. Accordingly, EPRDF, after examining South Korea’s and Taiwan’s history of economic development in particular where both countries have had a large section of rural population unlike Hong Kong and Singapore where both are urban, found ‘developmental state’ relevant to Ethiopia. However, unlike these countries which were originally under non-democratic regimes where their leaders fear the rural peasant and external aggression from their communist rivals, EPRDF has had a great support of rural and urban population with no imminent foreign threat(s, and decided to execute the ideology rather under the umbrella of democracy. Therefore, employing secondary sources, this desk study aims to analyze whether Ethiopia is a ‘democratic developmental state?’ And, concludes that given the practices of the government vis-a-vis the principles of democracy and developmental state, Ethiopia couldn’t be taken as best model for democratic developmental state, rather emerging developmental state.
Berzak Hopkins, Laura
Politics and policy affect all of us, both as scientists and as citizens, and issues ranging from laboratory budgets to arms control treaties clearly require research problem-solving skills and technical expertise. There is a critical role for scientists in each aspect of the political system, and in fact, we as a society need more scientists to take part in politics. Furthermore, the research we pursue has important societal applications and is fascinating! We have a right and a responsibility to share our scientific knowledge not only with each other, but with the general public as well. So, why are we as a community of scientists reticent in the public arena, hesitant to enter politics, and even at times unsupportive of our peers who transition into governmental roles? In this time of fiscal constraint, when difficult research funding (and de-funding) choices are regularly being made, we as scientists must step up to the plate, reach across the aisle, and explain why what we do is fascinating, inspiring, and important, not just to us, but to society as a whole. A range of policy-relevant roles exists inside and outside the laboratory, such as Congressional Fellowships. Each year the Congressional Fellowships program brings together approximately thirty scientists at all stages of their careers to serve as scientific advisors in a variety of offices in the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives. Although the jump from lab to lobbying meetings can be frustrating, the transition can also be intriguing. Firsthand experience with the ``how'' and ``why'' (or lack thereof) of politics and policy is invaluable and provides a unique opportunity to expand and broaden one's background. The opportunity to work on Capitol Hill is unparalleled, particularly because our nation has a definite need for scientists with the inclination and interest to inform and develop policy. But, whatever role you decide to take, from contributing scientific news to local publications to
Francis, Sybil [Massachusetts Inst. of Technology (MIT), Cambridge, MA (United States)
From the 1950s onward, US evolved a two-laboratory system to design, develop, and test nuclear weapons. LANL (New Mexico) dates from World War II. The founding in 1952 of LLNL in California effectively established the two-laboratory system. Despite essentially identical missions, LANL and LLNL adopted different strategies and approaches to the development of nuclear weapons. This thesis looks to their joint history for an explanation of this and consequent questions (how did the two-laboratory system originate and evolve? how did it function? what impact did it have on nuclear weapons development?) The incentives and constraints that shaped laboratory strategies and outputs was determined by military demand for nuclear weapons, an informal mandate against laboratory duplication, congressional support for competition, and Livermore`s role as the ``second lab.`` This thesis discusses the laboratories` role in the arms race, organizational strategies for coping with changing political environments, dynamics of technological innovation, and the leverage of policymakers over large organizations.
Dijk, van J.W.M.
In many parts of the world long-term political instability combined with frequent droughts results in chronic poverty and high levels of malnutrition and child mortality. Despite the magnitude and importance of the problem in these areas, the relation between political instability, resource tenure
de Mello Araújo, Eric Fernandes; Ebbelaar, Dave
The task of classifying political tweets has been shown to be very difficult, with controversial results in many works and with non-replicable methods. Most of the works with this goal use rule-based methods to identify political tweets. We propose here two methods, being one rule-based approach,
Degryse, H.A.; Lambert, T.; Schwienbacher, A.
Abstract: Initially, voting rights were limited to wealthy elites providing political support for stock markets. The franchise expansion induces the median voter to provide political support for banking development as this new electorate has lower financial holdings and benefits less from the
Hybridity in non-democratic states can be economic as well as political. Economic hybridity is produced by the same kind of pressures that create political hybridity, but the relationship between economic and political hybridity has not been as much studied by political scientists. This article uses the concept of patrimonial capitalism to look at economic hybridity, its stability and relationship to political hybridity. Using examples from Russia and other former Soviet states it argues that...
Full Text Available One of the most important issues in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was the process of the agrarian reform. The agrarian reform was a complex state measure with an economic, social and political aspect. All political parties, due to political reasons, spoke in favor of the resolution of the agrarian issue through agrarian reform. Political parties kept in mind the large number of those individuals interested in the agrarian reform, as well as the fact that majority of the voters were farmers, when they formulated their position towards the reform. The Democratic Party was one of the most influential political party in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The paper presents the basic concepts related to the agrarian reform and agricultural policy in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes that represented the Democratic Party.
Full Text Available The article addresses the question of what kind of discursive strategies enable political parties the proliferation of racist and xenophobic ideas, in terms of a democratic society and within established politics. Theoretically, it is based on studies of racism, populism and the radical right. In the empirical part, elements of racism and (radical-right populism in the discourse of the Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS are analysed, with particular focus on the othering discourse. The discourse analysis includes interviews of party representatives and texts published on party’s websites. The SDS discourse analysis shows that the party articulates social problems through the use of nationalist, nativist and essentialist arguments, and proliferates and normalizes xenophobic and racist ideas by reproducing minorities and political opponents as threats to the Slovenian culture, values and lifestyle, as well as threats to the party itself.
