Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Orlović Slobodan P.
2015-01-01
Full Text Available In this work the author refers to some legal and political questions in connection with green political parties. Those questions cover: the ideology of green political parties, their number and influence, both in general and in Serbia. The first part of work is generally speaking about political parties - their definition, ideology, role and action. Main thesis in this work is that green political parties, by their appearance, were something new on the political scene. But quickly, because of objective and subjective reasons, they were changing original ideas and were beginning to resemble to all other political parties. In this way, they lost their vanguard and political alternativeness.
POLITICAL MONETARY CYCLES IN COALITION AND SINGLE PARTY GOVERNMENT PERIODS: A CASE STUDY ON TURKEY
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AHMET EMRAH TAYYAR
2017-12-01
Full Text Available According to the theory of political monetary cycles, the government manipulates monetary policy during election periods in order to be re-elected. According to the said theory, expansionary monetary policies are implemented before the elections with opportunistic objective, while the contractionary monetary policies are implemented to stabilize the economy immediately after the elections. The use of monetary policy instruments for political purposes depends on the presence of a non-autonomous central bank, flexible exchange rate regime in the country, and the coordination between fiscal and monetary policies. Thus, the changes in the monetary policy indicators in election periods during coalition and single party governments in Turkey between 1990 and 2016 were examined in the present study. The money in circulation (M0, M1 money supply, domestic loans and inflation series were analyzed with the seasonal Box-Jenkins method for the above mentioned periods. Based on the findings of the study, political monetary cycles were not observed during the 1990-2000 coalition governments. It was determined that there were political monetary cycles during the single party government period between 2000 and 2016.Furthermore, although it could be expected that the political monetary cycles would be removed with the liberalization of the Turkish central bank on 25 April 2001, the existence of political monetary cycles during the period of 2000-2016 indicates that central bank independence was not fully achieved in Turkey. Based on another finding of the present study, the lack of political monetary cycles during the coalition government periods could lead to the failure in financing the budget deficit that increase due to political reasons with monetary policies. However, due to the existence of political monetary cycles during the single party government period, it could be argued that politically induced budget deficits changed in consistence with the
Political parties in the Sverdlovsk region: stages of development
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Mukhametov Ruslan Salikhovich
2013-12-01
Full Text Available This article analyzes the processes of party building in the Russian Federation. On the example of a single region – the Sverdlovsk region – we study the evolution of political parties. The factors favoring the process of formation and functioning of regional political parties and political movements in the Middle Urals are identified and classified. Much attention is paid to such factors of development of the parties in the region as a party-electoral law and the electoral system view.
Political Market Orientation and Strategic Party Postures in Danish Political Parties
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan
2011-01-01
Purpose – This paper investigates the relationship between the strategic postures and political market orientation profile of two Danish parties. Profile stability at the organisational level is used as a control variable. Design/methodology/approach – The strategic political postures of two Danish...... are used to control for organisational stability. Findings – The self-typing study revealed that Party A was perceived to follow a Relationship Builder posture, and Party B a Convinced Ideologist posture. However, both market orientation profiles resembled the organisational structures of a Convinced...... in the political sphere. More specifically it empirically links political market orientation as an issue of political marketing implementation on the one hand, and strategic postures of parties as a strategic issue on the other, following a configuration theory logic. Research limitations...
Political Market Orientation and Strategic Party Postures in Danish Political Parties
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan
2011-01-01
Purpose – This paper investigates the relationship between the strategic postures and political market orientation profile of two Danish parties. Profile stability at the organisational level is used as a control variable. Design/methodology/approach – The strategic political postures of two Danish...... parties are derived using a self-typing study. Based on configuration theory, ideal organisational profiles to implement these studies are juxtaposed with the actual political market orientation profile for each party, gained from two datasets analysed using Partial Least Squares. Member activity levels...... Ideologist. Thus, Party A exhibits a mismatch between strategic orientation and implemented organisational profile, based on configuration theory. The results were generally stable across political activity levels. Originality/value – The study contributes to understanding the concept of market orientation...
Gendering transnational party politics
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Kantola, Johanna; Rolandsen-Agustín, Lise
2016-01-01
research traditions, we build toward an analytical framework to study gender and transnational party politics. Our empirical analysis focuses on two policy issues, the economic crisis and the sexual and reproductive health and rights, analyzing European Parliament reports, debates and voting on the issues...... from 2009 to 2014. By focusing on gender equality constructions and the way in which consensus and contestation are built around them within and between party groups, we argue that shared constructions about gender equality are issue specific and change over time. Consensus breaks down along the left......In this article, we analyze transnational party politics in the European Union from a gender perspective. This is a subject that has been neglected both by mainstream European studies on party politics and by gender scholars who work on political parties. Drawing on the insights of these two...
Promoting Party Politics in Emerging Democracies
Burnell, P.; Gerrits, A.
2010-01-01
This opening section briefly introduces international political party support, that is, assistance to political parties by international organizations, mostly from the US and Europe, to strengthen individual political parties, to promote peaceful interaction between parties and to help to create a
DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND PARTY FUNDING: MODELS AND CHARACTERISTICS
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Hrvoje MATAKOVIC
2015-03-01
Full Text Available The first modern political parties were formed at the end of the 18th century and have, from those times up to now, undergone 4 developing phases; each of the phases is bound to ideal-type political party model: cadre parties, mass parties, catch-all parties and cartel parties. Each of these party models differentiates in various characteristics: party foundation, number of members, and way of leading the election campaigns, but also in ways of financing. This paper describes the above mentioned 4 phases of political parties’ development and 4 phases of parties' finances development; it will be analysed in detail positive and negative sides of each of the models of party financing.
Turkish Political Market and the Perception of Political Parties
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Cihat Polat
2015-06-01
Full Text Available This study attempts to describe the Turkish political market and determine where and how Turkish political parties are perceived by voters. The study uses a two-dimensional map to determine the voter perceptions of the parties in the Turkish political market based on a survey questionnaire applied to 400 young voters. It also investigates whether there are any major differences in the perception of parties in the political space based on voter ideologies. The study finds that young voters have clear perceptions of the positions of Turkish parties. It also finds that voter perceptions of parties vary based on voters’ ideological positions.
Political party affiliation, political ideology and mortality.
Pabayo, Roman; Kawachi, Ichiro; Muennig, Peter
2015-05-01
Ecological and cross-sectional studies have indicated that conservative political ideology is associated with better health. Longitudinal analyses of mortality are needed because subjective assessments of ideology may confound subjective assessments of health, particularly in cross-sectional analyses. Data were derived from the 2008 General Social Survey-National Death Index data set. Cox proportional analysis models were used to determine whether political party affiliation or political ideology was associated with time to death. Also, we attempted to identify whether self-reported happiness and self-rated health acted as mediators between political beliefs and time to death. In this analysis of 32,830 participants and a total follow-up time of 498,845 person-years, we find that political party affiliation and political ideology are associated with mortality. However, with the exception of independents (adjusted HR (AHR)=0.93, 95% CI 0.90 to 0.97), political party differences are explained by the participants' underlying sociodemographic characteristics. With respect to ideology, conservatives (AHR=1.06, 95% CI 1.01 to 1.12) and moderates (AHR=1.06, 95% CI 1.01 to 1.11) are at greater risk for mortality during follow-up than liberals. Political party affiliation and political ideology appear to be different predictors of mortality. Published by the BMJ Publishing Group Limited. For permission to use (where not already granted under a licence) please go to http://group.bmj.com/group/rights-licensing/permissions.
28 CFR 51.7 - Political parties.
2010-07-01
... THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT OF 1965, AS AMENDED General Provisions § 51.7 Political parties. Certain activities of political parties are subject to the preclearance requirement of section 5. A change affecting... 28 Judicial Administration 2 2010-07-01 2010-07-01 false Political parties. 51.7 Section 51.7...
Political Parties and Innovation
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Bischoff, Carina Saxlund; Christiansen, Flemming Juul
2017-01-01
parties themselves as well their impact on potentially innovative public decisions. One major expectation is that hierarchical parties with centralized leadership make more efficient decisions but that sustainable innovation outcomes promoted by collaborative efforts are easier to obtain for decentralized...... political parties with participatory internal democratic processes....
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Irina Lonean
2012-06-01
Full Text Available The article examines the party-state relationship in post-communist Romania. It shows the connections between the existence of patronage, corruption and the states’ weak administrative capacity, on one hand, and the dynamics of the political party system, as an explanatory variable, on the other hand. The instability of the political parties in Romania and their changing relations within the system make the electorates’ task of anticipating and sanctioning their politics impossible. Consequently, the political parties have the possibility of extracting resources from the state without being held accountable in elections, as an effect of their dynamic, but non-robust competition.
The Political Parties and Political Participation in Rivers State, Nigeria
African Journals Online (AJOL)
The Political Parties and Political Participation in Rivers State, Nigeria: A Case Study of 2015 General Elections. Goddey Wilson. Abstract. The study reviewed the activities of the political parties and its impact on voters' participation in the political activities in Rivers State. In pursuit of this objective, the study generated ...
Political Marketing Mix in Indonesia Parties
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Freddy Simbolon
2016-05-01
Full Text Available The reform era has changed the paradigm of Indonesian politics. Multiparty system has demanded a political party to be able to compete for their constituents. Article aimed to convey a political marketing concept that can helppolitical parties in planning a strategy to win the election. Research method used descriptive method analysis. The results suggest that the approach of the marketing mix that includes the product, price, place, and promotion areapproaches that are very helpful in presenting a plan to win the marketing strategy of political parties in elections.
Low Membership in Czech Political Parties: Party Strategy or Structural Determinants?
Czech Academy of Sciences Publication Activity Database
Linek, Lukáš; Pecháček, Š.
2007-01-01
Roč. 23, č. 2 (2007), s. 259-275 ISSN 1352-3279 R&D Projects: GA MPS 1J004/04-DP1 Institutional research plan: CEZ:AV0Z70280505 Keywords : political parties * party membership * antiparty sentiments * party organization Subject RIV: AD - Politology ; Political Sciences
Terrorism and Political Parties
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Bourne, Angela
In the paper I address the empirical puzzle arising from different responses by political authorities in Spain and the UK to the existence of political parties integrated in the terrorist groups Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Basque Homeland and Freedom) and the Irish Republican Army (IRA). More...... for realization of free speech rights and representation is also emphasized, and where proscription is seen as inimical to resolution of conflict underpinning violence. In the context of party competition, a winning coalition is required for one discourse to predominate. However, I also argued that both ideas...
Pirate political parties: New democracy or political utopia
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Karanović Bojana
2012-01-01
Full Text Available Modern society is changing under the influence of IT technologies, more and more we talk about 'digital revolution', and political and economic developments are shaped by computer networks. Undeniably, the Internet has opened new possibilities for socio-political expansion, networking and mobilization. Besides the political establishment, many social movements found their chance in cyberspace recognizing the IT technology as a platform for the development and improvement of their internal and external communication. In this article we will focus on the Pirate Party, movement that has been seriously growing on the European political stage for last several years. Following the example of German Pirate Party we will try to explain the characteristics of the movement, its goals and communication strategies, and political dilemmas which it brings.
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Ormrod, Robert P.; Savigny, Heather
2012-01-01
This article is motivated by the growing need to integrate the current political science and marketing literature in order to provide a deeper understanding of the behaviour of political actors and their relationships with relevant stakeholder groups. In our article, we demonstrate how Ormrod...... strive for contextual sensitivity. By adopting this approach it is hoped that the fears noted by political scientists that political marketing is solely concerned with applying standard management models to political parties with the resulting emphasis on communication tactics at election time, together......’s conceptual model of political market orientation complements political science models of party organization by drawing attention to the competing interests of stakeholders in shaping party strategy and organizational structure. We treat parties as a multitude of actors rather than as monolithic entities...
Party-political and electoral system of Uruguay
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Samuel Decresci
2015-06-01
Full Text Available The Oriental Republic of Uruguay is seen by many as a pioneer among Latin American nations to modernize its state and its policy. Since the late nineteenth century to the twentieth, Uruguayan political actors operate significant changes such as the separation of church and state, labor regulation, divorce law, women's vote, etc. Because of this and the progressive modernization, it was called the “Switzerland of the Americas”. Today, it still stands out in this area by regularizing abortion, homoaffective marriage, liberalization and access to marijuana. Moreover, noteworthy that such measures were achieved largely because of governance that the executive enjoys in the midst of this political system. Thus, this work aims to analyze such Uruguayan political system. In short, a political system is understood by the government system, the electoral system and the party system. That said, it will be analyzed in the political scenario of the country, their characteristics, party and election rules, political parties, party dynamics and relations between the powers.
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Albert Padró-Solanet
2008-02-01
Full Text Available
The article analyses the use of New Information and Communications Technologies (NICT by the political parties, going beyond approaches focusing on the potential of these technologies for political transformation and renovation. In order to do this a set of variables that characterise the strategic position of the Catalan parties is employed: ideology, organisation and position in the electoral market. The analysis shows three different forms of usage of the Internet. One group of parties (PSC, CDC-CiU uses it to promote participation and campaigning activities; a second group (ICV, Cs, to generate new resources, and finally, a third group (PSC, ERC uses it to build contact networks. The size, and to a lesser degree the type of organisation, stand out as the major explanatory variables. The major parties use the Internet to promote campaign activities and participation; in contrast, smaller parties tend to make use of the Internet to generate new sources of financing and workforce. Depending on the type of organisation, the parties of the masses seem to be more likely to use the Internet to set up and activate an extensive contact network which recreates the characteristic associative realm of these parties in cyberspace.
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Dedeh Maryani
2015-08-01
Full Text Available Abstract Recently in Indonesia public trust toward political parties has been decreasing. Most voters tend to be neutral they had better to choose to none. The Experts argued that political competitivness will be high when political parties apply the accurate marketing mix or enhance their image and reputation. The aim of this research is to show how far political marketing mix in influencing the image or the reputation of political party and their impact toward the competitivness of 10 political parties conducted in Province West Java. I use quantitative method with explanatory survey method design. The population in this research is all voters in West Java while the samples are about 400 persons with cluster random sampling. Data analysis in this research is descriptive with Parsial Least Square PLS hypothesis test. PLS describes political marketing mix toward the image and the reputation of political party and their impact toward the competitivness of political party. The result shows that independent variable X political marketing mix gives a positive and significant influence to intervening variables Y1 and Y2 the image and the reputation of political party and dependent variable Y3 political party competitivness their impact to the variable depend on it. The finding in this study is that marketing mix has high influence toward the competitiveness of political party by enhancing the image and the reputation of political party.
ISLAMIC PARTIES AND THE POLITICS OF CONSTITUTIONALISM IN INDONESIA
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Mukrimin Mukrimin
2012-12-01
Full Text Available This article examines the relationship between religion and the state in Indonesia by exploring how Islam is used by political parties to shape the politics. The study shows that Islamic politics is a complementary in both nationhood and statehood in Indonesia. From the early days of the new-born nation-state, Muslims in Indonesia had played significant role in shaping the nation; nonetheless, they have never dominated the political power. Fragmentation among Muslims themselves and internal political parties is among the reason why religious (Islamic parties failed in bringing religious identity to the state arena. Political subordination-inclusion-ignorance-confrontation is the circular game that features Islamic politics in Indonesia. The debatable issue on shari‘ah law, which is frequently used by Islamic parties, always becomes the core problem of the relation between Islam and the state. Even though Islam has played an important role in colouring the Indonesian politics, its existence remains complementary.
Social Networks and Political Parties in Chile
Adler Lomnitz, Larissa
2002-01-01
This paper describes the origin and evolution of two Chilean political parties (the Radical Party and the Christian Democrat Party) through the analysis of the social networks that originated and composed them. The aim of this study is to propose a model of national political cultures on the basis of the structure of social networks related to power and of the symbol system, which legitimizes it. The structure of social networks, horizontal and vertical, are based on reciprocal or redistribut...
Nationalism, territory and extremism in party politics
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Bourne, Angela
In the paper I address the empirical puzzle arising from different responses by political authorities in Spain and the UK to the existence of political parties integrated in the terrorist groups Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Basque Homeland and Freedom) and the Irish Republican Army. More specifica......In the paper I address the empirical puzzle arising from different responses by political authorities in Spain and the UK to the existence of political parties integrated in the terrorist groups Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Basque Homeland and Freedom) and the Irish Republican Army. More...... for realization of free speech rights and representation is also emphasized, and where proscription is seen as inimical to resolution of conflict underpinning violence. In the context of party competition, a winning coalition is required for one discourse to predominate. However, I also argued that both ideas...
Party Political Panthers: Hegemonic Tamil Politics and the Dalit Challenge
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Hugo Gorringe
2011-12-01
Full Text Available The Viduthalai Ciruthaigal Katchi (VCK, Liberation Panther Party has successfully transformed from the largest Dalit movement in Tamil Nadu into a recognised political organisation. Social movement theorists like Gamson (1990 view political recognition and engagement as one of the main aims and successes of social mobilisation. Despite the obvious achievements of the VCK, however, activists and commentators express disappointment or disillusionment with its performance. The Panthers clearly reject the caste hierarchy, but they increasingly adopt hegemonic forms of politics which can undermine their aims. This paper, thus, engages with the questions of movement institutionalisation by tracing the political trajectory of the VCK and charting its resistance to and compliance with Dravidian hegemony. It argues that institutionalisation needs to be understood within particular socio-political contexts and notes how the hegemony of Dravidian politics partly explains the disjuncture between activist and political perceptions. It portrays how the dominant political parties have set the template for what it means to ‘do’ politics in Tamil Nadu which serves as both an opportunity and a constraint for potential challengers.
Means of discourse manipulations in political party programs in Spain
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Irina V. Smirnova
2014-01-01
Full Text Available Thanks to different mass media sources, members of any society are well aware of political developments and events and politicians. Every person has his or her own formed political beliefs and affirmations, interpreters other people's actions during political developments and evaluates events that take place. Political forces, in turn, see a person (a potential elector as an object of external information influence. This lets them use political communication when competing for the power. In the modern democratic society this competition is carried out via parliamentarian debates, politicians' speeches, examining political parties' programs, political agitation and voting. General audience-oriented political discourse implements its function of political information influence. As the goal of any political party's program (as an independent form of text in the system of political discourse is to win the elections and come to power, thus the audience influence function is one of the most fundamental and serve as the basis for the text. The text of a program itself is characterized by its persuasive orientation towards the audience, which reveal itself in such methods as convincing, argumentation, manipulation and evaluation. All the political programs pertain to parties which are at the power or which are in opposition. The main characteristic of oppositional programs is the criticism of the power, vice versa, the dominant party's programs confirm the correctness of their policy. All the political programs are multi-authored. The written form of any political program lets put into practice a detailed text analysis. This article presents the analysis of the texts of two leading Spanish political parties (the Spanish socialist worker's party and the people's party of Spain.
Inequality and anti-globalization backlash by political parties
Burgoon, B.
2013-01-01
Does income inequality increase political backlash against European and global integration? This paper reports research suggesting that it can. The article analyses party opposition to and support for trade openness, European Union integration and general internationalism of political party
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Suwignyo Widagdo
2015-12-01
Full Text Available This study attempts to analyze; 1 the effect of political product on the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member; 2 the effect of political product on the decision to choose political party; 3 the effect of the decision to choose the candidates of legislative members on the decision to choose political party; and 4 the role of mediating variable of the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member on the affect the decision to choose political party. The data were analyzed using inferential statistical analysis of Generalized Structured Component Analysis (GeSCA. It shows that 1 the political product has an effect on the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member; 2 the mediating variable of the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member plays a very important role for the constituents in taking the decision to choose political party. However, of the existing three indicators, only personal characteristic can explain the strength of the effect of political product on the selection of political party. Yet, the second hypothesis test result shows that the path coefficient is significant and provides evidence that the second hypothesis is accepted. The decision to choose political party is increa-singly stronger as a result of the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member which is in accordance with the expectations of voters. Acquisition of the party vote will increase after the constituents know the candidates proposed. The higher the popularity and quality of the candidate is, the greater the electoral gains of a party.
Modelling the dynamics of two political parties in the presence of switching.
Nyabadza, F; Alassey, Tobge Yawo; Muchatibaya, Gift
2016-01-01
This paper generalizes the model proposed by Misra, by considering switching between political parties. In the model proposed, the movements of members from political party B to political party C and vice versa, are considered but the net movement is considered by assuming that [Formula: see text] (a constant), which implies that the movement of members is either from party B to party C or from party C to party B. In this paper we remodel these movements through switching functions to capture how individuals switch between parties. The results provide a more comprehensive synopsis of the dynamics between two political parties.
Choosing memories? Russian political parties as actors of historical policy
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Anikin Daniil Alexandrovich
2017-12-01
Full Text Available The article takes an attempt to analyse the transformation of relations between the state power and political parties in Russia within the framework of implementation the politics of memory. On the basis of the content analysis, the article analyses the specifics of using the images of the past in the activities of the 7th State Duma’s political parties: mentioning the historical periods, frequency of mentions, the function of a statement containing positive, neutral or critical assessments of the past, the theme of the continuity of historical experience of the Russian statehood, ways of implementation of some elements of the politics of memory. To sum up, the stumbling block for the main parliamentary parties becomes the Soviet past concerning which there are only separate points of correlation of all political forces. Today we can talk about the process set by the parties to develop the systematic strategies for comprehending the past. The article also analyses the history of the political parties in the context of the politics of memory.
Role of political parties in the formation of civil society in Uzbekistan
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Сирожжон Насипкулович Бердикулов
2015-06-01
Full Text Available The article considers the role of political parties in the development of civil society and the rule of law, as well as issues of political parties differ from other public organizations, the concept of a multi-party system, the importance of a multi-party system in ensuring political pluralism, inter-party competition, constructive opposition, the expression of the interests of the electorate, the space of political parties in parliament and local councils (soviets
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Hilman Latief
2013-12-01
Full Text Available The rise of party-based Islamic charities has had a profound impact on the nature of philanthropic activities in contemporary Indonesia, and stimulated a new debate over the issue of the politics of benevolent acts. Over the past few years, in line with the increase of the influence of the Islamic factor in Indonesian politics, there have been a number of political parties which actively engaged with social welfare activities through the newly-established Islamic charitable organizations. The close ties between charitable organizations and political parties may lead to the new patterns of Muslim social and political activism, and to the new forms of political clientelism. This article analyzes the vibrant effort of political parties in sponsoring the inception and operation of Islamic charitable organizations in the post New Order era, and investigates how political clientelism has been established through charity practices. This paper compares the roles of charitable organizations set up by the nationalist and Islamist parties in formulating strategies to promote their political interest. Based on three political parties studied in this article, which are the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS, Golkar Party, and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P, this paper argues that the practice of charity has become a popular way used by politicians to patronize their constituents, but at the same time, this practice has weakened the Muslim perspective of development and social change.[Munculnya lembaga-lembaga amal yang dikelola oleh partai politik berpengaruh luas terhadap aktifitas filantropi di Indonesia dan memicu perdebatan seputar politik-kedermawanan. Dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, selaras dengan semakin meningkatnya pengaruh Islam dalam lanskap politik Indonesia, partai-partai politik juga berlomba-lomba untuk terlibat aktif dalam aktifitas filantropi dengan mendirikan lembaga amal. Ikatan kuat antara partai politik dan lembaga amal
Financing of Political Parties and Electoral Campaigns in Republic of Macedonia
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Farije ALIU
2016-07-01
Full Text Available Political party in the Republic of Macedonia began to operate after independence and the adoption of the Constitution in November 1991 and has since become an integral part of the political scene and the data from the Central Registry of the Republic of Macedonia registered political parties more than 50 political parties active in the current system. The electoral system in the country is set according to the proportional model where direct and free elections by secret ballot to elect members of Parliament and members of the municipal councils and the City of Skopje for four years, while according to the majority model is the selection of the President of the Republic for a term of five years and the election of mayors of municipalities and the City of Skopje for four years. The legal framework for the financing of political parties in the country is well developed. The main law governing the financing of political parties and their supervision law on financing of political parties and the amendments to the same law. The provisions contained in the law is comprehensive, addressing the financing of the regular activities of political parties and their supervision and demonstrate ensuring transparency and accountability in political financing and a ban on anonymous donations and donations from abroad and determine the rules for cap on private donations and prohibiting quid pro quo agreements. Some provisions relating to the financing of political parties included in the Law on Political Parties and certain provisions governing the various supervisory authorities, in particular the Law on Prevention of Corruption and the Law on State Audit footnote. The basic law that regulates elections is the Electoral Code. Under the provisions of the Electoral Code the political parties and election campaign organizers are required to submit financial reports to the authorities to ensure respect for the principles of transparency and accountability and are
Political Market Orientation and the Network Party Type
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Ormrod, Robert P.
and Saglie (2003). This is motivated by the growing need to integrate the current political science and marketing literature in order to provide a deeper understanding of the behaviour of political actors and their relationships with relevant stakeholder groups. Whilst the underlying conceptualisation draws......The conceptualisation of a political market orientation (PMO) draws on current marketing thought by focussing on the relationships that exist between the party2 and relevant internal and external stakeholders (Ormrod 2005, 2011a). However, the specific way in which the PMO model is linked...... on the management-based ‘relationship marketing’ approach (Bannon 2005; Henneberg and O’Shaughnessy 2009), by striving for contextual sensitivity it is hoped that the fears noted by political scientists that political marketing is solely concerned with applying standard management models to political parties...
Political Party Funding in Romania - One Step Forward, Two Steps Back?
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Iulian Georgel Savenco
2015-05-01
Full Text Available Within political life, the determining role is given to political parties in their capacity as actors in the electoral campaign and in the race for political power. This is the reason for which we believe that the means of financing political parties and the electoral campaigns in which they partake is an important aspect within the electoral reform, as without an adequate funding their chances of winning the electoral race are drastically reduced. On the other hand, funding of political parties is of great interest as the lack of transparency which usually encircles this process can lead to a dangerous phenomenon, namely corruption. Throughout this article we present the current situation and critically analyze the changes which the Romanian legislature plans to apply to the political party financing law.
Otjes, Simon Pieter
2012-01-01
This thesis studies, how, when and why established political parties imitate new political parties. It examines new party effects on both the policy positions of established parties and the attention established political parties spend on issues. It examines this effect in both the electoral and
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Little, Conor
2017-01-01
This study contributes to the growing literature on the domestic politics of climate change by examining the climate policy preferences of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Labour Party over 20 years. Bringing the concept of ‘policy entrepreneurship’ into the study of intra-party politics, it uses...... who have engaged in policy entrepreneurship with the aim of strengthening their parties’ climate policy preferences. In instances where office-seeking incentives for climate policy have been strong, they have often contributed to changes in policy preferences, whether or not intra-party policy...... entrepreneurship has been present. Theoretically, the study argues that the concept of ‘policy entrepreneurship’ can be usefully borrowed from the public policy literature by researchers of party policy preferences and intra-party politics. Empirically, it adds to the small but growing body of research on climate...
The value of political parties to representative democracy
Kölln, Ann-Kristin
2015-01-01
Political parties play a major role in democratic processes around the world. Recent empirical research suggests that parties are increasingly less important to citizens. Simultaneously, classic and contemporary theories of representative democracy specifically still minimally incorporate accounts
POLITICAL PARTIES AND THEIR ROLE IN SAFEGUARDING THE SUPREMACY OF THE CONSTITUTION
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Silvia-Elena, OLARU
2014-11-01
Full Text Available Nowadays, the political scene of the world is stirred by political parties. The separate fronts of the Government, on the one side, and Parliament, on the other, are now obsolete notions, while political parties dominate social life, having become genuine states in state. Therefore, within the contemporary organization of the powers in state, the issues are assessed from a different perspective: traditional structures are maintained, while their functions evolve and transform rapidly. A modern society without political parties is unconceivable. Today, more than ever, political parties deserve their qualification of "engines of political life" and "reasons of the aging of the classical theory of the separation of powers"; at the same time, they must act within the boundaries set by law, namely by observing the principles of a democratic state and the constitutional order. When dealing with the theory of the separation of powers in state, we must keep in mind that, to a large extent, it was developed in a time in which political parties did not exist yet or were not in their modern form. The main problems were of institutional nature and referred to the various bodies, their competencies and the relationships between them. Unfortunately, in societies in transition, where authentic democracy is still developing, political parties - in some countries - perceive governing as a means of obtaining ministerial portfolios at all costs, irrespective of whether they have professionals for the field concerned or not. This often creates a governmental crisis, which usually leads to changing the incumbents and obtaining more positions in the new government. In this context, some of the incumbent parties set up all kinds of obstacles in order to limit the number of parties, and if this limitation fails, they manage to create legal provisions which discriminate among parties with seats in Parliament and those which are not represented, both in local and
Contextualizing Intergroup Contact: Do Political Party Cues Enhance Contact Effects?
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Sønderskov, Kim Mannemar; Thomsen, Jens Peter Frølund
2015-01-01
This article examines intergroup contact effects in different political contexts. We expand on previous efforts of social psychologists by incorporating the messages of political parties as a contextual trigger of group membership awareness in contact situations. We argue that the focus among...... political parties on us-them categorizations heightens the awareness of group memberships. This focus in turn enhances the positive intergroup contact effect by stimulating majority members to perceive contacted persons as prototypical outgroup members. A multilevel analysis of 22 countries and almost 37......,000 individuals confirms that the ability of intergroup contact to reduce antiforeigner sentiment increases when political parties focus intensively on immigration issues and cultural differences. Specifically, both workplace contact and interethnic friendship become more effective in reducing antiforeigner...
Energy-political ideas of environmentalist parties in Western Europe
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Hrbek, R.
1990-01-01
By and large the green-alternative parties embrace the same energy policies: They reject nuclear energy, they demand a radically new approach to energy politics and they want to realise their programmes within a comprehensive restructuring of the political and economic order of the respective states. The reasons for this categorical NO to nuclear energy seen in its social and environmental compatibility. In the following we will explain how this type of party works and functions. The reasons for the formation of these parties and the profile of green-alternative parties on a national and international level are described in detail as well as the resonance in society and their chances of success in general. (orig./HSCH) [de
Golkar Party's Political Communications the New Paradigm Bakrie Leadership 2009-2013
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Khoiruddin Muchtar
2013-11-01
Full Text Available This study base on the efforts of the Golkar Party's to the process of interpretation, socialization, and implementation of the new paradigm, the paradigm guide to reformations Golkar Party's become to democratic, independent, solid, strong, foundamental, and responsive. How Golkar party's political communication about socialization and implementation of a new paradigm of Golkar Party's leadership Aburizal Bakrie-year period from 2009 to 2012.The aim of this research is to study and overview of the process of socialization and implementation new paradigm Golkar Party's of the Aburizal Bakrie’s leadership. This contect described to using constructivist paradigm through the theory of Performance of Communication and Structuration. Research using the case study method. Data obtained by participation observer, unstructured interviews, and documentary study. The data also collected from informants. The results of this research show: 1 The Golkar Party's has a very significant infrastructure, so the making easier to socialization new paradigm to internal party, but Golkar Party's can not erase stigma society as the New Order party. Socializing new paradigm Golkar Party's to be done in integrated, systematic and continuous addressed to all cadres of various levels from the center to the village. 2 the new paradigm Golkar Party's ideals as the basis and foundation values stand for the Golkar Party's, the implementation is faced with the reality of the condition of the various political considerations and the interests of power, so it can not shown the Golkar Party's political communication with the direction of the reality, Golkar Party's must be have to political communication with the role of multi faces.
Inequality and anti-globalization backlash by political parties
Burgoon, B.
2011-01-01
Does inequality fuel anti-globalization backlash? This paper answers this question by analyzing how income inequality affects the embrace or eschew of globalization by political parties. It focuses on party opposition to and support for trade openness, European-Union integration, and general
Political Parties and Popular Representation in Myanmar’s Democratisation Process
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Kristian Stokke
2015-01-01
Full Text Available The article examines the role of political parties in Myanmar’s democratisation process. We argue that the substance of democratisation depends on popular representation through political parties but question their capacity to provide such representation. Examining capacity through the concept of party institutionalisation, we find that most parties have not been able to build effective organisational structures. However, we also find a degree of party institutionalisation in the form of rootedness in society. Political cleavages between those favouring authoritarian rule over democratic rule and Burman nationhood over ethnic notions of nationhood have produced divisions between state-centred parties associated with Myanmar’s authoritarian legacy and society-centred pro-democracy and ethnic parties. Although being less dichotomous than in the past, we argue that these cleavages continue to provide a basis for party identity and rootedness in society. We conclude that further development of political parties and popular representation will be shaped by the relations between parties, the state, and society – where individual parties are shaped according to their tendencies towards state-centred cartel parties or society-centred mass parties.
Constituents of political cognition: Race, party politics, and the alliance detection system.
Pietraszewski, David; Curry, Oliver Scott; Petersen, Michael Bang; Cosmides, Leda; Tooby, John
2015-07-01
Research suggests that the mind contains a set of adaptations for detecting alliances: an alliance detection system, which monitors for, encodes, and stores alliance information and then modifies the activation of stored alliance categories according to how likely they will predict behavior within a particular social interaction. Previous studies have established the activation of this system when exposed to explicit competition or cooperation between individuals. In the current studies we examine if shared political opinions produce these same effects. In particular, (1) if participants will spontaneously categorize individuals according to the parties they support, even when explicit cooperation and antagonism are absent, and (2) if party support is sufficiently powerful to decrease participants' categorization by an orthogonal but typically-diagnostic alliance cue (in this case the target's race). Evidence was found for both: Participants spontaneously and implicitly kept track of who supported which party, and when party cross-cut race-such that the race of targets was not predictive of party support-categorization by race was dramatically reduced. To verify that these results reflected the operation of a cognitive system for modifying the activation of alliance categories, and not just socially-relevant categories in general, an identical set of studies was also conducted with in which party was either crossed with sex or age (neither of which is predicted to be primarily an alliance category). As predicted, categorization by party occurred to the same degree, and there was no reduction in either categorization by sex or by age. All effects were replicated across two sets of between-subjects conditions. These studies provide the first direct empirical evidence that party politics engages the mind's systems for detecting alliances and establish two important social categorization phenomena: (1) that categorization by age is, like sex, not affected by alliance
Measuring the effects of social media participation on political party communities
Effing, Robin; van Hillegersberg, Jos; Huibers, T.; Reddick, C.; Aikins, S.K.
2012-01-01
Political parties can potentially benefit from Social Media to shape interactions between their members. This chapter presents the Social Media Participation Model (SMPM), which measures the effects of Social Media Participation on political party communities. As people and politicians increasingly
Implementing Democratic Equality in Political Parties
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Bolleyer, Nicole; von Nostitz, Felix-Christopher; Little, Conor
2015-01-01
This article theorises and empirically assesses some important intra-organisational implications of maximising democratic equality in political parties both between followers and members and between members and elites. They include weak member commitment, passivity of the rank-and-file membership...
Social Networks and Political Parties in Chile
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Adler Lomnitz, Larissa
2002-09-01
Full Text Available This paper describes the origin and evolution of two Chilean political parties (the Radical Party and the Christian Democrat Party through the analysis of the social networks that originated and composed them. The aim of this study is to propose a model of national political cultures on the basis of the structure of social networks related to power and of the symbol system, which legitimizes it. The structure of social networks, horizontal and vertical, are based on reciprocal or redistributive forms of exchange, on what is being exchanged and on the articulation between networks. In every society there are symmetrical and asymmetrical exchanges, which produce horizontal and vertical networks. These networks interact among themselves to form the social fabric. The dominance of some over others and how they combine, delineate the character of the political culture (authoritarian vs. egalitarian. Chile is a multiparty country within which there are cohorts of horizontal groups of friends, who informally exercise a central control over their members and create invisible boundaries setting them apart from others, in which leadership is under constrains. The result is both a strong presidential system based on an almost fanatic legitimacy, combined with factionalism and a strong parliamentary system.
AN APPLICATION ON BRAND POSITIONING ACTIVITIES OF POLITICAL PARTIES: GAZIANTEP SAMPLE
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Bülent DEMİRAĞ
2018-01-01
Full Text Available The aim in political marketing is to be able to determine the needs and desires of the voters correctly, to form and implement the policies towards the electorate and finally to be able to sustain the electorate in the political process and to form the electoral loyalty accordingly. Particularly, regardless of the voting rate, in the elections, the second party is considered to have lost the election, and for this reason, it is very important for the political parties that are political practitioners to come to the forefront in the politically high society where competition is experienced in the ruthless dimensions. In order to create this differentiation, it is crucial that the competitors, the market and other variables are analyzed well, the segmentation of the market, the formation and application of positioning-related policies and recertification-related strategies. The aim of the work is to measure perceptions of the characteristics of voters who are thought to be influential in political party preferences. In this context, it has been investigated whether 11 different characteristics determined by voters make a meaningful difference with their demographic characteristics. The identification of these characteristics and their importance will provide significant advantages for political parties in their positioning strategies. Within this scope, face to face surveys and data were collected from the voters voting in the province of Gaziantep. The obtained data were subjected to statistical analysis. In this context, it was concluded that the factors affecting political party election differed significantly with demographic criteria.