G. G. Udzhmadzhuridze
Author examined the main types and forms of political participation. The most common types are involved in the elections, the relationship with political organizations and visiting congresses of political organizations. It is established that political participation of individuals across the all variety of its manifestations, is an expression of civic culture of a particular society. In many states for citizens there is the usual practice of political participation, but only in democratic countries individuals will do this voluntarily and without coercion. Only voluntary political participation and awareness of it, is a manifestation of personal attitudes and beliefs. The author traced that political participation as an integral part of political culture is transmitted from generation to generation through the institutions of socialization in society. The most effective institutions of socialization influence on young people. The political socialization research has revealed the transfer of political ideals and habits between generations.
Three. Pursuing Security in the Middle East and Leadership in the West 15 Chapter Four. Changes in the Domestic Political Landscape 21 Chapter...economic integration, immigration and border control, national sovereignty, respect for democratic norms, and more. However, questions remain. Are...the Soviet blockade of West Berlin and its covert support for the communist overthrow of the democratically elected government of Czechoslovakia
Webb, L. Dean; McCarthy, Martha M.
Ella Flagg Young was the first woman superintendent of a large-city school system (Chicago, 1909-15) and the first woman president of the National Education Association (1910). A colleague of Dewey, Young pioneered democratic administrative practices in a scientific management era and organized school councils to give teachers a greater voice in…
Dvali, Gia; Pujolas, Oriol
Unitarity implies that the evaporation of microscopic quasiclassical black holes cannot be universal in different particle species. This creates a puzzle, since it conflicts with the thermal nature of quasiclassical black holes, according to which all of the species should see the same horizon and be produced with the same Hawking temperatures. We resolve this puzzle by showing that for the microscopic black holes, on top of the usual quantum evaporation time, there is a new time scale which characterizes a purely classical process during which the black hole loses the ability to differentiate among the species and becomes democratic. We demonstrate this phenomenon in a well-understood framework of large extra dimensions, with a number of parallel branes. An initially nondemocratic black hole is the one localized on one of the branes, with its high-dimensional Schwarzschild radius being much shorter than the interbrane distance. Such a black hole seemingly cannot evaporate into the species localized on the other branes that are beyond its reach. We demonstrate that in reality the system evolves classically in time, in such a way that the black hole accretes the neighboring branes. The end result is a completely democratic static configuration, in which all of the branes share the same black hole and all of the species are produced with the same Hawking temperature. Thus, just like their macroscopic counterparts, the microscopic black holes are universal bridges to the hidden sector physics.
Bernard, Josef; Šafr, Jiří
Roč. 52, č. 3 (2016), s. 267-291 ISSN 0038-0288 R&D Projects: GA ČR GAP404/12/0714 Institutional support: RVO:68378025 Keywords : incumbency * legislative recruitment * multi-level political system Subject RIV: AD - Politology ; Political Sciences Impact factor: 0.143, year: 2016 http://sreview.soc.cas.cz/uploads/6184b97b7357aa4e289089fff7852b7d898290d9_16-3-02Bernard15.indd.pdf
Esbjerg, Lars; Skytte, Hans
This paper discusses the food distribution systems of six Eastern European countries. It considers the macro and task environments of distribution systems, discussing the constraints and opportunities the environments present to companies. The institutional structure of retailing and wholesaling...... are analysed and important developments in the institutional structure are noted. The internal political economy of distribution channels in Eastern Europe is analysed and the modernisation of distribution systems discussed. Finally, some conclusions are offered and areas for future research suggested....
A political economy of football has become more essential as the game has been colonized by elements of the business class. There is a tension between its profit maximizing understanding of football and a more community oriented, democratic vision that seeks to pursue government policy goals. The insights of economics and politics are both necessary to understand the political economy of football, but they should not be hybridized. Economics allows us to understand the distinctive characteris...
Full Text Available This paper analyzes the role of the italian social movement in Italy (MSI in the twentieth century. The key to understand its influence would lie in the peculiarities of the political regime emerged from the ruins of fascism. With the proclamation of the republic many fascists enrolled in the ranks of the christian Democrats and other parties of the right, leaving the MSI as sole heir of fascism. That did not stop working with the christian Democrats through the strategy of «inserimento». When the christian Democrats began their approach to the italian socialist Party, the MSI was clearly excluded and located in a relatively marginal position. Its later resurgence may be explained considering the radical changes in italian politics in the sixties and seventies; circumstances which favoured the arrival of Giorgio Almirante as leader of MSI in 1969. In that period, the MSI presented itself as the political party of restored order and ready to fight subversion (communist itself. During the 80s, the MSI moved between the ‘strategy-Party Protest’ leaded by Almirante and the idea of a ‘civil society Party’ defended by Rauti. In the end, the MSI, after the change of leadership of Almirante by Gianfranco Fini, began a new path which stated loyalty to the values of fascism, strengthened by the crisis of communism. This MSI new discourse eased its growth in circumstances in which the traditional parties and the Italian Republican system as a whole were practically about to collapse. Subsequently, the post-fascist Alianza Nacional emerged; a political formation which later on merged into Forza Italia, leaded by Silvio Berlusconi.
Current debates concerning the rise of health diplomacy are polarized between competing international relations theories of realism, based on power politics, and constructivist approaches, which emphasize the norms, values, and identities shaping foreign policies. A case study of Brazil's health diplomacy over the past 10 years, focusing on issues related to pharmaceuticals, seeks to provide data to assess these theories. The country's intellectual property disputes, multilateral lobbying efforts, and foreign assistance programs are contrasted with those of the United States, Mexico, and other countries. Instead of viewing Brazilian efforts as a form of soft power, the evidence suggests that the origins of Brazil's involvement and continued efforts in this arena stem more from values based on human rights and social democratic principles. A close examination of domestic political considerations leads to a more nuanced understanding of the drivers behind a country's health diplomacy.
Stephen G. Bunker
Full Text Available Many authors have attempted co-incorporate the local into the global. World-systems analysis, though, is rooted in processes of production, and all production remains profoundly local. Understanding the expansion and intensification of the social and material relations of capitalism that have created and sustain the dynamic growth of the world-system from the local to the global requires analysis of material processes of natural and social production in space as differentiated by topography, hydrology, climate, and absolute distance betweenplaces. In this article, I consider some of the spatio-material configurations chat have struc-tured local effects on global formations within a single region, the Amazon Basin. I first detail and criticize the tendency in world system and globalization analysis, and in the modern social sciences generally, to use spatial metaphors without examining how space affects the material processes around which social actors organize economy and policy. I next examine thework of some earlier social scientists who analyzed specific materio-spatial configurations as these structured human social, economic, and political activities and organization, searching for possible theoretical or methodological tools for building from local to global analysis. I then review some recent analyses of spatio-material determinants of social and economic organiza-tion in the Amazon Basin. Finally, I show that the 400-year-long sequence of extractive econ-omies in the Amazon reflected the changing demands of expanded industrial production in the core, and how such processes can best be understood by focusing our analysis on spatio-material configurations of local extraction, transport, and production. The Amazon is but one of the specific environments that have supplied raw materials to changing global markets, but close consideration of how its material and spatial attributes shaped the global economy provides insights into the ways
Hacker, Jacob S
The greatest lesson of the failure of comprehensive health reform in the early 1990s is that politics comes first. Even the best-laid policy plans are worthless if they lack the political support to pass. Putting politics first means avoiding the overarching mistake of the Clinton reformers: envisioning a grand policy compromise rather than hammering out a real political compromise. It also means addressing the inevitable fears of those who believe that they are well protected by our eroding employment-based system. And it means formulating political strategies that are premised on the contemporary realities of the hyperpolarized U.S. political environment, rather than wistfully recalled images of the bipartisan politics of old.
Drucker, Nick; Campbell, Kenyth
This paper introduces an agent-based model that explores the relationships between education, social networks, and support for democratic ideals. This study examines two factors thai affect democratic support, education, and social networks. Current theory concerning these two variables suggests that positive relationships exist between education and democratic support and between social networks and the spread of ideas. The model contains multiple variables of democratic support, two of which are evaluated through experimentation. The model allows individual entities within the system to make "decisions" about their democratic support independent of one another. The agent based approach also allows entities to utilize their social networks to spread ideas. Current theory supports experimentation results. In addion , these results show the model is capable of reproducing real world outcomes. This paper addresses the model creation process and the experimentation procedure, as well as future research avenues and potential shortcomings of the model
Lawrence I. EDET
Full Text Available The general account of Nigeria’s post-independence electoral processes has always been characterized by violence. Nigeria’s 2015 general elections marked the fifth multi-party elections in the country and the second handover of civilian administrations since the inception of the Fourth Republic democratic experiment in 1999. This account cannot be analyzed without issues of electoral violence. Electoral violence had been a permanent feature of Nigeria’s democratic process, except 2015 general elections where the international observers described as a “significant improvement” over the previous elections in terms of violence related cases. Electoral related violence in the country particularly in 2011 got to an unprecedented dimension resulting in destruction of lives and property worth millions of naira. This paper expatiates on electoral violence and its general implications on the democratization process in the country, with major emphasis on the 2011 and 2015 general elections. The paper argued that the high incidence of pre and post electoral violence in the country within the periods has to do with the way Nigerian politicians regard politics, weak political institutions and weak electoral management body as well as bias nature of the security agencies, etc. However, the paper examined the general implications of electoral violence on democratization process and how the country can handle the electoral process to avoid threats associated with the electoral violence. Archival analysis, which widely extracted data from newspapers, journals, workshop papers, books, as well as publications of non-governmental organizations was adopted for the study. The major significance of this study is to expose the negative implications associated with electoral violence and how it can be curbed. The position canvassed in this paper will serve as a useful political literature for political leaders, policy makers and the general reading public who
Electricity reforms, democracy and technological change. (Electricity systems, 'market liberalization' reforms, internationalisation, and the need for new democratic governance system - the Danish case)
At the end of the 1990s, Danish energy policy reached a turning point because of technical challenges due to the high proportion of fluctuating wind power production and the increased cogeneration share, and because of new regulation regimes being introduced in Denmark and its neighbouring countries. In this specific historical situation, with the above background, the questions that will be analysed in this publication are as follows: 1) Which governance systems are most efficient, with regard to achieving optimal goal performance by means of the present typical uranium/fossil fuel electricity supply systems? 2) Which governance systems are the most efficient in the transformation process from the present uranium/fossil fuel electricity supply systems to renewable energy-/conservation based electricity system? 3) Which changes in goal performance of the Danish electricity supply system has the 1999 Danish electricity 'liberalization' reform induced? 4) Will the Danish electricity supply system be able to maintain its consumer ownership institutions and remain independent of the 'third party' shareholder ownership structure after the 1999 Danish 'liberalization' reform? a) Are the Danish electricity companies able to compete on the Danish electricity market with foreign suppliers? b) Will the Danish energy companies be able to compete on the market for energy capital goods, or will foreign companies, for instance German power companies, buy them? Will the Danish consumer ownership model survive? c) Will the Danish 'flat' price structure survive on the future electricity market? d) Will the 1975-2000 energy technology innovation process survive under the new market conditions? How will conditions on the German market influence this development? The relevance of these questions is particulary enhanced when seen in relation to the goals of international, and especially Danish, energy policy. The main question therefore, is: will the development outlined under 1
political socialization . Political-cultural values are gradually internalized within the society and political behavior is largely reflective of...the extent to which the regime used education as a means of political socialization : Socialism is articulated as a Muslim theory of socialism. The head... political socialization except for a brief period during the mobilization program of Ali Sabri. Egypt’s party system has been more relevant for
Wurster, Christina J; Lichtenstein, Benyamin B; Hogeboom, Tasha
Healthcare spending will exceed $4 trillion by 2017, a trend that is leading executives to implement information technology (IT) systems to contain these rising costs. Studies show that numerous factors determine the outcome and net benefits of IT in healthcare. However, what happens when a newly implemented IT system results in negative outcomes? We explore this question by examining a newly implemented IT system in a large hospital that was yielding none of the benefits for which its designers had hoped. Using an expanded set of analytic lenses, our in-depth study found that political issues were a major stumbling block to the implementation of this IT system, as the interests of IT managers were different from those of the system's users. In addition, cultural values among these stakeholders were not aligned. The new IT system carried very different meanings for these two key groups. These political and cultural issues, which reflect a broader set of factors than is commonly applied in IT or in management, led to specific recommendations designed to improve the system's viability and benefits. In a follow-up analysis we found that these alternative lenses helped increase the intended usage of the IT system by 16 percent in the first year, yielding a 20 percent improvement in performance. By better understanding the cultural and political significance of IT implementation, managers may thus improve the effectiveness of new information technologies for containing costs in hospitals.