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Viera Žúborová
2015-12-01
Full Text Available The last election in the Slovak and Czech Republic was special. It not only took place before the official electoral period (pre-elections, but new political parties were “again” successful. The article focuses not only on both elections in the last two years in a comparative perspective, but it analyses the opportunity structure of success as well, including types of new political parties (according to Lucardie. The article seeks to answer the question: why are new political parties electorally successful, able to break into parliament and even become part of a coalition government? We assume that the emergence and success of new political parties in both countries relied on the ability to promote “old” ideas in a new fashion, colloquially referred to as “new suits” or “old” ideological flows in new breeze.
Political parties and forestry relations in Turkey’s general elections in 2015
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Erdoğan Atmış
2016-07-01
Full Text Available Political parties have important roles in the political decision making process on identifying the demand for public goods and services. In this context, political parties have significant impacts on identification and implementation of forestry policies. Their election manifestos/declarations have statements on forests and forestry, which are important sources of information for those parties' forestry policies. In this study, election manifestos of 11 parties that participated in the general elections that took place on June 7, 2015 and November 1, 2015 in Turkey were studied. Data were analysed with “Document Analyses” and “Content Analyses”, then evaluated under eight titles. As a result of these assessments, the conclusion was that; there are significant differences between the parties' approaches to forests: some of them consider the forest not as an entity but as a source of income, developing populist discourses that are sure to appeal to the general public, through ambitious or impossible promises. It can also be said that the political parties fail to base their views on forests on reliable data.
Partisan heart and/or rational mind? Party identification, political knowledge and electoral turnout
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Pavlović Zoran
2018-01-01
Full Text Available This paper aims at analysing the relationship between positive and negative party identification and political knowledge, as well as their interplay in regard to electoral turnout. The data from the Serbian 2012 post-election public opinion survey on the nationally representative probability-based sample of voting age citizens were used (N = 1568. The data show that political knowledge is significantly and positively correlated both with positive and negative party identification. Citizens who are more knowledgeable and positively identified are also more likely to vote. However, it is shown that the influence of political knowledge on electoral turnout is moderated only by positive party identification. Political knowledge significantly predicts turnout only in the group of citizens without positive party identification. Being negatively identified with a political party does not modify the relationship between political knowledge and turnout. The results are discussed in terms of the Michigan model of party identification and cognitive mobilisation thesis. The roles of affective and cognitive motivation in electoral participation are additionally stressed and debated. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 47010
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Joerg Baudner
2014-03-01
Full Text Available The debate about “politics and religion” has already rejected essentialist claims of fundamental differences in the impact of religion on politics in different cultures. This article will argue that political Islam in Turkey and political Catholicism in Italy and Germany adopted remarkably similar patterns of cross-class coalitions and policies for a “reconciliation of capitalism and democracy”. First, religious parties developed as mass integration parties which already encompassed cross-class coalitions. Second, in the aftermath of political and economic crises these parties transformed into catch-all parties with a pronounced neo-liberal agenda which was given a religious justification. Third, at the same time these parties continued to sponsor policies and organizations which cushioned and supplemented an uneven economic development. Fourth, the parties kept traditional family policies which helped attracting a significant female electorate. “Organized religion” provided religious parties with a potential electorate, ancillary organizations and ideological concepts; however, their role in this political evolution changed. The conclusion will discuss whether these findings can be generalized.
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Marianne S. Skinner
2010-08-01
Full Text Available Drawing on a content analysis of party manifestos and a survey of Norwegian MPs, this article examines the nuances in, and the causality of, the different Norwegian parties’ Euroscepticism. The study of the comparative party politics of Euroscepticism, which focuses on ideology and strategy, falls short of accounting for the Norwegian case, where, unlike other European countries, the parties’ Euroscepticism is exceptionally stable and appears across the political spectrum. Therefore, the article tests an alternative set of theories, drawn from the literature on opinion formation on European integration, to find a more suitable framework for analysing and explaining the motivation of Norwegian Euroscepticism. The analysis shows that Norwegian party-based Euroscepticism can be divided into three types when it comes to its strength and policy opposition, with the Centre Party and the Socialist Left Party on the ‘hardest’ end of the Euroscepticism scale, followed by the Christian Democratic Party and the Liberal Party, and finally, the Labour Party and the Progress Party. Furthermore, the analysis indicates that Norwegian Eurosceptic party stances on Europe are primarily driven by political values and political culture concerns, except for the Progress Party, which base its Eurosceptic motivation on economic utilitarianism and political culture.
The Changing of Political Orientation of Masyumi Party During 1950-1959
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Alfi Hafidh Ishaqro
2017-06-01
Full Text Available Through historical method, this article studies the Shifts in Political Ideological Orientation of Masyumi Party during the Liberal Democracy Era 1950–1959. The shifted orientations of Masyumi Party included a shif of orientation in its principle, form of government and the government executive system. The establishment of Masyumi Party was the apex of the Japanese concern in trying to map the axis of the powers of various groups in Indonesia. The formations of PUTERA, which bore the nationalist inclination and MIAI, which tended to accommodate urban Muslims were not attractive enough to win the hearts and empathy from the Indonesian native communities for its occupation in Indonesia. Masyumi Party made Islam as a its struggling principle, not only as a symbol but also tha ideology and spirits in conducting the various siyasah preaches within the scope of political struggles. Numerous internal dynamics were then occuring in the body Masymi Party. The Party’s change in its orientation began to be visible, indicated by the idea suggested by M. Natsir to formulate the Constitution or Law of General Election. The formation of the General Election Law made M. Natsir and Masyumi the symbol of the establishment and growth of democracy in the Republic of Indonesia, which became more evident when M. Natsir was ousted and the subsequent working cabinet heads failed to hold a General Election. And finally, at the end of 1955 under the leadership of Burhanuddin Harahap, who was himself a Masyumi figure, a general election was held for the first time. The political attitude shown by Masyumi indicated that Masumi Party had shifted its political orientation. Masyumi Party, which originally struggled to implement Islam by employing the Syura in forming a government was helplessly compromising its principle by following and combining itself into a democracy model the initiator of which was the leader of Masyumi Party itself. Such political behavioral changes
The role of the party leadership to activization the political process of modern Ukraine
N. V. Morar
2014-01-01
This article analyzes the conceptual position of the party leadership as a factor in activation processes of political transformation in societies. The place of the party leaders in the political processes in Ukraine, which belongs to the transitional societies. It is proved that the main factor determining the place and role of party leaders in the political processes of transformation of societies dynamics. Where society is experiencing political transformation implemented constitutional...
Social media, parties, and political inequalities
Jacobs, K.T.E.; Spierings, C.H.B.M.
2016-01-01
This book examines how social media have transformed politics in established democracies. Specifically, the authors examine the influence of the unique qualities of social media on the power balance between and within parties. They present a general theory as well as an in-depth case study of the
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Slothuus, Rune
2016-01-01
Despite generations of research, political scientists have trouble pinpointing the influence of political parties on public opinion. Recently, scholars have made headway in exploring whether parties in fact shape policy preferences by relying on experimental designs. Yet, the evidence from...... this work is mixed. I argue that the typical experiment faces a design problem that likely minimizes the extent to which parties apparently matter. Because parties have policy reputations, experimental participants may already know from real-world exposure to political debate where the parties stand before...... they are told in the experiment—they are “pretreated.” This study investigates how real-world political context interferes with party cue stimulus in experiments. In two experiments I show that two types of “pretreatment” from outside the experiment—exposure-based and reputation-based—dramatically moderate...
Political Party Financing and why it Matters in Tanzania | Walwa ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
Among the key recommendations is that public funding for ongoing party activities and campaigns should be allocated by a mix of proportional rules and flat subsidies to all parties that meet reasonable thresholds and flat subsidies as refers here imply providing subsidies to all political parties on equal basis. The other key ...
African Ruling Political Parties and the Making of 'Authoritarian ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
appearing to be a 'reincarnation' of the one-party system and military rule that held sway for about three to four decades in Africa (from the 1960s). In the process of this transformation, African ruling parties have been grossly destabilising opposition and perceived dissenters through clientelism, patronage politics and ...
Public funding of political parties when campaigns are informative
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Ortín, Ignacio Ortuño; Schultz, Christian
dependence on vote shares induces fur- ther moderation and improves welfare. If parties are asymmetric, vote share dependent public funding bene…ts the large party and makes it moderate its candidate, while the smaller party reacts by choosing a more extremist candidate. On balance, however, if the parties......The paper considers public funding of political parties when some voters are poorly informed about parties’ candidates and campaigns are informative. For symmetric equilibria, it is shown that more pub- lic funding leads parties to chose more moderate candidates, and that an increase in the funding’s...... are not too asymmetric, an increase in vote share dependent funding improves welfare and increases the likelihood that a moderate candidate wins the election...
The Changing of Political Orientation of Masyumi Party During 1950-1959
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Alfi Hafidh Ishaqro
2017-06-01
The formation of the General Election Law made M. Natsir and Masyumi the symbol of the establishment and growth of democracy in the Republic of Indonesia, which became more evident when M. Natsir was ousted and the subsequent working cabinet heads failed to hold a General Election. And finally, at the end of 1955 under the leadership of Burhanuddin Harahap, who was himself a Masyumi figure, a general election was held for the first time. The political attitude shown by Masyumi indicated that Masumi Party had shifted its political orientation. Masyumi Party, which originally struggled to implement Islam by employing the Syura in forming a government was helplessly compromising its principle by following and combining itself into a democracy model the initiator of which was the leader of Masyumi Party itself. Such political behavioral changes were associated with the reasoning of the then leaders of Masyumi Party, who tended to accommodative and excessively compromising.
Creating A Nationwide Nonpartisan Initiative for Family Caregivers in Political Party Platforms.
Scribner, Ben; Lynn, Joanne; Walker, Victoria; Morgan, Les; Montgomery, Anne; Blair, Elizabeth; Baird, Davis; Goldschmidt, Barbara; Kirschenbaum, Naomi
2017-06-01
Policymakers have been slow to support family caregivers, and political agendas mostly fail to address the cost burdens, impact on employment and productivity, and other challenges in taking on long-term care tasks. This project set out to raise policymakers' awareness of family caregivers through proposals to Republican and Democratic party platforms during the 2016 political season. The Family Caregiver Platform Project (FCPP) reviewed the state party platform submission process for Democratic and Republican parties in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. We built a website to make each process understandable by caregiver advocates. We designed model submissions to help volunteers tailor a proposal and recruited caregiver advocates participating in their state process. Finally, we mobilized a ground operation in many states and followed the progress of submissions in each state, as well as the formation of the national platforms. In 39 states, at least one party, Republican or Democrat, hosted a state party platform process. As of September 2016 FCPP volunteers submitted proposals to 29 state parties in 22 states. Family caregiver language was added to eight state party platforms, one state party resolution, two bipartisan legislative resolutions, and one national party platform. The FCPP generated a non-partisan grassroots effort to educate and motivate policymakers to address caregiving issues and solutions. Democratic party leaders provided more opportunities to connect with political leaders, with seven Democratic parties and one Republican party, addressing family caregiver issues in their party platforms. © 2017, Copyright the Authors Journal compilation © 2017, The American Geriatrics Society.
11 CFR 100.85 - Legal or accounting services to political party committees.
2010-01-01
... 11 Federal Elections 1 2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Legal or accounting services to political party committees. 100.85 Section 100.85 Federal Elections FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION GENERAL SCOPE AND DEFINITIONS (2 U.S.C. 431) Exceptions to Contributions § 100.85 Legal or accounting services to political party...
Political Legitimacy of Vietnam’s One Party-State: Challenges and Responses
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Carlyle A. Thayer
Full Text Available This article focuses on the challenges to the authority of Vietnam’s one-party state that emerged in 2009 and state responses. Three separate challenges are discussed: opposition to bauxite mining in the Central Highlands; mass protests by the Catholic Church over land ownership issues; and revived political dissent by pro-democracy activists and bloggers. The Vietnam Communist Party bases its claims to political legitimacy on multiple sources. The bauxite mining controversy challenged the state’s claim to political legitimacy on the basis of performance. The Catholic land dispute challenged the state’s claim to legitimacy on rational-legal grounds. Revived political dissent, including the linkage of demands for democracy with concerns over environmental issues and relations with China, challenged the state’s claim to legitimacy based on nationalism. Vietnam responded in a “soft authoritarian” manner. Future challenges and state responses will be debated as Vietnam moves to convene its eleventh national party congress in 2010.
The party political make-up of EU legislative bodies.
Warntjen, Andreas; Hix, Simon; Crombez, Christophe
2008-01-01
This research note provides an overview of the party political make-up of EU legislative bodies for the period 1979-2004 (Commission: 1979-2007) in terms of the left-right and pro-/anti-Europe dimensions. The various methods of measuring political positions are discussed and compared. Measures for
Exploring the ‘ultimate’ step in the mediatization of political parties
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Ørsten, Mark; Willig, Ida; Pedersen, Leif Hemming
Previous studies exploring the fourth dimension of mediatization, that is to say the extent to which political parties adjust their perceptions and behaviour to news media logic, have focused on three steps of structural change that political parties may take as a response to the increasing......, parties may begin to especially focus on candidates who are skilled in communicating with the news media (Strömbäck & Van Alest, 2013).So far, research into the fourth dimension of mediatization in Denmark has focused mostly on the first two steps (Blach-Ørsten, 2016; Elmelund-Præstekær & Hopmann, 2016...
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Petersen, Michael Bang; Skov, Martin; Serritzlew, Søren
2013-01-01
. As part of the latter processes, the presence of party cues would make individuals engage in effortful motivated reasoning to produce arguments for the correctness of their party’s position. Following psychological research, we use response latency to measure processing effort and, in support......Extant research in political science has demonstrated that citizens’ opinions on policies are influenced by their attachment to the party sponsoring them. At the same time, little evidence exists illuminating the psychological processes through which such party cues are filtered. From...... the psychological literature on source cues, we derive two possible hypotheses: (1) party cues activate heuristic processing aimed at minimizing the processing effort during opinion formation, and (2) party cues activate group motivational processes that compel citizens to support the position of their party...
How body balance influences political party evaluations. A Wii balance board study.
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Katinka eDijkstra
2012-12-01
Full Text Available Embodied cognition research has shown how actions or body positions may affect cognitive processes, such as autobiographical memory retrieval or judgments. The present study examined the role of body balance (to the left or the right in participants on their attributions to political parties. Participants thought they stood upright on a Wii™ Balance Board, while they were actually slightly tilted to the left or the right. Participants then ascribed fairly general political statements to one of ten political parties that are represented in the Dutch House of Representatives. Results showed a significant interaction of congruent leaning direction with left- or right wing party attribution. When the same analyses were performed with the political parties being divided into affiliations to the right, center, and left based on participants’ personal opinions rather than a ruling classification, no effects were found. The study provides evidence that conceptual metaphors are activated by manipulating body balance implicitly. Moreover, people’s judgments may be colored by seemingly trivial circumstances such as standing slightly out of balance.
How body balance influences political party evaluations: a wii balance board study.
Dijkstra, Katinka; Eerland, Anita; Zijlmans, Josjan; Post, Lysanne S
2012-01-01
Embodied cognition research has shown how actions or body positions may affect cognitive processes, such as autobiographical memory retrieval or judgments. The present study examined the role of body balance (to the left or the right) in participants on their attributions to political parties. Participants thought they stood upright on a Wii(™) Balance Board, while they were actually slightly tilted to the left or the right. Participants then ascribed fairly general political statements to one of 10 political parties that are represented in the Dutch House of Representatives. Results showed a significant interaction of congruent leaning direction with left- or right-wing party attribution. When the same analyses were performed with the political parties being divided into affiliations to the right, center, and left based on participants' personal opinions rather than a ruling classification, no effects were found. The study provides evidence that conceptual metaphors are activated by manipulating body balance implicitly. Moreover, people's judgments may be colored by seemingly trivial circumstances such as standing slightly out of balance.
[Public spheres, political crisis and the Internet: the rise of the Podemos party].
Jerez, Ariel; Maceiras, Sergio D'Antonio; Maestu, Enrique
2015-12-01
The rise of the political party Podemos, within the context of a crisis in political representation, can be explained from a perspective of transformative interactions between public spheres, social movements and new technologies. The emergence of the 15M movement allowed Podemos to offer a new diagnosis of politics that has been actively promoted on social media, which represent a true campaign platform for low-budget parties. An analysis of Twitter and Facebook reveals the rapid growth of Podemos, its prominence on social networks, the profile of its followers and its most influential publications in these new discourses. Lastly, we analyze the challenges for this type of party in terms of incorporating into the political panorama in Spain and in Europe.
Political party elites and the breakdown of democracy: the Turkish case,1973-1980
Demirel, Tanel
1998-01-01
Ankara : Department of Political Science and Public Administration and Institute of Economics and Social Sciences, Bilkent Univ., 1998. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- Bilkent University, 1998. Includes bibliographical references leaves 395-441 This study aims to analyze the behavior of Turkish political party elites during the 1973-1980 period. It is particularly concerned with the extent to which political party elites seemed to have contributed to the breakdown of Turkish democracy in ...
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Karine Rivière De Franco
2005-01-01
Full Text Available During the weeks preceding a General Election, British political parties try to convince the electorate to vote for them, but given the limited degree of direct communication, the parties need the media to transmit their messages. Their relationships are complex and behind an apparent antagonism, a real partnership sometimes develops. Indeed, political parties endeavour to influence the media in order to benefit from positive coverage, by resorting to political marketing, by hiring advisers, by giving the media the type of news that they need and by controlling press conferences and press releases. The media do not accept this manipulation and react by making independent political choices, by finding other sources of political news or by revealing the methods used by the political parties to convince voters. In other circumstances, the political parties and the media become partners, since the media enable the parties to transmit their messages without any external modification through electoral broadcasts and advertisements and sometimes they even take an active part in the parties’ electoral campaigns. Even if the political parties and the media need each other, they use and manipulate each other. During electoral campaigns, these relationships are not to be neglected because they can either facilitate or hinder the persuasion of the electorate.
The effects of social media on political party perception and voting behavior
Riezebos, Peter; de Vries, Sjoerd A.; de Vries, Pieter Walter; de Zeeuw, Erik
2011-01-01
This study sought to determine to what extent social media influences political party perception (PPP) and political voting behavior. Based on literature a conceptual model was developed which measures political interest, political trust, religion and the use of social media and their effects on PPP
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Sri Yunanto
2013-12-01
Full Text Available Since independence of the Republic of Indonesia, Muslims, as the majority population, have established diverse Islamic political parties. The nature of such parties has changed from the days of the Old Order to the New Order and Reformasi eras. Despite similar anatomies between Islamic parties of the Old Order and those of Reformasi, Islamic political parties profess different ideological missions. While the beginning of Old Order saw the confederation of Islamic political parties, Masyumi, seeking to promote the establishment of an Islamic State, none of the Islamic political parties which mushroomed during Reformasi era expressly struggled for the establishment of an Islamic state. However, the Islamic political parties had to weather similar problems of internal conflict and fragmentation. Different ideological strands, policy stances and leadership styles are believed to be amongst the pivotal root causes of their domestic troubles. With their popular votes and parliamentary seats significantly reduced, they prove to be no competition to the nationalist political parties.
Wall, M.; Sudulich, M.L.
2010-01-01
This article investigates the characteristics of political parties' websites in the Republic of Ireland and seeks to evaluate whether parties' organizational structures influence the manner in which they present themselves online. Ireland has been chosen as a research environment because there is
Bolivia: New Presidential Electoral System and Political Parties Coordination
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Mario Torrico
2015-01-01
Full Text Available This article analyzes the incentives generated by presidential electoral systems in Bolivia. The system that was in place until 2005 led to the formation of coalition governments that aimed at giving the Executive the majority in Congress. However, these coalitions gradually lost the electorate confidence, and citizens sought alternative political options to major parties from the early nineties on, giving rise to a social dissatisfaction with democracy. This, in turn, led to the resignation of Sánchez de Lozada and, later, to the triumph of Evo Morales. The new electoral system for electing the president, included in the 2009 Constitution, increases the likelihood that the elected government does not have a majority in Congress. Similar situations in the past led to political crisis and anticipation of elections. In a more favorable context characterized by greater satisfaction with democracy and their parties, the challenge is to take decisions inclusively, something unprecedented in Bolivian politics.
Political Parties, Clientelism, and Bureaucratic Reform
Cruz, Cesi; Keefer, Philip
2015-01-01
The challenge of public administration reform is well-known: politicians often have little interest in the efficient implementation of government policy. Using new data from 439 World Bank public sector reform loans in 109 countries, we demonstrate that such reforms are significantly less likely to succeed in the presence of non-programmatic political parties. Earlier research uses evidence from a small group of countries to conclude that clientelistic politicians resist reforms that restrict...
Maksuti, Alem; Rotar Pavlič, Danica; Deželan, Tomaž
2016-03-01
The study focuses on the programmatic bases of Slovenian political parties since independence. It presents an analysis of party programs and their preferences regarding doctors and other health workers, as well as the contents most commonly related to them. At the same time, the study also highlights the intensity of the presence of doctors on the policy agenda through time. In the study, 83 program documents of political parties have been analysed. The study includes programmes of political parties that have occurred in parliamentary elections in Slovenia between 1992 and 2014 and have exceeded the parliamentary threshold. The data were analysed using the content analysis method, which is suitable for analysing policy texts. The analysis was performed using ATLAS.ti, the premier software tool for qualitative data analysis. The results showed that doctors and other health workers are an important political topic in non-crisis periods. At that time, the parties in the context of doctors mostly dealt with efficiency and the quality of services in the health system. They often criticize doctors and expose the need for their control. In times of economic crisis, doctors and other health workers are less important in normative commitments of parties. Slovenian political parties and their platforms cannot be distinguished ideologically, but primarily on the principle of access to government. It seems reasonable to conclude that parties do not engage in dialogue with doctors, and perceive the latter aspassive recipients of government decisions-politics.
Malaysia’s 2008 General Election – Transition from Single-party Dominance?
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
William Case
2010-01-01
Full Text Available Leading theories of transitions from single-party dominant systems begin with economic crisis, the party’s loss of patronage resources, and elite-level defections. The multiparty elections that are then held exert no independent effect, but instead register neutrally the party’s decline and the democratization of politics. This paper, however, shifts attention from the dominant party to citizens and elections in non-crisis conditions. It argues that on key dimensions citizens assess the dominant party’s legitimacy or worthiness of support. Further, where they grow critical of its policy outputs, they scrutinize more closely its conformity to procedures. And as they anticipate that their voting preferences will be thwarted by electoral manipulations, they vote in protest, perhaps producing a “liberalizing electoral outcome.” Elections, then, do not simply indicate the dominant party’s decline. By deepening alienation, they help citizens to cause it. Analysis is set in Malaysia, long an exemplar of single-party dominance, but recently a case in which the government was dealt a striking electoral setback.
The transformation of the Swedish political party system in the late 20th/early 21st century
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Ryabichenko Arkady
2013-09-01
Full Text Available This article studies the process of transformation of the Swedish political party system in the 1980s. The study aims to develop a typology of the Swedish political party system before and after the transformation processes commenced. The article identifies the key prerequisites for such transformation: the crisis of social democracy and an increase in the nationalist attitudes in the society caused by the negative repercussions of the system of integration of migrants into the society based on the multiculturalism principles. The interethnic tension manifested itself in the wide support for the Swedish Democrats Party in the 2010 parliamentary election. From a political party system dominated by social democrats, the Swedish political party system turned into one with two leading parties – the centre-left Swedish Social Democratic Labour Party and the centre-right Moderate Party. The Swedish Democrats position themselves as an alternative to the two party blocs headed by the dominating parties (the Alliance and the Red-Green. The study employs an interdisciplinary approach in the framework of science synthesis. Its results can be of practical significance for politicians, social activists, and academicians.
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
K. Y. Odarchenko
2016-10-01
Full Text Available The specifics of horizontal and vertical relations in Ukrainian political communication on the background of the party building’s process has been analysed. Aims of this article are: 1 determination of the subjectivity of political communication; 2 disclosure of the main features of internal politics and communications; 3 setting the essential features of the political parties’ status after peaceful protests in Ukraine 2013-2014 year; 4 explanation of the actual gap that has horizontal and party political communication in Ukraine. Political modernization, capacity of Ukrainian political parties has been characterized. It has been shown that Maidan didn’t influenced tools of creating political parties and their typology greatly. Maidan as a political component was weak and did not respond to the challenges, which Ukrainian political system faced to. The weakness was in the fact that leaders of the oppositional political camp would rather keep old then implement real political change of the political system , which was adapted by the old oliharcial clan. Public sector was not able to identify their environment with new political leaders, nor with a mass movement, based on the creation of new organized political force. It has been found that in a democratic society communication is effective only if it is not only technically modern, interactive, two-way, but if it is consistent to other democratic demands, such as legal and moral control of society over the media, maintenance of basic pluralism, direct contact between senders and recipients of information, feeds decentralization, respect of freedom of expression and privat opinion. Summary of the political communication in Ukraine has to move away from thinking of policy and bureaucratic political consciousness. Otherwise, the simulation is effective and efficient for countries and regions where political communication can become a daily political farce communication in public space.
2010-01-01
..., district, or local committee or organization of a political party where— (1) The communication refers to a... 11 Federal Elections 1 2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Allocation of expenses for political party... Allocation of expenses for political party committee phone banks that refer to a clearly identified Federal...
Features of modern security policy UK political parties
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A. V. Stalovierova
2015-12-01
Full Text Available The security policy of the British coalition government of D. Cameron (2010-2015 is summarized; it’s been proved that political forces of Tory and Liberal Democrat should have compromised to carry out unanimous course in the scope of national security, and the problems of the security strategy on parliamentary elections in 2015 are analyzed, particularly the comparative analysis of the modern safety strategy of leading British parties is exercised. Under conditions of the appearance of new challenges and threats, transformation of international safety system, the questions of safety policy often become the object of attention of the British community and experts. The absence of cross-party consensus on most terms of safety strategy of the United Kingdom during the election campaign in 2015 makes the discussion about perspectives of the British safety policy still more urgent. During the election campaign there was no unity on any aspect of security subject between parties. First of all, Labourists, Liberal Democrats, Scottish National Party and Green Party made a statement about readiness to develop cooperation with the EU and the Conservatives and the UK Independence Party were on the side of the Eurosceptics. The opinions of the parties were also divided on military operations abroad, financing and force level. In terms of one-party government and presence of majority in the House of Commons, the Conservatives have opportunities to realize their own vision of British safety policy.
Weather conditions and political party vote share in Dutch national parliament elections, 1971-2010
Eisinga, Rob; Te Grotenhuis, Manfred; Pelzer, Ben
2012-11-01
Inclement weather on election day is widely seen to benefit certain political parties at the expense of others. Empirical evidence for this weather-vote share hypothesis is sparse however. We examine the effects of rainfall and temperature on share of the votes of eight political parties that participated in 13 national parliament elections, held in the Netherlands from 1971 to 2010. This paper merges the election results for all Dutch municipalities with election-day weather observations drawn from all official weather stations well distributed over the country. We find that the weather parameters affect the election results in a statistically and politically significant way. Whereas the Christian Democratic party benefits from substantial rain (10 mm) on voting day by gaining one extra seat in the 150-seat Dutch national parliament, the left-wing Social Democratic (Labor) and the Socialist parties are found to suffer from cold and wet conditions. Cold (5°C) and rainy (10 mm) election day weather causes the latter parties to lose one or two parliamentary seats.
Immigration politics Italian style: the paradoxical behaviour of mainstream and populist parties.
Perlmutter, T
1996-01-01
This article explores the role of electoral politics in managing immigration as a policy option in Italy. Italy was late in passing its first comprehensive immigration legislation (1990). A small, liberal party waged a campaign against the proposed immigration law. A party known for right-wing posturing did not mobilize against the law. These political postures were not anticipated by conventional wisdom. Conventional wisdom suggests that immigration should not be an electoral issue and that consensus solutions should be sought. It is argued that the Italian response supports the view that in a fragmented, multi-party system, minor parties will be more likely to mobilize. Two mass media studies were used as the basis for this article's analysis. The studies provide detailed evidence on party willingness to publicly discuss immigration and the ways the issues are framed. The Italian case illustrates the tendency for mainstream, pro-system parties to politicize the issue and extremist, anti-system parties to depoliticize it. The DC and PCI, as mass parties, behaved traditionally and supported moderately open immigration policies, but in closed forums. The minor parties had a stake in shifting electoral support, so the PSI took an outspoken stand and the PARI publicized its exclusion from the policy-making process and its support for more restrictive policies. It was the constituencies and the leadership structure that facilitated these strategies. The author differs from Betz's party analysis by arguing that party ideology may not be a useful guide for predicting stands on immigration, and that it is difficult to generalize about immigration.
FORUM OF POLITICAL PARTIES, THINK TANKS AND NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS OF THE BRICS GROUP
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E. Gladun
2017-01-01
Full Text Available The Joint International Forum of Political Parties, Think Tanks and NonGovernmental Organizations of the BRICS took place in Fuzhou, China on 10–12 June 2017. The event was hosted jointly by the International Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, the China Council for BRICS Think Tank Cooperation and the China NGO Network for International Exchanges.For the first time in the story of BRICS cooperation the countries’ representatives witnessed the renewed format of the BRICS Academic Forum – two traditional tracks (academic conference and civil track were supplemented by the assembly of political parties. Taking its turn in chairing the multinational BRICS association in 2017, China proposed this new Forum format and joined together three dialogues that had grown out of the BRICS Academic Forum, which took place now for the ninth time.1 Another innovation on China’s part was the outreach format – representatives of 28 countries, including Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Cambodia, Egypt, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Kenya, Argentina, Chile and Mexico among others took part.The Joint International Forum was a truly large-scale international event – 37 political parties of 26 countries, 105 think tanks, and over 400 representatives of 79 civil society organizations were in attendance.2The Forum participants engaged in separate deliberations at the BRICS Academic Forum on “Pooling Wisdom and New Ideas for Cooperation,” the BRICS Civil Society Organizations Forum on “Stronger People-to-People Bond for Better Cooperation,” and the BRICS Political Parties Dialogue on the “Guiding Role of Political Parties in Promoting Cooperation.” The Forum was a complete success with broad consensus.
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Enrico Calossi
2015-03-01
Full Text Available In the last 20 years an increasing number of scholars have centred their attention on the relationships between party national structures and party sub-national branches. A relevant part of the specialized literature has interpreted party change as the by-product of the denationalization of party politics. The aim of this contribution is to investigate to what extent eight relevant Italian parties have followed patterns of organizational change, after the reforms of the municipal, provincial and regional election sys-tems; and the process of devolution of administrative powers begun during the Nineties. By focusing on two analytical dimensions (the level of involvement and the level of autonomy of party regional units, we analyse diachronically continuity and change in party formal organization, through an in-depth analysis of the statutes adopted from 1992 to 2012
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Eliana Tavares dos Reis
2017-12-01
Full Text Available The article analyzes the space of party foundations in Brazil. This field of action is perceived as a vehicle and a reflection of processes of politicization.The work is based on two axis: 1 the (structural and sociographic configuration of these party sectors and its relative autonomy or dependence according to the party organizations; 2 the possible intersections between political logic and domain and intellectuals from the exploitation of this specific area. It presents data on the creation and the creation chronology of party foundations, its organizational structure (websites, offices, sectors, tasks/roles divisions; requirements of various experts, products such as books, magazines, courses, incomes; etc. from information available on the internet as well as the social, political and cultural profiles of its presidents and former presidents. It was also examined the case of the Perseu Abramo Foundation of the Workers Party.
Liberal Party Politics, the South African War, and the Rhetoric of Imperial Governance.
Mackley, Simon
2018-03-01
This article examines the imperial rhetoric of the Liberal Party during the South African War of 1899-1902, charting its use and development across five key controversies spanning the course of the conflict. Moving beyond traditional interpretations of the Liberal split as the product of competing visions of Empire and approaches to imperialism, this article argues for the need to recognize also the continuities within the imperial rhetoric of fin-de-siècle British Liberalism. Building on recent studies of political languages, it identifies how Liberal speakers from across the party operated within a rhetorical framework that emphasized three ideals of imperial governance: good government, self-government, and pluralism. In doing so, this article seeks to advance our understanding of the South African War as an episode in British party politics, demonstrating the complexity and nuance of the Liberal Party's response to the conflict. Furthermore, by undertaking an in-depth exploration of the rhetoric of imperial governance, this article highlights the Liberal response to the South African War as a case study for the reinvention and reiteration of both party and imperial languages in early twentieth-century Britain, with the potential to offer new insights into the political and imperial cultures of the period.
Presence of Political Parties and Deputies in Internet in Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay
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Yanina Welp
2016-01-01
Full Text Available According to Latinobarómetro, political parties are the institutions which less confidence receive from Latin Americans. This is not a particularity of Latin America, but a documented problem of Western consolidated democracies.In this context, in Europe and United States, among others, the use of digital media become a tool to overcome the crisis of representation, given their capacities to renovate politics, and because they allow the offering of more publicity of public matters as well as the opening up of new channels of participation and communication between citizens and representatives. But to what extent and with which features is this adoption happening in Latin America? Based on the study of the online presence of political parties and deputies of Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay (webs, blogs, Facebook and Twitter, this article explores the levels of digital media adoption and the influence of variables such as the internet diffusion in the country, the crisis of representation and the characteristics of political parties (institutionalization, ideology, size, role of leaders explaining the extension and characteristics of this adoption.
Constitutional reform processes and political parties : principles for practice
Vliet, van M.; Wahiu, W.; Magolowondo, A.
2012-01-01
This publication provides a set of guiding principles for constitutional reform on the basis of practical experiences of constitutional reform processes in selected countries: Bolivia, Ghana, Indonesia, Iraq, Kenya, Malawi, Zimbabwe and South Africa. The focus is on the role of political parties in
Policy agendas and births and deaths of political parties : The Dutch Model
Lowery, D.; van Witteloostuijn, A.; Peli, G.; Brasher, H.; Otjes, Simon; Gherghina, Sergiu
The standard model of political party density emphasizing the interaction of social cleavages and district magnitude (M) is incomplete in accounting for number of parties in cases of high values of M in an arbitrary way. We explore an alternative model for such cases emphasizing the slack in the
Parties remove Sweden's self-imposed restrictions on nuclear energy politics
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Schulz, E.
1991-01-01
Since the 1980 decision of the Swedish Imperial Diet to switch off the last nuclear reactor by the year 2010 at the latest Sweden has been an example for those who are in favour of giving up nuclear energy. In their much-noticed agreement on energy politics in Sweden on the 15th January 1991 the Social Democrats, the Liberal Party and the Center Party removed the chains with which they had bound the Swedish energy politics. The new paper does not set a date for the switching off of nuclear reactors or the giving up of nuclear energy any more. The article contains the essential points but can only be understood against the background of the former decisions and the things which are not explicitly mentioned (negatively). (orig.) [de
African Ruling Political Parties and the Making of 'Authoritarian ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
only contributed to corruption, violent conflict, poverty, human rights abuses and the throttling of social justice. The contradiction in Africa's democratisation is further shown by the increasing metamorphoses of many African ruling political parties into what can be called 'democratic authoritarianism'. The process of this met-.
The Party Politics of Legislative-Executive Relations in Security and Defence Policy
Wagner, W.M.; Herranz-Surralles, A.; Kaarbo, J.; Ostermann, F.
2017-01-01
The move from territorial defence to ‘wars of choice’ has influenced the domestic politics of military interventions. This paper examines the extent to which both the substance and the procedure of military interventions are contested among political parties. Regarding the substance, our analysis of
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Ada-Iuliana POPESCU
2015-09-01
Full Text Available Fighting public-sector corruption has become a priority for most governments and international organizations. The public sector is the source of many benefits. Realizing improper private gains from these benefits has long been the core definition of corruption. As the public sector grows and expands its activities, the complexity of its activities also increases. The opportunities for improper private gains grow, too. Therefore, not surprisingly, the EU admits that the public sector, including political parties and public administrations, are especially vulnerable to corruption. Political parties, for instance, depend on the funding destined for their capability to win elections and otherwise to influence public policies. In turn, this dependency creates opportunities for a variety of corrupt activities. Ensuring that campaign funding promotes democracy and not corruption requires well-crafted, vigorously enforced laws. This article analyzes the legal framework of political party financing in the Eastern and South-eastern European EU member states, in order to assess how well it works in preventing political party corruption.