A democracy is a society in which everyone has equal rights and is able to participate in decision-making processes. Consequently, in a democratic society, democratic behavior is essential. This work investigates the question: In what ways and to what extent can alternative models of education support the development of democratic skills in children? To explore this question, the author analyzes and compares two different approaches to democratic education: The Sudbury approach and the democr...
Glicerio Sánchez Recio
Full Text Available This study focuses on the survival of Republican values in our present-day democratic system, values which have been analysed from a dual perspective: on the one hand, the current interest in the principles and values fostered by centre-left governments and organizations during the Second Republic, and on the other, the presence of these principles and values in our present-day democratic system. Consensus, social reform, political pluralism, devolution, and educational and cultural advancement, besides being democratic values and principles, are currently pointing towards a specific way of understanding politics and public affairs, understood as proximity and service to, and respect for all citizens. Moreover, there are similarities between the two regimes; in both cases, the immediate political background was marked by a dictatorship, both expressly declared an intention to establish themselves as democracies and subsequently underwent a transitional process marked by consensus, and both had similar aims. However, there are also significant differences between the two, not only in terms of the system of government, but also the attribution of State powers, the declaration of rights and the way these were put into practice, and the limits of consensus. While we cannot talk of continuity between the two regimes, the Second Republic may be seen as a short-lived precedent to the current democratic system, and one which succumbed to the strength of anti-democratic organizations and interests. | Este trabajo trata de la pervivencia de los valores republicanos en el régimen democrático actual, que se han analizado desde una doble perspectiva: el interés que despiertan los principios y valores activados por los gobiernos y organizaciones del centro izquierda durante la II República, y la presencia de esos mismos principios y valores en el ordenamiento democrático actual. Consenso, reformismo social, pluralismo político, descentralización del
Full Text Available The author analyses a thesis of the ambivalent structure of the knowledge and the political socialization, the school's knowledge and the political socialisation dilemma in recent circum stances. The adults socialize themselves in postsocialistic transition for a new system of democracy in the independent state of Slovenia. The adults are cleaved between nostalgia for the past and necessity of (active adaptation in present. Our political culture has a low level because the knowledge was not consider as a value. A new democratic political culture already arises in the postsocialist countries. The knowledge, which we get through the social relationships and logical, critical thinking, has double structure: it is repetition and creativity, the knowledge for power over extern, physic world and knowledge for human, psycho-social world, partialised and holistic knowledge. The adults, who are included in process of long-life education addes the Jack of school knowledge with learning of contemporary knowledge. In this way they resocialize themselves for accomplish ing of the complex tasks of the postsocialist society.
Helen Crystine Corrêa Sanches
Full Text Available Democracy represents a fundamental right for citizens. Democracy and citizen par- ticipation are developing and they complement each other, given that there is no demo- cracy without the active and conscious participation of citizens in the political process. This democratic participation occurs through tools that enable the practice of citizenship, and, among them, the social movements stand out. There is a direct relationship between the social movements and democracy: whilst the social movements exist only in demo- cratic systems, democracy requires the participation of civil society with the state. The social movements consist on a structured organization that has the purpose of uniting people to defend and promote rights, containing social identity and a particular way of thinking and acting collectively to achieve the common good and a new sort of life. The particularities of the social movements let one glimpse that the major expression of civic participation contributes to a cultural change in society, given that, with common goals, the differences are overcome, encouraging a relatedness which looks for ethics, sharing and fraternity. The understanding of fraternity in its various forms – historical, political, legal and ethical – contributes to a development in respect among people, acceptance of socio-economic and cultural differences, emphasizing the feeling of a group belonging. This way, this article aims to analyse social movements and its cooperation in building a new relational culture, more Humane, Fair And Fraternal.
Full Text Available A social-ecological system (SES framework increasingly underpins the "resilience paradigm." As with all models, the SES comes with particular biases. We explore these key biases. We critically examine how the SES resilience literature has attempted to define and analyze the social arena. We argue that much SES literature defines people's interests and livelihoods as concerned primarily with the environment, and thereby underplays the role of other motivations and social institutions. We also highlight the SES resilience literature's focus on institutions and organized social units, which misses key aspects of social diversity and power. Our key premise is the importance of inter- and multi-disciplinary perspectives. To illustrate this, we draw attention to the critique of earlier ecological anthropology that remains relevant for current conceptualizations of SESs, focusing on the concepts of social diversity and power. And we discuss insights from social anthropology and political ecology that have responded to this critique to develop different ways of incorporating social diversity and power into human-environment relations. Finally, we discuss how these social science perspectives can help improve the understanding of the "social" in SES resilience research.
Chiefdom is a social category, continuous with non-stratified social groups and states. The defining process of chiefdoms is an emergent political economy that mobilized resources used to finance institutions of rule and social stratification. Chiefdoms are highly variable, but they are all about power. This article reviews concepts of chiefs, chiefdoms and chiefly confederacies, and illustrates how Polynesian chiefdoms operated prior to state formation. The chief is a political actor seeking...
The article outlines Chinese literature following the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in relation to Mao’s Communist policy. It presents the occurrence of Misty poetry as an opposition to the political ideology of the Great Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). Misty poetry is understood as a spontaneous illegal poetic movement of individuals who veiled their political demands directed against Mao’s ideology in metaphors. This oppositional stance resembled the movement of 4th May 1...
Degryse, Hans; Lambert, Thomas; Schwienbacher, Armin
Abstract: Initially, voting rights were limited to wealthy elites providing political support for stock markets. The franchise expansion induces the median voter to provide political support for banking development as this new electorate has lower financial holdings and benefits less from the uncertainty and financial returns from stock markets. Our panel data evidence covering 1830-1999 shows that tighter restrictions on the voting franchise induce a greater stock market development, whereas...
Comparing Political Journalism is a systematic, in-depth study of the factors that shape and influence political news coverage today. Using techniques drawn from the growing field of comparative political communication, an international group of contributors analyse political news content drawn...... Comparing Political Journalism offers an unparalleled scope in assessing the implications for the ongoing transformation of Western media systems, and addresses core concepts of central importance to students and scholars of political communication world-wide....... from newspapers, television news, and news websites from 16 countries, to assess what kinds of media systems are most conducive to producing quality journalism. Underpinned by key conceptual themes, such as the role that the media are expected to play in democracies and quality of coverage...
Владимир Владимирович Блохин
Full Text Available The article gives a seaway of the social political views of a well known Russian writer V. Korolenko. The author of the article proves that the political doctrine of Korolenko is very close to reformatory democratism of N.K. Mikhailovsky.
C. J. Polychroniou
The five-year-long crisis of Western finance capitalism is pushing advanced liberal societies to a breaking point. If governments continue to be proxies of finance capital and aspiring political leaders cheerleaders for their financial backers, a catastrophic economic scenario is not really as far-fetched as some might like to think. Governments, industries, and households are under debt bondage, with the result that revenues from every sector of the economy are being diverted toward interest...
Syed Serajul Islam
Full Text Available In a democratic system it is essential to have a competitive, and a tolerant party system, but Bangladesh has experienced an intolerant and a confrontational party system that has created a deadlock and brought uncertainty to the whole country. Since 1990, except 2014, Bangladesh has witnessed four systematic peaceful free elections, one each--in 1991, 1996, 2001, and 2008. On January 5, 2014, however, a controversial election took place in which major opposition political parties did not participate except the ruling alliance parties. The two dominant parties—the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP and the Awami League (AL—each won two previous free and fair elections, with the BNP winning in1991, and a BNP-led 4-party coalition in 2001, and the AL in 1996, and an AL-led 14 party alliance in 2008. However, from 2014 Bangladesh is heading towards an authoritarian system. All these are happening due to the lack of good governance. This article intends to emphasize that the political culture emanating from the party politics is retarding good governance in Bangladesh. This article argues that the cultural traits developed in the last four decades in various dimensions,, particularly in more recent years, have worked as an “earth-worm” in the fabrics of democracy in Bangladesh preventing ‘good governance’.
Bazić Jovan R.
Full Text Available The paper presents considerations of the research on the Serbian political tradition in the work of Slobodan Jovanović (1869-1958, a famous Serbian lawyer, historian, writer and politician, who had a very important role in the development of the Serbian political thought. His work is extensive and varied, but in essence, it relates to the whole of political life in Serbia in the second half of the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century. Almost all the elements that make up the Serbian political tradition can be observed in his work. All these elements are contained in the discussion of political institutions in the 19th century Serbia, the rule of the Obrenović dynasty, political parties and party leaders, political ideas and movements in Serbia and Yugoslavia, extreme political behavior and Serbian national character. Jovanović found the origins of Serbian political tradition in the epic poetry and the Kosovo myth, as well as in the poetry of Njegoš. This was a decisive factor in the formation of general ideas about the Serbs as a freedom-loving, heroic and justice-loving people. At the same time, this is where the origins of the idea of Serbs as a disunited nation can be found. Jovanović paid the greatest attention to issues concerning the content of Serbian political tradition, namely: constitutional system, political institutions, parliamentary life, inter-party struggles, political events, the role of the individual in politics and culture, authoritarianism and political violence. He pointed to the political ideas that were coming from the West and which were accepted with mistrust by the patriarchal Serbian society. He appreciated the role of political parties in the democratization of political life, but he also warned of the dangers that threatened national unity: party favouritism and intolerance. In the analyses of the Serbian national character, Jovanović was of the opinion that the Serbs are predominantly a
Trends like global warming and peak oil (the end of the cheap fossil fuel age) embody an enormous potential of natural catastrophe and socio-economic upheaval. Are our affluent societies ready for the forthcoming conflicts around scarcity, when expansionist human systems collide with the biophysical limits of our finite planet? Unfortunately, we cannot exclude a revival of anti-humanist and anti-democratic political movements in XXIst century. With the global socio-ecological crisis as a background, it is worth considering the idea of Hitler as a forerunner. (Author) 34 refs.