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Mike Omilusi
2018-02-01
Full Text Available Until a few months to the 2015 general elections, many political parties that have conveniently hibernated for a better part of their existence, perhaps owing to lack of proper organizational structure or support base, uncoordinated programmes or were registered because of pecuniary gains or admittance of anticipated poor electoral outing, suddenly began to jostle for political space. The main opposition party and the ruling party were either perfecting a merger processes or engulfed in internal wrangling such that communication with the electorate on fundamental issues became inconsequential. In fact, the two dominant parties, the Peoples Democratic Party and All Progressive Congress only produced their presidential candidates less than five months to the election; and the electoral campaign assumed desperate contestation in a climate of prejudice and intolerance. Hate speeches and violence were the hallmarks of their electoral campaigns. The 2015 general elections therefore, offer a unique context to interrogate the place of party political communication in an emerging democracy and specifically how hate campaigns among political gladiators/contending parties could generate violence, and if not tamed, derail democratic consolidation. This essay affirms that hate speech is not only inspired by some social circumstances but also part of a general democratic process. It attests to the fact that Nigerian politicians have become more desperate and daring in taking and retaining political power; and more intolerant of opposition, criticism and efforts at replacing them. Relying extensively on secondary sources with the aid of descriptive and narrative tools, this essay concludes that the political culture of a country determines the behavior and attitude of the population towards the political system and that democratic transition from one administration to another, particularly in emerging democracies, has often been accompanied by violence
Political Party Songs: Analysis of the Theme in a Song Topo By ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
It was through these songs that followers of different political parties expressed their feelings of sadness, happiness or hope. This paper analyses one song titled Topo by the band named Setlamo which was said to be aligned to Basotho Congress Party. Informed by New Criticism theory, the paper analyses the lyrics in the ...
11 CFR 100.145 - Legal or accounting services to political party committees.
2010-01-01
... 11 Federal Elections 1 2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Legal or accounting services to political party committees. 100.145 Section 100.145 Federal Elections FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION GENERAL SCOPE AND DEFINITIONS (2 U.S.C. 431) Exceptions to Expenditures § 100.145 Legal or accounting services to political...
Institute of party leadership system of the party creation of modern Ukraine
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I. O. Lavrenyuk
2015-06-01
Full Text Available This article based on the study of the theory and practice of partybuilding in Ukraine examines the role of party leader in the political process and the establishment of parties, implementation of the political power, the development of political consciousness and the formation of modern political elite of our country. It is alleged that party leader – a reputable, recognized in its political environment, the person chosen to lead the party and the ability of citizens to consolidate around a common goal, most effectively represent the interests of a particular social group. It is stated that the defining feature of the phenomenon of party leadership is that under conditions of constant political development and irreversibility of democratic transformations in Ukraine part of leaders of political parties in fact is a powerful talent pool for senior government officials, local government agencies and other administrative institutions. The process of creating games as an integral part of the political process is characterized by a certain way, the mechanism of action of consciousness and culture in the public sphere, which deals with political parties. Regularities component of modern political elite of the party elite acts governing the range of persons in the political party headed by its leader that are directly involved in strategic decisionmaking, policy formulation of this power, as well as its participation in the political process. We study the classification model of national political parties and the institutions of the party leadership. It is proposed to assess the level of correlation of the party leaders and the general dynamics of the civil society in Ukraine. It is stated that at this time a fundamental change in Ukrainian Party elite has not happened yet. However, there is a long evolution of the institute of the party leadership – a rather difficult process of internal and external, objective and subjective, economic
THE PLACE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN A DEMOCRATIC STATE, THROUGH THE GLASS OF CONSTITUTIONAL REVIEW
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Valentina BĂRBĂȚEANU
2017-05-01
Full Text Available Political parties are nowadays key actors in democratic societies, shaping social mentalities, creating and following ideologies, inducing common vision, establishing targets and ideals. Their main goal is gaining the political power by conquering the access to the highest levels of decision in the State. They are based on the freedom of association and, unlike other associations, they have a specific constitutional and legal position because they are defining and giving expression to the citizens' political will, in respect of the principles of democracy. Romanian Basic Law provides that political pluralism represents one of the supreme values of the Romanian State governed by the rule of law. In this context, the Constitutional Court has solved, over the years, various issues regarding the political parties. Authorities of constitutional jurisdiction in European countries have also been asked to express, one way or another, their opinion in connection with the activity of the political parties. Taking into consideration their importance for a healthy democratic system, the European Commission for Democracy through Law -Venice Commission has paid special attention to the complexity of aspects involved by the protection of democratic values.
The role of the party leadership to activization the political process of modern Ukraine
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N. V. Morar
2014-01-01
The role, place and their value is determined by the influence of which is carried out on the formation of political will and public opinion, the definition of public and governmental purposes, expressing the interests of social groups, political socialization and mobilization of voters of the national elite corps and replenishment policy, a process of public administration. It is concluded that the party leader is the most optimal form of leadership political process at the present stage of modernization of Ukrainian society as well as the most effective mechanism for implementing group interests in politics. A certain person or even a few actors perform the functions of the head of the party, his supporters organized activities to achieve program goals and objectives.
Fraussen, B.; Halpin, D.R.
2016-01-01
This article reviews the case for considering the study of parties and interest organizations together, under the umbrella of “political organizations.” While both literatures are rather disconnected at the moment, we believe that they share many commonalities. A common narrative involves the
Political Parties and Social Policy Responses to Global Economic Crises
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Starke, Peter; Kaasch, Alexandra; van Hooren, Franca
2014-01-01
Based on empirical findings froma comparative study onwelfare state responses to the four major economic shocks (the 1970s oil shocks, the early 1990s recession, the 2008 financial crisis) in four OECD countries, this article demonstrates that, in contrast to conventional wisdom, policy responses...... to global economic crises vary significantly across countries. What explains the cross-national and within-case variation in responses to crises?We discuss several potential causes of this pattern and argue that political parties and the party composition of governments can play a key role in shaping crisis...
Youth and Ethnic Movements and Their Impacts on Party Politics in ECOWAS Member States
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Taiwo A. Olaiya
2014-02-01
Full Text Available Although they historically played a pivotal role in the fight against colonial rule—as they have in recent attempts to entrench multiparty democratic processes—the role of youth in political parties in West Africa has received less than commensurate attention in studies on democratization. Unlike in advanced democracies where parties are key agents of political socialization and leadership, parties in West Africa are built on ethno-religious foundations. A peculiar character of highly marginalized youth thus becomes inevitable, both in politics and decision-making processes of the state. To assert themselves, the youth have also become agents of destabilization of the democracy they partook to build. Apart from their involvement in political violence, youths are now available as unconscientious “foot soldiers” of ethnic militias and terrorist groups that are constituting increased social problems in West Africa. In this article, we examine how parties and youth have interacted to define the emergence and character of threat to the nascent democracies in contemporary West Africa. The article interrogates how the notions of “youth” and “political participation” have continued to play out in different West African countries within the context of the opportunities and challenges of Africa’s youth bulge on the democratization process. The article observes that the marginalization of West African youths has been part and parcel of history only that their situation has further raised the stake as agent of social disorder in the absence of positive engagement in the recent times.
2010-01-01
... Elections FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION GENERAL COORDINATED AND INDEPENDENT EXPENDITURES (2 U.S.C. 431(17... 11 Federal Elections 1 2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false May a political party committee assign its... committee includes a subordinate committee of a State committee and includes a district or local committee...
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C.; Forward, Nick
2007-01-01
This study investigates the concept of political market orientation (PMO) in an untraditional setting, namely the 2005 contest for the leadership of the British Conservative Party. Based on a collective case-study method, a content analysis of candidates' speeches and manifestos is provided. We...... and a contextspecific evaluation of the merits of alternative PMO profiles. Thus, the generic conceptual model of political market orientatation, which previously has only been used in the content of parties contesting a general election campaign, can be adapted to alternative campaign situations without a reduction...
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Niels Nørgaard Kristensen
2017-03-01
Full Text Available Purpose: This article analyses what characterises first time voters' self-reflections on party choice as they use voter advice applications. Method: This study is based on interviews of 28 Norwegian students (age 18-20preparing themselves for their first election. Findings: Finding a party to vote for is primarily characterized by a process of matching a party to students' political self, which we see as steps toward a political identity. Practical implications: Teaching politics should allow for students' reflections on self and their political preferences.
The Puzzle of Democratic Monopolies: Single Party Dominance and Decline in India
Dasgupta, Aditya
2016-01-01
How to explain political monopolies in democratic institutional settings? Dominant parties in countries with robust formal democratic institutions are surprisingly frequent, yet poorly understood. Existing theories explain away the puzzle by characterizing dominant parties as `catch-all' parties that survive on the basis of historically imbued mass voter legitimacy. This dissertation develops a theory of how dominant parties in fact routinely win free and fair elections despite counter-majori...
Consumer responses to promoted tweets sent by brands and political parties
Boerman, S.C.; Kruikemeier, S.
2016-01-01
This study aims to understand how consumers respond to social media advertising (SMA) by focusing on promoted tweets sent by brands and political parties, and examines persuasion knowledge as underlying mechanism of these responses. Two online experiments with between-subjects designs, comparing the
Twitter-Based Analysis of the Dynamics of Collective Attention to Political Parties.
Eom, Young-Ho; Puliga, Michelangelo; Smailović, Jasmina; Mozetič, Igor; Caldarelli, Guido
2015-01-01
Large-scale data from social media have a significant potential to describe complex phenomena in the real world and to anticipate collective behaviors such as information spreading and social trends. One specific case of study is represented by the collective attention to the action of political parties. Not surprisingly, researchers and stakeholders tried to correlate parties' presence on social media with their performances in elections. Despite the many efforts, results are still inconclusive since this kind of data is often very noisy and significant signals could be covered by (largely unknown) statistical fluctuations. In this paper we consider the number of tweets (tweet volume) of a party as a proxy of collective attention to the party, identify the dynamics of the volume, and show that this quantity has some information on the election outcome. We find that the distribution of the tweet volume for each party follows a log-normal distribution with a positive autocorrelation of the volume over short terms, which indicates the volume has large fluctuations of the log-normal distribution yet with a short-term tendency. Furthermore, by measuring the ratio of two consecutive daily tweet volumes, we find that the evolution of the daily volume of a party can be described by means of a geometric Brownian motion (i.e., the logarithm of the volume moves randomly with a trend). Finally, we determine the optimal period of averaging tweet volume for reducing fluctuations and extracting short-term tendencies. We conclude that the tweet volume is a good indicator of parties' success in the elections when considered over an optimal time window. Our study identifies the statistical nature of collective attention to political issues and sheds light on how to model the dynamics of collective attention in social media.
Twitter-Based Analysis of the Dynamics of Collective Attention to Political Parties.
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Young-Ho Eom
Full Text Available Large-scale data from social media have a significant potential to describe complex phenomena in the real world and to anticipate collective behaviors such as information spreading and social trends. One specific case of study is represented by the collective attention to the action of political parties. Not surprisingly, researchers and stakeholders tried to correlate parties' presence on social media with their performances in elections. Despite the many efforts, results are still inconclusive since this kind of data is often very noisy and significant signals could be covered by (largely unknown statistical fluctuations. In this paper we consider the number of tweets (tweet volume of a party as a proxy of collective attention to the party, identify the dynamics of the volume, and show that this quantity has some information on the election outcome. We find that the distribution of the tweet volume for each party follows a log-normal distribution with a positive autocorrelation of the volume over short terms, which indicates the volume has large fluctuations of the log-normal distribution yet with a short-term tendency. Furthermore, by measuring the ratio of two consecutive daily tweet volumes, we find that the evolution of the daily volume of a party can be described by means of a geometric Brownian motion (i.e., the logarithm of the volume moves randomly with a trend. Finally, we determine the optimal period of averaging tweet volume for reducing fluctuations and extracting short-term tendencies. We conclude that the tweet volume is a good indicator of parties' success in the elections when considered over an optimal time window. Our study identifies the statistical nature of collective attention to political issues and sheds light on how to model the dynamics of collective attention in social media.
Why Political Parties Colonize the Media in Indonesia: An Exploration of Mediatization
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Muhammad Thaufan Arifuddin
2017-01-01
Full Text Available Mediatization has become more relevant in exploring relations between media and politics in post-Suharto Indonesia. However, the media's roles as the fourth estate of democracy has been hijacked by wealthy politicians and political parties. As a result, most mainstream media have failed to enhance public dabates democratically. Based on existing mediatization literature, politico-economy analysis, and data collected through extensive in-depth interviews and relevant documents in the 2013-2015 period, this article theoretically aims to develop the mediatization concept and explore the degree of mediatization of politics in contemporary Indonesia.
Constitutional reform processes and political parties: principles for practice
Vliet, van, M.; Wahiu, W.; Magolowondo, A.
2012-01-01
This publication provides a set of guiding principles for constitutional reform on the basis of practical experiences of constitutional reform processes in selected countries: Bolivia, Ghana, Indonesia, Iraq, Kenya, Malawi, Zimbabwe and South Africa. The focus is on the role of political parties in constitution-building processes. The publication shows that although country-specific reform processes may be unique in terms of objectives, context, popular involvement, and achievements, they go ...
Political parties and the EU in national election campaigns: who talks about Europe, and how?
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Senninger, Roman; Wagner, Markus
2015-01-01
addressed as well as their framing. We argue that issue-based strategies and government participation may provide important reasons why parties only mobilize selectively on EU issues. We test our expectations using data from party press releases in Austrian general election campaigns in 2008 and 2013. We......This paper examines political party mobilization on European Union issues during national election campaigns. We consider which actors talk about the EU, specifically which parties and which actors within parties, as well as how these actors talk about the EU, specifically the types of EU issues...
Hakan Samur
2007-01-01
Political parties are the representatives of interests and expectations in the society and the stance of political parties in relation to an issue critical for our society, such as membership of Turkey to the European Union is very important. The perceived image of political parties among people regarding that stance is also important to the same extent. Based on this understanding and moving from the results of a survey conducted among seniors from almost all of the faculties at Dice Univers...
The political parties and significant personalities of the Bessarabian Zemstvo (1869-1917
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Valentin Tomuleţ
2017-12-01
Full Text Available This article focuses on some parties and significant personalities who worked in the Bessarabian institution of local self-government – Zemstvo (created in 1869 and contributed to the development of the province. The authors found that some nobles united and formed political parties. Parties of the Zemstvo were groups of persons related to the most influential families from Bessarabia. For some of them the Zemstvo served as a platform on which the nobles could solve their problems. It can be said that the Zemstvo was the “alter ego” of the Bessarabian nobility. As a result, in the political life of Bessarabia two main parties were formed – “Young Bessarabia” (“Molodaya Bessarabiya” and “Old Greek Party” (Starogrecheskaya”, which succeeded each other at the helm of power. In the early 1880s, the “Old Greek party” finally defeated its rival and gained full power in the Bessarabian Zemstvo administration. Counselors saw in the Bessarabian Zemstvo an important and reliable instrument for committing abuses. For example, the Head of the Orhei Zemstvo Council Cozac embezzled money from the Zemstvo budget. When the fact of the theft was uncovered, and this was written about in the press, Cozac shot himself. Each group of the nobles included not only people related to certain interest in economic and political life of Bessarabia, but also people related by kinship, acting in the family interests. In 1881-1884, 18 of the 52 provincial councelors were relatives: brothers Semigradov (4 people, brothers Krupensky, brothers Sinadino, brothers Dunca, brothers Cotruta (2 people. The Krupensky family was the most influential family in the Bessarabian Zemstvo. The publicist P. Krushevan wrote in this regard that the Krupensky clan usurped all the power in Bessarabia, and the Governor S. Urusov noted their importance in economic and political life of the province. Many members of the Zemstvo left their mark in the economic, political, and
The Romanian Social Democratic Party versus the authoritarian monarchy
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Florin Grecu
2014-09-01
Full Text Available The article approaches the Romanian social-democratic collaboration during 1938-1940 with the authoritarian monarch regime. Even though the party leaders had diverging political views, regards to the acceptance or the non-acceptance of the authoritarian regime, the influential PSDR members held leading positions within the single party and the corporate parliament and within the union structures. The positions were offered by the regime, so that the union leaders would stop instigating workers to go on strike, and to accept the governmental policies. The freedom of speech and the political actions were ceded to the monarch, who governed at the place of the political parties and he controlled the unions, by using the guilds.
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Mik STRMECKI
2007-06-01
Full Text Available Political parties are torn between the Scylla of their over-incorporation into the State mechanism with the ensuing possible impairment of their independence from the State and the Charybdis of their under-regulation, resulting in legal and/or constitutional lacunae iuris leading to anomalies detrimental to the public interest in maintaining the survival of a viable parliamentarian democracy imbued with the principles of freedom, fairness, equality and the Rule of Law. In my article I presented a historical and comparative insight into the so-called Four-phase theory, spearheaded by Heinrich Triepel on the treatment of the political party phenomenon by the State, namely: oppression, ignorement, legalization and constitutionalisation. I also presented a survey of individual countries constitutional and legal approaches in regulating the political party phenomenon by citing definitions along with typical functions, which I then analyzed by discerning private ones from public ones. I then went on and gave an insight and description of the so-called syndrome of the political market quagmire and concluded my article by illuminating the problem of surveying legitimate legal grounds for banishment of political parties under German and Slovenian law.
Konefal, Jason; Hatanaka, Maki
2011-01-01
As third-party certification has become a prominent governance mechanism, conflicting understandings of it have emerged. Proponents advance third-party certification as a technical and objective governance mechanism, while critics argue that politics and relations of power characterize it. We reject this dichotomization both in terms of how TPC is…
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Anatolie Povestca
2017-12-01
Full Text Available Romania's entry into the First World War was preceded by fierce diplomatic battles between the two warring parties – the Entente and the Triple Alliance – regarding its involvement in the conflict on one side or the other. No less dramatic was the internal struggle waged by representatives of civil society - writers, doctors, engineers, historians, leaders of political parties, both ruling and opposition. They were brought up in the spirit of nationalism and spiritual and moral values, formed on the basis of the national liberation struggle of the 19th century. Each of them motivated entry into the war, defending his own interests, trying to get as much political dividends as possible, sometimes taking unfavorable decisions, ignoring the real economic and military potential of the Romanian state. What seemed simple at first glance turned out to be in fact an equation with many unknowns. Today we know the result - the disappearance from the political map of several empires and the emergence of other political systems and regimes, more severe, which will determine the fate and history of many peoples, including Romanian.
Party member recruitment and the representativeness of party membership
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Kosiara-Pedersen, Karina
Party membership figures are in decline. However, parties are still recruiting party members. Are there any differences in the social and political characteristics of old and new party members? If there is a difference, are new party members more or less representative for party voters than old...
Elgsaas, Knut; Hegna, Håvard
A “Council for Government Electronic Data Processing” was established in 1961. This was the start of development of a common policy for computers and data within the public administration. In 1969-70, computers got on the agenda of political parties and the trade unions. In the course of the seventies and the beginning of the eighties the government, the political parties, and the trade unions established a more comprehensive view of data political questions that we will designate by the term data policy. This paper puts some light on the causes and forces that drove the evolvement of a data policy within these central sectors in Norway. We will also show how various actors of research, trade and industry, and political life influenced the development of data policy and present links between the actors that indicate that they mutually influenced each other.
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Grupe, H.
1994-01-01
This is the first in a series of articles taking a close look at the essential statements in the energy and environmental policy programmes of the politically relevant parties and comparing them with one another. The series begins with the political programmes of the parties represented in the State Parliament of Sachsen-Anhalt (where an election is forthcoming on June 26, 1994), as submitted to the editor of this journal in answer to his inquiry. The analysis is preceded by a brief summary of the most important geographical and energy-economic data and the range of political parties in this State Parliament in order to illustrate the boundary conditions. (orig./UA) [de
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Stênnia Maria Ferreira de Brito
2016-03-01
Full Text Available The aim of this study is to identify factors that relate to the judgment of political parties accountability operating in the state of Rio Grande do Norte. Twenty-four political parties with directory in the state were selected considering those who have had their accounts judged between 2006 to 2013. In order to determine which factors are related to the trial of party accounts, logistic regression were considered for the analysis. Independent variables were the total revenues received by the party (in logarithm, dummy for political parties with or without the resources of the party fund and dummy for years that there were state elections, while the trial of the accounts of parties (approval / disapproval is dependent variable. The results show that only the dummy's Party Fund positively influence the judgments of the annual accounts parties. Thus, it is understood that the parties receiving public funds are more likely to provide better information and, therefore, have its accounts approved by the Unidade Técnica do Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Rio Grande do Norte. Moreover, one can even say that the parties receiving such government help have a trend or an indication of concern with the concept of accountability, since the party fund is a public resource. It is recommended that future studies address other indicators, for example, liquidity, debt and profitability. Moreover, as also proxies related to the disclosure of financial statements, number of persons elected by party in relation to the number of candidates and party members number could become plausible indicators for future research that would use the same methodology. In addition, replicate this metodology to other states for comparative issues, and even use the same methodology at national level could be aspects of research to be worked for the future.
Social Movements and New Forms of Political Organization: Podemos as a Hybrid Party
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Daniela Chironi
2017-05-01
Full Text Available In recent years, the restructuring of the party systems in several European countries was accompanied or preceded by massive waves of anti-austerity protests. Although the causal relation between these mobilizations and the rise of new parties has already been assessed, the organizational features remain understudied. To fill this gap, here we analyse the impact of the cycle of anti-austerity and pro-real democracy protests which emerged in 2011 with the birth and organizational development of the Spanish party Podemos. Bridging two subfields of social and political sciences—movement studies and party studies—we pay particular attention to the dichotomy between horizontality and verticality within Podemos' organization. In particular, we address the issues of social movement effects as well as party foundation and organizational development. Our main findings suggest that movement mobilization played a large role in shaping Podemos' foundational choices, particularly with reference to the fundamental principles of the party and its strategic positioning. Podemos is also experimenting new democratic methods internally. Nonetheless, empirical analysis shows that, overall, the influence of movements' organizational models on the organizational structure of the party has been limited. Yet, the result is a “hybrid” party that finds a balance between the horizontalism of social movements and the efficiency of parties.
Schuur, Hendrik van
1984-01-01
This study investigates interrelationships among the political beliefs of more than ten thousand active members of fifty political parties in nine countries of the European Community. These interrelationships are explored in part with a newly developed model for the analysis of preferences:
Party website – instrument of political communication. Case study: www.psd.ro
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Monica Pătruţ
2012-06-01
Full Text Available Romanian political parties’ websites have developed especially after 2000 and have been used to disseminate information about candidates, campaigns and political agendas. Combining the quantitative content analysis with well-known models I will quantify the degree in which the Romanian Social Democratic Party website contributes to informing, connecting, involving, and mobilizing visitors. Another objective of the analysis is to pinpoint the place that websites occupy on the trajectory web 1.0 – web 2.0. The findings show that the political website is used more to inform and less to involve or mobilize visitors and that the SDP website is far from the web 2.0. taking account the virtual practices performed.
Ricci, Andrea
2013-01-01
Scholarly interest for the impact of technologies on democracy has raised in parallel to the decline of political participation. Technology has often been seen as either one of the causes of the crisis of representative democracy or as a powerful remedy to heal the negative externalities generated by party oligopolies. The study of the impact of new media in party politics or presidential elections dates back the forties (with the outgrowth of radio) and has evolved in cyclical waves until to...
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Kosiara-Pedersen, Karina
Political parties have as their main assignment the creation of linkage between citizens and government. They provide one of several channels of participation in modern democracies. Yet, the general trend across the Western world is that party membership figures decline. The purpose of this article...... is to report on the state of Danish party membership; the numbers and participation. The claim of the article is that total membership figures hide evidence of membership renewal and increases, and that mere party membership figures are insufficient when evaluating political parties as channels...... of participation. Instead, membership figures at party level as well as the participation of party members need to be taken into account in order to assess parties as channels of participation. This is supported by the analyses reported here which show that even though membership figures are declining, parties...
Party rules, party resources and the politics of parliamentary democracies
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Poguntke, Thomas; Scarrow, Susan; Webb, Paul
2016-01-01
, then investigate what it tells us about contemporary party organization in these countries, focusing on parties’ resources, structures and internal decision-making. We examine organizational patterns by country and party family, and where possible we make temporal comparisons with older data sets. Our analyses...... suggest a remarkable coexistence of uniformity and diversity. In terms of the major organizational resources on which parties can draw, such as members, staff and finance, the new evidence largely confirms the continuation of trends identified in previous research: that is, declining membership......, but enhanced financial resources and more paid staff. We also find remarkable uniformity regarding the core architecture of party organizations. At the same time, however, we find substantial variation between countries and party families in terms of their internal processes, with particular regard to how...
Nuclear opponents and party politics
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Tollmann, A.
1987-01-01
The question treated in this article is: what do the members of the Austrian parliament - of the different parties - against nuclear energy, in particular against nuclear installations in neighbour countries? Of special interest is the Green party, now also represented in the parliament. The conclusion is that even this party, though in principle definitely anti-nuclear, is of no help to nuclear opponents in general, and to the Working Group No to Zwentendorf in particular. (qui)
Political Parties and Interest Groups Members' Patterns of Social Network Site Usage in Kyrgyzstan
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Elira Turdubaeva
2014-11-01
Full Text Available Kyrgyzstan, with a high level of political participation and an avant-garde position regarding internet access in Central Asia, broadband and social media penetration in the population, is a critical case for studying social network sites (SNSs in relation to political participation. This study analyzes the practices and attitudes of SNS users in Kyrgyzstan. Two types of users – members of political parties and members of interest organizations – are interviewed in focus groups about their practices and attitudes towards political content in the social network site Facebook. The findings indicate that, to some extent, the political engagement is indeed occurring within the Facebook environment, suggesting that the popular social networking sites (SNSs are an avenue for young people to express and share their political views. Facebook allowed users to share their political beliefs, support specific candidates, and interact with others on political issues. Participants’ perceptions regarding the appropriateness of political activity on Facebook, as well as the specific types of political activities they engaged in and witnessed within the site, were also explored.
Dostal, Jörg Michael
2012-01-01
In the German political economy of the early 21st century, labor market policymaking has shifted toward deregulation and liberalization. In particular, the so-called Hartz labor market reforms of the Social Democratic Party and Green Party government, introduced in 2002 and 2003, pushed for employment growth in low-wage and deregulated employment sectors. This article focuses on one of the key debates triggered by Germany’s labor market deregulation after 2002, namely whethe...
Iversen, Torben; Soskice, David
2005-01-01
We develop a general model of redistribution and use it to account for the remarkable variance in government redistribution across democracies. We show that the electoral system plays a key role because it shapes the nature of political parties and the composition of governing coalitions, whether these are conceived as electoral alliances between classes or alliances between class parties. Our argument implies a) that center-left governments dominate under PR systems, while center-right gover...
Conservative Party Modernisation and David Cameron's Politics of the Family
Hayton, Richard
2010-01-01
A key feature of David Cameron's electoral appeal is his carefully cultivated image as a ‘family man’. Cameron has repeatedly stressed the importance of the family to his political views and stated his desire to see marriage rewarded through the tax system. At the same time, Cameron has presented himself as a modernising leader, keen to demonstrate that he and his party are in touch with contemporary society. Central to this effort to detoxify the Conservative brand has been an emphasis on so...
Joly, Jeroen K.; Hofmans, Joeri; Loewen, Peter
2018-01-01
We examined the relationship between Big Five personality and the political ideology of elected politicians. To this end, we studied 303 politicians from Flanders, Wallonia, and Canada, relating their self-reported Big Five scores to a partisanship-based measure of political ideology. Our findings show that, in line with the congruency model of personality, Openness to Experience is the best and most consistent correlate of political ideology, with politicians high on Openness to Experience being more likely to be found among the more progressive left-wing political parties. PMID:29719525
Joly, Jeroen K; Hofmans, Joeri; Loewen, Peter
2018-01-01
We examined the relationship between Big Five personality and the political ideology of elected politicians. To this end, we studied 303 politicians from Flanders, Wallonia, and Canada, relating their self-reported Big Five scores to a partisanship-based measure of political ideology. Our findings show that, in line with the congruency model of personality, Openness to Experience is the best and most consistent correlate of political ideology, with politicians high on Openness to Experience being more likely to be found among the more progressive left-wing political parties.
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Lorenz Astrid
2015-11-01
Full Text Available The article analyses constitutional politics in the German Länder in the field of minors’ rights. Since this issue seems a purely legal matter dealt with at the federal, European and international level, we should expect similar, almost identically shaped policies at the Länder level. However, the analysis brings considerable variations of constitutional activities in this field to the fore: time, frequency, and contents of respective initiatives vary significantly in the period from 1999 to 2014. These variations were due to different party strategies, diverging party platforms and majority constellations in the Länder. The analysis also shows that the public arguments brought forward in favour of constitutional amendments refer only weakly and randomly to legal provisions and processes at other levels. The political debate supporting extended children's rights rather refers to general observations, to the specific regional context, and constitutional provisions in other Länder. At least with regard to this issue, the multi-level system did not systematically impact on constitutional politics in the Länder. It rather can be understood as an opportunity structure providing parties with multiple realms in which they can pursue their goals. Thus the study shows that federal and regional party strategies are key factors in explaining policy diffusion in multilevel systems.
We don't like (to) party : explaining the significance of Independents in Irish political life
Weeks, Liam
2008-01-01
The aim of this thesis is to explain the significant presence of Independents (non-party representatives) in the Irish political system. This topic was chosen because parties have a monopoly on parliamentary representation in almost all liberal democracies. Ireland is an exception to this pattern, as independents have been elected to every session of parliament since the foundation of the modern Irish state. There have been very few academic analyses of Independents carried out in relation...
Campaigning on behalf of the party? Party constraints on candidate campaign personalisation
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Bøggild, Troels; Pedersen, Helene Helboe
2017-01-01
This article analyses what makes political candidates run a party-focused or personalised election campaign. Prior work shows that candidates face incentives from voters and the media to personalise their campaign rhetoric and promises at the expense of party policy. This has raised concerns about...... that party control over the candidate nomination process and campaign financing constrains most political candidates in following electoral incentives for campaign personalisation. Using candidate survey data from the 2009 EP election campaign in 27 countries, we show how candidates from parties in which...... party officials exerted greater control over the nomination process and campaign finances were less likely to engage in personalised campaigning at the expense of the party programme. The findings imply that most parties, as central gatekeepers and resource suppliers, hold important control mechanisms...
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Chien-Kai Chang
2018-03-01
Full Text Available People go beyond the inferences afforded by a person’s observable features to make guesses about personality traits or even social memberships such as political affiliations. The present study extended Hu et al. (2016 to further investigate the influence of provincial appearance on differentiating KMT (Kuomintang and DPP (Democratic Progressive Party candidates by headshot photos with three experiments. In Experiment 1 (Membership categorization task, participants categorized the photos from the pilot study (where the difference between the perceived age of KMT and DPP candidates was reduced and divided into four blocks by their perceived age. We found that participants were able to distinguish KMT from DPP candidates significantly better than chance, even when the perceived age difference between the two parties was minimized. In Experiment 2 (Trait rating task, we asked young and middle-aged adults to rate six traits on candidate’s photos. We found that “provincial appearance” is the core trait differentiating the two parties for both young and older participants, while “facial maturity” is another trait for older participants only. In Experiment 3 (Double categorization task, we asked participants to categorize the photos from the Exp. 1 on their membership (KMT or DPP and on provincial appearance (mainlander or native Taiwanese in two separate sessions. Results showed that young adults were likely to use the “provincial appearance” as the main characteristic cue to categorize candidates’ political membership. In sum, our study showed that Taiwanese adults could categorize the two parties by their headshot photos when age cue was eliminated. Moreover, provincial appearance was the most critical trait for differentiating between KMT and DPP candidates, which may reflect a piece of significant history during the development of the two parties.
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Alexander S. Zabolotskikh
2016-01-01
Full Text Available This article analyzes the social composition of the political parties of the Russian Empire in the early XX century and a real reflection of interests of different social groups. The estates principle of social organization of pre-revolutionary Russia, seems, was to be decisive to formation of the party organizations. However, in practice, many public organizations (in particular, the Black Hundred Party declared their all-estates character, trying to become the spokesman of the greatest possible number of social groups. By the beginning of XXcen tury in Russia there were about 60 parties, which could be called the all-Russian. Comparing the most famous of them, the author concludes that representatives of the Black Hundreds largely managed to realize the proclaimed all-estates construction principle of political organization. As stated by the leader of the Monarchist Party V.A.Gringmut, "Black Hundred-monarchists - are thousands, millions, it's - the whole Russian Orthodox people, remaining faithful to the oath unlimited Orthodox tsar" [10, p. 156]. The ideology of the Black Hundreds, which had the universal Christian character, reflecting the traditionalist outlook of the country's population, contributed to their penetration into the masses. Contrary to popular belief, the big bourgeoisie and the landlord class were not the only groups that are members of the «Union of October 17 th». However Octobrists faced with serious problems, attracting to its ranks of workers and peasants of the Russian population, because they are more focused on employers rather than workers. For example, as the researchers note, an important role in the creation of the "Union of October 17 th " played factory owners Brusnitsyns in St. Petersburg [3, p.122]. But by 1917 Octobrists altogether lost control of the labor movement. Thus, despite the constant positioning of the political parties of the Russian Empire as all-estates, in reality, they pursued the interests
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Alexander S. Zabolotskikh
2016-01-01
Full Text Available This article analyzes the social composition of the political parties of the Russian Empire in the early XX century and a real reflection of interests of different social groups. The estates principle of social organization of pre-revolutionary Russia, seems, was to be decisive to formation of the party organizations. However, in practice, many public organizations (in particular, the Black Hundred Party declared their all-estates character, trying to become the spokesman of the greatest possible number of social groups. By the beginning of XXcen tury in Russia there were about 60 parties, which could be called the all-Russian. Comparing the most famous of them, the author concludes that representatives of the Black Hundreds largely managed to realize the proclaimed all-estates construction principle of political organization. As stated by the leader of the Monarchist Party V.A.Gringmut, "Black Hundred-monarchists - are thousands, millions, it's - the whole Russian Orthodox people, remaining faithful to the oath unlimited Orthodox tsar" [10, p. 156]. The ideology of the Black Hundreds, which had the universal Christian character, reflecting the traditionalist outlook of the country's population, contributed to their penetration into the masses. Contrary to popular belief, the big bourgeoisie and the landlord class were not the only groups that are members of the «Union of October 17th». However Octobrists faced with serious problems, attracting to its ranks of workers and peasants of the Russian population, because they are more focused on employers rather than workers. For example, as the researchers note, an important role in the creation of the "Union of October 17th" played factory owners Brusnitsyns in St. Petersburg [3, p.122]. But by 1917 Octobrists altogether lost control of the labor movement. Thus, despite the constant positioning of the political parties of the Russian Empire as all-estates, in reality, they pursued the interests of
Elk, M. van; Schie, H.T. van; Bekkering, H.
2010-01-01
In line with previous studies, showing that abstract concepts like opowero or ogodo implicitly activate spatial associations, in the present study we hypothesized that spatial associations are coactivated during the processing of acronyms referring to names of political parties as well. In four
Social praxis, party, and class relations today
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Egni Malo
2014-01-01
Full Text Available Today’s political sociologists are once again interested in the study of the crisis of mass-based parties, anti-politics and anti-parliamentarism, crisis in the authority of the political class, prevailing corporate interests within republican institutions, and populism. Political sociology however, takes the party, as a construct of political sociology alone, without consideration upon its militancy and action, as the party, which objectifies the foundation of a State, and as a result the party becomes, simply an historical category. We approach the problem of the modern state from many angles; analysing the nature of a political party as such; the ideological dangers of determinism and spontaneism which a party necessarily must struggle with; the type of non-administrative internal regime which is necessary for a party to be effective and so on. The problem we seek to elaborate is the specific character of the collective action that makes possible the passage from a sectored, corporate and subordinate role of purely negative opposition, to a leading role of conscious action towards not merely a partial adjustment within the system, but posing the issue of the State in its entirety. In developing this theme – as a study of the real relations between the political party, the classes and the State – a two-fold consideration is devoted to the study of Machiavelli and Marx: first from the angle of the real relations between the two, as thinkers of revolutionary politics, of action; and secondly from a perspective which would derive from the Marxist doctrines an articulated system of contemporary politics, as found in The Prince.
Movements in Parties: OccupyPD
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Donatella della Porta
2015-03-01
Full Text Available When the United States activists called for people to Occupy#everywhere, it is unlikely they were thinking of the headquarters of the Italian centre-left party. Parties and movements are often considered to be worlds apart. In reality, parties have been relevant players in movement politics, and movements have influenced parties, often through the double militancy of many of their members. OccupyPD testifies to a continuous fluidity at the movement-party border, but also to a blockage in the party’s interactions with society that started long before the economic crisis but drastically accelerated with it. In this paper we present the OccupyPD Movement as a case of interaction between party politics and social movement politics, and in particular between the base membership of a centre-left party and the broader anti-austerity movement that diffused from the US to Europe adopting similar forms of actions and claims. Second, by locating it within the context of the economic and democratic crisis that erupted in 2007, we understand its emergence as a reaction towards politics in times of crisis of responsibility, by which we mean a drastic drop in the capacity of the government to respond to citizens’ requests. To fulfil this double aim, we bridge social movement studies with research on party change, institutional trust and democratic theory, looking at some political effects of the economic crisis in terms of a specific form of legitimacy crisis, as well as citizens’ responses to it, with a particular focus on the political meaning of recent anti-austerity protests. In this analysis, we refer to both quantitative and qualitative data from secondary liter-ature and original in-depth interviews carried out with a sample of OccupyPD activists.
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Ryabichenko Arkady
2013-01-01
Full Text Available This article studies the process of transformation of the Swedish political party system in the 1980s. The study aims to develop a typology of the Swedish political party system before and after the transformation processes commenced. The article identifies the key prerequisites for such transformation: the crisis of social democracy and an increase in the nationalist attitudes in the society caused by the negative repercussions of the system of integration of migrants into the society based on the multiculturalism principles. The interethnic tension manifested itself in the wide support for the Swedish Democrats Party in the 2010 parliamentary election. From a political party system dominated by social democrats, the Swedish political party system turned into one with two leading parties – the centre-left Swedish Social Democratic Labour Party and the centre-right Moderate Party. The Swedish Democrats position themselves as an alternative to the two party blocs headed by the dominating parties (the Alliance and the Red-Green. The study employs an interdisciplinary approach in the framework of science synthesis. Its results can be of practical significance for politicians, social activists, and academicians.
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Tri Cahya Indra Permana
2016-03-01
Full Text Available Undang-Undang Parpol mengatur bahwa perselisihan Parpol diselesaikan secara internal oleh Mahkamah Partai atau sebutan lain daripada itu dan secara eksternal oleh Pengadilan Negeri dan Mahkamah Agung. Substansi perselisihan yang final dan mengikat di Mahkamah Partai adalah perselisihan kepengurusan, selebihnya dapat diajukan upaya hukum ke Pengadilan Negeri dan Mahkamah Agung. Di dalam praktek, pengaturan tersebut telah menjauhkan dari rasa keadilan, kepastian hukum dan kemanfaatan, oleh karenanya sebaiknya direvisi yang mana perselisihan PAW, pelanggaran terhadap hak anggota partai politik, penyalahgunaan wewenang, pertanggungjawaban keuangan, dan atau keberatan terhadap keputusan partai politik (termasuk keputusan untuk tidak memutuskan terhadap sesuatu hal final dan mengikat dengan Putusan MPP. Sedangkan perselisihan kepengurusan dapat diajukan upaya hukum ke Mahkamah Konstitusi. Political parties act stipulates that a political party dispute resolved internally by the Mahkamah Partai or other designation of that and externally resolved by the District Court and the Supreme Court. The dispute substance in Mahkamah Partai which is final and binding is about organization dispute, the other can be settled in District Court and the Supreme Court. In practice, that arrangement makes the decision apart from the sense of justice, legal certainty and utility. Therefore, these rules should be revised so that the regulation of PAW, violations of the rights of members of political parties, abuse of authority, financial liability, or an objection to the decision of political parties (including the decision not to decide on something is final and binding through Mahkamah Partai decision. While the organization disputes can be submitted to the Constitutional Court for legal action.
Moore, M A; Katzgraber, Helmut G
2014-10-01
Starting from preferences on N proposed policies obtained via questionnaires from a sample of the electorate, an Ising spin-glass model in a field can be constructed from which a political party could find the subset of the proposed policies which would maximize its appeal, form a coherent choice in the eyes of the electorate, and have maximum overlap with the party's existing policies. We illustrate the application of the procedure by simulations of a spin glass in a random field on scale-free networks.
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Ernesto HERNÁNDEZ NORZAGARAY
2010-10-01
Full Text Available The article explores the consequences of the electoral formula and the effective threshold, the size of electoral circumscriptions and the number of congressional representatives on the levels of disproportional representation that exists in the legislature since the federal elections of 1994 in Mexico. Following this, and through the use of a number of political indices the article assesses the impact of these factors on the political party system. In particular the study examines levels of concentration and competition, of political party fragmentation, and levels of electoral polarisation and volatility. The main objective is to determine the institutional impact of the «period of reforms» on the configuration of a new political party system in Mexico.Key words: México, electoral system, political party system, fragmetation, volatility.En este trabajo sobre el sistema electoral y el sistema de partidos políticos en México, exploramos las consecuencias que han tenido la fórmula electoral y el umbral efectivo, la magnitud de las circunscripciones y el tamaño del Congreso legislativo, en los niveles de desproporcionalidad existente en el poder legislativo desde las elecciones federales de 1994. Así mismo, como extensión de ese esfuerzo, mediante diversos índices politológicos profundizamos en los efectos que ha tenido en el sistema de partidos. En particular, interesa estudiar los niveles de concentración y competitividad, la fragmentación y número efectivo de partidos, la polarización y volatilidad del voto. En suma, pretendemos determinar cuál es el impacto institucional del llamado «periodo de reformas» en la conformación de un nuevo sistema de partidos políticos mexicanos.
Muhammad Mukhtarrija; I gusti Ayu Ketut Rachmi Handayani; Agus Riwanto
2018-01-01
This study raises the legal issue against the enactment of Law No. 7 of 2017 on General Elections in Indonesia. The law has violated the constitutional rights of new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants that began in 2017. The injustice is seen in article 222 which requires the provision of presidential threshold for political parties nominating the president and vice-presidential pairs based on the results of general elections in 2014. If this provision is appl...
Crescent and Electoral Strength: Islamic Party Portrait of Reform Era In Indonesia
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LILI ROMLI
2013-12-01
Full Text Available The establishment of Islamic political parties in the reform era in Indonesia after the fall of Suharto (1998, considered as resurgence of political stream. There are several factors that led to the revival of Islamic parties after the New Order, the theological factor, historical, sociological, and reform factor. The presence of Islamic political parties after the New Order was apparently diverse and fragmented. In the political elite of Islam itself in establishing a political party based on Islam and there is also based on nationality, and in establishing political party was using substantially approach and there is also that use formalistic approach. In the reform era elections, political Islam has failed, in which Islamic parties do not receive optimal support from voters Islam. The failure of Islamic parties in election of reform era is caused of factor among Muslims has been change the orientation of political views. Islamic parties in the reform era stuck in a political myth quantity, and Islamic parties are also fragmented and fractured in to small forces.
Parties heed (with caution): Public knowledge of and attitudes towards party finance in Britain.
vanHeerde-Hudson, Jennifer; Fisher, Justin
2013-01-01
Despite comprehensive reform ( Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act ) and recent review (Phillips Review in 2007) of party finance in Britain, public opinion of party finance remains plagued by perceptions of corruption, undue influence from wealthy donors, carefree and wasteful spending and, more generally, from the perception that there is just 'too much money' in politics. In this article we argue that knowledge of and attitudes to party finance matter, not least because advocates of reform have cited public opinion as evidence for reform. However, because attitudes to party finance are part of a broader attitudinal structure, opinion-led reforms are unlikely to succeed in increasing public confidence. Using data generated from YouGov's online panel (N=2,008), we demonstrate that the public know little of the key provisions regulating party finance and attitudes to party finance can be explained along two underlying dimensions - Anti-Party Finance and Reformers . As such, we consider whether parties and politicians should be freed from the constraints of public opinion in reforming party finance.
Intra-party democracy beyond aggregation
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Wolkenstein, Fabio
2016-01-01
, discussing several functions intra-party deliberation is said to serve in the democratic theory literature. It then goes on to explore the deliberative credentials of political discussion between party members, drawing on group interviews with party members in two Social Democratic parties in Germany...
Public Funding of Political Parties
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Ortuno-Ortin, Ignacio; Schultz, Christian
This paper concerns public funding of parties. Parteis receive public funds depending on their vote share. Funds finance electoral campaigns. Two cases are investigated. In the first, some voters are policy motivated and some are ?impressionable? ? their vote depends directly on campaign...... expenditures. In the second, campaigning is informative and all voters are policy motivated. Public funds increase policy convergence in both cases. The effect is larger, the more funding depends on vote shares. When campaigns are informative, there may be multiple euqilibria. Intuitively, a large party can...
Chaney, Paul
2016-04-01
A raft of United Nations Treaties, European Union Directives and domestic laws oblige governments in 180 + countries to apply the Participative Democratic Model of mainstreaming equalities to public administration by involving those targeted by equality initiatives at all stages in their design and delivery. Notwithstanding Participative Democratic Model's deeply political nature, extant work has overlooked how governing party turnover influences civil society organisations' (CSOs) strategies. Here, this lacuna is addressed using a negative 'extreme case study' research design involving qualitative accounts from civil society organisations in Wales, a 'regional' European polity characterised by one-party dominance. The findings reveal how the absence of turnover distorts the Participative Democratic Model in relation to diverse factors including: strategic bridging, extraparliamentary politics, cognitive locks and party institutionalisation. Inter alia, the wider contribution of this analysis lies in showing the importance of turnover to effective engagement, the 'pathologies' associated with one-party dominance and the need for adaptive civil society strategies tailored to prevailing electoral politics and governing party turnover in liberal democracies.
Lehrer, Roni; Schumacher, Gijs
2018-01-01
The policy positions parties choose are central to both attracting voters and forming coalition governments. How then should parties choose positions to best represent voters? Laver and Sergenti show that in an agent-based model with boundedly rational actors a decision rule (Aggregator) that takes the mean policy position of its supporters is the best rule to achieve high congruence between voter preferences and party positions. But this result only pertains to representation by the legislature, not representation by the government. To evaluate this we add a coalition formation procedure with boundedly rational parties to the Laver and Sergenti model of party competition. We also add two new decision rules that are sensitive to government formation outcomes rather than voter positions. We develop two simulations: a single-rule one in which parties with the same rule compete and an evolutionary simulation in which parties with different rules compete. In these simulations we analyze party behavior under a large number of different parameters that describe real-world variance in political parties' motives and party system characteristics. Our most important conclusion is that Aggregators also produce the best match between government policy and voter preferences. Moreover, even though citizens often frown upon politicians' interest in the prestige and rents that come with winning political office (office pay-offs), we find that citizens actually receive better representation by the government if politicians are motivated by these office pay-offs in contrast to politicians with ideological motivations (policy pay-offs). Finally, we show that while more parties are linked to better political representation, how parties choose policy positions affects political representation as well. Overall, we conclude that to understand variation in the quality of political representation scholars should look beyond electoral systems and take into account variation in party
11 CFR 109.37 - What is a “party coordinated communication”?
2010-01-01
... Provisions for Political Party Committees § 109.37 What is a “party coordinated communication”? (a) Definition. A political party communication is coordinated with a candidate, a candidate's authorized... paragraphs (a)(1), (a)(2), and (a)(3) of this section. (1) The communication is paid for by a political party...
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Akyay Uygur
2010-12-01
Full Text Available Sense of belonging is a psychological condition in which loyalties are divided into two. Organizational commitment, the value of the individual within the organization to accept and hear the desire to remain in the organization as it is defined. Identify a specific individual's loyalty to the organizational integration organizations, in the form of sincere commitment and dedication has been defined. This study aimed to determine the level of organizational loyalty to Turkey's third largest political party (AKP, CHP, MHP, feeling of belonging to the organization aims to determine the level of loyalty of the individual. Organizational loyalty created in accordance with this scale in city information was collected from 674 people. Accordingly, the highest level of organizational loyalty to the party MHP, the second CHP and third place in the AKP has emerged.
Online network organization of Barcelona en Comú, an emergent movement-party.
Aragón, Pablo; Gallego, Helena; Laniado, David; Volkovich, Yana; Kaltenbrunner, Andreas
2017-01-01
The emerging grassroots party Barcelona en Comú won the 2015 Barcelona City Council election. This candidacy was devised by activists involved in the Spanish 15M movement to transform citizen outrage into political change. On the one hand, the 15M movement was based on a decentralized structure. On the other hand, political science literature postulates that parties develop oligarchical leadership structures. This tension motivates to examine whether Barcelona en Comú preserved a decentralized structure or adopted a conventional centralized organization. In this study we develop a computational methodology to characterize the online network organization of every party in the election campaign on Twitter. Results on the network of retweets reveal that, while traditional parties are organized in a single cluster, for Barcelona en Comú two well-defined groups co-exist: a centralized cluster led by the candidate and party accounts, and a decentralized cluster with the movement activists. Furthermore, results on the network of replies also shows a dual structure: a cluster around the candidate receiving the largest attention from other parties, and another with the movement activists exhibiting a higher predisposition to dialogue with other parties.
Muis, J.C.
2010-01-01
Agent-based models of political party competition in a multidimensional policy space have been developed in order to reflect adaptive learning by party leaders with very limited information feedback. The key assumption is that two categories of actors continually make decisions: voters choose which
Picturing the Party: Instagram and Party Campaigning in the 2014 Swedish Elections
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Kirill Filimonov
2016-08-01
Full Text Available This article explores Swedish parties’ activities on Instagram during the 2014 elections. Understanding party campaign communication as highly strategic, that is, communication to persuade and mobilize voters in order to win the elections, we ask whether Instagram was used to (1 broadcast campaign messages, (2 mobilize supporters, (3 manage the party’s image, and (4 amplify and complement other campaign material (i.e., hybrid campaign use. With this study, we follow previous studies on the use of digital communication platforms in the hands of campaigning political actors, but we direct our attention to a new platform. We conducted a content analysis of 220 party postings on Instagram, collected during the hot phase of the campaign. The result shows that the platform was mainly used for broadcasting rather than for mobilization. The image the parties were presenting leaned toward personalization with a strong presence of top candidates in their postings. Top candidates were primarily displayed in a political/professional context. Finally, half of the analyzed postings showed signs of hybridized campaign practices. The presented findings give a first glimpse on how political parties use and perform on Instagram.
Usage of marketing in politics
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Marić Ivana
2014-01-01
Full Text Available Multi-party political system led to competition between political parties which caused the need for marketing in politics that improves political reputation. Politics, based on rich experience of political practice, used existing, developed methods and techniques of commercial marketing. Political marketing openly admits that politics and politicians are simply goods that are being sold on a political market. Political marketing is a whole way of operation by political parties which ask these questions: how do the voters choose; what affects their preference and how that preference can be influenced. Usage of political marketing in Bosnia and Herzegovina is still not on a satisfactory level but the knowledge about the importance of political marketing is increasing.
The Political Economy of Regulatory Risk
Strausz, Roland
2009-01-01
I investigate the argument that, in a two–party system with different regulatory objectives, political uncertainty generates regulatory risk. I show that this risk has a fluctuation effect that hurts both parties and an output–expansion effect that benefits one party. Consequently, at least one party dislikes regulatory risk. Moreover, both political parties gain from eliminating regulatory risk when political divergence is small or the winning probability of the regulatory–risk–averse party ...
Democracy, the Party, and Self-Emancipation
Raekstad, P.
2017-01-01
The Party is once again the subject of sustained discussion among academics and popular movements. Jodi Dean’s most recent book, Crowds and Party, is an attempt to re-think the party form for contemporary politics after the experiences and lessons of Occupy. Crowds and Party is engaging and
Westfall, Jacob; Van Boven, Leaf; Chambers, John R; Judd, Charles M
2015-03-01
An important component of political polarization in the United States is the degree to which ordinary people perceive political polarization. We used over 30 years of national survey data from the American National Election Study to examine how the public perceives political polarization between the Democratic and Republican parties and between Democratic and Republican presidential candidates. People in the United States consistently overestimate polarization between the attitudes of Democrats and Republicans. People who perceive the greatest political polarization are most likely to report having been politically active, including voting, trying to sway others' political beliefs, and making campaign contributions. We present a 3-factor framework to understand ordinary people's perceptions of political polarization. We suggest that people perceive greater political polarization when they (a) estimate the attitudes of those categorized as being in the "opposing group"; (b) identify strongly as either Democrat or Republican; and (c) hold relatively extreme partisan attitudes-particularly when those partisan attitudes align with their own partisan political identity. These patterns of polarization perception occur among both Democrats and Republicans. © The Author(s) 2015.
Lynch, Kevin; Hogan, John
2016-01-01
This study, using in-depth interviews and focus groups, examines perceptions of social networking sites as a means of communicating with Generation Z, from the perspectives of the major Irish political parties using these online resources and the perspective of their young target audience. There are two research questions: (1) How do political parties perceive social networking sites’ role in communicating with Generation Z? and (2) How do members of Generation Z perceive social networking si...
Feeding Revolution: The Black Panther Party and the Politics of Food
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Mary Potorti
2014-02-01
Full Text Available This chapter examines the role of food in the symbolic politics and practical agenda of the Black Panther Party (BPP, founded in the late 1960s in Oakland, California. Situating hunger and the politics of food at the center of drives for racial justice, it argues that the BPP’s anti-hunger efforts and food-centered campaigns were driven by an implicit understanding of the power of food in battles over racialized definitions of personhood, a forum for both enforcing and resisting hegemonic authority. From this vantage, the Panthers and their allies in the East Bay community utilized the Party’s popular food programs, specifically its Free Breakfast for School Children Program, as staging grounds to prepare for a revolutionary overthrow of the socio-economic order. In addition to strengthening the physical bodies of African Americans to ensure their “survival pending revolution,” the food programs served a deeper organizing function by encouraging community members to come together to meet an immediate, practical need and, in doing so, to visualize themselves as part of a larger movement for change. The Panthers’ subsequent demands for consumer rights and calls for conscientious consumption (both as purchasers and eaters of food highlighted the role of food politics in perpetuating racial injustice while demonstrating the capacity for food-related protest to challenge structures of hunger and patterns of widespread malnourishment.
Politically Induced Regulatory Risk and Independent Regulatory Agencies
Strausz, Roland
2015-01-01
Uncertainty in election outcomes generates politically induced regulatory risk. Political parties' risk attitudes towards such risk depend on a fluctuation effect that hurts both parties and an output--expansion effect that benefits at least one party. Notwithstanding the parties' risk attitudes, political parties have incentives to negotiate away all regulatory risk by pre-electoral bargaining. Efficient pre-electoral bargaining outcomes fully eliminate politically induced regulatory risk. P...
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Cecilia Sarabia Ríos
2011-07-01
Full Text Available The internal democratic of political parties are one of the numerous analyses that can be performed on an electoral process. In this regard, this document aims to understand the logic of development of internal democracy in the party organizations in Ciudad Juarez, focusing on one aspect of it: the selection of candidates. The observation of the selection of candidates for municipal office in the last decade in Ciudad Juarez allowed to comment the advantages and disadvantages for the internal democratic life of party, to understand its development level and the logic that motivates their evolution or turn to be attractive only for external voting and not for the militants.
Tracing the territorial dynamics of party fragmentation in Mexico (1991-2015
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Willibald SONNLEITNER
2017-06-01
Full Text Available Over the past decades, Mexican politics evolved from a closed, corporative and hegemonic-party authoritarianism, towards a more plural and competitive multi-party system. In the nineties, three relevant parties structured electoral politics. But this system soon fragmented and reached an average of 5.6 effective parties in 2015. What causes and drives political and partisan fragmentation in Mexico? Which have been the main temporal and territorial dynamics? How did they reshape Mexico’s electoral geography?
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Max Reinhardt
2011-05-01
Full Text Available This article discusses methods and results of an explorative study of two generations of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD: the two generations comprise, on the one hand, older and younger members of the postwar generation who witnessed the Second World War as young soldiers or as children, and on the other hand, the generation that was born in the 1950s and has mainly been responsible for shaping policy for some years. The aim of my dissertation was to analyze the ability of the social democratic leadership to represent the full range of party members and (base voters by comparing two generations, using a sample of political leaders and the habitus/field-analysis inspired by Pierre BOURDIEU. The basis of the analysis were partly biographical, partly theme-focused interviews, as well as a range of sources and already published literature regarding the biographies of these political leaders. The following article is based on my dissertation and is focused on a description of selected theoretical implications, on the description of the essential criteria for selecting the sample and on some of the methods used. These are an analysis of the life, life and field effects, the factions and the development of types of political leaders. I will present some results to exemplify the methods used. They show that the ability of the SPD to represent the full range of party members and (base voters and the power structure of the SPD have changed, thus threatening the party’s status as a "Volkspartei." URN: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs1102197
The gender of party leadership and its impact on voter's asessment
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Kosiara-Pedersen, Karina
Even though most political parties are still male dominated, an increasing number of women reach the top position of party leader. Furthermore, party leadership is increasingly regarded as an important part of party images due to the personalization of politics. Does the gender of the party leader...... leader characteristics appreciated by men and women. If this holds, the gender of party leadership matters to women because they value woman party leaders higher, not because they value other characteristics than men....
Scott-Samuel, Alex; Bambra, Clare
2016-01-01
For more than 30 years, socialism within the UK Labour Party - which was in government from 1997 to 2010 and is currently the main UK parliamentary opposition - has been in decline. Despite its origins as a party of and for the working class, Labour has become at best a social democratic party with strong neoliberal leanings. However, in the recent leadership election that followed Labour's general election defeat in May 2015, the socialist Jeremy Corbyn confounded all expectations by winning Labour's leadership with a substantial majority. We describe the political context of Corbyn's controversial victory and discuss its potential short- and medium-term impact on England's troubled National Health Service and on the public health. © The Author(s) 2015.
Single Party Cabinets and Presidential Democracies: insights from the Argentinean case
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Marcelo CAMERLO
2013-07-01
Full Text Available The study of presidential cabinets has mainly focused on coalitional formations, distinguishing individual ministers in terms of their party affiliation particularly at cabinet instauration and termination. This article moves the focus to single-party cabinets to study minister appointment in situations where the legislative support is less relevant. A model of analysis that observes extra-partisan affiliations, individual technical skills and personal liaison with the president is proposed and exploratory applied to the Argentinean case. The results suggest that well positioned presidents tend to apply closer strategies of portfolio distribution, with levels of institutionalization that depends on the president’s party organization and the president’s style of leadership.
Positioning as a Part of Political Marketing
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Natalia Liutko
2015-11-01
Full Text Available The political subject is defined as the consumer of goods in the form of political power, political ideas, political leaders, and parties. Political marketing is understood as the identification of political relations and processes with different forms of market exchange and the process of electoral choice as a specific market (the act of purchase and sale. The concept of political positioning appeared as the result of relevant categories of commercial research in the political sphere. Political positioning should be considered as the process of political communication aimed at acquiring by political actor his position in political marketing. It is the most difficult type of political and communication strategic campaigns. This approach allows the candidate (party to compare his image with electorate’s views of desired (acceptable candidate, political party; compare his image with the image of an opponent; explore the pros and cons of alternative positions; and choose those the most advantageous position for a candidate (party.
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C.
2010-01-01
Purpose - The key objective of this research is to investigate the relationship between party member activity-levels and perceptions of their party's political market orientation. Specifically, it aims to scrutinise the differences in the interplay of attitudinal and behavioural aspects of politi......Purpose - The key objective of this research is to investigate the relationship between party member activity-levels and perceptions of their party's political market orientation. Specifically, it aims to scrutinise the differences in the interplay of attitudinal and behavioural aspects...... of political market orientation. Design/methodology/approach - Using a wide variety of respondent groups within the party, the research draws on an existing conceptualisation of political market orientation and empirically test its relationship with party member activity levels. Three models, plus a baseline...... model, are developed and data from 1,156 questionnaires are used to investigate a structural equation model using the partial least square method. Findings - While the baseline model exhibits a robust pattern of positive relationships between the attitudinal and behavioural constructs, the comparative...
Bērziņa, Ieva
2012-01-01
Western Political Consulting Techniques and Post-Soviet Political Technology in Political Campaigns in Latvia Ieva Dmitričenko Keywords: political campaignsm political consulting, political technology, parties, marketing, media Political campaigning is an international phenomenon, because there is a free flow of information, knowledge and human resource among practitioners of political campaigning in various countries. As a result political campaigning techniques that have proven to ...
The German Environmentalist Party - The Greens
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Mettke, J.R.
1982-01-01
The Greens are winning supporters throughout the FRG, quite a few of them are already members of the parliament of various lands. Will they cooperate with the established political parties in Bonn. Will they take over from the Free Democrats the role of holding the balance of power. In this book, Spiegel editors present their analyses of the changing concepts of the new political movement. The most outstanding members of the Environmentalist Party - the so-called Greens - define their position and state their opinions on the problems of coalition forming, and prominent members of the parties of the German Bundestag answer these statements. (orig.) [de
Between Party, Parents and Peers
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Bregnbæk, Susanne
2012-01-01
This article explores the lived contradictions entailed in being a young member of the Chinese Communist Party (ccp) today. The focus is on how political and existential issues intersect. It explores party membership as a strategy for personal mobility among Beijing elite university students by p...
Flawed Political Party Primaries In Nigeria's Fourth Republic: The ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
African Journal for the Psychological Study of Social Issues ... However, through an assessment of extant secondary data, this paper submits that the experience in the Peoples Democratic Party; the ruling party, during the 2007 General Elections was a case of deliberate imposition of candidates by powerful party leaders.
The Institutionalisation of the Romanian Party System
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Clara Volintiru
2012-12-01
Full Text Available This paper explores the level of institutionalisation achieved by the Romanian political system since transitioning to democracy. Following through the key components of an institutionalised party system, the inquiry looks at the stability of interparty competition in Romania and the depth of its parties’ roots in society. These components are measured through such indicators as electoral volatility or the cohesiveness of the ideological preferences. Their levels suggest that the Romanian party system isn’t fully instituionalised, with fluctuating volatility and a rather incohesive ideological positioning of both voters and parties. This paper argues that in response to the double challenge of poor institutionalisation of the political parties and the party system as a whole, informal remedies, such as patronage of public jobs, or proprietary use of state resources, become highly attractive solutions for electoral success.
Twenge, Jean M; Honeycutt, Nathan; Prislin, Radmila; Sherman, Ryne A
2016-10-01
In three nationally representative surveys of U.S. residents (N = 10 million) from 1970 to 2015, more Americans in the early 2010s (vs. previous decades) identified as Independent, including when age effects were controlled. More in the early 2010s (vs. previous decades) expressed polarized political views, including stronger political party affiliation or more extreme ideological self-categorization (liberal vs. conservative) with fewer identifying as moderate. The correlation between party affiliation and ideological views grew stronger over time. The overall trend since the 1970s was toward more Americans identifying as Republican or conservative. Older adults were more likely to identify as conservative and Republican. More Millennials (born 1980-1994) identify as conservative than either GenXers or Boomers did at the same age, and fewer are Democrats compared with Boomers. These trends are discussed in the context of social identification processes and their implications for the political dynamics in the United States. © 2016 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc.
From Protest to Political Parties: Online Deliberation in New Parties in Spain
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Rosa Borge Bravo
2016-12-01
Full Text Available The new parties that emerged following the 15-M movement and against the austerity measures in Spain want to build parties open to the participation and deliberation for all the citizenry. To what extent are these ideals being fulfilled? The aim of this article is to describe and assess some of the main online deliberative processes of the two most important parties, Podemos and Barcelona En Comú, following commonly accepted criteria in the literature for measuring online deliberation. Specifically, we have examined the two most-voted proposals from the online platform Plaza Podemos and the online development of the electoral programme of Barcelona En Comú. Thus, we have conducted a content analysis of 713 (Plaza Podemos and 563 (Barcelona En Comú posts. Both platforms meet the structural and technical criteria for fostering deliberation, but the external impact is high only in the case of Barcelona En Comú. The deliberative quality of the communication is good but not the criteria of reflexivity, inclusion and plurality.
Perceptions of political leaders.
David Schmitz, J; Murray, Gregg R
2017-01-01
Partisan identification is a fundamental force in individual and mass political behavior around the world. Informed by scholarship on human sociality, coalitional psychology, and group behavior, this research argues that partisan identification, like many other group-based behaviors, is influenced by forces of evolution. If correct, then party identifiers should exhibit adaptive behaviors when making group-related political decisions. The authors test this assertion with citizen assessments of the relative physical formidability of competing leaders, an important adaptive factor in leader evaluations. Using original and novel data collected during the contextually different 2008 and 2012 U.S. presidential elections, as well as two distinct measures obtained during both elections, this article presents evidence that partisans overestimate the physical stature of the presidential candidate of their own party compared with the stature of the candidate of the opposition party. These findings suggest that the power of party identification on political behavior may be attributable to the fact that modern political parties address problems similar to the problems groups faced in human ancestral times.
Latin American intra-party democracy
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Aldo Adrián Martínez Hernández
2017-12-01
Full Text Available Research proposes to determine the level of internal democracy of political parties in Latin America from perception of its members, allowing the creation of an index that has parameters for the measurement and comparison of the parties according to its democratic features. At the same time, research supports designing a profile of the parties by subjecting to analysis the relationship between ideology and internal democracy, stressing that despite the differences between left and right, parties in Latin America do not have dichotomous democratic features, while maintaining low levels despite their ideological location.
Changing the Rules of the Game : the development and reform of party law in Latin America
Molenaar, F.F.
2017-01-01
Party law, or the legal regulation of political parties, has become a prominent feature of party systems. Some party laws are designed to have a much larger political impact than others. It remains unknown why some countries adopt party laws that have substantial implications for party
The Differentiation of Parties through the Lens of an Electoral Campaign
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Rossana Sampugnaro
2015-03-01
Full Text Available Parties restructure their organizations to prepare themselves for new challenges. In many cases, the changes involve a reduction of the subsystems structure, dropping the number of territorial units or finding leaner solutions and outsourcing of activities which were once fulfilled within the boundaries of the party organization. Specifically, the phenomenon of outsourcing concerns, on the one hand, aggregation of interests and policymaking and, on the other, electoral mobilization and management of political communication. Looking for new solutions – flexible, without a unique centre – can lead to a process of de-differentiation that characterizes organization in postmodern society: a new definition of levels of hierarchy and "transgression of boundaries", through a continuous exchange of resources with the environment, which is unpredictable and constantly changing. As in other organizations, parties en-courage the formation of horizontal links with new external actors - associations, informal groups, indi-viduals and influencers - in order to build networks that cooperate to exchange essential resources for the party itself. In this framework, the study aims to interpret de-differentiation in political parties from a specific point of view: the analysis of political campaigns as indicators of this process. The “outside campaign”, created by a set of non-party actors, is growing: the sector of organized interests, that, unlike in the past, is "de-aligned" from the political parties and does not respond to traditional socio-political cleavage, is present in parties and candidates’ campaigns with greater resources than was the case formerly.
The Populism of the Political Discourse. Metamorphoses of Political Rhetoric and Populism
Veton LATIFI
2014-01-01
While historically populism has been tended to be an attribute of the right oriented political parties, since the ideological shifting of ideological orientation of the parties and its disrupted relevance in the last few decades across Europe, today at some segments populism is more and more present in the political discourse of parties attempting to achieve their goals regardless of their ideological orientation or heritage. Populism seems to be a new-old means for the conquest of hearts of ...
Kusche, Isabel
2012-01-01
This article analyzes the role that expectations about particularistic expectations of the political public play in the relationship between political actors and voters. It questions the systems-theoretical assumption that political elections and public communication about politics create an unknown public and that parties therefore can attract voters only with the help of relatively universalistic programs. Beyond the universalism induced by the mass media parties and politicians utilize opp...
A SPANISH “YES, WE CAN!” AGAINST THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM: THE DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTY PODEMOS
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Guillermo López García
2016-01-01
Full Text Available This article develops an analysis of the internal functioning of the Spanish party Podemos and its structural make-up. The used methodology consists of: 1 a descriptive analysis of the development of Podemos, based on the available information in the media; 2 an analysis centered on the presence of Podemos in social networks and the mainstream media, in addition to electoral results and polls. The analysis attempts to determine the following: the party’s decision-making process, along with the type of relationships established between leaders and supporters; to what extent the Internet is used as a primary tool for organization, mobilization and political propaganda; and the extent of the clash or harmony within the interparty’s dynamics: on one hand, the bottom-up structure of the citizen assemblies and, on the other, the top-down structure inferred from Pablo Iglesias’s hyper-leadership and the media presence of the party’s principal leaders.
E-PR technologies in political party activities
Tereshchuk Vitaliy Ivanovych
2016-01-01
The article discusses the role of the Internet as an important communicative tool in the field of political PR. The article reviews the characteristics of PR-activities on the Internet and the features of e-PR in the political sphere. Particular attention is paid to the system of political party’s e-PR tools.
Relative deprivation and political protest
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
R. M. Kliuchnyk
2017-03-01
Examples of anti-system political parties and movements have been given. Many of them have changed the political disposition in Europe. Lega Nord (Italy, PEGIDA (Germany, Movimento 5 Stelle (Italy, Front National (France, Ataka (Bulgaria, etc are between them. These parties and movements influence increasingly on the European political process. Nativism and populism are marked as main peculiarities of such right parties. According to the author, Anti-Trump protests in the USA are the examples of the relative deprivation of numerous groups of people that feel their rights and freedoms being threatened.
The niche party concept and its measurement
Meyer, Thomas M; Miller, Bernhard
2015-01-01
The concept of the niche party has become increasingly popular in analyses of party competition. Yet, existing approaches vary in their definitions and their measurement approaches. We propose using a minimal definition that allows us to compare political parties in terms of their ?nicheness?. We argue that the conceptual core of the niche party concept is based on issue emphasis and that a niche party emphasizes policy areas neglected by its rivals. Based on this definition, we propose a con...
The Hobby Horse of the Party for the Animals
Otjes, Simon
2016-01-01
Can a small, new political party increase the attention to nonhuman animal welfare? This paper traces the effect of the Party for the Animals on the Dutch parliament. This was the first animal advocacy party to enter parliament.
The Finns Party: Euroscepticism, Euro Crisis, Populism and the Media
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Juha Herkman
2017-03-01
Full Text Available In many European countries, populist right-wing parties have been most noticeable representatives of Euroscepticism. In Finland, the Finns Party (Perussuomalaiset has been a constant promoter of organisational Euroscepticism through its leader, Timo Soini. The party broke through in Finland’s ‘big bang elections’ of 2011, when the most debated issue was the European economic crisis, which was dominated by Eurosceptic Soini. Research concerning the relationship between the media, populism and Euroscepticism usually focus on national or European Parliament elections. This study analyses the media portrayal of the Eurosceptic Finns Party during times other than elections, focusing on the Finland’s overall Euro crisis press coverage in 2010–2012. The analysis shows that the populist Finns Party has been a minor player in that coverage, which was dominated by the Euro positive political and economic elites. Differences between newspapers indicate that journalistic routines and political context direct media coverage toward particular framings, even when the media proclaims itself politically independent and neutral.
Inheritance and the Dynamics of Party Identification
Kroh, Martin; Selb, Peter
2009-01-01
Extensive research efforts notwithstanding, scholars continue to disagree on the nature and meaning of party identification. Traditionalists conceive of partisanship as a largely affective attachment to a political party that emerges in childhood through parental influences and tends to persist throughout life. The revisionist conception of partisanship is that of a running tally of party utilities that is updated based on current party performance. We attempt to reconcile both schools of tho...
Printings, Political Parties and Public Opinion at the Province of Popayán, 1832-1853
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Willian Alfredo Chapman Quevedo
2017-01-01
Full Text Available This article analyzes the incidences caused by printings and written texts during the public’s opinion creation between 1832 and 1853 at Popayan province. Thus, the public opinion was linked to the newspaper’s circulation, rags, scandal sheets and printed images. Likewise, it evidences that these printings and images were not exclusively design for a qualified audience but, the intention also was to reach the common people who were illiterate most of them. But, through orality and images, these people constructed an idea about the politic reality at that time. Hence, we conclude that writing and printed images, along with orality, were essential items to the intention of building a different reality. This last idea does not suggest that this experience was not mediated by comments but, it did influence the society of Popayan, and also interceding on the individual’s perception, a politic party and even the State.