are mainly interested in assessing and promoting innovations in public service delivery, but have paid little or no attention to the need for innovations in polity, politics and policy. This article develops a research agenda for studying innovations in political institutions, in the political process...... and in policy outputs. It proposes a number of research themes related to political innovations that call for scholarly attention, and identifies push and pull factors influencing the likelihood that these themes will be addressed in future research....
Stassinopoulos, D.; Bak, P.
We introduce a simple ''toy'' brain model. The model consists of a set of randomly connected, or layered integrate-and-fire neurons. Inputs to and outputs from the environment are connected randomly to subsets of neurons. The connections between firing neurons are strengthened or weakened according to whether the action was successful or not. Unlike previous reinforcement learning algorithms, the feedback from the environment is democratic: it affects all neurons in the same way, irrespective of their position in the network and independent of the output signal. Thus no unrealistic back propagation or other external computation is needed. This is accomplished by a global threshold regulation which allows the system to self-organize into a highly susceptible, possibly ''critical'' state with low activity and sparse connections between firing neurons. The low activity permits memory in quiescent areas to be conserved since only firing neurons are modified when new information is being taught
Rapp, Carolin; Traunmüller, Richard; Freitag, Markus
This article combines the research strands of moral politics and political behavior by focusing on the effect of individual and contextual religiosity on individual vote decisions in popular initiatives and public referenda concerning morally charged issues. We rely on a total of 13 surveys with 1...... American research on moral politics, direct democracies, and the public role of religion....
Storm, Paula; Kelly, Robert; deVries, Susann
People and organizations are inherently political. Library workplace environments have zones of tension and dynamics just like any corporation, often leading to the formation of political camps. These different cliques influence productivity and work-related issues and, at worst, give meetings the feel of the Camp David negotiations. Politics are…
Bragaw, Donald, Ed.
When the Berlin Wall (East Germany) came down, it symbolically foretold the end of the Soviet Union domination of Eastern Europe and Central Asia. This resource guide examines the process toward democratization occurring in those regions. The guide updates the available classroom material on the democratic process. It is divided into three…
of others’” and therefore could be viewed as a legitimate function of the state. 32 Noam Chomsky , Necessary Illusions: Thought Control in Democratic...Social Movements.” Canadian Journal of Sociology 24, no. 1 (Winter 1999): 1–34. Chomsky , Noam. Necessary Illusions: Thought Control in Democratic
Torfing, Jacob; Skelcher, Chris
the democratic governance of regulatory policies in Europe, and highlight the way in which civic participation and democratic ownership is given equal weight to economic competitiveness. We then discuss the potential for institutionalized participatory governance to develop and its prospects for improving...
Perry, Laura B.
Although theorists and policy makers agree that schooling should be democratic, what this exactly means often varies. This article establishes a conceptual model for analyzing education policy in democratic societies, based on the key concepts of equality, diversity, participation, choice, and cohesion. The model facilitates the design,…
Peace and Development : Democratization, Poverty Reduction and Risk Mitigation in Fragile and Post Conflict States. Both the social science literature and policymakers tend to take for granted that poverty reduction, risk mitigation and democratization are mutually reinforcing. This basic assumption was first challenged ...
... for the rule of law and human rights, accountability and transparency. This thesis compares the intelligence systems of Argentina, Romania, and El Salvador under their different regimes, authoritarian as well as democratic...
Snauwaert, Dale T.
The foundation upon which this discussion is based is the basic nature of democracy as both a political and moral ideal. Democracy can be understood as a system of rights premised upon the logic of equality. At its core is a fundamental belief in moral equality, a belief that all human beings possess an equal inherent dignity or worth. The ideal…
A. V. Korolevska
Full Text Available The high culture of tolerance accelerates political socialization, improves the qualities of a citizen, a sense of ownership of public affairs, instilling respect for democratic values. Relevance of the work is determined by processes that occur in today’s society and that lead not only to confusion but to destruction of public relations. The article reviews the state of political tolerance in the system of relations society – authorities in Russia. Based on opinion polls statistical analyzes to determine trends in contemporary ensure political tolerance is conducted. Due to correlation between support for Putin and the perception of the political situation in the country as well is determined existence. Fixes sustainable public discontent actual situation in the country, however, people do not use the opportunities for political activism. Almost two thirds of Russians believe that the interests of the government and society in do not match. The low percentage of respondents believe that the political course of the country’s leadership in the interests of ordinary people. There is a steady trend to an agreement among the Russian population to concentrate power in his hands. There is a slight increase of the population of those who are ready to connect to solve their problems in life forms of protest activity.
Full Text Available I argue that parent participation in SGBs is an important ingredient in building democracy in the schooling system, as well as in the wider society of South Africa. At some schools in South Africa, parents are not yet playing their full role as governors mandated by legislation. Parents at some rural schools are reluctant to participate in the decision-making by School Governing Bodies (SGBs as a result of their low educational level or of power struggles in SGBs. In some former model C schools, on the other hand, lack of participation is related to a level of education of parents in general, lack of education on parental involvement in school activities, a fear of ‘academic victimisation' of their children, language barrier, and difficulty in attending meetings. This lack of involvement is at its highest in school governing bodies. It appears therefore that while representation and debate are theoretically open and fair, there are still factors that inhibit SGBs from operating democratically. Although the political control of apartheid has gone, issues related to full democratic participation have not been resolved.