We don’t like (to) party. A typology of Independents in Irish political life, 1922–2007
Weeks, Liam
2009-01-01
This article examines the phenomenon of Independents, or non-party candidates, in Irish political life. It has two main aims: the first is to disaggregate Independents from ‘others’ to provide a definitive dataset of their electoral performance, and to enable more reliable and valid analysis about this actor. The second, and primary, aim is to use this disaggregation to construct a typology of Independents. The background of every Independent candidate contesting a general election between 19...
Women's participation in parliament: 'Glass ceiling' syndrome and party selection
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Čičkarić Lilijana
2014-01-01
Full Text Available The impact of 'glass ceiling' syndrome and party selection on participation of women in parliament and other political institutions are examined in this article. 'Glass ceiling' syndrome, which means invisible, but almost impenetrable border that women face in professional life, keeping them away from positions of influence and progress in career, is the main reason for the small number of women involved in politics. According to the focus of the research, there are three groups of barriers to women's political participation. Most researchers examine the influence of the political system, institutional and legal mechanisms, the question of their transparency and functional improvement. Significantly less frequent approach came from authors who are concentrated on the social and economic barriers, financial conditions and the broader social context. The third group consists of those who are considering the ideological and psychological barriers, patriarchal cultural patterns, traditional gender roles, self-confidence, ambition and women's desire to be involved in politics. Political parties are key actors in the process of discrimination against women, because they do not allow them to be selected in a number of political functions. There are many factors that determine that the issue of gender equality is variously interpreted in political parties. The most present are contextual and ideological factors, referring to a different definition of the status of women on the political agenda, the social climate in terms of gender equality and respect for human rights, the level of social development and political freedom. Then come organizational factors pertaining to the structure of parties, the manner in which the leadership is elected, whether there are internal women's pressure groups and lobbying, and are women leaders are visible on high positions in decision-making process. Finally, there are institutional-legal factors, which include the type
Coalitions and Competition in Malaysia – Incremental Transformation of a Strong-party System
Meredith L. WEISS
2013-01-01
"The seeming entrenchment of a two-coalition system in Malaysia solidifies the centrality of strongly institutionalised parties in the polity. The primary parties in Malaysia reach deeply into society and nest within dense networks of both intra-party and external organisations. Given this order - which differentiates Malaysia from its neighbours in the region - political liberalisation, if it happens, should be expected largely via electoral politics, and, specifically, through inter-party c...
Affective Media, Cyberlibertarianism and the New Zealand Internet Party
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Olivier Jutel
2017-03-01
Full Text Available The New Zealand Internet Party tested key notions of affective media politics. Embracing techno-solutionism and the hacker politics of disruption, Kim Dotcom’s party attempted to mobilize the digital natives through an irreverent politics of lulz. While an electoral failure the party’s political discourse offers insights into affective media ontology. The social character of affective media creates the political conditions for an antagonistic political discourse. In this case affective identification in the master signifier “The Internet” creates a community of enjoyment threatened by the enemy of state surveillance as an agent of rapacious jouissance. The Internet Party’s politics of lulz was cast as a left-wing techno-fix to democracy, but this rhetoric belied a politics of cyberlibertarianism. Dotcom’s political intervention attempted to conflate his private interests as a battle that elevates him to the status of cyberlibertarian super-hero in the mold of Edward Snowden or Julian Assange.
Is It Possible to Buy Political Stability
Czech Academy of Sciences Publication Activity Database
Linek, Lukáš; Outlý, J.
2007-01-01
Roč. 5, č. 8 (2007), s. 10-14 ISSN 1214-1720 R&D Projects: GA MPS 1J004/04-DP1 Institutional research plan: CEZ:AV0Z70280505 Keywords : political parties * party finance * party system Subject RIV: AD - Politology ; Political Sciences http://www.socioweb.cz
Women and political representation.
Rathod, P B
1999-01-01
A remarkable progress in women's participation in politics throughout the world was witnessed in the final decade of the 20th century. According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union report, there were only eight countries with no women in their legislatures in 1998. The number of women ministers at the cabinet level worldwide doubled in a decade, and the number of countries without any women ministers dropped from 93 to 48 during 1987-96. However, this progress is far from satisfactory. Political representation of women, minorities, and other social groups is still inadequate. This may be due to a complex combination of socioeconomic, cultural, and institutional factors. The view that women's political participation increases with social and economic development is supported by data from the Nordic countries, where there are higher proportions of women legislators than in less developed countries. While better levels of socioeconomic development, having a women-friendly political culture, and higher literacy are considered favorable factors for women's increased political representation, adopting one of the proportional representation systems (such as a party-list system, a single transferable vote system, or a mixed proportional system with multi-member constituencies) is the single factor most responsible for the higher representation of women.
Nerbråten, Gisle
2005-01-01
Politically, 2004 was an important year for Indonesia, the world s third largest, at least nominal, democracy. Faced with elections for the national Peoples Representative Assembly (DPR), the national Regional Representative Council (DPD), the Provincial and Regency/City Peoples Representative Assemblies (DPRDs), as well as two rounds of direct presidential elections, the country has in many ways shown political maturity. They have accomplished these challenges and avoided some of the pitfa...
Nazi Education: A Case of Political Socialization.
Hirsch, Herbert
1988-01-01
Discusses how the German Nazi party arranged for the political socialization of German children through public education in the 1930s. Topics include philosophy of the Nazi party, political socialization of teachers, and teaching materials for Nazi education. Implications for education's role in politics are explored. (CH)
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Laura Wills-Otero
2009-04-01
Full Text Available Review Article:Alcántara Sáez, Manuel (ed. (2008, Politicians and Politics in Latin America, Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers. Greene, Kenneth F. (2007, Why Dominant Parties Lose. Mexico’s Democratization in Comparative Perspective, New York: Cambridge University Press. Levitsky, Steven (2003, Transforming Labor-based Parties in Latin America: Argentine Peronism in Comparative Perspective, New York: Cambridge University Press. The study of party systems and political parties is one of the largest subfields in political science. Classic studies in advanced democracies focused primarily on party systems and developed theories about the causes and consequences of different types of systems. In recent years, new academic work begun to differentiate parties within systems by understanding their organizational structure, their internal dynamics, the different ways in which they interact with their constituencies, and the strategies that they use to attract voters. Studies show that parties within the same system behave and react differently given their internal conditions. This article reviews three scholarly books that deal with this issue. The works analyze the internal dynamics of Latin American political parties and their capacity to respond and adapt their structures when environmental challenges take place. Review Article:Alcántara Sáez, Manuel (ed. (2008, Politicians and Politics in Latin America, Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers. Greene, Kenneth F. (2007, Why Dominant Parties Lose. Mexico���s Democratization in Comparative Perspective, New York: Cambridge University Press. Levitsky, Steven (2003, Transforming Labor-based Parties in Latin America: Argentine Peronism in Comparative Perspective, New York: Cambridge University Press. El estudio de los sistemas de partidos y partidos políticos es una de las áreas más amplias en la ciencia política. Trabajos clásicos llevados a cabo en democracias avanzadas, enfocaron su atenci
The {open_quotes}Command and Control{close_quotes} philosophy of the Communist party of China
Energy Technology Data Exchange (ETDEWEB)
Kominiak, G.J.; Eisenberger, J.C.; Menaul, K.L. [and others
1996-01-01
China`s central political authorities have constructed a system which is designed to enable them to exert their personal influence and control over each level of every organization in the country -- both civil and military. The Communist Party of China (CPC) is represented at all levels of each and every organization, including the People`s Liberation Army (PLA). These Party entities are intended to both provide oversight and to ensure that Party policies, directives and orders are obeyed. This penchant for political control, which may have its roots in China`s imperial past, appears to have been reinforced by the early developmental path chosen by the Party`s leadership. Current attempts aimed at maintaining political control of its resources, especially the military, are embodied in the formal system of {open_quotes}Political Work.{close_quotes} In the PLA, this system of political control results in the involvement of political organs in day-to-day military matters to an extent unheard of in the West. Further work is needed in order to understand, more fully, both the system of {open_quotes}Political Work{close_quotes} and its contributions to the overall military (and civil) command and control philosophic of the Communist Party of China.
Social democracy : A comparative account of the left-wing party family
Keman, Hans
2017-01-01
The Social Democratic party family is a central part of political life in the West. This book focuses on this party family as well as a unique political force in the industrialised world. It provides a critical comparative survey of when, where, how and why Social Democracy developed within
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Deana A. Rohlinger
2017-05-01
Full Text Available Arguably, the Tea Party movement played a role in Trump’s rise to power. Indeed, it is difficult to ignore the similarities in the populist claims made by Tea Partiers and those made by Trump throughout his campaign. Yet, we know very little about the potential connections between the Tea Party Movement and the “Trump-train” that crashed through the White House doors in 2017. We take a first step at tracing the connection between the two by examining who stayed involved in the Tea Party Movement at the local level and why. Drawing on interview and participant observation data with supporters of the Florida Tea Party Movement (FTPM over a 2-year time period, we use qualitative comparative analysis (QCA to assess the factors that determine whether individuals stay with or leave the movement and how the structure of the movement, which relied heavily on social media, contributed to this decision. We find that individuals who identified as libertarian left the FTPM, while those who identified as “fiscal conservatives” stayed. The FTPM’s reliance on social media further explains these results. Individuals who left the movement blamed the “openness” of social media, which, in their view, enabled the Republican Party to “hijack” the FTPM for its own purposes. Individuals who stayed in the movement attributed social media’s “openness” with the movement’s successes. We find that social media helped politically like-minded people locate one another and cultivate political communities that likely sustained activist commitment to changing the Republican Party over time.
Is supporting populist political parties a mental disorder?
McGowan, J.
2015-01-01
It’s just over a month until the UK general election and many Brits seem to have lost trust in their traditional politicos. Whether it’s the UK Independence Party (UKIP) scapegoating the European Union and immigrants, a rise in nationalism (the Scottish National party), or Russell Brand’s teenage anarchism, faith in facile, and sometimes ugly, solutions is on the march. It’s a huge relief, therefore, to hear that the editors of the DSM (the main reference book for psychiatric classification),...
Competing for the same value segments? Insight into the volatile Dutch political landscape.
van Herk, Hester; Schoonees, Pieter C; Groenen, Patrick J F; van Rosmalen, Joost
2018-01-01
Values are central to public debates today. Human values convey broad goals that serve as guiding principles in a person's life and value priorities differ across people in society. Groups in society holding opposing values (e.g., universalism versus security) will make different choices when voting in an election. Whereas over time, values are relatively stable, the number and type of political parties as well as the political values they communicate and disseminate have been changing. Groups of people holding the same human values may therefore vote for another (new) party in a later election. We focus on analyzing the relationship between human values and voting in elections, introducing a new methodology to analyze how value profiles relate to political support over time. We investigate the Dutch multi-party political system over five waves of the European Social Survey, spanning 2002 until 2010. Whilst previous research has focused on individual values separately and focused on voters only, we (1) distinguish groups holding a similar set of opposing and compatible values (value profile) instead of focusing on single values in the the entire population; (2) incorporate a correction for differences in scale use in our model; (3) compare voting over time; (4) include non-voters, a growing group in Dutch society. We find evidence that specific value profiles are related to voting for a specific set of political parties. We also find that specific value profiles distinguish non-voters from voters and that voters for populist parties resemble non-voters.
Competing for the same value segments? Insight into the volatile Dutch political landscape
Groenen, Patrick J. F.; van Rosmalen, Joost
2018-01-01
Values are central to public debates today. Human values convey broad goals that serve as guiding principles in a person’s life and value priorities differ across people in society. Groups in society holding opposing values (e.g., universalism versus security) will make different choices when voting in an election. Whereas over time, values are relatively stable, the number and type of political parties as well as the political values they communicate and disseminate have been changing. Groups of people holding the same human values may therefore vote for another (new) party in a later election. We focus on analyzing the relationship between human values and voting in elections, introducing a new methodology to analyze how value profiles relate to political support over time. We investigate the Dutch multi-party political system over five waves of the European Social Survey, spanning 2002 until 2010. Whilst previous research has focused on individual values separately and focused on voters only, we (1) distinguish groups holding a similar set of opposing and compatible values (value profile) instead of focusing on single values in the the entire population; (2) incorporate a correction for differences in scale use in our model; (3) compare voting over time; (4) include non-voters, a growing group in Dutch society. We find evidence that specific value profiles are related to voting for a specific set of political parties. We also find that specific value profiles distinguish non-voters from voters and that voters for populist parties resemble non-voters. PMID:29324764
Ecologies of ideologies: Explaining party entry and exit in West-European parliaments, 1945-2013.
van de Wardt, Marc; Berkhout, Joost; Vermeulen, Floris
2017-06-01
This study introduces a population-ecological approach to the entry and exit of political parties. A primary proposition of population ecology is that organizational entry and exit depends on the number of organizations already present: that is, density. We propose that political parties mainly experience competition from parties in the same ideological niche (left, centre, right). Pooled time-series analyses of 410 parties, 263 elections and 18 West-European countries largely support our expectations. We find that political parties are more likely to exit when density within their niche increases. Also there is competition between adjacent ideological niches, i.e. between centrist and right-wing niches. In contrast to our expectations, neither density nor institutional rules impact party entry. This raises important questions about the rationale of prospective entrants.
A contextual analysis of party system formation in Nigeria, 1960-2011
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Aliyu Mukhtar Katsina
2013-12-01
Full Text Available This article investigates the parties and party systems in Nigeria since independence. The article argues that the country has witnessed four different types of party systems corresponding to the four democratisation attempts that saw the emergence of constitutional governments since 1960. Special focus is awarded to the transformations of the four party systems and developments in their various institutional designs including regulating the number of parties that participate in the electoral politics of the country. In trying to achieve its objective, the article adopts chronological and thematic approaches. Chronologically, the paper investigates these party systems in successive order beginning with the First Republic when the elements of party politics were first adopted in Nigeria. Thematically, the article focuses on those issues that influenced the formation and transformation of the party systems from the First Republic in 1960 to the present Fourth Republic.
Race, ideology, and the tea party: a longitudinal study.
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Eric D Knowles
Full Text Available The Tea Party movement, which rose to prominence in the United States after the election of President Barack Obama, provides an ideal context in which to examine the roles of racial concerns and ideology in politics. A three-wave longitudinal study tracked changes in White Americans' self-identification with the Tea Party, racial concerns (prejudice and racial identification, and ideologies (libertarianism and social conservatism over nine months. Latent Growth Modeling (LGM was used to evaluate potential causal relationships between Tea Party identification and these factors. Across time points, racial prejudice was indirectly associated with movement identification through Whites' assertions of national decline. Although initial levels of White identity did not predict change in Tea Party identification, initial levels of Tea Party identification predicted increases in White identity over the study period. Across the three assessments, support for the Tea Party fell among libertarians, but rose among social conservatives. Results are discussed in terms of legitimation theories of prejudice, the "racializing" power of political judgments, and the ideological dynamics of the Tea Party.
Race, Ideology, and the Tea Party: A Longitudinal Study
Knowles, Eric D.; Lowery, Brian S.; Shulman, Elizabeth P.; Schaumberg, Rebecca L.
2013-01-01
The Tea Party movement, which rose to prominence in the United States after the election of President Barack Obama, provides an ideal context in which to examine the roles of racial concerns and ideology in politics. A three-wave longitudinal study tracked changes in White Americans’ self-identification with the Tea Party, racial concerns (prejudice and racial identification), and ideologies (libertarianism and social conservatism) over nine months. Latent Growth Modeling (LGM) was used to evaluate potential causal relationships between Tea Party identification and these factors. Across time points, racial prejudice was indirectly associated with movement identification through Whites’ assertions of national decline. Although initial levels of White identity did not predict change in Tea Party identification, initial levels of Tea Party identification predicted increases in White identity over the study period. Across the three assessments, support for the Tea Party fell among libertarians, but rose among social conservatives. Results are discussed in terms of legitimation theories of prejudice, the “racializing” power of political judgments, and the ideological dynamics of the Tea Party. PMID:23825630
Political Culture and the Nature of Political Participation in Egypt.
1980-06-01
political socialization . Political-cultural values are gradually internalized within the society and political behavior is largely reflective of...the extent to which the regime used education as a means of political socialization : Socialism is articulated as a Muslim theory of socialism. The head... political socialization except for a brief period during the mobilization program of Ali Sabri. Egypt’s party system has been more relevant for
Inequality and Political Clientelism
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Markussen, Thomas
on the basis of party affiliation may arise. Operationally, party-based clientelism is defined as a bias of public policy in favour of members of the governing political party. In a sample of local governments in India, party-based clientelism is shown to exist in two out of four states and to be strongly...
Women’s Role in the Spanish Politics: The PSOE Case
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Gema Sánchez Medero
2008-05-01
Full Text Available This article analyzes women incorporation in different levels of political life, namely in the political parties and representative institutions. The aspects it focused on were the actions taken by the PSOE (Spanish Labour Socialist Party in relation to the paritary democracy, so as to properly evaluate the consequences produced on the organization party itself and on those institutional areas where they have obtained representation (General Spanish Parliament, Autonomous Parliaments, and City Halls, to observe whether women are actually committed to political life or such integration only obeys to political party interests.
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Erdal Dağtaş
2015-09-01
Full Text Available Public sphere is a social space, open to active individual access and free discussion, rescued from state intervention, where communicative action free from violence and individual benefits is undertaken; and rational-critical discourse is built. Political advertisement is the type advertising which aims at directing voters or the government to a particular action, having them adopt a certain view or approach. The concept of political advertising emerged with the practice of using commercial advertising techniques to promote a party, candidate or an idea. Justice and Development Party (JDP, has been ruling Turkey since 2002. The leader of the party is Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. It is a conservative party and has carried out some practices that could be regarded as negative. Anti-secular attitudes are also among these practices. Thus, analysing the political advertisements of JDP has proved to be interesting. Public sphere studies are mostly conducted through news stories and columns in media. In that sense, it is significant to analyse political advertisements in terms of public sphere. In this study, the political advertisements of the ruling Justice and Development Party (JDP in the process of Turkish General Parliamentary Election, 2011 have been analysed. The political advertisements in question have been analysed via Sabah newspaper. The reason for choosing Sabah is that it supports JDP as an example of partisan press. The samples have been taken from 2 weeks before the elections. Accordingly, as a full-page advertisement is published every day, 14 political advertisement analyses have been conducted in total. Political advertisements have been analysed using qualitative text analysis. As the study follows the path of public place-political advertising relationship, it finds meaning in itself.
Economic Growth and the Rise of Political Extremism
Markus Bruckner; Hans Peter Gruner
2011-01-01
In many western democracies, political parties with extreme platforms challenge more moderate incumbents. This paper analyses the impact of economic growth on the support for extreme political platforms. We provide a theoretical argument in favor of growth effects (as opposed to level effects) on the support for extreme political parties and we empirically investigate the relationship between growth and extremist votes. Lower growth rates benefit right-wing and nationalist parties, but do not...
Ecologies of Ideologies: Explaining Party Entry and Exit in West-European Parliaments, 1945-2013
van de Wardt, M.; Berkhout, J.; Vermeulen, F.
2017-01-01
This study introduces a population-ecological approach to the entry and exit of political parties. A primary proposition of population ecology is that organizational entry and exit depends on the number of organizations already present: that is, density. We propose that political parties mainly experience competition from parties in the same ideological niche (left, centre, right). Pooled time-series analyses of 410 parties, 263 elections and 18 West-European countries largely support our exp...
The Labour Party and British Republicanism
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Kenneth O. MORGAN
2003-10-01
Full Text Available The famous detective, Sherlock Holmes, once solved a case by referring to “the dog that did not bark.” In the past 250 years of British history, republicanism is another dog that did not bark. This is particularly true of supposedly our most radical major political party, the Labour Party. Over the monarchy, as over constitutional matters generally, Labour’s instincts have been conservative. Even after 1997, when the party, led by Lord Irvine, has indeed embarked upon major constitutional ref...
Ecologies of ideologies: Explaining party entry and exit in West-European parliaments, 1945–2013
Berkhout, Joost; Vermeulen, Floris
2016-01-01
This study introduces a population-ecological approach to the entry and exit of political parties. A primary proposition of population ecology is that organizational entry and exit depends on the number of organizations already present: that is, density. We propose that political parties mainly experience competition from parties in the same ideological niche (left, centre, right). Pooled time-series analyses of 410 parties, 263 elections and 18 West-European countries largely support our expectations. We find that political parties are more likely to exit when density within their niche increases. Also there is competition between adjacent ideological niches, i.e. between centrist and right-wing niches. In contrast to our expectations, neither density nor institutional rules impact party entry. This raises important questions about the rationale of prospective entrants. PMID:29046613
The organization of political parties and the politics of bureaucratic reform
Cruz, Cesi; Keefer, Philip
2013-01-01
Bureaucratic reform is a priority of donor organizations, including the World Bank, but is notoriously difficult to implement. In many countries, politicians have little interest in the basic financial and personnel management systems that are essential to political oversight of bureaucratic performance. To explain this, this paper presents a new perspective on the political economy of bur...
Ecologies of ideologies : Explaining party entry and exit in European parliaments, 1945-2013
van de Wardt, Marc; Berkhout, Joost; Vermeulen, Floris
This study introduces a population-ecological approach to the entry and exit of political parties. A primary proposition of population ecology is that organizational entry and exit depends on the number of organizations already present: that is, density. We propose that political parties mainly
Online politics: a cross-national explanatory analysis of political websites
van Noort, G.; Kruikemeier, S.; Aparaschivei, A.; Boomgaarden, H.; Vliegenthart, R.
2013-01-01
This study provides a systematic investigation of party and candidate websites in five European countries: Germany, Romania, Hungary, The Netherlands and Great Britain. It examines three features of online political communication that are presented on political websites (interactivity,
Presentation of political Alliances in the Romanian audiovisual media
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Flaviu Calin RUS
2011-01-01
Full Text Available This material wishes to highlight the way in which the main political alliances have been formed in Romania in the last 20 years, as well as the way they have been reflected in the media. Moreover, we have tried to analyze the involvement of journalists and political analysts in explaining these political events. The study will focus on four political alliances, namely: CDR (the Romanian Democratic Convention, D.A. (Y.E.S. - Justice and Truth between PNL – the National Liberal Party and PD - the Democratic Party, ACD (the Centre-Right Alliance between PNL and PC – the Conservative Party and USL (the Social-Liberal Union between PSD – the Social Democrat Party, PNL and PC.
The Spaces of Open-Source Politics
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Husted, Emil; Plesner, Ursula
The recent proliferation of Web 2.0 technologies and their role in contemporary political life has inspired the coining of the term ‘open-source politics’. This article analyzes how open-source politics is organized in the case of a young radical political party called The Alternative. Inspired...... processes, but may provide both closure and disconnection between the party’s universal body and its particular body. In conclusion, we propose that such a disconnection might be a precondition for success when institutionalizing radical politics, as it allows parties like The Alternative to maintain...
Coalitions and Competition in Malaysia – Incremental Transformation of a Strong-party System
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Meredith L. Weiss
2013-01-01
Full Text Available The seeming entrenchment of a two-coalition system in Malaysia solidifies the centrality of strongly institutionalised parties in the polity. The primary parties in Malaysia reach deeply into society and nest within dense networks of both intra-party and external organisations. Given this order – which differentiates Malaysia from its neighbours in the region – political liberalisation, if it happens, should be expected largely via electoral politics, and, specifically, through inter-party challenges. Indeed, the ideological and material premises of the emergent Pakatan Rakyat (People’s Alliance differ substantially from those of the long-standing Barisan Nasional (National Front, even as both pursue the same broad swathe of voters. This distinction reflects and furthers transformation in Malaysian politics, including not just a shift in the salience of communal identities and in policy proposals and issues, but also in patterns of political engagement both within and outside of parties, regardless of which coalition controls parliament.
The niche party concept and its measurement.
Meyer, Thomas M; Miller, Bernhard
2015-03-01
The concept of the niche party has become increasingly popular in analyses of party competition. Yet, existing approaches vary in their definitions and their measurement approaches. We propose using a minimal definition that allows us to compare political parties in terms of their 'nicheness'. We argue that the conceptual core of the niche party concept is based on issue emphasis and that a niche party emphasizes policy areas neglected by its rivals. Based on this definition, we propose a continuous measure that allows for more fine-grained measurement of a party's 'nicheness' than the dominant, dichotomous approaches and thereby limits the risk of measurement error. Drawing on data collected by the Comparative Manifesto Project, we show that (1) our measure has high face validity and (2) exposes differences among parties that are not captured by alternative, static or dichotomous measures.
Linker, Beth
2017-01-01
In his 2015 book Pain: A Political History, Keith Wailoo demonstrates how a medicalized condition became central to defining party politics in the United States from World War II down to the present. Drawing on sources ranging from postwar Congressional hearings concerning the veteran welfare state to debates surrounding Rush Limbaugh's OxyContin addiction, Wailoo offers a fresh analysis of both U.S. political history and medical history, showing how today's highly polarized party system emerged in part from debates surrounding the existence and worth of pain, as well as its management.
Tea Party Health Narratives and Belief Polarization: the Journey to Killing Grandma
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Kristin Haltinner
2017-11-01
Full Text Available In the past decade the U.S. public has expressed varying degrees of skepticism about certain factual claims, and of “expertise” more broadly. Ideological and partisan belief polarization seems to have elevated public anxiety about topics ranging from climate change and vaccines to immigration and healthcare policy. Furthermore, polarized narratives about scientific, medical, and political topics have encouraged “directionally motivated cognition”, leading to a decline in institutional trust among some fractions of the U.S. political spectrum. Our case study of the Tea Party Patriots (TPP (i.e. a political organization that promotes the Tea Party goals uses data from 45 interviews, 80 hours of participant observation, and content analysis of movement literature, to examine the nature and nuance of health narratives employed by the Tea Party. Specifically, we explain a central narrative in TPP organizing that features “a villainous Left covertly seeking to harm U.S. citizens” as the root of three key TPP health care narratives: (1 Democratic health initiatives enslaving youth; (2 the political left profiting from covertly making Americans dependent on state’s health care programs; and (3 the left clandestinely seeking to violate the constitution as represented by their efforts to “kill grandma”. These narratives reflect the increased polarization of attitudes towards healthcare, as well as a broader distrust of the political left who, activists believe, are advancing a political agenda of social control. Ultimately, we argue that culturally driven healthcare narratives of the Tea Party have had a significant impact on right-wing public opinion and Republican politics regarding U.S. healthcare policy. Many Tea Party concerns are reflected in the Republican policy positions, including those related to the Affordable Care Act of 2010.
Ecologies of Ideologies : Explaining Party Entry and Exit in West-European Parliaments, 1945-2013
van de Wardt, M.; Berkhout, J.; Vermeulen, F.
2017-01-01
This study introduces a population-ecological approach to the entry and exit of political parties. A primary proposition of population ecology is that organizational entry and exit depends on the number of organizations already present: that is, density. We propose that political parties mainly
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Grünberg, Nis
society through its legacy as a socialist work unit (danwei). Using Polanyi’s concept of embeddedness, the paper reveals how SOEs are split into two tiers each tasked with the respective objectives of economic development and political stability, and thus as Party-state organizations are used to flexibly...
Publishing E-RDF linked data for many agents by single third-party server
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Wang, Dongsheng; Zhang, Yongyuan; Wang, Zhengjun
2017-01-01
do not have the ability or do not want to make an additional effort to publish linked data. Thus, for agents who are willing to open part of their data but do not want to make an effort, the task can be undertaken by a professional third-party server (together with professional experts......) that publishes linked data for these agents. Consequently, when a single third-party server is on behalf of multiple agents, it is also responsible to organize these multiple-source URIs (data) in a systematic way to make them referable, satisfying the 4-star data principles, as well as protect the confidential...... data. For validation, we implement a prototype system as a third-party server that publishes linked data for a number of agents. It demonstrates well-organized 5-star linked data plus E-RDF and shows the additional advantages of data integration and interlinking among agents....
Peoples Democratic Party in the Fourth Republic of Nigeria
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Aliyu Mukhtar Katsina
2016-06-01
Full Text Available Their nature and functions make political parties central to democratic governance especially in the new democracies of Africa that face the challenge of building strong and enduring democratic institutions. It is accepted that the existing trend in most of these democracies of one big party dominating the political space weakens democracy and undermines its prospects for consolidation. Big parties—usually the ruling ones—exhibit tendencies such as absence of internal democracy that are antithetical to democratic governance. While observations such as these are incontestable, there is little understanding into the nature, character, ideology, and internal structure of big parties generally. In this article, I attempt to address this concern. Specifically, I examine the nature, structure, and ideology of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP, Nigeria’s ruling party at the federal level with considerable strength at local level between 1999 and 2015. Relying on data obtained from multiple sources, I investigate the process of its formation, the nature of its ideology, internal organization, its electoral strength, and how absence of internal democracy contributed significantly to its defeat in 2015 general elections.
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Drakić Gordana
2012-01-01
Full Text Available One of the most important issues in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was the process of the agrarian reform. The agrarian reform was a complex state measure with an economic, social and political aspect. All political parties, due to political reasons, spoke in favor of the resolution of the agrarian issue through agrarian reform. Political parties kept in mind the large number of those individuals interested in the agrarian reform, as well as the fact that majority of the voters were farmers, when they formulated their position towards the reform. The Democratic Party was one of the most influential political party in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The paper presents the basic concepts related to the agrarian reform and agricultural policy in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes that represented the Democratic Party.
Lilleker, Darren
2017-01-01
Political campaigns are orchestrated attempts by political organizations to garner public support through persuasive communication in order to influence public policy in their favor. This broad definition encapsulates all forms of campaigns from those of neighborhood organizations seeking to influence local politicians to the campaigns of political parties and candidates who seek election to office in order to shape policy themselves. In pluralist democracies, campaigns are crucial for repres...
Internal party democracy as a factor of transitional societiy consolidation
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
O. L. Tupitzya
2016-08-01
The possibility of intra-party democracy appearance as a sustainable and well played phenomena can only be based on the formation of political parties as a competitive and dynamic structures that have a high degree of internal relationships and a clear understanding of a common goal that is shared by both the governing parties and the basis of parties and ordinary party members. Distribution of party members in top management, middle functional rank and ordinary members is an obvious consequence of the organizational functioning of any extensive and systematic organization.
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Flesch, Benjamin; Vatrapu, Ravi; Mukkamala, Raghava Rao
2017-01-01
We present a big social media data study that comprises of 1 million individuals who interact with Facebook pages of the seven major political parties CDU, CSU, SPD, FDP, Greens, Die Linke and AfD during the 2017 German federal election. Our study uses the Social Set Analysis (SSA) approach, which...... is based on the sociology of associations, mathematics of set theory, and advanced visual analytics of event studies. We illustrate the capabilities of SSA through the most recent version of our Social Set Analysis (SoSeVi) tool, which enables us to deep dive into Facebook activity concerning the election....... We explore a significant gender-based difference between female and male interactions with political party Facebook pages. Furthermore, we perform a multi-faceted analysis of social media interactions using gender detection, user segmentation and retention analysis, and visualize our findings...
Political knowledge and awareness in adolescents.
Furnham, A; Gunter, B
1983-12-01
Although some work has been done on adolescents' political attitudes, very little work has been done on their political knowledge. This study aimed to replicate a large study carried out eight years ago (Stradling, 1977) to see whether recent political changes altered adolescents' political knowledge and secondly to investigate the determinants (demographic, media usage, interest) of this knowledge. The results were strikingly similar to those of Stradling despite the smaller sample and the changes over time. The subjects appeared to know most about responsibility for public services and party political leaders and least about party political or parliamentary procedure. The canonical variable that best predicted overall knowledge was interest in politics and current affairs and to a lesser extent TV news watching and discussions with adults. The results are discussed in terms of political socialization and limitations of this work are considered.
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Ana Frank
2015-06-01
Full Text Available The article addresses the question of what kind of discursive strategies enable political parties the proliferation of racist and xenophobic ideas, in terms of a democratic society and within established politics. Theoretically, it is based on studies of racism, populism and the radical right. In the empirical part, elements of racism and (radical-right populism in the discourse of the Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS are analysed, with particular focus on the othering discourse. The discourse analysis includes interviews of party representatives and texts published on party’s websites. The SDS discourse analysis shows that the party articulates social problems through the use of nationalist, nativist and essentialist arguments, and proliferates and normalizes xenophobic and racist ideas by reproducing minorities and political opponents as threats to the Slovenian culture, values and lifestyle, as well as threats to the party itself.
Political Party Development in the Arab World | Page 2 | CRDI ...
International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)
Iraqi Communist Party [Arabic language]. Documents. í€ l'épreuve du gouvernement urbain, les transformations du Parti de la Justice et du développement au Maroc. Documents. Rassemblement yéménite pour la réforme (al-Islâh) : la difficile construction d'un projet d'alternance. Documents. Socialist Union of Popular ...
Paths of Research in Religion and Politics: An Introduction
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Alberta Giorgi
2014-03-01
Full Text Available Religion plays an important role in contemporary politics, both as a public and political actor, and as set of values. As a public actor, religion widely participates in the political spheres of European countries. At the same time, both European and non-European societies are experiencing a profound reshaping of their political landscapes. In these contexts, it has become clear that new modes of governance redraw the boundaries between institutional actors and citizens, and create space for horizontal and/or transnational networks. Today, the separation between religion and politics is being questioned more or less radically, and the meaning and the substance of democracy likewise. This special issue aims to offer a wide range of examples of studies focusing on the interactions between religion and politics from different disciplinary perspectives and scientific traditions. Ranging from single case studies to transnational comparative analyses, from sociology of religion to political science, and from the analysis of specific religious traditions to comparative studies, the articles presented offer a useful insight of topics and debates. This heterogeneity allows the readers to have an overview on some of the most important religious actors (movements, associations, groups and, parties in contemporary democracies, such as Christian traditional parties in Europe and the US, Islamist groups in Turkey and in Pakistan. At the same time, this collection of article shows different approaches through which is possible to analyse these movements, such as cross-country comparative approaches, comparison between different cases of religious groups’ collective action within the same national contexts or in the same urban area, or in-depth case studies of the specific role of religious groups in a broader national mobilization. The common element of these different contributions is the objective of looking at the complex relationships between religious
Measuring party nationalisation: A new Gini-based indicator that corrects for the number of units
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Bochsler, Daniel
2010-01-01
The study of the territorial distribution of votes in elections has become an important field of the political party research in recent years. Quantitative studies on the homogeneity of votes and turnout employ different indicators of territorial variance, but despite important progresses...... in measurement, many of them are sensitive to size and number of political parties or electoral districts. This article proposes a new 'standardised party nationalisation score', which is based on the Gini coefficient of inequalities in distribution. Different from previous indicators, the standardised party...
Ideological Cooperation versus Cold War Realpolitik - The SED and the Icelandic Socialist Party
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Valur Ingimundarson
2007-01-01
Full Text Available The article deals with the relationship between the East German Socialist Unity Party (SED and the Icelandic Socialist Party (SEI during the Cold War. It details the structural limitations of ideological cooperation between the two parties – Iceland’s NATO membership and the U.S. military presence – as well as its possibilities, especially in the 1950s, through the governmental participation of the SEI. Special attention is devoted to the role played by Einar Olgeirsson, the chairman of the SEI 1939–1968, who was instrumental in forging and developing political, economic, and cultural ties with the SED and the German Democratic Republic. The article argues that this experiment in transnational solidarity between socialist parties from two radically different political systems failed in the end due to several factors, including ideological differences and the political and economic development in Iceland.
Jakobi, Anja P.
2011-01-01
Education has been featured prominently in recent election campaigns in different countries. This article explains this observation by the idea of a world culture and the global institutionalization of education. It compares party manifestors of 25 OECD countries from 1946 onward, analyzing how education developed in election campaigns over time…
Political Activism: Post-communist Challenges and Opportunities in East Central Europe
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Alexandra Iancu
2016-04-01
Full Text Available Contrary to standard narratives on the declining function of parties in fostering political participation, this article argues that far from abandoning the cause of participation, post-communist political parties diversified the understanding of the party as a mobilizing agency by adapting their internal organizations. On the basis of a mid-range number of cases (e.g. Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia the study identified different patterns of evolution within a complex interaction effect between participation and organizational development. The peculiarity of the parties’ organization and functions has shaped political participation both as an opportunity structure (legitimizing the political system and increasing citizens’ involvement in politics and as a democratic challenge (increasing the pro-pensity of parties towards populism, ‘seasonal’ membership, corruption and clientelism.