Anastasia S. Yufereva
Full Text Available This article presents the results of the analysis of classical approaches of foreign scientists (U. Lippman, G. Laswell, etc. and Russian scientists (N.Biryukov, V.Borev, etc.. The purpose is to determine the role of the of mass media institution in context of the political communication system. In order to achieve this aim the information was gathered from books, monographs, scientific articles, etc. In this research the corresponding method was used to get reliable results. The method of historical analyses was implied to study the crucial stages of understanding the phenomenon of mass media in the context of the political communication system. In particular the author studies both foreign and national approaches to conduct an extensive analysis of this topic. The article describes as well the basic principles and areas of analysis, which allow to identify several areas in the understanding of the problem.
John Paul Wilson
Full Text Available Previous research has shown that perceivers can accurately extract information about perceptually ambiguous group memberships from facial information alone. For example, people demonstrate above-chance accuracy in categorizing political ideology from faces. Further, they ascribe particular personality traits to faces according to political party (e.g., Republicans are dominant and mature, Democrats are likeable and trustworthy. Here, we report three studies that replicated and extended these effects. In Study 1a, we provide evidence that, in addition to showing accuracy in categorization, politically-conservative participants expressed a bias toward categorizing targets as outgroup members. In Study 1b, we replicate this relationship with a larger sample and a stimulus set consisting of faces of professional politicians. In Study 2, we find that trait ascriptions based on target political affiliation are moderated by perceiver political ideology. Specifically, although Democrats are stereotyped as more likeable and trustworthy, conservative participants rated faces that were categorized as Republicans in Study 1a as more likeable and trustworthy than faces categorized as Democrats. Thus, this paper joins a growing literature showing that it is critical to consider perceiver identity in examining perceptions of identities and traits from faces.
Wilson, John Paul; Rule, Nicholas O
Previous research has shown that perceivers can accurately extract information about perceptually ambiguous group memberships from facial information alone. For example, people demonstrate above-chance accuracy in categorizing political ideology from faces. Further, they ascribe particular personality traits to faces according to political party (e.g., Republicans are dominant and mature, Democrats are likeable and trustworthy). Here, we report three studies that replicated and extended these effects. In Study 1a, we provide evidence that, in addition to showing accuracy in categorization, politically-conservative participants expressed a bias toward categorizing targets as outgroup members. In Study 1b, we replicate this relationship with a larger sample and a stimulus set consisting of faces of professional politicians. In Study 2, we find that trait ascriptions based on target political affiliation are moderated by perceiver political ideology. Specifically, although Democrats are stereotyped as more likeable and trustworthy, conservative participants rated faces that were categorized as Republicans in Study 1a as more likeable and trustworthy than faces categorized as Democrats. Thus, this paper joins a growing literature showing that it is critical to consider perceiver identity in examining perceptions of identities and traits from faces.
Wilson, John Paul; Rule, Nicholas O.
Previous research has shown that perceivers can accurately extract information about perceptually ambiguous group memberships from facial information alone. For example, people demonstrate above-chance accuracy in categorizing political ideology from faces. Further, they ascribe particular personality traits to faces according to political party (e.g., Republicans are dominant and mature, Democrats are likeable and trustworthy). Here, we report three studies that replicated and extended these effects. In Study 1a, we provide evidence that, in addition to showing accuracy in categorization, politically-conservative participants expressed a bias toward categorizing targets as outgroup members. In Study 1b, we replicate this relationship with a larger sample and a stimulus set consisting of faces of professional politicians. In Study 2, we find that trait ascriptions based on target political affiliation are moderated by perceiver political ideology. Specifically, although Democrats are stereotyped as more likeable and trustworthy, conservative participants rated faces that were categorized as Republicans in Study 1a as more likeable and trustworthy than faces categorized as Democrats. Thus, this paper joins a growing literature showing that it is critical to consider perceiver identity in examining perceptions of identities and traits from faces. PMID:24781819
Full Text Available The author suggests twelve hypothesis to revive enthusiasm as a political category and, finally, to restate the possibility of political action. The enthusiasm of the masses was in this perspective the essential political element of ''The Glorious Thirties'' following the Second War World, characterized by this tension to realize a greater social justice. It would have been also at the base of the ''Long Sixty- eight'' and of the processes of decolonization. Enthusiasm is thus thought in opposition both to the monopolistic pretension of political innovation forwarded by communist parties in the past and to the exclusive competence on political-economical decisions claimed today by democratic élite. Rethinking the enthusiasm that animated these historic sequences of the Twentieth century should offer the possibility to respond to «the sad passions» that dominate the era of neoliberal administration of global democracy.
Bygnes, Susanne; Flipo, Aurore
Motivations for migrating within the European Union have mainly been attributed to economic, career and lifestyle choices. This article suggests that political dissatisfaction is also an important motivator of recent intra-European migration. In our analysis of in-depth interviews with Romanian migrants in Spain and with Spanish migrants in Norway, we found a common emphasis on the political dimensions of their decision to migrate. In the interviews, the economic component of migration was often related to bad governance and negative perceptions of the state. The similarities of Spanish and Romanian migration narratives are especially striking because Spain and Romania represent substantially different migratory, political and economic contexts. However, migration is more obviously intertwined with conventional acts of political protest in the Spanish case. We suggest that differences in democratic contexts are pivotal in people's reactions to and framing of their deep dissatisfaction with domestic politics, as found in many European countries today.
dikec , mustafa
International audience; Introduction Geography and politics'', Gottmann wrote in 1980, ``have long been in search of each other'' (page 11). Debates in the literature suggest not only that they have found each other, but also that the encounter has instigated, notably in the last decade or so, a body of literature seeking to think space politically, and to think politics spatially. This is not to suggest that previous work on space was apolitical, nor to suggest that previous work on politics...