Bewitched - The Tea Party Movement
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Ashbee, Edward
2011-01-01
This article considers the development of the Tea Party movement, the character of its thinking and the nature of the interests and constituencies to which it is tied. The article suggests that despite the importance of ideas and interests, and the process of interaction between them, the movement....... The political friction that this creates has contributed to the anger that has characterised the movement. While the Tea Party movement may, as such, have only an ephemeral existence, independent conservatives are likely to remain a significant and potent constituency and will, within the institutional...
Partisan Optimism and Political Bargaining
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Jensen, Thomas; Madum, Andreas
Partisan voters are optimistic about electoral outcomes: their estimates of the probability of electoral success for their party or candidate are substantially higher than the average among the electorate. This has large potential implications for political bargaining. Optimism about future...... electoral outcomes can make costly bargaining delay look more favorable, which may induce partisans to punish their party for agreeing to a compromise rather than waiting, for example by not turning out to vote. Therefore, party decision makers should take optimism among partisans into account when...... bargaining. In this paper we use game theoretic modeling to explore the implications of partisan optimism for political bargaining. We show that increased optimism among a partisan group leads to a stronger bargaining position for their party, but may hurt its electoral prospects. Another main finding...
Maintaining Identity Political Culture In Indonesia
Fauzi, AM; Sudrajat, A.; Affandi, A.; Raditya, A.
2018-01-01
This study investigates the portrayal of traditional political cultures in West Kalimantan Province, a growing of election process. Results showed that Political life in Indonesia leads to modern political culture after experiencing a change of paradigm of political life. Political life in Indonesia leads to modern political culture after experiencing a change of paradigm of political life. Beginning Indonesia’s independence in the Old Order Phase, the politics used using the ideological paradigm, subsequent to the New Order Period used the political paradigm of unification and simplification of political parties but in practice it became the strategy of the State’s rulers to facilitate subjugating its citizens. After entering the reform era, several phenomena of political culture are displayed, some are using modern paradigm by giving women the widest possible role in political parties, and so on. Besides that there is the opposite of displaying and practicing traditional political culture, this is as it runs in West Borneo Province. The change of political culture in the modern direction is different from the political culture of the citizens in terms of who will be chosen, most West Borneo Province residents determine their political choice by using traditional patterns.
Islamist echoes in the context of the Tunisian Islamist Party's 10th congress
LEMIERE, Sophie
2017-01-01
Since the uprising in 2011, Tunisia is seen as a political lab whose experiences impact the entire region. The return to the political scene of the Islamists of the Ennahdha Party, and their democratic ascension to power, came as a surprise, if not a shock, to many international and local observers. The party became a key actor beyond national borders and took a step further by marking its 10th Congress with the announcement of the separation of its political and religious activities. The Tun...
Gender differences in Assessments of Party Leaders
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Kosiara-Pedersen, Karina; Hansen, Kasper Møller
2015-01-01
Is there a relationship between party leader gender and voters' assessments? Yes, according to theses on gender identity and stereotyping. A voter survey during the 2011 Danish general election allows for a comprehensive analysis of a less likely case with four male and four female party leaders...... of gender does not increase with age, actually, the opposite is the case among men since younger male voters have smaller sympathy for female party leaders. Furthermore, there is no support for the expectation that voters with more education or with higher levels of political interest and knowledge are more....... Female party leaders are assessed more positively by female voters than male voters both in regard to general party leader sympathy and assessment of specific characteristics, whereas it is not the case that male party leaders are assessed more positively by male voters than female voters. The impact...
Political and Professional Participation of Women in Nigeria: Its ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
Women's participation is insignificant in various professional and political activities in Nigeria. Studies identified several hindrances to women's participation, little empirical study on women's roles in professions and parties' structures. This paper examines women's activities in professional and political parties in Nigeria.
Judicial Review and Political Partisanship
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Garoupaa, Nuno; Grembi, Veronica
2015-01-01
Due to the collapse of the party system during the mid-nineties, Italy represents an interesting case study to test the effects of a transition from a consensual to a majoritarian model of democracy on judicial behavior at the level of the Constitutional Court. Using a dataset of 972 cases...... of substantive judicial review (ricorsi in via principale) from 1985 to 2005, and proposing new measures of political alignment within constitutional review, we analyze the effect of a change in the political party system on judicial behavior. Our results show that political alignment is a stronger predictor...... of judicial decision making under majoritarian than consensual model of democracy....
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Florin GRECU
2015-09-01
Full Text Available The article analyses the process which led to the nominalization of Klaus Iohannis as candidate in the presidential election campaign representing the Christian Liberal Alliance. The adhesion of the National Liberal Party to the European popular party, the retreat of PNL’s president Crin Antonescu from the presidential race and the ascent of the mayor of Sibiu on the political stage, represent the analytical aim of this study, trough statements and media articles. The causes and the stakes of the change of the political affiliation of the Liberal National Party and the reasons of the adhesion to PPE which led locally to the fusion with the Liberal Democrat Party, will be shown by analyzing the statements of the political actors involved in the negotiation and in the political compromise that named Iohannis as the candidate of the right wing, who was already convinced since fall 2014 of winning the elections. The political actors, the PPE members trough their statements and actions, they sustained their candidate during the campaign and through congratulation letters after winning the elections.
Müller, Lukáš
2012-01-01
This essay is about the theory of optimal currency areas (OCA) and its reflection in public discussion of two biggest political parties in Czech Republic - ODS and ČSSD, about Czech Republic entering the European Monetary Union (EMU). Although EMU hadn't met the criteria of OCA before the examined period, both parties entered the elections in May 2010 with more or less pro-european program despite decreasing support of eurozone in Czech public opinion. While ČSSD only limitedly mentioned the ...
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Paulo J. Krischke
2005-01-01
Full Text Available These research notes raise the hypothesis that the Worker´s Party (PT actively participates in the cultural democratization of the country - for instance, through its initiatives for the recognition of the citizen´s sociopolitical and cultural diversity. First, there is a need to distinguish between the policies of socioeconomic redistribution and those policies geared to sociopolitical and cultural recognition. Second, it is also necessary to focus on the relations between participatory policies and changes in the political culture. Such relations may show that the increasing support to democracy accompanies the recognition of pluralism and of the right to difference, among the youth, and in the locations administered by the PT during the last decade.
The Party and State Politics in the Field of Fine Arts in USSR (1920’s — the Early 1930’s
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A. Sokyrko
2016-02-01
Full Text Available The article analyzes the evolution of the Bolshevik politics in the field of fine arts, from demonstrative non-interference in the creative process in the 1920’s to direct guidance of the party in the artistic life in the early 1930’s. Bolshevik Party used the fine art primarily as a means of propaganda, communist ideology and policy implementation tools in forming of «new» Soviet man. Declared in 1920’s the desire to create a new culture, a variety of art forms and trends, demonstrative non-interference of the power in the creative process, at the beginning of 1930’s was replaced by a direct party guidance of the artistic life and work of artists. Government order to the artists finally resulted in the elimination of Art Associations in 1932 and combining them into Orgburo Union of Soviet Artists of Ukraine. The only creative method — socialist realism, designated by CPSU(b put an end of the versatility of the Ukrainian art.
REFLECTIONS ON WAGAR ' S WORLD PARTY
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Albert Bergesen
2015-08-01
Full Text Available Our task is to reflect upon Wagar's idea of a world party. In case such reflections are affected by the recent historical situation of the collapse of communism/existing socialism in 1989 and the implications this has for visions of progressive politics going into the 21st century. This event colors most political thinking, although for many the response has been that existing socialism was not real socialism, or that existing socialism was but the Stalinist deformation that, if avoided in the future, the 1917 project could again be resumed and human history and social relations remade anew. I don't see it that way. What existing socialism stood for in terms of the role of a vanguard party taking state power for the larger good is, now after the fall, I think off the board as a realistic program that can be sold to anyone.
Hansen, Simone Maigaard; Rahbek, Simone Rebekka; Petersen, Kevin Bøje; Westen, Vickie Isabella
2014-01-01
This study will examine the various trends within political marketing on social medias; where our main focus is on the application Instagram. We will through theories and analysis examine how political marketing is being used, as a part of the political strategies, and how Instagram works as a political marketing tool. Furthermore, we will analyse the Instagram profiles of Det Radikale Venstre and Det Konservative Folkeparti. We will through these analyses, supplemented with interviews from e...
Getting the message across: perceived effectiveness of political campaign communication
van Spanje, J.; Boomgaarden, H.G.; Elenbaas, M.; Vliegenthart, R.; Azrout, R.; Schuck, A.R.T.; de Vreese, C.H.
2013-01-01
Do political actors communicate effectively during electoral campaigns? We introduce a novel concept in electoral research, the "perceived effectiveness of political parties' election campaigns." This evaluation concentrates on the extent to which a party is seen as getting its message across to the
Student politics at Makerere University in the Lens of Schmitter and ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
While the influence of political parties on student politics has been a topic of investigation for a long time, little research has been done in relation to Africa's young democracies and the re-emergence of multi-party politics in these countries. It is with this understanding that this study assesses a theoretical framework adapted ...
Rationalism and Future Political Islam in Indonesia
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Nurus Shalihin
2013-02-01
Full Text Available This paper aims to examine the Muslim rationality in legislative and executive election, and also to understand the reason why they choose national party, or Islamic party based on the alkali data of legislative and executive election in West Sumatera from 2004-2009 periods. The paradigm of research is a rational choice theory. This paradigm helps to understand the political behavior of Muslim in West Sumatera in legislative and executive election of 2004-2009 period. Finally, the research finds out that Muslim in West Sumatera always make a political choice rationale, and ignore the primordial consideration to choose the party. This fact is crucial factor why the Islamic party was lost in West Sumatera, and other places in Indonesia.
Similarity in husbands and wives party family preference in the Netherlands
Coffé, Hilde R.; Need, Ariana
2010-01-01
Using insights from theories on marital homogamy and political behaviour, this research examines the tendency of husbands and wives to vote for the same party family. It disentangles the extent to which similarity in party family preference can be explained by (1) partners choosing one another
The Internal Causes of Political Instability in the Republic of Turkey
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Sergey Borisovich Druzhilovsky
2016-01-01
Full Text Available The article examines the causes of the permanent political instability in the Turkish Republic, which leads to frequent change of governments, degradation of political parties and changing of policies. On the example of the activities of different cabinets it is showen that the basis of their instability is the frequent creation of coalition governments consisting of parties that stand on different ideological positions. Inter-party antagonism, in its turn, is a consequence of the split of the Turkish society along civilizational, ethnic and religious grounds, which determines the different political orientation of the various layers of the Turkish society. At the same time the article shows the examples of the undoubted efficiency of one-party governments, however they never get support from the opposition parties, and eventually also fail to effectively and consistently implement their proposed policies. The author also deals with a policy of the ruling today in Turkey, the Islamist Party of Justice and Development, which after several years of successful political and economic reforms to date entered the period of deep crisis and is increasingly losing its authority and influence both in Turkey and in neighboring countries.
Ethno-Regionalist Parties and Political Representation: The Case of Union Valdotaine
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Giulia Sandri
2008-06-01
Full Text Available Cet article examine les effets de la représentation politique sur les partis ethno-régionalistes, sur les objectifs politiques qu’ils poursuivent et sur les stratégies qu'ils adoptent pour les réaliser. On analyse ici un cas d’étude spécifique, celui de l’Union Valdôtaine, parti ethno-régionaliste actif en Italie. Premièrement, cette contribution vise à décrire les modèles selon lesquels ce parti a évolué dans ses arènes politiques respectives. Deuxièmement, l'étude examine les modalités selon lesquelles l’évolution des destins électoraux et politiques du parti a affecté son organisation interne et les objectifs poursuivis dans les arènes politiques régionale, étatique et européenne. Le but est de vérifier le succès de l’UV dans la mise en œuvre d’une réorganisation territoriale de l'état dont l’objectif est d’accroître l'autonomie de la minorité linguistique représentée.
Lev Vygotsky between two revolutions: on the political self-determination of the scientist
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Vladimir S. Sobkin
2016-09-01
Full Text Available The paper presented texts of the three previously unknown Lvygotsky’s journal notes and comments on them. These texts were published in mid-July and early September 1917 in the Jewish weekly «New Path» under the pseudonym «L.S.» and «W». In these texts, Lev Vygotsky describes the features of the political behaviour of the Jewish population in connection with the revolutionary events in Russia. On the one hand, a clear discrepancy between the activation of party work and political rhetoric is mentioned, and on the other hand, reduction of the significance of Jewish communal life is highlighted. As a key characteristic of social and psychological wellbeing of the Jewish population Vygotsky singles out absenteeism, i.e. the lack of interest in politics. Eventually the scientist captures the increase in uncertainty in the Jewish environment and fear of the future political, social and economic reforms in Russia. In the comments on Vygotsky notes, there are definitions relating to the various features of the activities of the Jewish political parties and public organizations, information about various policy documents and staff characterized by social and political situation before the elections in the Consituent Assembly (Uchreditel’noe Sobranie. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of stylistic and structural features of the commented text construction. By implicit quoting the relationship between Vygotsky’s texts and the works of other authors is identified. Particular attention is paid to the author’s attitude to religious texts, which allows to select a characteristic feature of the «double vision» of real events of the revolution against the background of the Jewish history. The comments help to single out features of the political identity of the young Lev Vygotsky in the period between the two revolutions, which is important to study his biography and understanding of his world view.
Marcel Cuijpers; Alex Fernández Jilberto
1995-01-01
The incorporation of Mexico into NAFTA is considered a determining reference between two ways of understanding the economic structures and political models of the State. The identification between State and single party, and a certain idea of protectionism, sustained by the premise “industrialization sustituting imports” (ISI) went into crisis beginning with the neoliberal reforms introduced by President Miguel de la Madrid and was continued throughout the mandate of Carlos Salinas de Gortari...
Young people navigating political engagement through post-war instability and mobility
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Korzenevica, Marina
2016-01-01
The everyday politics of rural young people who live in post-war settings in the Global South is poorly explored. In the aftermath of a recent civil war in Nepal (1996-2006), villages have been operating without elected bodies, and poorly functioning local governance has been concentrated around ......, as well as by involving themselves in disruptive events and seeking personal benefit from them. Secondly, young men and women negotiate their political motivations in community development politics primarily through household dynamics adjusted to their mobile lifestyle....... activists balance their daily lives, mobility and household obligations with involvement in party and local development politics? By exploring their motivations and engagement, I come to two conclusions. Firstly, young men navigate party politics by juggling the legacy of patronage and rejecting parties...
Nuclear power in British politics
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Pocock, R.F.
1987-01-01
The paper concerns the subject of nuclear power in British politics in 1986. The policies of the major political parties towards nuclear power are briefly outlined, along with public attitudes to nuclear energy, Chernobyl, and the rise of the anti-nuclear campaigners. (UK)
"Ladlad" and Parrhesiastic Pedagogy: Unfurling LGBT Politics and Education in the Global South
Coloma, Roland Sintos
2013-01-01
This article examines the political and educational activism of "Ladlad," the first lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) political party in the Philippines and the only existing LGBT political party in the world. Founded in 2003, "Ladlad" fielded candidates for the 2010 national election in the Philippines, amidst…
7 CFR 7.27 - Political activity.
2010-01-01
... (including the sale of tickets) for political party organizations or for a candidate for political office or..., delegate, or alternate to any such office or employee. (2) Use official authority or influence to discharge... money, pledges, gifts, or anything of value (including the sale of tickets) made for: (1) Political...
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
David Haigron
2005-01-01
Full Text Available At the beginning of the 1950s the Party Election and Political Broadcasts (PEBs and PPBs first started as a mere anecdote. They are now the parties’ major medium to address the voters directly and political communication has entered a “television era”. As a matter of fact, this evolution implies certain consequences and constitutes a new step in the chronology of Britain’s political history. The first expression of this evolution is a shift of the space of political representation towards television. In this respect, PEBs and PPBs can be regarded as a prism through which it is possible to assess the different histories that they are part of, i.e. that of the British media , that of political communication and that of society and its changes. Yet Party Broadcasts have a bipolar relation to History. On the one hand, their message is meant to be circumstantial and linked to an election. On the other, their linguistic and iconic discourse aims at leaving a lasting print in collective memory.
5 CFR 734.205 - Participation in political campaigns.
2010-01-01
... 5 Administrative Personnel 2 2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Participation in political campaigns. 734... in political campaigns. Subject to the prohibitions in § 734.306, an employee may: (a) Display... candidate or a candidate for political party office in a political advertisement, broadcast, campaign...
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Alice Krieg-Planque
2013-04-01
Full Text Available Nous nous intéressons à un genre de texte, appelé « argumentaire », tel qu’il existe en tant que production discursive des partis politiques français contemporains. Sommairement, l’« argumentaire » peut être décrit comme un document qui présente notamment un ensemble de positions, généralement argumentées, données à voir comme étant celles de l’organisation partisane sur un thème ou sujet donné. Cinq aspects de l’« argumentaire » retiennent plus particulièrement notre attention : sa dénomination, qui relève du métalangage ordinaire des acteurs et rattache l’existence du genre avant tout à des pratiques d’écriture identifiables pour le parti ; ses caractéristiques discursives internes, qui font apparaître l’importance que l’« argumentaire » accorde au dialogisme interdiscursif ; son identité de document de communication, en tant qu’il est constitué d’énoncés conçus pour être repris dans le cadre d’un travail d’argumentation mené par le militant ; sa multifonctionnalité, alliant affirmation de l’autorité du parti, formation des militants, animation du débat public, et persuasion ; enfin, ses transformations sous l’effet du recours à l’internet dans la communication politique partisane.We are interested in a kind of text called argumentaire as it exists as a discursive production of contemporary French political parties. Briefly, the argumentaire can be described as a document presenting a particular set of positions that are generally argued and presented as those adopted by the party organization on a particular topic or theme. Five aspects of the argumentaire deserve particular attention: its name, borrowed from the metalanguage of the regular players and connecting the genre to writing practices recognizable by the party; its internal discursive characteristics, which show the importance that the argumentaire gives to the interdiscursive dialogism; its identity
Candidate nomination, intra-party democracy, and election violence in Africa
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Seeberg, Merete Bech; Wahman, Michael; Skaaning, Svend-Erik
2018-01-01
. When local-level or national-level competition between parties is low, as in much of Africa, electoral politics become a matter of intra-party rather than inter-party competition. Nominations are a part of the electoral process often left to the discretion of poorly institutionalized parties, free......This article introduces a special issue on candidate nomination, intra-party democracy, and election violence in Africa. Although a burgeoning literature on African democratization has focused on the topic of electoral violence, little attention has been given to violence during party nominations...... of the involvement of electoral management bodies and external monitors, and violence often results. Rather than developing an elaborate theoretical framework on the causes of nomination violence, our ambition in this introduction is to introduce the concept of nomination violence and situate it in the literatures...
Political Parties’ Welfare Image, Electoral Punishment and Welfare State Retrenchment
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Schumacher, Gijs; Vis, Barbara; van Kersbergen, Kees
2013-01-01
of voters supports the welfare state, the usual assumption is that retrenchment backfires equally on all political parties. This study contributes to an emerging body of research that demonstrates that this assumption is incorrect. On the basis of a regression analysis of the electoral fate of the governing...... parties of 14 OECD countries between 1970 and 2002, we show that most parties with a positive welfare image lose after they implemented cutbacks, whereas most parties with a negative welfare image do not. In addition, we show that positive welfare image parties in opposition gain votes, at the expense...... of those positive welfare image parties in government that implemented welfare state retrenchment. Comparative European Politics (2013) 11, 1-21. doi:10.1057/cep.2012.5; published online 11 June 2012...
Islamist Parties and Democratization : Lessons from Turkey's Justice ...
International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)
The Turkish elections of November 2002 brought a new Islamic-oriented political party to power, with ... They will endeavor to explain the Turkish experience in terms of general causal ... IDRC at the ICLEI Resilient Cities 2018 conference.
PISA as a Political Tool in Spain: Assessment Instrument, Academic Discourse and Political Reform
Vega Gil, Leoncio; Hernández Beltrán, Juan Carlos; García Redondo, Eva
2016-01-01
This study examines to what extent there is a sort of "political appropiation" by political parties when they seek to set a discourse about the Spanish PISA outcomes. We have consistently found that programs for assessing the competencies of students, especially PISA, have become tools of rationalization and the legitimization of…
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Antonio Alaminos Chica,
2017-12-01
Full Text Available Based on the studies on the socio-political aspect of transnationality, this research analyzes two exogenously designed political organizations (promoted and coordinated from a supralocal or supra-national scope and space, inspired by the existence of foreign residents in several Spanish municipalities, in this case Romanian nationality. The data come from documental research, statistical analysis of candidacies and electoral results, and from in-depth interviews with representatives of these parties. The paper concludes that the presence of a large group of foreign residents is not, per se, indicators of electoral potential; unless the motivating elements of mobilization are mediated. The electoral argument of sharing the same nationality of origin does not seem enough, even if the political program tries to be transversal, avoiding ideological positions and appealing to generic elements such as common culture and its defense, and the possibility of helping to regenerate politics and democracy in the country of origin. There are important contradictions such as the supralocal and national approach in local logic elections, or the previous distrust of potential voters in Romanian parties based on experience in their country of origin.
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
José Antonio Villarreal Velásquez
2018-01-01
Full Text Available This article analyses the relations between politics and society during the so-called citizen’s revolution in Ecuador. Drawing on ethnographic research focused on political brokerage or the ‘art of serving’, the article analyses the particularities of political work by analysing the linkages and tensions that are constructed between the population of a suburb of the city of Guayaquil, the members of the governing political party of the Citizen’s Revolution, Movimiento Patria Altiva i Soberana (Alianza PAIS and State functionaries. Meetings of political socialization and sectorial events- understood as institutional rituals- are taken as scenes in which to observe the interactions and the public performance of the protagonists of the pre-dominant political party in contemporary Ecuador.
Good governance and political culture: A case study of Bangladesh
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Syed Serajul Islam
2016-12-01
Full Text Available In a democratic system it is essential to have a competitive, and a tolerant party system, but Bangladesh has experienced an intolerant and a confrontational party system that has created a deadlock and brought uncertainty to the whole country. Since 1990, except 2014, Bangladesh has witnessed four systematic peaceful free elections, one each--in 1991, 1996, 2001, and 2008. On January 5, 2014, however, a controversial election took place in which major opposition political parties did not participate except the ruling alliance parties. The two dominant parties—the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP and the Awami League (AL—each won two previous free and fair elections, with the BNP winning in1991, and a BNP-led 4-party coalition in 2001, and the AL in 1996, and an AL-led 14 party alliance in 2008. However, from 2014 Bangladesh is heading towards an authoritarian system. All these are happening due to the lack of good governance. This article intends to emphasize that the political culture emanating from the party politics is retarding good governance in Bangladesh. This article argues that the cultural traits developed in the last four decades in various dimensions,, particularly in more recent years, have worked as an “earth-worm” in the fabrics of democracy in Bangladesh preventing ‘good governance’.
Strategic campaigns and redistributive politics
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Schultz, Christian
2007-01-01
The article investigates strategic, informative campaigning by two parties when politics concern redistribution. Voters are uncertain about whether parties favour special groups. Parties will target campaigns on groups where most votes are gained by informing about policies. In equilibrium......, campaigning will be most intensive in groups where the uncertainty is largest and where voters are most mobile, most likely to vote, most receptive to campaigns and relatively uninformed initially. These groups will become more informed about policy. Parties will therefore gain more votes by treating...... these groups well so these groups will gain from strategic campaigning. Welfare effects are assessed...
Anti-Semitism in the British Labour’s Party ranks, characteristics and consequences
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
O. V. Кozerod
2016-05-01
Full Text Available In the British policy and British establishment, the antisemitism issue is not a new one, and it has been discussed by a wide range of European experts and researchers for quite a long time. Latest events in the UK in recent months have proved topicality of the issue and have become a challenge for country leaders and the political elite. It should be noted that in the second half of the 20th century antisemitism became quite a widespread occurrence among British politicians, especially among a younger generation of politicians. First of all, it stemmed from the ideas of Arthur Toynbee who studied at Balliol College, the University of Oxford, where he lectured, therefore his ideas were mainly popularized among the student elite. Formally, the antisemitism-related scandal in the party started in March 2016 after an official statement delivered by the Chair of Oxford University Labour Club (OULC. He warned the public about antisemitism spread among students who managed the Club. The parliamentary committee was appointed immediately to investigate the facts. As a result, Conservatives urged Labourists to stop antisemitic statements. For long decades of the British two-party system, it was the first time when the Conservative leader publicly reproached the Labour leader for antisemitism in the Labour Party. Generally, one should note that the key political effect of the wider social antisemitic discussion in the press, Parliament and many political clubs was a decreased amount of citizens ready to support Labourists in the election, particularly the Jewish voters. Thus, according to the opinion poll taken by the Jewish Chronicle editorial office in May 2016, barely 8.5% British Jews would vote for Labourists if the national election took place the next day. Certainly, sharp antisemitism growth in the British Labour became one of the key events in the UK political life this year and a big surprise for the majority of Labour leaders. For decades, such
The 2014 Elections and the Brazilian Party System
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Carlos Ranulfo Melo
2015-04-01
Full Text Available The Brazilian party system presents a paradox. Although the Workers Party (PT and the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB have controlled presidential elections for the last 20 years, their force at the other levels of electoral competition has not grown. The objective of this study is to undertake a discussion of this situation through the 2014 general elections. After attempting to explain why successive challengers have not been able to change the structure of competition for the Brazilian presidency, I will analyze the relation established between the pattern observed at this level and the other “connected” electoral disputes—both those for state executive and federal legislative office. The general conclusion is that even if the pattern continues, it is quite improbable that this will significantly impact the other levels of national political party competition.
One-Party Dominance: Future Political Implications for the Conservatives in South Korea
2016-12-01
Dominant Party Regimes of South Africa, Mexico, Taiwan and Malaysia : A Comparative Assessment,” in The Awkward Embrace: One-Party Domination and... censorship . During this period, a progressive newspaper was formed called the Minjok Ilbo; however, when President Park Chung-hee took office...154 Derek Jones, ed., Censorship : A World Encyclopedia (New York: Routledge, 2001), 1352. 155 Ibid. 156 Ibid. 157 Ibid. 158
Shaping Political Preferences: Information Effects in Political-Administrative Systems
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Blom-Hansen, Jens; Bækgaard, Martin; Serritzlew, Søren
2016-01-01
shows that even in a setting where the information is not disclosed by a powerful sender, information may have a stronger impact on political preferences than other well-known determinants such as committee and party affiliation. Our findings speak to learning theories, knowledge perspectives...
Searching for the Right Organization: Ideology and Party Structure in East-Central Europe
Czech Academy of Sciences Publication Activity Database
Linek, Lukáš; Enyedi, Z.
2008-01-01
Roč. 14, č. 4 (2008), s. 455-477 ISSN 1354-0688 R&D Projects: GA ČR GA407/07/1395 Institutional research plan: CEZ:AV0Z70280505 Keywords : party organization * political parties * ideology Subject RIV: AO - Sociology, Demography Impact factor: 0.984, year: 2008
From Text to Political Positions: Text analysis across disciplines
Kaal, A.R.; Maks, I.; van Elfrinkhof, A.M.E.
2014-01-01
ABSTRACT From Text to Political Positions addresses cross-disciplinary innovation in political text analysis for party positioning. Drawing on political science, computational methods and discourse analysis, it presents a diverse collection of analytical models including pure quantitative and
The Social Media Paradox Explained: Comparing Political Parties’ Facebook Strategy Versus Practice
Kalsnes, Bente
2016-01-01
Political parties’ interaction strategy and practice on Facebook is the topic of this article. Political parties and individual politicians can use social media to bypass media and communicate directly with voters through websites and particularly social media platforms such as Facebook. But previous research has demonstrated that interaction on social media is challenging for political parties. This study examines the disparity between interaction strategy and online responsiveness and finds...
Burgoon, B.
2012-01-01
Political scientists have long debated how economic globalization influences national social policies, but they have so far not explored the political demands of political parties implicitly underlying such influence. This article explores such demands to see how globalization affects
Mauritania: an authoritarian regime and the reconfiguration of the party system
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Raquel Ojeda García
2015-05-01
Full Text Available This investigation raises the question of whether Mauritania should be considered an authoritarian regime. The explanatory variable used is not the only factor, but in Mauritania’s case it is one that has been given little attention. It is an analysis of the party system and its level of institutionalisation through five indicators: the social rooting of the parties; personalism and the profile of the leader; the level of volatility; the calling and participation of the opposition parties in the boycott of the elections and the ultimate acceptance by those parties of their results. It starts from the premise that representative democracy is built on a party political structure and draws conclusions about the low level of institutionalisation of the party system and the authoritarianism of the Mauritanian regime.
Gains from Early Support of a New Political Party
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Leonardi, Marco; Mossucca, Rossella; Schivardi, Fabiano
2017-01-01
start Silvio Berlusconi in his bid to become prime minister in 1994 did better than competitors over the following years. Using balance sheet data for the period 1985 ‐2010, we find that the 100 firms which supported the foundation of his party in 1994 did better than the competitors in terms of value...
5 CFR 734.411 - Participation in political campaigning; prohibitions.
2010-01-01
... under this subpart may not: (a) Take an active part in managing the political campaign of a candidate for partisan political office or a candidate for political party office; (b) Campaign for partisan... 5 Administrative Personnel 2 2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Participation in political campaigning...
The Liberal Party at the beginning of the 20th century: (unsuccessfully seeking renewal
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Susan Finding
2011-09-01
Full Text Available "Awful Scene of Gloom and Dejection, When the Ministry Heard of the Lords' Decision to Refer the Budget to the Country" Punch, 1909.The fortunes of the Liberal Party between 1906 and 1924 can be summarized as having gone from the foremost political force with a landslide victory and triumphant government to the third party (which, in a bipartite electoral system, means the loser losses all with little electoral support and no real influence on either politics or policy. The debate in the his...
The hidden cost of consensus: How coordinated market economies insulate politics
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Lawrence Ezrow
2015-11-01
Full Text Available Previous research has argued that while elections motivate parties to respond to public sentiment, global economic ties reduce this responsiveness by redirecting elites from their electorates and toward market actors. In this study, we extend this work to examine the influence of globalization on party responsiveness across different forms of production-welfare regimes. Coordinated market economies (CMEs accommodate economic interdependence by striking corporatist bargains between political elites, trade union representatives, and organized business. Although these consensual relations facilitate economic stability, they also insulate policymakers from voters. Analyses that pair public opinion and party positions across 18 advanced capitalist democracies from 1977 to 2009 show that while CMEs permit political elites a wide room to maneuver under economic globalization, political parties competing in these organized market economies do not respond to public opinion. This is the case regardless of level of exposure to world markets. In CMEs, party position-taking is uninfluenced by external factors (economic globalization and domestic factors (public opinion alike. By examining the consequences for party behavior, our results raise questions about the virtues of coordinated market capitalism for the health of representative democracy.
Tobacco Industry Political Activity and Tobacco Control Policy Making in Pennsylvania: 1979-1996
Monardi, Fred M. Ph.D.; Glantz, Stanton A. Ph.D.
1997-01-01
The tobacco industry is a major political and legal force in Pennsylvania through campaign contributions, lobbying and litigation. The tobacco industry has become a major source of campaign contributions to legislative candidates, state constitutional office candidates, and political party committees. In the 1979-1980 election cycle, the tobacco industry contributed $3,600 to candidates and parties. In 1995-1996, the tobacco industry contributed $65,850 to candidates and parties. ...
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Domagoj Bebić
2011-12-01
Full Text Available Undertaking a content analysis and analyzing the literature corresponding both to the role of the Internet in modern election campaigns (cyber campaigning, as well as that which assesses the crisis of public communication and the democratic potential of the Internet, this article explores: a how and to what extent did Croatian political parties utilize the marketing potential of the Internet during the 2007 parliamentary elections; and b how and to what extent did they use the Internet to encourage citizens(on or offline to participate in the political sphere. The results indicate that during the 2007 Croatian Parliamentary elections, political parties only partially utilized the potential advantages of Internet marketing. An analysis of the elements of interactivity revealed that campaigning parties generally did not use the Internet as a means to engage voters. The results in this study, however, confirm a number of trends found in other countries. The use of the Internet as an instrument to engage citizens online and increase political participation has not confirmed the optimistic predictions surrounding this issue.
The Youth and Political Ideology in Ghanaian Politics
African Journals Online (AJOL)
chifaou.amzat
2012-10-31
Oct 31, 2012 ... Abstract. The youth of Ghana have played an important role in both local and national politics since the inception of the Fourth Republic. Among other things, they have served as the foot-soldiers and channels through which party manifestoes have been transmitted to the electorate and polling agents ...
When Two of the Same Are Needed: A Multilevel Model of Intragroup Ethnic Party Competition
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Bochsler, Daniel
2012-01-01
diversification of minority groups. In states with multiple levels of governments, intra-ethnic rival parties emerge if minorities are local majorities in certain regions. Intra-ethnic party competition is limited, however, through the national electoral system, and especially high legal thresholds can restrict......Parties of ethno-regional minorities have been created in a large number of ethnically diverse countries, but sometimes one such party is not enough. While previous work has investigated the consequences of intragroup party competition, this study looks at the causes of internal political...
Chernobyl: the political fall-out
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Edwards, R.
1986-01-01
The attitude to nuclear power of the major political parties in the United Kingdom is examined following the reactor accident at Chernobyl. In particular the Government policy, which is to reaffirm its commitment to nuclear energy, and that of the Labour opposition policy, which may be not to build any more nuclear power stations, are discussed. However, the Labour party policy is still open to debate and may be changed before the next general election. The Scottish and Welsh Nationalist parties and the Greens are all anti-nuclear. (U.K.)
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Jensen, Mads Dagnis; Snaith, Holly
2016-01-01
This article analyses Britain’s quest to negotiate its future membership of the European Union (EU) through the lens of Liberal intergovernmentalism. The article demonstrates that despite the significant economic consequences of a potential Brexit, party political factors have hitherto proven more...
Integrating Islamist Militants into the Political Process : Palestinian ...
International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)
Integrating Islamist Militants into the Political Process : Palestinian Hamas. The striking victory of Hamas in the elections of January 2006 raises questions about the integration of Islamists into the Palestinian political system. This project, which is part of a larger program of research on the role of political parties in the Middle ...
Political Role of Tribes : Analysis of Tribalism, Islamism and Gender ...
International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)
Tribal relations are deeply intertwined with political relations. ... When countries such as Jordan and Yemen adopted political pluralism, the political parties ... annuelle de l'Institut d'étude du développement international de l'Université McGill.
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Anwen Elias
2017-04-01
Full Text Available This article examines the shifting territorial goals of two of the most electorally successful and politically relevant nationalist parties in Spain: the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV and Convergència i Unió (CiU. Whilst both parties have often co-operated to challenge the authority of the Spanish state, their territorial goals have varied over time and from party to party. We map these changes and identify key drivers of territorial preferences; these include party ideology, the impact of the financial crisis, the territorial structure of the state, party competition, public opinion, government versus opposition, the impact of multi-level politics and the particularities of party organisation. These factors interact to shape what nationalist parties say and do on core territorial issues, and contribute to their oscillation between territorial accommodation and secession. However, the way in which these factors play out is highly context-specific, and this accounts for the different territorial preferences of the PNV and CiU. These findings advance our understanding of persistent territorial tensions in Spain, and provide broader theoretical insights into the internal and external dynamics that determine the territorial positioning of stateless nationalist and regionalist parties in plurinational states.