Full Text Available Abstract: Based upon elite interviews, document analysis and library research, this study analyses the responses of the Indonesian Muslim political elite to the phenomena of the emergence of the alleged communist Partai Rakyat Demokratik (People’s Democratic Party and the flourishing of the Leftist books in Indonesia during 1996-2001 which is one of the most critical historical phases in Indonesian politics that witnessed significant political changes affecting the life of Indonesians in general and Muslims in particular. The adverse responses of most Muslim political elite to the revival of the Left are basically driven by the interweaving of theological, historical and political factors as well as traumatic historical experience. With the passage of time, there have been significant changes, and strained relations between Islamic political groups and the Leftists have thawed but not eliminated.
Azizi Ari, Sharareh
The internet and social networks have contributed extensively to democratic political uprisings in the Middle East in recent years. We cannot think of the Iranian Green Movement in 2009 and the Arab Spring in 2010-2011 without thinking, at the same time, of Facebook, Twitter and You Tube. The roles played by the internet and social networks in these two significant political events in this region led me to ask and discuss the question: Have internet and social networks constituted an alternat...
Nowadays ‘education for citizenship’ is presented as a solution for many of the political, social, and co-existential issues in Western democratic societies in order to tackle dysfunctionalities produced by globalization, populism, migration, information and communication technologies (ICTs), and violence. At the same time, particularly among ‘millennials’ or ‘digital natives’, lack of civil commitment and apathy toward politics as a whole contrasts with their intensive usage of digital socia...
The land dumping of nuclear waste has again come to the attention of anti-nuclear groups, environmentalists and the media, following the announcement of the proposed sites for intermediate-level nuclear waste at Billingham and Bedford. Opposition has already surfaced on a large scale, with public meetings in both areas and a revitalisation of the waste dumping network. This article explains some of the political realities in the nuclear debate, and suggests how we can tackle the issue of waste dumping, remembering that, even if the industry closes tomorrow, there are vast quantities of waste which must be safely and democratically dealt with. (author)
Full Text Available It is claimed in this article that one of the main aims of the “bureaucratic tutelage” system in Turkey is to control the distribution of the economic rents created by the import-substituting industrialization. Thus, economic statism and the bureaucratic control over elected politicians were compatible with each other until economic liberalization in 1980. Even a limited economic liberalization created great opportunities for the politicians to weaken the power of the bureaucratic elites, particularly military officers. Thus, there is a strong relationship between economic liberalization and democratization in Turkey after 1980. However, even though, bureaucratic tutelage is regressed, Turkey is still far from having a transparent government and efficient public organizations. The conventional explanations are not adequate to grasp the intermingled relations between economic and political institutionalization in Turkey. Therefore, public choice may help to understand the role of the economic motivations of the political actors/elites in the context of shaping the political institutions. The political actors are seen as utility maximizers within the limits of institutional rules and practices, and the institutional change is explained with the help of changing interests and power relations of these actors. Enlarging economic liberties have gradually forced bureaucratic tutelage system to dissolve. For sure, dissolving the bureaucratic tutelage system is not a perfect or an intended process but examining this process from Turgut Ozal to Tayyip Erdogan gives us a theoretical framework to understand the political transformation of Turkey in the era of an open economy.
This research work explores the implementation of bioenergy systems in Europe focusing on socio-political issues. The purpose is to improve understanding of key drivers and barriers for bioenergy. The author conducted literature reviews, case studies, site visits, stakeholder interviews, industry interactions, and research workshops. The research process also involved extensive fieldwork and the development of 12 case studies from 8 countries in Europe. Combating climate change and enhancing energy security are identified in the literature as key drivers for bioenergy. Promoting regional development is also often mentioned although it is not well explored by empirical studies. This thesis analyses regional development activity associated with the implementation of bioenergy systems in 4 case studies from Sweden. The case studies suggest there are at least 4 benefits that can flow from bioenergy systems. These benefits can be key drivers for local and regional actors. The key drivers include: Distribution and diversification; Partnerships and synergies; Business and employment; Environment and landscape. The key barriers include: Economic conditions; Know-how and institutional capacity; Supply chain co-ordination. The second research objective for this thesis is to investigate and discuss experiences of supportive (and disruptive) policies and actions for the implementation of bioenergy systems in Europe. The main findings include: Bioenergy systems: While there are key barriers hindering bioenergy systems, this research identifies no absolute barriers to realising the targets on bioenergy utilisation defined by the European Union. Interestingly, there are some consistent policies and actions evident in the case studies that are employed to overcome key barriers, including: investment grants; policy measures; pilot projects; local initiatives; local champions; and supply contracts. Not surprisingly, supportive economic policies and partnerships between the public
State administrations rely on knowledge about its employees in order to ensure transparent payroll management. This thesis investigates the political economy and social dynamics around such knowledge by focusing on public school teachers in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). After a calamitous
Gvirtz, Silvina; Minvielle, Lucila
Nicaragua presents an interesting case study of a society pursuing reform of the democratization of its school governance through citizen participation. A radical transformation with a complex institutional arrangement was put in place within a context of major political change and endemic poverty. In order to achieve our objective of empirically…