Malaysia: Political, Security, Economic, and Trade Issues Considered
2007-02-13
general election. Key observers have also pointed to decisions by Parti-Islam sa- Malaysia (PAS), Parti Keadilan Rakyat , and the Democratic Action Party...Sultan fulfills this function. Each state has a state legislature. The lower house of Malaysia’s Parliament, the Dewan Rakyat , has 193 members elected...Order Code RL33878 Malaysia : Political, Security, Economic, and Trade Issues Considered February 13, 2007 Bruce Vaughn, Coordinator Specialist in
Hooghe, Marc; Oser, Jennifer
2017-11-01
The literature on political parties suggests that strong partisan identities are associated with citizens' effective interaction with the political system, and with higher levels of political trust. Traditionally, party identity therefore is seen as a mechanism that allows for political integration. Simultaneously, however, political parties have gained recent attention for their role in promoting societal polarization by reinforcing competing and even antagonistic group identities. This article uses General Social Survey data from 1972 - 2014 to investigate the relationship between partisan strength and both political and generalized trust. The findings show that increases in partisan strength are positively related to political trust, but negatively related to generalized trust. This suggests that while partisan strength is indeed an important linkage mechanism for the political system, it is also associated with a tendency toward social polarization, and this corrosive effect thus far has not gained sufficient attention in literature on party identity. Copyright © 2017 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
DAN DIACONESCU: THE POLITICS OF BREAD AND CIRCUSES
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VALENTIN QUINTUS NICOLESCU
2013-05-01
Full Text Available Founder and owner of two television stations, Dan Diaconescu found the opportunity to rise the electoral support for his anti-system party through media channels in the circumstances of a tumultuous political year and a bitterly personal power struggle between President Traian Băsescu and Prime Minister Victor Ponta. He described the victory in the upcoming parliamentary elections as a start of the battle against the post-communist Romanian political class that impoverished the country. Through this battle lead by him and other members of his party, his „army of angels”1, Dan Diaconescu says he can liberate the Romanian people and install „people’s dictatorship” that will punish all the political class for the injustices suffered by them. In a context of highly visible and influential populist discourse, this paper considers the self-representation of Dan Diaconescu and his People’s Party – Dan Diaconescu during parliamentary election campaign in 2012. First of all, a multi-methodological approach was adopted to examine the key elements of national populist discourse: antagonistic struggle between politicians and citizens, popular sovereignty, corruption of the political class and popular mobilization for political change. After that, I will examine how this Romanian form of populism represents the rival version of western representative democracy, the populist democracy specific to Latin America based on direct representation embodied by a leader or a party capable to symbolize the power of the people. Within this frame, I will try to analyse to what degree Dan Diaconescu’s populism enrolls in the logic of Latin American populism instead of a cultural or ethnic populism dominant in Europe.
Melton, James Douglas
2009-01-01
Both spatial theories of voting and our intuitions lead us to expect that political parties' ideological positions should affect individuals' turnout decisions. Contrary to these expectations, existing research finds that neither feelings of alienation--that no party adequately represents an individual's ideological position--nor…
Italy's green party: on the road to success
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Rosenbaum, A.
1988-01-01
Italy's Green Party (Lista Verde) does not consider itself a political party but it is changing the environmental consciousness of the nation. There are new eight popular television shows covering environmental problems and a national weekly newspaper devotes a regular column to ecology. Environmental associations, including the Environmental League, have been started in the 1980s. The Greens have also succeeded in halting Italy's nuclear power programme. In a national referendum held in 1987 almost 80% of the voters agreed with the Greens' views. No fewer than 14 more popular referenda are planned throughout Italy on environmental issues. (UK)
Special Report: Political Violence and Democratic Uncertainty in Ethiopia
National Research Council Canada - National Science Library
Smith, Lahra
2007-01-01
The pardon and release of thirty-eight political detainees, mostly from the leadership of the main opposition party, may give impetus to political negotiations in Ethiopia after more than two years crisis and stalemate...
Polk, J.; Rovny, J.; Bakker, R.; Edwards, E.; Hooghe, L.; Jolly, S.; Koedam, J.; Kostelka, F.; Marks, G.; Schumacher, G.; Steenbergen, M.; Vachudova, M.; Zilovic, M.
2017-01-01
This article addresses the variation of anti-corruption and anti-elite salience in party positioning across Europe. It demonstrates that while anti-corruption salience is primarily related to the (regional) context in which a party operates, anti-elite salience is primarily a function of party
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Jonathan Polk
2017-01-01
Full Text Available This article addresses the variation of anti-corruption and anti-elite salience in party positioning across Europe. It demonstrates that while anti-corruption salience is primarily related to the (regional context in which a party operates, anti-elite salience is primarily a function of party ideology. Extreme left and extreme conservative (TAN parties are significantly more likely to emphasize anti-elite views. Through its use of the new 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey wave, this article also introduces the dataset.
The Political Socialization of Adolescent Children of Immigrants.
Humphries, Melissa; Muller, Chandra; Schiller, Kathryn S
2013-12-01
This study aims to evaluate the adolescent political socialization processes that predict political participation in young adulthood, and whether these processes are different for children of immigrants compared to white 3 rd -plus generation adolescents. We focus on socialization agents based in the family, community and school. We use a nationally representative longitudinal survey of adolescents to evaluate the predictors of three measures of political participation: Voter registration, voting, and political party identification, and whether the process leading to political participation varies by immigrant status and race/ethnic group. We find that the parental education level of adolescents is not as predictive for many minority children of immigrants compared to white children of native-born parents for registration. Additionally, the academic rigor of the courses taken in high school has a greater positive estimated effect on the likelihood of registration and party identification for Latino children of immigrants compared to white 3 rd -plus generation young adults. The process of general integration into U.S. society for adolescent children of immigrants may lead to differing pathways to political participation in young adulthood, with certain aspects of their schooling experience having particular importance in developing political participation behaviors.
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Cristina Ariton-Gelan
2013-07-01
Full Text Available The development of new technologies, implicitely that of Internet contributed to the reconfiguration of the political communication field. In this respect, politicians report themselves to an electorate that is more detached from institutionalized politics and political ideologies, electorate that has the possibility to participate to debating alternative forms of the political, through some social movements and through online forums. Generally, new media created the possibility that journalists and media production agencies imagine more dynamic media formats from the point of view of interaction with citizens and visual strategies. Within the new context coming from the relation between politician, media and electorate, the Internet, through its functions, generates a special kind of „political communication management”.
Newspapers and Parties: How Advertising Revenues Created an Independent Press
Maria Petrova
2009-01-01
Does economic development promote media freedom? Do higher advertising revenues tend to make media outlets independent of political groups?in?uence? Using data on the 19th century American newspapers, I show that in places with higher advertising revenues, newspapers were more likely to be independent from political parties. Similar results hold when local advertising rates are instrumented by regulations on outdoor advertising and newspaper distribution. I also show that newly created newspa...
Understanding political market orientation
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C.
influences of such behavior. The study includes structural equation modeling to investigate several propositions. While the results show that political parties need to focus on several different aspects of market-oriented behavior, especially using an internal and external orientation as cultural antecedents......This article develops a conceptual framework and measurement model of political market orientation that consists of attitudinal and behavioural constructs. The article reports on perceived relationships among different behavioral aspects of political market orientation and the attitudinal......, a more surprising result is the inconclusive effect of a voter orientation on market-oriented behaviours. The article discusses the findings in the context of the existing literature in political marketing and commercial market orientation....
Spaces of Open-source Politics
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Husted, Emil; Plesner, Ursula
2017-01-01
. Inspired by the literature on organizational space, the analysis explores how different organizational spaces configure the party’s process of policy development, thereby adding to our understanding of the relationship between organizational space and political organization. We analyze three different....... Curiously, it seems that physical spaces open up the political process, while digital spaces close it down by fixing meaning. Accordingly, we argue that open-source politics should not be equated with online politics but may be highly dependent on physical spaces. Furthermore, digital spaces may provide......The recent proliferation of Web 2.0 applications and their role in contemporary political life have inspired the coining of the term ‘open-source politics’. This article analyzes how open-source politics is organized in the case of a radical political party in Denmark called The Alternative...
SYRIZA’S electoral rise in Greece: protest, trust and the art of political manipulation
Tsakatika, Myrto
2016-01-01
Between 2010 and 2015, a period of significant political change in Greece, the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA), a minor party, achieved and consolidated major party status. This article explores the role of political strategy in SYRIZA’s electoral success. It argues that contrary to accepted wisdom, targeting a ‘niche’ constituency or protesting against the establishment will not suffice for a minor party to make an electoral breakthrough. SYRIZA’s case demonstrates that unless a minor...
van der Bles, Anne Marthe; Postmes, Tom; LeKander-Kanis, Babet; Otjes, Simon
2018-01-01
In recent years, extreme right-wing and left-wing political parties and actors have gained popularity in many Western countries. What motivates people to vote for extreme right- or left-wing parties? In previous research, we showed that a collectively shared sense of doom and gloom about society can
Majority members' feelings about political representation of muslim immigrants
Verkuyten, Maykel; Hindriks, Paul; Coenders, Marcel
2016-01-01
In three survey experimental studies among national samples of the native Dutch, we examined feelings towards Muslim immigrants' political party representation. The strategy of disengagement (reject political representation) was evaluated most positively, followed by the descriptive representation
Curbing Electoral Violence in Nigeria: The Imperative of Political ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
Both domestic and international political sociologists based on empirical investigations argue that the greatest obstacle to democratic consolidation in. Nigeria is electoral violence. This is as a result of the rascal politics that the political elites engage in. Sometimes, the violence is intra-party, and most of the time, it is ...
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Cecil Meeusen
2017-11-01
Full Text Available We test two assumptions of the generalized prejudice literature. First, that the structure of generalized prejudice (i.e. how prejudices are interrelated is dependent on the intergroup context. Second, that different types of prejudice have similar political consequences and run via the generalized prejudice component. We perform these tests in the two main regions of Belgium − Flanders and Wallonia − and investigate the influence of differences in the history of immigration, experience of the linguistic and autonomy conflict, and the separate party system and political discourse (i.e. the societal and intergroup context on these premises. We make use of the Belgian Election Panel (BEP data that included measures of prejudice toward multiple target groups (immigrants, Flemings, Walloons, homosexuals, and Jews and voting propensities for the main political parties. Our results show that, regardless of the differences in intergroup experiences, the structure of prejudice is identical in Flanders and Wallonia. Flemings are, however, more tolerant toward homosexuals and immigrants than Walloons. The political context and the set of potential political outlets does play an important moderating role in the translation of prejudices to party preferences: While negative attitudes toward the other regional group seem to divide the electorate in Flanders, it does not affect voting intentions in Wallonia. Anti-immigrant prejudice is crucial in both regions, but affects voters in different ways at the right-side of the political spectrum.
26 CFR 1.271-1 - Debts owed by political parties.
2010-04-01
... has been active in the party no bad debt deduction will be allowed with respect to the loan. (b...), no deduction shall be allowed under section 166 (relating to bad debts) or section 165(g) (relating... appears that the bad debt was incurred to or purchased by, or the worthless security was acquired by, the...
Walter, A.S.; van der Brug, W.
2013-01-01
This study examines changes in negative campaigning in the Netherlands between 1981 and 2010. In addition, we examine which factors determine whether political parties are likely to make use of this campaign strategy in the Dutch multi-party system. We advance existing research on negative
Walter, A.S.; Brug, van W.
2013-01-01
This study examines changes in negative campaigning in the Netherlands between 1981 and 2010. In addition, we examine which factors determine whether political parties are likely to make use of this campaign strategy in the Dutch multi-party system. We advance existing research on negative
Editors' introduction: Expressive Culture and Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe
De Cleen, Benjamin; Nærland, Torgeir Uberg
2016-01-01
This brief text is the editorial to the JOMEC Journal special issue on Expressive Culture and Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe. It situates the special issue within the existing body of literature on the intersections between the radical right and expressive culture. The editorial further outlines the main contribution of the special issue: the focus on hitherto largely ignored countries, and the more consistent focus on parties and organised politics. This includes taking into accoun...
Comparative Analysis of the Party Systems Development in Russia and Lithuania
Ivanov, Igor; Volovoj, Vadim
2014-01-01
On the basis of factors such as ideology, the degree of populism, political leadership and form of the government a complex comparativeanalysis of the formation and development of the party system in Lithuania and Russia in the post-communist period wascarried out. Summing up, it should be noted that both Russian and Lithuanian party parliamentarism are being progressively consolidated.At the same time they continue to suffer from many shortcomings owing to negative historical heritage, chara...
Populist Extreme-Right Parties in the European Parliament – A March on Europe?
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Zarja Protner
2015-06-01
Full Text Available Populist extreme right parties (PERPs have become an important part of politics, not only at the national level but also in the European Union. With the 2014 elections, the number of PERPs MEPs increased, extreme parties have won the elections in France and Denmark, and for the first time there will be openly neo-Nazi parties in the parliament. The overview of election results, formation of alliances, and data on the activity of PERPs in the previous EP mandate enables us to recognize the influence of these parties on European politics. The analysis shows that, as in the previous EP mandate, the PERPs in the new one are not going to have a strong influence on the policies of the EP due to the variety of ideologies and consequent inability to form strong alliances and act cohesively as parliamentary groups. The PERPs are going to have representatives mostly in the group of non-attached MEPs, which means they are entitled to less public funds and have smaller influence. However, their increase in number could enable them to delay decision-making processes and express their extreme worldviews even more effectively. Their populism based on the exclusion of the Other is the reason these parties focus on immigration and ethnic minority issues and express anti-Islamic views. Racist discourses, which are not condemned or are even reproduced by mainstream parties, represent a threat to the European democracy.
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Fung, Timothy K.F.; Choi, Doo Hun; Scheufele, Dietram A.; Shaw, Bret R.
2014-01-01
Using an experiment embedded within a representative survey, this study examined the interactive effect of party identification and risk/benefit perception on public opinion about biofuels. Democrats tended to be more supportive of biofuels than Republicans. However, the effect of party identification on opinion about biofuels varied when individuals considered the risk/benefit of biofuels in different domains. Individuals who reported greater affiliation with the Democratic Party were likely to support funding biofuels research when primed with the economic risks or the social/ethical benefits of biofuels. For those who considered the social/ethical benefits of biofuels, more self-identified Democrats were likely to support biofuels production and use. However, more self-identified Democrats were less supportive of biofuels production and use when they considered the political risks of biofuels. Implications are discussed. - Highlights: • We examined public opinion about biofuels policies. • Effect of risk/benefit perception varied across respondents' party identification. • Democrats favored more research when considering economic risks or social benefits. • Democrats favored biofuels more when considering social benefits. • Democrats favored biofuels less when considering political risks
The politics of welfare state retrenchment
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Starke, Peter
2006-01-01
Welfare state retrenchment is widely seen as a highly unpopular endeavour and, therefore, as politically difficult to pursue. This assumption has underpinned most of the political science research on this issue, notably Paul Pierson's seminal contributions about the 'new politics of the welfare...... state'. Yet, the question remains why and under what circumstances cutbacks take place in highly developed welfare states despite these formidable political obstacles. This article reviews the literature on the politics of retrenchment, namely on the impact of socio-economic problem pressure, political...... parties, political institutions, welfare state structures and ideas. Most authors agree that socio-economic problems - particularly domestic problems - contribute to an atmosphere of 'permanent austerity' which inspires cutbacks. Moreover, according to most scholars, the extent of retrenchment possible...
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Wilfredo LOZANO
2011-03-01
Full Text Available Se analizan las transformaciones de los partidos políticos y del sistema de partidos, tras la desaparición de los líderes fundadores de los tres principales partidos políticos modernos: Bosch (PLD, Peña Gómez (PRD y Balaguer (PRSC. Se analizan los procesos constitutivos del sistema de partidos y los estilos de liderazgo. Se discute la relación del sistema de partidos con el Estado, destacando su ascendiente neopatrimonialista y la función del clientelismo. Finalmente, se proponen algunas notas destacando el proceso de formación de una élite neopatrimonialista y el manejo clientelar de la política electoral.The analysis of transformation of political parties as well as the party system have taken place after the disappearance of the three mayor political leaders and founders of the three most important modern political parties: Bosch (PLD, Peña Gómez (PRD and Balaguer (PRSC. The constituent process of party system and leadership styles have been studied. The relationship between party systems and the State have been discussed, emphasizing its neopatrimonialist ascending and clientelism performance. Finally, a few notes have been provided in order to address the development of a neopatrimonialist elite and clientelistic management of electoral politics.
Lichtenegger, Klaus; Hadzibeganovic, Tarik
2016-01-01
We propose a continuous process opinion formation model to study the dynamics of a multi-level relationship between voters, political parties, and facts in two-party democratic elections. In our model, opinions can take any real value between two extremes and an unaligned, moderate opinion state without a preference. Starting with a random opinion configuration, individual voter opinions evolve and change over time due to self-reflection, inter-personal communication, external media influence, and noise. Parties are influenced by their own ideologies, facts, and voters’ opinions. Elections are held periodically and the party that is closer in opinion to the majority of voters forms the new government. The government policy is then expected to be in proximity to the voter opinions and the policies of the currently ruling political party. We analyze the tension of opinions as a measure of how dramatically opinions can disagree within a given sample of voters and the success of the government and parties as the degree of coincidence between the policies and facts. Our model generates realistic quasi-periodic alternations between incumbents and challengers that are typical for two-party systems. Moreover, our model shows that relative to other voters’ strategies, conscious voting can lead to more successful governments of not only fact-oriented but also pragmatic and balanced political parties, irrespective of the strategies of the competing opposition parties. In addition, our simulations uncover several interesting features including less victories for strictly ideological or fact-oriented parties unless they include some aspects of populism or pragmatism. In this sense, our model can also describe situations where election outcomes are not necessarily based on votes for the current programs of competing parties and their placement on relevant issues, but instead result from voters’ dissatisfaction with the previous government and the votes against it.
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Dariusz Magier
2017-05-01
Full Text Available Local Party Labor Centers were created in January 1982, in connection with reorganization of assignments of the Polish United Workers’ Party in the new socio-political situation after the declaration of martial law in Poland. The article present this element of the complex bureaucratic structure, holding dictatorial authority in the party, by describing its political history and documentary legacy from the archival perspective. The laboratory example is the Local Party Labor Center in Radzyń Podlaski. The author set himself a task to describe what was the role of the Center in the Polish communist party – a formation so characteristic for the last decade of existence of the Party. The LPLCs were not elective statutory bodies of the PUWP, but they were a bureaucratic structure, that served an advisory and coordination function towards basic levels of the communist party. The LPLC in Radzyń Podlaski was one of four such formations created in the Bielsk Podlaski Voivodeship, and its area of action were counties from the period before the administrative reform in 1975. The scope of the Center were district committees of the PUWP situated in Czemierniki, Drelów, Kąkolewnica, Komarówka Podlaska, Międzyrzec Podlaski, Ulan, Wohyń; the Town Committee in Międzyrzec Podlaski and the Town-Distric Committee in Radzyń Podlaski. Archival materials of theLPLC in Radzyń Podlaski were transmitted on September 2, 1992 with documentation created by the County, the District, the Town and the Town-Disctrict Committee from 1950 to 1989. The materials were scattered. In 2007–2008 fonds of this documentation were recognized and in 2011 the materials of the LPLC were arranged and described in the State Archive in Lublin, Branch in Radzyń Podlaski.
Reconsidering Gender and Women in Politics
Lilijana ČIČKARIĆ
2015-01-01
The most common problems that are placed in the center of the study of political representation are related to the following questions - why do not more women in legislative bodies always result in a policy that is gender sensitive and receptive to women? Why does the statistical presence of women not facilitate their cooperation and coalition among representatives of different political parties? The key issue is that higher inclusion of women in political bodies, has to result in changing th...
From text to political positions: The convergence of political, linguistic and discourse analysis
van Elfrinkhof, A.M.E.; Maks, I.; Kaal, A.R.; Kaal, A.R.; Maks, I.; van Elfrinkhof, A.M.E.
2014-01-01
Abstract: This chapter explores how three methods of political text analysis can complement each other to differentiate parties in detail. A word-frequency method and corpus linguistic techniques are joined by critical discourse analysis in an attempt to assess the ideological relation between
Peculiarities of functioning of opposition political parties in modern Russia
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Y. V. Malyavin
2017-07-01
It has been proven that the political opposition does not take into account the mentality of Russians, their aspiration not to the mild model of Western democracy but to the host leader, the defender of the Motherland from external threat. Whereas, the ruling elite and its leader successfully and effectively implement this image in practice, and despite the deterioration of economic indicators, they get the support among the population. Consequently, the political opposition of Russia is immature and primary controlled by the current government.
Catalan brinkmanship tool for political rivalry in Spain
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Górnicka Weronika
2017-12-01
Full Text Available The aim of this article is to analyze the independence activities undertaken by the Catalan government in the context of the brinkmanship strategy and the assumptions of game theory based on “the game of chicken”. It allows us to put the issue of Catalan’s claims in a different context than to refer to political, historical or cultural grounds for self-determination. By adopting this approach to the problem and putting it in the field of political competition at central and national level, it is possible to expose the elements that treat the whole problem as a political game, rather than a real endeavor to reach a consensus between the parties and finally solve the problem. In addition, from the point of view of party interests, it is beneficial that the problem of Catalan independence, absorbing much public attention, continues to function in the political sphere and in the consciousness of the people.
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Christophe Jaffrelot
2009-03-01
Full Text Available After the socio-political crisis that had resulted from the Mandal affair in 1990, no central government in India had any inclination to relaunch affirmative action programmes for fifteen years. The government that was formed after the 2004 elections resuscitated this question by committing itself to apply positive discrimination programmes in favour of the lower castes and the tribes in the private sector and in the domain of higher education. This move stems from the political strategy of the Congress party which aspires to regain some popularity among the plebeians and from the pressure exerted by the leftist component of the ruling coalition (the communists as well as regional parties. It has generated a lot of hostility from the business community, the upper caste students and the judiciary, but most of the opposition parties have approved this decision lest to alienate large chunks of the voters. As a result, the government has given up the idea of applying its policy to the private sector but it has had a bill passed in parliament for reserving 27% of the seats in the higher education system to the lower castesAprès la crise qu’avait constitué l’Affaire Mandal en 1990, les questions de discrimination positive ont été mises entre parenthèses en Inde au niveau du gouvernement central pendant quinze ans. Le nouveau pouvoir issu des élections de 2004 a remis cette problématique à l’ordre du jour en s’engageant à étendre la politique des quotas en faveur des castes inférieures et des tribus au secteur privé et à l’enseignement supérieur. Cette démarche s’explique à la fois par la tactique électorale du Congrès qui cherche à reprendre pied, politiquement, parmi la plèbe et par l’aiguillon que constituent les partis de gauche (communistes ou régionaux au sein de la coalition parlementaire. Elle a suscité l’hostilité des milieux d’affaires, des étudiants de haute caste et des juges mais la plupart des
Women Making Politics in Rural Senegal
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Prag, Ebbe
Since the Senegalese local elections in 1996, women have increasingly entered the local political arena in rural councils and municipalities. This book addresses the question of how women act politically, what interests they defend and how they influence resource allocation. The author argues...... that structural changes have opened space for resourceful women to enter local politics. However women's mobilisation does not radically break with the clientelist and factional dynamics of Senegalese politics. Women leaders often start their career in party politics as result of co-optation by male political...... leaders, but they do not continue as passive objects of male manipulation. Senegalese female politicians demonstrate that they are capable of taking up political positions using the local women's groups and the Women's Federation as political backyard and support. They create networks that can...
Two-party secret key distribution via a modified quantum secret sharing protocol.
Grice, W P; Evans, P G; Lawrie, B; Legré, M; Lougovski, P; Ray, W; Williams, B P; Qi, B; Smith, A M
2015-03-23
We present and demonstrate a novel protocol for distributing secret keys between two and only two parties based on N-party single-qubit Quantum Secret Sharing (QSS). We demonstrate our new protocol with N = 3 parties using phase-encoded photons. We show that any two out of N parties can build a secret key based on partial information from each other and with collaboration from the remaining N - 2 parties. Our implementation allows for an accessible transition between N-party QSS and arbitrary two party QKD without modification of hardware. In addition, our approach significantly reduces the number of resources such as single photon detectors, lasers and dark fiber connections needed to implement QKD.
Understanding Group/Party Affiliation Using Social Networks and Agent-Based Modeling
Campbell, Kenyth
2012-01-01
The dynamics of group affiliation and group dispersion is a concept that is most often studied in order for political candidates to better understand the most efficient way to conduct their campaigns. While political campaigning in the United States is a very hot topic that most politicians analyze and study, the concept of group/party affiliation presents its own area of study that producers very interesting results. One tool for examining party affiliation on a large scale is agent-based modeling (ABM), a paradigm in the modeling and simulation (M&S) field perfectly suited for aggregating individual behaviors to observe large swaths of a population. For this study agent based modeling was used in order to look at a community of agents and determine what factors can affect the group/party affiliation patterns that are present. In the agent-based model that was used for this experiment many factors were present but two main factors were used to determine the results. The results of this study show that it is possible to use agent-based modeling to explore group/party affiliation and construct a model that can mimic real world events. More importantly, the model in the study allows for the results found in a smaller community to be translated into larger experiments to determine if the results will remain present on a much larger scale.
The Political Socialization of Adolescent Children of Immigrants*
Humphries, Melissa; Muller, Chandra; Schiller, Kathryn S.
2013-01-01
Objectives This study aims to evaluate the adolescent political socialization processes that predict political participation in young adulthood, and whether these processes are different for children of immigrants compared to white 3rd-plus generation adolescents. We focus on socialization agents based in the family, community and school. Methods We use a nationally representative longitudinal survey of adolescents to evaluate the predictors of three measures of political participation: Voter registration, voting, and political party identification, and whether the process leading to political participation varies by immigrant status and race/ethnic group. Results We find that the parental education level of adolescents is not as predictive for many minority children of immigrants compared to white children of native-born parents for registration. Additionally, the academic rigor of the courses taken in high school has a greater positive estimated effect on the likelihood of registration and party identification for Latino children of immigrants compared to white 3rd-plus generation young adults. Conclusions The process of general integration into U.S. society for adolescent children of immigrants may lead to differing pathways to political participation in young adulthood, with certain aspects of their schooling experience having particular importance in developing political participation behaviors. PMID:24489413
Muslim Political Elite and the Revival of the Left in Indonesian Politics (1996-2001
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Ahmad Suhelmi
2006-12-01
Full Text Available Abstract: Based upon elite interviews, document analysis and library research, this study analyses the responses of the Indonesian Muslim political elite to the phenomena of the emergence of the alleged communist Partai Rakyat Demokratik (People’s Democratic Party and the flourishing of the Leftist books in Indonesia during 1996-2001 which is one of the most critical historical phases in Indonesian politics that witnessed significant political changes affecting the life of Indonesians in general and Muslims in particular. The adverse responses of most Muslim political elite to the revival of the Left are basically driven by the interweaving of theological, historical and political factors as well as traumatic historical experience. With the passage of time, there have been significant changes, and strained relations between Islamic political groups and the Leftists have thawed but not eliminated.
Political transition of Albania 1985-1991
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Brunilda Duriçi
2017-03-01
Full Text Available Political transition of Albania is a phenomenon that started since the death of Enver Hoxha, the dictator of communist regime in Albania. After the death of Enver Hoxha on 11 April 1985, Ramiz Alia was appointed as his successor, who for 40 years had been at Enver Hoxha’s side as his most trusted man. He succeeded Hoxha for nearly 6 years believing that he would maintain the communist system. Ramiz Alia came on duty as the head of the Albanian state when the economic situation was very precarious. Political and economic legacy led by Hoxha was almost miserable. The country had the severest political system throughout the communist bloc. In a political point of view, the country’s new leader was elected precisely to continue the political legacy of former leader Hoxha. Ramiz Alia was forced to take immediate measures to change the degraded situation. He undertook several reforms to improve the situation in the country. Among other things, Alia expressed the equality of Albanian citizens, freedoms and human rights. Events were passing each other, marking a great historical importance. Among other things, Alia approved the political pluralism giving way to significant social changes. Echoes of these events and the positive developments in the country do not remain outside the attention of internationals. The arrival of political pluralism and the establishment of Democratic Party, the first opposition party in the country and other political entities exposed the European dream of Albanians. Massive movements in the form of protests and rallies, aimed at overturning the communist regime in the country Main objective of this paper is the analysis of the Political transition of Albania 1985-1991.
Church parties in the Arian controversy: problems of typologization
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Georgy Zakharov
2017-12-01
Full Text Available The article is devoted to the problems of typologization of the church parties of the 4th century. This historical phenomenon arises within the framework of a long church conflict, called the Arian crisis. The designations of the church parties used by contemporaries are polemical concepts and do not correspond to the self-consciousness of their supporters. In the early Christian heresiological tradition and in the modern historiography, the basis of church parties’ classification is their theological position. However, it is necessary to take into account other consolidating factors, such as Eucharistic communion and church-political activity. The formation of church parties, as a rule, was directly related to the development of the synodal institution. Analysis of sources in the 4th century allows us to distinguish, in addition to the extensive currents - macro-parties - claiming a universal or regional consensus based on the heritage of one of the representative and authoritative councils, some small consolidated groups - micro-parties, which gather for little councils and constantly coordinate their actions within the ecclesiastical confrontation. Micro-parties could exist both within the limits of macro-party, in many respects determining the trends of it’s development, and beyond it’s boundaries. In the latter case, it is actually a marginal church group rallied around one or more extraordinary theologian, sometimes even without the episcopal rank.
The Youth and Political Ideology in Ghanaian Politics: The Case of ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
The youth of Ghana have played an important role in both local and national politics since the inception of the Fourth Republic. Among other things, they have served as the foot-soldiers and channels through which party manifestoes have been transmitted to the electorate and polling agents during registration and voting ...
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Dr. Fahri SAKAL
2007-11-01
Full Text Available There had been some policy changes of the Republican People’s Party(CHP in the period of transition from one-party system to multi party system in Turkey. The Speeches of Hilmi Uran who was considered second man in CHP had full of examples regarding policy changes. Uran had appeared to be a politician who was ready to acknowledge the principals of multi party system. Some changes carried out by H. Uran, such as alliance with the USA, introduction of religious course in public schools, awareness for Soviet and left wing threats, the virtues o democracy.
Memories of war: Sources of Vietnam veteran pro- and antiwar political attitudes
David Flores
2014-01-01
The sources of political attitudes are among the most studied phenomena of modern politics. Moving away from the traditional focus on party systems, the demographic characteristics of voters, or political socialization, I consider instead how memory and narrative shape political consciousness. Specifically, I focus on how culturally sanctioned memories of warfare...
Economic and Political Liberalization in Tanzania and its ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
With the onset of globalization one-party state regimes were forced to liberalize politically and economically. Liberalization was seen as beneficial for it opened up both the political and economic space for all actors in the development process. Liberalization was embraced because of its perceived advantages to all sections ...
Stitching together the heterogeneous party: A complementary social data science experiment
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Anders Blok
2017-11-01
Full Text Available The era of ‘big data’ studies and computational social science has recently given rise to a number of realignments within and beyond the social sciences, where otherwise distinct data formats – digital, numerical, ethnographic, visual, etc. – rub off and emerge from one another in new ways. This article chronicles the collaboration between a team of anthropologists and sociologists, who worked together for one week in an experimental attempt to combine ‘big’ transactional and ‘small’ ethnographic data formats. Our collaboration is part of a larger cross-disciplinary project carried out at the Danish Technical University (DTU, where high-resolution transactional data from smartphones allows for recordings of social networks amongst a freshman class (N = 800. With a parallel deployment of ethnographic fieldwork among the DTU students, this research set-up raises a number of questions concerning how to assemble disparate ‘data-worlds’ and to what epistemological and political effects? To address these questions, a specific social event – a lively student party – was singled out from the broader DTU dataset. Our experimental collaboration used recordings of Bluetooth signals between students’ phones to visualize the ebb and flow of social intensities at the DTU party, juxtaposing these with ethnographic field-notes on shifting party atmospheres. Tracing and reflecting on the process of combining heterogeneous data, the article offers a concrete case of how a ‘stitching together’ of digital and ethnographic data-worlds might take place.
Constituency Orientation in Irish Politics
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Kusche, Isabel
2017-01-01
The constituency orientation of Irish politicians is a recurring topic in Irish political science. Its analysis has predominantly focused on TDs. This article uses a content analysis of candidate video statements in the general election 2016 in order to assess the strength of constituency...... this pattern, indicated by the weak constituency orientation in Dublin and Cork constituencies. Results also indicate differences between parties and some political statuses, while the gender of the candidates is of no relevance. Although the material does not permit a clear distinction between effects...... of political culture and short-term considerations, taken together the results indicate that localism in Irish politics matters, but in more complicated ways than usually depicted....
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Ormrod, Robert P.
2011-01-01
This paper provides the first literature review of work using Lees-Marshment’s product-oriented party (POP), salesoriented party (SOP) and market-oriented party (MOP) process models with the aims of assessing the models’ usefulness to academics, practitioners and educators. This is motivated...... by an urgent need to evaluate models that claim to balance explanatory power, practical applicability and pedagogic value. Our literature review demonstrates that although the process models can be used in a classroom setting, empirical results are ambivalent as to the usefulness and even existence of the MOP...
The politics of mining in the Northern Territory
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Heatley, A.
1983-01-01
Of the three issues which have dominated the politics of mining in the Northern Territory, Australia, only the question of mineral royalties has in any way been resolved. The debate on uranium has been conducted on two levels, the first relating to the establishment of the policy and administrative framework and the application of land rights procedures, and the second concerning the inter-party dispute on uranium mining. Some consideration is given to Commonwealth policy and actions as responsibility for mining policy in the Territory is divided. Attitudes of the political parties, trade unions, the mining industry, Aborigines and the general community are noted
Testing with Values: the Refugee Problem and Political Prospects of the “Alternative for Germany”
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Алена Васильевна Федина
2018-12-01
Full Text Available The article analyses the reasons for the electoral success of the “Alternative for Germany” party at the federal and state levels in 2016-2017. Looking at the ideological spectrum of German political parties through the research lens of a two-dimensional coordinate system that, alongside the traditional ideological dimension includes the value axis, the author points out the fact that the problem of the refugees, which appeals to the values of the nation, perplexed German parties, as the choice of a particular strategy in regard to the refugees involved high risks of losing a significant number of votes. As a result, those parties, which managed to clearly articulate their system of values, above all the “Alternative”, benefited from this situation. The author states that the rise of the “Alternative” was caused by the “value vacuum” in the party life in Germany stemming from the progressive “open-door” refugee policy introduced by Chancellor Merkel in order to resolve the European refugee crisis. Much consideration is given to the reasons that led the CDU to adopt such an unusual strategy for a predominantly centrist party. In conclusion the author suggests that, in spite of its electoral success, political influence of the “Alternative” will be seriously limited by the unwillingness on the part of other parties to establish contacts and build inter-party ties with an inexperienced political player, which is prone to neglect the achievements of German democracy and does not fit into the framework of modern political mainstream. From the other hand, the tightening of the immigration policy weakens the protest potential of German voters.
Judging Political Hearts and Minds: How Political Dynamics Drive Social Judgments.
Cornwell, James F M; Bajger, Allison T; Higgins, E Tory
2015-08-01
We investigated how judgments of political messengers depend upon what would benefit one's preferred candidate. In Study 1a, participants were asked to evaluate the warmth and competence of the writer of a pro- or anti-Obama political message for the 2012 presidential election (Obama/warm; Romney/competent). When judging the messages, warmth was emphasized by Democrats and competence by Republicans. Study 1b replicated these effects for messages about Romney as well. Study 2 examined the 2004 presidential election where perceptions of the party candidates' warmth and competence reversed (Bush/warm; Kerry/competent). There competence was emphasized by Democrats and warmth by Republicans. Study 3 showed that varying the warmth and competence of each party's prospective candidates for the 2016 election influences whether warmth or competence is emphasized by Democrats or Republicans. Thus, differences between Republicans and Democrats in emphasizing warmth or competence reflect a dynamic motivated cognition that is tailored to benefit their preferred candidate. © 2015 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc.
Political conversations on Facebook
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Sørensen, Mads P.
2016-01-01
Political conversations are according to theories on deliberative democracy essential to well-functioning democracies. Traditionally these conversations have taken place in face-to-face settings, in e.g. party meetings and town meetings. However, social media such as Facebook and Twitter offers new...... possibilities for online political conversations between citizens and politicians. This paper examines the presence on Facebook and Twitter of Members of the Danish national Parliament, the Folketing, and focusses on a quantitative mapping of the political conversation activities taking place in the threads...... following Facebook posts from Danish Members of Parliament (MPs). The paper shows that, in comparison with previous findings from other countries, Danish MPs have a relatively high degree of engagement in political conversations with citizens on Facebook – and that a large number of citizens follow MPs...
The use of stereotypes and individuating information in political person perception.
Crawford, Jarret T; Jussim, Lee; Madon, Stephanie; Cain, Thomas R; Stevens, Sean T
2011-04-01
This article introduces the political person perception model, which identifies conditions under which perceivers rely on stereotypes (party membership), individuating information (issue position), or both in political person perception. Three studies supported the model's predictions. Study 1 showed that perceivers gave primacy to target information that was narrowly relevant to a judgment, whether that information was stereotypic or individuating. Study 2 found that perceivers relied exclusively on individuating information when it was narrowly relevant to the judgment and relied on both stereotype and individuating information when individuating information was not narrowly relevant to the judgment but did imply a political ideology. Study 3 replicated these findings in a more ecologically valid context and showed that people relied on party information in the absence of narrowly relevant policy positions and when individuating information did not imply a political ideology. Implications for political person perception and theories of stereotyping are discussed.
An outline for Serbian political tradition in the work of Slobodan Jovanović
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Bazić Jovan R.
2016-01-01
Full Text Available The paper presents considerations of the research on the Serbian political tradition in the work of Slobodan Jovanović (1869-1958, a famous Serbian lawyer, historian, writer and politician, who had a very important role in the development of the Serbian political thought. His work is extensive and varied, but in essence, it relates to the whole of political life in Serbia in the second half of the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century. Almost all the elements that make up the Serbian political tradition can be observed in his work. All these elements are contained in the discussion of political institutions in the 19th century Serbia, the rule of the Obrenović dynasty, political parties and party leaders, political ideas and movements in Serbia and Yugoslavia, extreme political behavior and Serbian national character. Jovanović found the origins of Serbian political tradition in the epic poetry and the Kosovo myth, as well as in the poetry of Njegoš. This was a decisive factor in the formation of general ideas about the Serbs as a freedom-loving, heroic and justice-loving people. At the same time, this is where the origins of the idea of Serbs as a disunited nation can be found. Jovanović paid the greatest attention to issues concerning the content of Serbian political tradition, namely: constitutional system, political institutions, parliamentary life, inter-party struggles, political events, the role of the individual in politics and culture, authoritarianism and political violence. He pointed to the political ideas that were coming from the West and which were accepted with mistrust by the patriarchal Serbian society. He appreciated the role of political parties in the democratization of political life, but he also warned of the dangers that threatened national unity: party favouritism and intolerance. In the analyses of the Serbian national character, Jovanović was of the opinion that the Serbs are predominantly a
Elazar, D S
2000-09-01
This study examines the determination of the Italian Fascists' extra-parliamentary, para-military, violent strategy. What were the effects of the socialists' political strategy, relying on electoral democracy, on the creation and strategy of the Fascist Action Squads? A comparison among Italy's 69 provinces, based on quantitative and qualitative historical evidence reveals a distinct pattern in the Fascists' violence. They attacked mainly provinces where the Socialists enjoyed the greatest electoral support. This pattern was a product of two historical processes: (a) the threat of the Socialist party to the landlords' economic and political hegemony, and (b) the landlords' tradition of militant anti-worker organization which culminated in their alliance with the Fascists. The Fascists' struggle for, and takeover of, political power was not an immanent historical necessity. It was first and foremost an anti-socialist reaction. It was shaped both 'from below', by the political power and radicalism of the PSI and the para-military capacity of the Fascist Squads; and 'from above', by the active support the Fascists received from the landlords and the state. Supported by organized landlords and blessed with the authorities' benevolence, the Squads were able to destroy - physically and politically - the legitimately constituted provincial governments of the Socialists. The alliance with the landlords determined the Squads' almost exclusive attacks on Socialist provincial strongholds that constituted the greatest threat to the landlords' interests, while provinces dominated by the ruling Liberal party were excluded from the Squads' path of 'punitive expeditions'.
Perceiving Promotion Activities İn Politic Marketing By Gazi University’ Students
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Ahmet ÇATLI
2013-06-01
Full Text Available Political parties determine the marketing strategies about affecting electors, who have customer property. What, when and how do they want? After they can meet these wantings, needs and can subordinate other parties. Promotion activities also can be defined as election drive, is an mix of marketing. But as the seen changing of electors' wantings also in politic marketing, kinds and variations of promotion activities, especially in our technological age are more important than classic promotions. With this project inquiry work that consists of 9 parts also has done to know about how the university students are affected and which promotion activities affect the students more. İnquiry appliers are students in University of Gazi TTEF. In the inquiry, questioned to students that students' gender, incomes, the place they live, their enroling in political parties, being affected by promotion activities, if they are affected, by which promotion activity and how much they are affected, advertsement, public relations,personal marketing and marketing development.
Political Dynamics Affected by Turncoats
Di Salvo, Rosa; Gorgone, Matteo; Oliveri, Francesco
2017-11-01
An operatorial theoretical model based on raising and lowering fermionic operators for the description of the dynamics of a political system consisting of macro-groups affected by turncoat-like behaviors is presented. The analysis of the party system dynamics is carried on by combining the action of a suitable quadratic Hamiltonian operator with specific rules (depending on the variations of the mean values of the observables) able to adjust periodically the conservative model to the political environment.
Czech Academy of Sciences Publication Activity Database
Linek, Lukáš; Rakušanová, Petra
2005-01-01
Roč. 41, č. 3 (2005), s. 423-442 ISSN 0038-0288 Institutional research plan: CEZ:AV0Z70280505 Keywords : parliamentary party groups * Czech political parties * voting Subject RIV: AO - Sociology, Demography Impact factor: 0.113, year: 2005
De Nooy, W.; Kleinnijenhuis, J.
2013-01-01
In multiparty election campaigns, many political parties and candidates compete for media attention, voters, and a government majority. Negative campaigning, which is often newsworthy, is an attractive strategy in the competition for media attention. However, political support for another party
de Nooy, W.; Kleinnijenhuis, J.
2013-01-01
In multiparty election campaigns, many political parties and candidates compete for media attention, voters, and a government majority. Negative campaigning, which is often newsworthy, is an attractive strategy in the competition for media attention. However, political support for another party
Understanding Political Will in Groundwater Management: Comparing Yemen and Ethiopia
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Frank van Steenbergen
2015-02-01
Full Text Available This paper explores the role of politics in water management, in particular, comparing groundwater management in Yemen and Ethiopia. It tries to understand the precise meaning of the often-quoted term 'political will' in these different contexts and compares the autocratic and oligarchic system in Yemen with the dominant party 'developmental state' in Ethiopia. The links between these political systems and the institutional domain are described as well as the actual management of groundwater on the ground. Whereas the Ethiopian state is characterised by the use of hard power and soft ideational power, the system in Yemen relies at most on soft negotiating power. There is a strong link between the political system, the positioning of different parties and access to power, the role of central and local governments, the propensity to plan and vision, the effectiveness of government organisations, the extent of corruption, the influence of informal governance mechanisms, the scope for private initiative and the political interest in groundwater management and development in general. More important than political will per se is political capacity – the ability to implement and regulate.
Public Attitudes towards Parties in Portugal: A Longitudinal Overview
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Conceição Pequito Teixeira
2011-06-01
Full Text Available This article reviews the case of the often claimed “crisis of parties” in Portugal, and argues that such controversy rests at least in part on “ambiguous” evidence. We will try to answer two fundamental research questions: 1 What motivates popular support for political parties (or lack thereof? 2 Why does antiparty rhetoric resonate with some citizens, but not with others? The empirical data and statistical regression models used allow the following conclusion: in the eyes of Portuguese citizens, parties have become a kind of “necessary evil”, being criticized for “what they actually do” and supported for “what they are supposed to do”.
Economic Conditions affect Support for Prime Minister Parties in Scandinavia
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Larsen, Martin Vinæs
2016-01-01
between unemployment, economic growth and support for prime minister parties is re-examined in two datasets. The first is a dataset of Scandinavian elections, and the second is a yearly Danish vote function, which was constructed using election polls. Across both datasets, it is found that if one simply......Previous research has not been able to identify a relationship between objective economic indicators and support for governing parties in the Scandinavian countries. This is potentially problematic, as it suggests that political leaders are not held electorally accountable for the economic...... correlates support for the prime minister's party with economic conditions, there is no relationship; however, if one specifies a statistical model, which takes the Scandinavian context into account, it is possible to identify a statistically significant effect of economic conditions on electoral support...
Provincial–regional ANC politics in the Northern Cape: corruption or everyday informal practices?
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Thina Nzo
2017-04-01
Full Text Available Research over the last decade on local government in South Africa has highlighted that some municipal councils under the political leadership of the Africa National Congress (ANC have shown weak political leadership, coupled with strong patronage systems, rent-seeking and corruption which have had an impact on the institutional functionality of municipalities in South Africa. Although patronage politics have been predominantly used to analyse the dynamics of post-apartheid local government ANC politics and councillor representation, this prevents us from understanding the representational focus of ANC councillors in decision-making processes. This paper offers an ethnographic insight into experiences of ANC councillors and the political complexities involved in council decision-making. Using ethnographic research, this paper will analyse how a political decision by the ANC provincial party, which was supported by the ANC regional party at local level – to erect a statue of Nelson Mandela in one of the municipalities in the Northern Cape – generated tensions amongst ANC councillors who strongly viewed their primary role as promoters of better ‘service delivery’ rather than approving the allocation of scarce municipal resources for erecting a statue. The paper reveals how the dominant presence of ANC sub-regional structures at local level contribute to the complex interaction of both ANC party political and municipal organisational rules and norms that influence and shape councillors’ choices in decision-making.
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Akbaba Sertan
2014-06-01
Full Text Available The article explores Euroscepticism and the way it is utilized within the politics of Europe, analyzed upon evidence from a Eurosceptic Euro-party located in the European Parliament, namely the European Conservatives and Reformists Group (ECR. The aim of this article is to clarify that the selected party> disproves the argument of EU- criticism being an unfavourable condition, and, more importantly, its contribution to the political contestation in the EU. For such an assessment, a survey of the party> manifesto, party working documents, as well as the discourses of the Member of the European Parliament (MEPs will be analyzed, and the concept of Euroscepticism will be once again in the centre of this analysis. This argument is evaluated based on the transnational-level analysis of the aforementioned party, focusing primarily on three specific issues-the democratic deficit, the issue of sovereignty! and anti-immigration rhetoric.
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Hana Hurtíková
2017-06-01
Full Text Available This article explores the meaning of valence-framing theory in political communication. It examines the influence of valence frames on the formation of political attitudes among the public. The valence-framing effect is derived from the information context value (positive, negative and applies if people’s attitudes towards a certain subject match the context value of the information received. The article presents a case study of reports during the crisis of Mirek Topolánek’s government in the Czech Republic in 2009. It examines to what extent the context of the statements on the Czech news concerning the parliamentary parties Civic Democratic Party (ODS, leader Mirek Topolánek and the Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD, leader Jiří Paroubek related to the existing political attitudes of their prospective audiences. The article argues that the valence-framing effect was more evident in the public broadcasting programme Události ČT than the commercial programme Televizní noviny, a paradox which can be explained by the unique link between the attributes of the Czech media environment and the political opinions of their viewers.
The msi and the role of fascism in Italian political culture
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Ferran GALLEGO
2013-05-01
Full Text Available This paper analyzes the role of the italian social movement in Italy (MSI in the twentieth century. The key to understand its influence would lie in the peculiarities of the political regime emerged from the ruins of fascism. With the proclamation of the republic many fascists enrolled in the ranks of the christian Democrats and other parties of the right, leaving the MSI as sole heir of fascism. That did not stop working with the christian Democrats through the strategy of «inserimento». When the christian Democrats began their approach to the italian socialist Party, the MSI was clearly excluded and located in a relatively marginal position. Its later resurgence may be explained considering the radical changes in italian politics in the sixties and seventies; circumstances which favoured the arrival of Giorgio Almirante as leader of MSI in 1969. In that period, the MSI presented itself as the political party of restored order and ready to fight subversion (communist itself. During the 80s, the MSI moved between the ‘strategy-Party Protest’ leaded by Almirante and the idea of a ‘civil society Party’ defended by Rauti. In the end, the MSI, after the change of leadership of Almirante by Gianfranco Fini, began a new path which stated loyalty to the values of fascism, strengthened by the crisis of communism. This MSI new discourse eased its growth in circumstances in which the traditional parties and the Italian Republican system as a whole were practically about to collapse. Subsequently, the post-fascist Alianza Nacional emerged; a political formation which later on merged into Forza Italia, leaded by Silvio Berlusconi.
Partisan Elites as Culprits? How Party Cues Shape Partisan Perceptual Gaps
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Bisgaard, Martin; Slothuus, Rune
2018-01-01
Partisanship often colors how citizens perceive real-world conditions. For example, an oft-documented finding is that citizens tend to view the state of the national economy more positively if their party holds office. These partisan perceptual gaps are usually taken as a result of citizens’ own...... motivated reasoning to defend their party identity. However, little is known about the extent to which perceptual gaps are shaped by one of the most important forces in politics: partisan elites. With two studies focusing on perceptions of the economy—a quasi-experimental panel study and a randomized...
Party choice and family influence in the age of modernity
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Kristensen, Niels Nørgaard; Solhaug, Trond
2017-01-01
they wish to constitute themselves as. In this process, upbringing and cultural background are less predominant, which lead to the hypothesis that; young people’s choice of party as first time voters is first and foremost a result of their self-reflections and search for their political self. A selection...
Gender Advantage in Single-member Districts: The Mexican Elections of 2012
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Alberto PENADÉS DE LA CRUZ
2014-03-01
Full Text Available Data from Mexican elections in 2012 show that, in single member districts, men obtain electoral advantage over women. This cannot be explained away by the different level of political experience nor by selection bias on the part of parties while nominating candidates in districts of different expected votes. It concludes there is voter bias in favor of male candidates. It is also shown the existence of additional selection bias on the part of parties, and a potential explanation based on gender-neutral seat maximization is discarded. The electoral advantage is weaker when candidates are experienced, which supports the present use of gender quotas.
Party Control, Party Competition and Public Service Performance
Boyne, George Alexander; James, O.; John, P.; Petrovsky, Nicolai
2012-01-01
This article assesses party effects on the performance of public services. A policy-seeking model, hypothesizing that left and right party control affects performance, and an instrumental model, where all parties strive to raise performance, are presented. The framework also suggests a mixed model in which party effects are contingent on party competition, with parties raising performance as increasing party competition places their control of government at increasing risk. These models are t...
Brazilian Democracy and the Power of “Old” Theories of Party Competition
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Fabiano Santos
2008-06-01
Full Text Available Brazilian politics has been usually analyzed as a case full of pathologies by scholars and political journalists alike. Fragmentation, volatility, clientelism and inefficiency have become bywords for describing the performance of Brazil’s political institutions. As a counter to this view, this work argues that the country’s democracy in the post-1988 period presents enough evidence in favor of classical hypotheses about electoral politics in the contemporary worlds, theories that invariably are based on premises of rationality in the behavior of voters and political parties. These theories include the median voter theorem, Duverger’s law on the mechanical and psychological effects of electoral systems, and the model of retrospective voting. The article also contends that the passing of time has contributed to make Brazilian politics more rational and efficient in the mould of older democracies.
Why invest in wind energy? Career incentives and Chinese renewable energy politics
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Cao, Xun; Kleit, Andrew; Liu, Chuyu
2016-01-01
We study wind development at the provincial level in China, modelling installed wind capacities as a function of both economics and politics. We assume that the top provincial officials desire to maximize their chances of promotion under the Chinese cadre evaluation system. We expect that those with the strongest incentives to perform in order to achieve promotion would work harder to comply with the central government’s policy agenda to promote renewable energy. Collecting and testing data on provincial leaders’ characteristics, we find that provinces governed by party secretaries who were approaching the age of 65 are associated with significantly higher level of wind installed capacities. This result supports the political tournaments theory of Chinese politics. We also find that better educated party secretaries are likely to be more supportive of renewable energy, implying that education acts to encourage provincial leaders to support the central government’s policy. - Highlights: • No negative association between fossil fuel production and wind energy development. • Provinces with party secretaries approaching the age of 65 have more installed capacities. • Better educated party secretaries are likely to be more supportive of renewable energy.
Democracy and Multiparty Politics in Africa Recent Elections in ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
The shift from one-party to multiparty politics in many African countries has made the issue of democratisation a crucially equally important part of the development agenda. Efforts to create an economically enabling environment and build administrative and other capacities will be wasted if the political context is not ...
Northern Ghana women in national politics: Biographies of Lydia ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
Although material has been scarce, it is intended that the re/presentation here will create space for deeper and broader sharing on their and other life-stories. Keywords: Politics, Women Parliamentarians, Life-story, Biographies, Political Party Studies in Gender and Development in Africa Vol. 1 (1) 2007: pp. 132-139 ...
[The advantages of a third party in the “work organization” of head nurses.
Dujardin, Pierre-Philippe; Valette, Annick; Reverdy, Thomas; François, Patrice
The organisation of production of care is a task that requires three different levels of competence: operational, structural and learning skills. The organisational requirements (OR) of the Head Nurse (HN) are often centered on the operational level, to the detriment of the other two levels. This difficulty is due to the organisation which presents limited political, cognitive and pragmatic levels of rationality.The aim of this study was to identify the impact of a third party in relation to the organisation and its effect on the HN's OR. An educational device places HN students in the position of a third party to allow them to work on an organisational problem delegated by a HN. The research-intervention followed 17 projects over a period of one year.Intervention by a third party legitimised the problem by recognizing the difficulties in nursing and reconfiguring relations between healthcare professionals in a political dimension. The methods employed by the third party reassured the HN and completed their knowledge, placing particular focus on the importance of methodology and managerial posture. In practice, the third party supported the HN's power to act and coordinate the various members of the team. The third party contributes to the development of the HN's OR and completes certain limits of the HN's rationality. Nevertheless, difficulties still remain in the development of practices outside the medical team, limiting the extension to other services.A unit managerial support, a collective schedule and open spaces of discussion are recommended to bring structure and support to the OR.
Dolezal, Martin; Ennser-Jedenastik, Laurenz; Müller, Wolfgang C
2017-11-01
Negative campaigning presents parties with a collective action problem. While parties would prefer to have their competitors attacked, potential backlash effects from negative messages mean that individual politicians typically lack the incentives to carry out such attacks. We theorize that parties solve this problem by implementing a division of labour that takes into account the incentives of individual office holders, their availability for campaign activity, and media relevance. Drawing on these arguments we expect that holders of high public office and party leaders are less likely to issue attacks, leaving the bulk of the 'dirty work' to be carried out by party floor leaders and general secretaries. Examining almost 8000 press releases issued by over 600 individual politicians during four election campaigns in Austria, we find strong support for our theoretical expectations.
Models of political public relations: Testing the situation in Catalonia
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Dr. Jordi Xifra Triadú
2008-01-01
Full Text Available The idea that political communication strategies are an application of marketing strategies to political field is today commonly shared by specialists. For them public relations is viewed like a set of techniques that serves political parties and other actors of the political scene, concentrated on media relations. This instrumental perspective is not in keeping with structural dimension of public relations in political activity and communication of his actors: political parties, pressure groups and political leaders. In this point of view, during managing periods of governance or opposition and during electoral campaigns, the most applied communication form by political parties is structured in accordance with the major public relations models: press agent model, public information model, two way asymmetrical model, and two way symmetrical model. This research prove hypothesis in Catalonia according the results of a quantitative survey focused on inside professionals who provide services for the seven main political parties in this Spanish Autonomous Community.RESUMEN:La idea de que las estrategias de comunicación política constituyen una aplicación de las estrategias del marketing al ámbito político es hoy comúnmente compartida por los analistas. Para éstos, las relaciones públicas son percibidas como un conjunto de técnicas al servicio de los partidos políticos y de otros actores de la escena política concentradas en las relaciones con la prensa. Esta perspectiva instrumental no concuerda con la dimensión estructural de las relaciones públicas en la actividad política y comunicativa de sus actores: partidos políticos, grupos de presión y líderes. Desde este punto de vista, tanto en los periodos de gestión u oposición como en los electorales, la forma comunicativa más aplicada por los partidos políticos se estructura de acuerdo con los modelos tradicionales de las relaciones públicas: agente de prensa, información p
Getting closer: the effects of personalized and interactive online political communication
Kruikemeier, S.; van Noort, G.; Vliegenthart, R.; de Vreese, C.H.
2013-01-01
Political parties and politicians increasingly use the possibilities of the Internet to communicate interactively with citizens and vice versa. The Internet also offers opportunities for individual politicians to profile themselves. These developments are often said to bring politics closer to
Bayraktutan, Günseli; Binark, Mutlu; Çomu, Tuğrul; Doğu, Burak; İslamoğlu, Gözde; Telli Aydemir, Aslı
2012-01-01
This study is a part of a comprehensive research supported by TÜBİTAK SOBAG (The Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey - Social Sciences and Humanities Research Grant Group), which investigates with quantitative and qualitative methods the practices involved in the usage of the social media by political parties and political party leaders as a channel/area for political communication. The aim for this study is to demonstrate, within the framework of the developing citizenshi...
Multi-party quantum key agreement with five-qubit brown states
Cai, Tao; Jiang, Min; Cao, Gang
2018-05-01
In this paper, we propose a multi-party quantum key agreement protocol with five-qubit brown states and single-qubit measurements. Our multi-party protocol ensures each participant to contribute equally to the agreement key. Each party performs three single-qubit unitary operations on three qubits of each brown state. Finally, by measuring brown states and decoding the measurement results, all participants can negotiate a shared secret key without classical bits exchange between them. With the analysis of security, our protocol demonstrates that it can resist against both outsider and participant attacks. Compared with other schemes, it also possesses a higher information efficiency. In terms of physical operation, it requires single-qubit measurements only which weakens the hardware requirements of participant and has a better operating flexibility.
Kemmelmeier, Markus
2007-01-01
Researchers have established a relationship between political orientation and cognitive styles (A. Chirumbolo, 2002; J. T. Jost, J. Glaser, A. W. Kruglanski, & F. Sulloway, 2003a, 2003b; M. Kemmelmeier, 1997). In this article, the author examined whether this finding is true in the political elite, whether the relationship is linear or curvilinear, and whether interest in politics moderates the relationship between political orientation and cognitive styles. He used a 1966 sample of American foreign policy officials (N = 95) to examine the relationship between self-described conservatism and party identification and individual differences in rigidity and dogmatism. Rigidity was related to self-described conservatism, but this relationship was only significant among participants high in political interest, whereas dogmatism was unconditionally related to party identification. All relationships were linear and did not contain a curvilinear component.
Partisan optimism and political bargaining
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Jensen, Thomas; Madum, Andreas
2017-01-01
to explore the implications of partisan optimism for political bargaining. We show that increased optimism among a partisan group leads to a stronger bargaining position for their party, but may hurt its electoral prospects. Another main finding is that even high levels of partisan optimism do...
A Typology of Political Participation Online
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Dutceac Segesten, Anamaria; Bossetta, Michael
2017-01-01
This study investigates how, and to what extent, citizens use Twitter as a platform for political mobilization in an electoral context. Conceptualizing political participation as a process, we develop a typology of political participation designed to isolate mobilizing calls for action from...... the rest of the political discussion online. Based on Twitter data collected one week prior to the 2015 British general election, we then identify the top 100 most retweeted accounts using the hashtag #GE2015, classify them by actor type, and perform a content analysis of their Twitter posts according...... to our typology. Our results show that that citizens – not political parties – are the primary initiators and sharers of political calls for action leading up to the election. However, this finding is largely due to an uneven distribution of citizen-driven mobilizing activity. A small number of highly...
Political and judicial checks on corruption
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Alt, James E.; Lassen, David Dreyer
2008-01-01
This paper investigates the effects of checks and balances on corruption. Within a presidential system, effective separation of powers is achieved under a divided government, with the executive and legislative branches being controlled by different political parties. When government is unified...
Syrian Issue in the Discourses of Political Leaders
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Yusuf Devran
2016-11-01
Full Text Available Syrian conflict as a part of social movements called as Arab Spring has been turned into a civil war. As a result of this Turkey has come to face with the biggest refugee crisis of its entire history. Thus political parties have used different discourses on Syrian conflict and refugee crisis according to new social, economical and political conditions. In this paper political discourses used by Turkish political leaders between 2011-2015 are examined in the context of their politics for Syrian conflict and refugees. The main goal of this work is to contribute to a better contemplation on the Syrian conflict and refugee crisis by ascertaining political parties’ approaches.
Recent Economic Perspectives on Political Economy, Part II*
Dewan, Torun; Shepsle, Kenneth A.
2013-01-01
In recent years some of the best theoretical work on the political economy of political institutions and processes has begun surfacing outside the political science mainstream in high quality economics journals. This two-part paper surveys these contributions from a recent five-year period. In Part I, the focus is on elections, voting and information aggregation, followed by treatments of parties, candidates, and coalitions. In Part II, papers on economic performance and redistribution, constitutional design, and incentives, institutions, and the quality of political elites are discussed. Part II concludes with a discussion of the methodological bases common to economics and political science, the way economists have used political science research, and some new themes and arbitrage opportunities. PMID:23606754
The construction of Uhuru party group identity in Zimbabwe: a ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
The ZANU-PF concept of Chimurenga is heterogeneous as it draws upon various other ideologies, such as Maoism, and the dogma of 'the children of the soil'. That heterogeneity is homogenized so as to enable the party to portray itself as perfect deliverer and guarantor of Black liberation, and rival political formations as ...
A conceptual model of political market orientation
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Ormrod, Robert P.
2005-01-01
. The remaining four constructs are attitudinal, designed to capture the awareness of members to the activities and importance of stakeholder groups in society, both internal and external to the organisation. The model not only allows the level of a party's political market orientation to be assessed, but also......This article proposes eight constructs of a conceptual model of political market orientation, taking inspiration from the business and political marketing literature. Four of the constructs are 'behavioural' in that they aim to describe the process of how information flows through the organisation...
The radical right parties under the economic crisis: The Greek case
Georgiadou, V.; Kafe, A.; Nezi, Roula
2012-01-01
Nowadays a new wave of socio-political disenchantment is emerging in most European countries due to the economic crisis. Exceptional examples among them are protest movements in Spain, Portugal, Greece, or even the UK. In the era of the economic crisis do the populist radical right parties continue
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Jakob Svensson
2012-12-01
Full Text Available The elections 2010 were the first in Sweden where social media platforms were used to a large extent by politicians and parties in their campaigns. In this paper we follow the liberal parliamentarian Nina Larsson, who in tandem with traditional election campaigning used social media platforms with the guidance of a local communication agency, Hello Clarice. The paper is theoretically grounded in an understanding of our time as late modern, of social media use as expressive and web campaigning as to large extent revolving around image-management. The research question that will be attended to in this paper is how Nina Larsson used social media platforms in her campaign negotiate the image of herself. The methods used for empirical data-gathering are inspired by (nethnography, with both participant observation online and offline, interviews as well as content analyses of Nina's social media postings. Results indicate that she used social media platforms to control her political image, to amplify selected text - texts that often originated in offline/broadcast media – and to negotiate a position within the Liberal Party rather than to deliberate with potential voters.
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Vedran Obućina
2011-01-01
Full Text Available Economic and social crises provide an opportunity for protest parties to raise their voices and to win new positions in the political arena. Many analysts deem that the parties of the radical Right gained momentum exactly with the protests by citizens against globalisation, economic deprivation and the impact of the economic crisis. A more detailed study of the radicalisation of politics reveals that the simplification of this thesis does not have a particularly strong justification. In the absence of clear methodologies, political scientists and other social scientists seek to formulate theories based on empirical research. One of the frequent theoretical frameworks is the attitude of populist parties toward the socio-economic situation in the country. According to this thesis, in the period of a global crisis, the percentage of voters of radical political options increases, mostly out of protest, and not as an anti-systemic phenomenon. This paper also examines the situation in Central Europe, as well as the outcomes of this year's elections in Hungary, Latvia and Slovakia as countries with a strong radical Right. By analysing the cases of these countries, the author seeks to establish whether the socio-economic theory can be applied, or whether these countries are facing greater challenges to liberal democracy posed by the far-right pole.
Student Representation and Multiparty Politics in African Higher Education
Luescher-Mamashela, Thierry M.; Mugume, Taabo
2014-01-01
The transition from one-party rule and other forms of authoritarianism to multiparty democracy in the 1990s has had a profound impact on the organisation and role of student politics in Africa. Against the background of student involvement in African politics in the twentieth century, leading up to student participation in Africa's "second…
Populism and Anti-Establishment Politics in Kosovo: A Case Study of Lëvizja Vetëvendosje
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Bilge Yabanci
2016-12-01
Full Text Available Few studies have systematically examined the rising political and social unrest in the Balkans. This paper investigates the local dynamics and consequences of widespread anti-establishment discontent in Kosovo through the analytical framework of populism. By focusing on the case of Lëvizja Vetëvendosje (LVV, the paper sets out to consider two related questions: the unique populist style of the LVV and the complex reasons behind its electoral breakthrough and continuing support among various groups. Based on a qualitative documentary analysis of the party programme, manifesto, party publications, speeches of the leadership and interviews, the paper finds that the LVV successfully melds a populist political style, leftist/social democratic agenda and contentious politics as a means to disperse its message. The second part of the article offers three arguments to explain its appeal: structural factors (electoral availability and party system, societal dynamics (political and economic dissatisfaction and the agency of the LVV (internal organisation, cohesion and leadership. The article contributes to the thriving literature on populism through a novel empirical scope, and to the literature on Southeast Europe through a focus on local agency, voter preferences and party system.
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Catalina Mititelu
2013-08-01
Full Text Available According to the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights adopted by the United Nations, in 1966, the human being who enjoy his civil and political rights, enjoy in fact that “humanitas dignitas” (human dignity, since these rights derive from this. That is why this Covenant stipulated that the States parties are obligated to assure both the recognitions of these rights and their exercise and juridical protection.
Attentional Selection in a Cocktail Party Environment Can Be Decoded from Single-Trial EEG
O'Sullivan, James A.; Power, Alan J.; Mesgarani, Nima; Rajaram, Siddharth; Foxe, John J.; Shinn-Cunningham, Barbara G.; Slaney, Malcolm; Shamma, Shihab A.; Lalor, Edmund C.
2015-01-01
How humans solve the cocktail party problem remains unknown. However, progress has been made recently thanks to the realization that cortical activity tracks the amplitude envelope of speech. This has led to the development of regression methods for studying the neurophysiology of continuous speech. One such method, known as stimulus-reconstruction, has been successfully utilized with cortical surface recordings and magnetoencephalography (MEG). However, the former is invasive and gives a relatively restricted view of processing along the auditory hierarchy, whereas the latter is expensive and rare. Thus it would be extremely useful for research in many populations if stimulus-reconstruction was effective using electroencephalography (EEG), a widely available and inexpensive technology. Here we show that single-trial (≈60 s) unaveraged EEG data can be decoded to determine attentional selection in a naturalistic multispeaker environment. Furthermore, we show a significant correlation between our EEG-based measure of attention and performance on a high-level attention task. In addition, by attempting to decode attention at individual latencies, we identify neural processing at ∼200 ms as being critical for solving the cocktail party problem. These findings open up new avenues for studying the ongoing dynamics of cognition using EEG and for developing effective and natural brain–computer interfaces. PMID:24429136
Getting to grips with election night forecasting: Predicting the unpredictable world of politics
CSIR Research Space (South Africa)
Holloway, Jennifer P
2009-04-23
Full Text Available , it is an exhilarating experience being at the IEC's headquarters during the elections. "The whole building is abuzz, with political parties and media representatives all having their own booths and swarming around the floor. We have found that the smaller parties... with. Election night forecasting Predicting the unpredictable world of politics On 22 April 2009, after the voting population has used its right to cast its individual votes in the fourth democratic elections of South Africa, a team...
Exploring Affordances of Facebook as a Social Media Platform in Political Campaigning
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Jensen, Tina Blegind; Dyrby, Signe
2013-01-01
In recent years we have witnessed political parties adopting social media as part of their election campaign strategy to encourage citizen participation and involvement. The purpose of this paper is to investigate what Facebook as a social media platform is perceived to afford political parties...... in their campaign strategy and how these intentions are reflected in the actual actions during the campaign. Based on a case study of political parties’ use of Facebook in the Danish general election in 2011, our findings reveal that the medium is perceived to afford: 1) facilitation of direct communication...... to promote political interests and enable dialogue, 2) projection of an image of authenticity through informal media and 3) creating interaction and involvement through dynamic relationships with supporters. A closer look at the parties’ actual use of Facebook shows that the majority of the intended...
Comparative Party System Analysis in Central and Eastern Europe: the Case of the Baltic States
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Tõnis Saarts
2011-11-01
Full Text Available The nature of the party systems in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE has puzzled many scholars. High instability of the party systems and their specific evolution makes the application of theoretical models designed predominately for Western European party politics problematic. The paper puts forward the argument that we should further elaborate and specify the models for a small N comparative party system analysis in CEE countries and to incorporate some region specific components into the framework. The essential dimensions included into proposed comparative framework are as follows: (1 the stability of the party system, (2 party system fragmentation, (3 parties´ penetration into society, (4 the ideology and origins of the major parties, (5 the dominant cleavage constellations framing the party competition (6 the strength of the party organizations. The above-mentioned dimensions are expected to capture the most important aspects that make the difference between the party systems in general, and each dimension is complemented with the specific additional variables suitable for party system analysis in CEE in particular. The framework will be tested on the Baltic States, which party systems are often regarded to be very similar to each other. However, the analysis will demonstrate that based on the above-mentioned framework, very significant and noteworthy differences will be revealed.
Nation vs. region: tensions in Venezuela’s post-collapse party system
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Iñaki SAGARZAZU
2011-11-01
Full Text Available The collapse of the Venezuelan party system stirred controversy because it was considered one of the most consolidated political systems of Latin America. Several studies have analyzed the causes that contributed to this collapse. None, however, have studied the restructuring process that happened later. Through a study of all the electoral processes since 1958 this article shows the existence of tensions between forces that promote nationalization and regionalization strategies. With this analysis it’s possible to understand that partisan strategy has been essential in the nationalization/regionalization process of the different post-collapse parties.
The French Election Marks The End Of France's Traditional Parties
Perrineau, Pascal
2017-01-01
For the first time in more than 60 years, the republic’s top presidential candidates don’t belong to either of the major parties. After an unprecedented electoral campaign characterized by multiple political upheavals, the first round of France’s presidential elections has confirmed that the republic is in the midst of a radical renewal. [First paragraphs
The Connection Between the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union and the Prohibition Party
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Adam Chamberlain
2016-12-01
Full Text Available Scholars have long been interested in the complementary relationships forged by membership groups and political parties. The post-bellum period presents an opportunity to consider these connections using a case study of two groups concerned with the ills of alcohol, the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU and the Prohibition Party. Our analysis of presidential elections from 1876 to 1900 reveals that—although women were disenfranchised at the time—the WCTU’s organization and infrastructure was essential to early Prohibition Party success. In 1884, the first election after the two created a formal alliance in 1882, the strength of the WCTU helped the party grow its voter base. However, the two slowly diverged over how to achieve prohibition, and this relationship dissipated; there is little evidence of any significant connection between the groups after 1884. This supports the proposition that a shared means of accomplishing goals is an essential element of an effective group–party partnership.
Rally as a Political Public Relations Strategy for Public Acceptance ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
This study examines the assessment of the use of rally as a political public relations strategy for public acceptance of a political party during the 2015 presidential elections in Lagos State. Public relations uses tactical methods of communication to build relations between an organisation and its internal and external publics.
Processing political misinformation: comprehending the Trump phenomenon
Berinsky, Adam J.; Ecker, Ullrich K. H.
2017-01-01
This study investigated the cognitive processing of true and false political information. Specifically, it examined the impact of source credibility on the assessment of veracity when information comes from a polarizing source (Experiment 1), and effectiveness of explanations when they come from one's own political party or an opposition party (Experiment 2). These experiments were conducted prior to the 2016 Presidential election. Participants rated their belief in factual and incorrect statements that President Trump made on the campaign trail; facts were subsequently affirmed and misinformation retracted. Participants then re-rated their belief immediately or after a delay. Experiment 1 found that (i) if information was attributed to Trump, Republican supporters of Trump believed it more than if it was presented without attribution, whereas the opposite was true for Democrats and (ii) although Trump supporters reduced their belief in misinformation items following a correction, they did not change their voting preferences. Experiment 2 revealed that the explanation's source had relatively little impact, and belief updating was more influenced by perceived credibility of the individual initially purporting the information. These findings suggest that people use political figures as a heuristic to guide evaluation of what is true or false, yet do not necessarily insist on veracity as a prerequisite for supporting political candidates. PMID:28405366
Processing political misinformation: comprehending the Trump phenomenon.
Swire, Briony; Berinsky, Adam J; Lewandowsky, Stephan; Ecker, Ullrich K H
2017-03-01
This study investigated the cognitive processing of true and false political information. Specifically, it examined the impact of source credibility on the assessment of veracity when information comes from a polarizing source (Experiment 1), and effectiveness of explanations when they come from one's own political party or an opposition party (Experiment 2). These experiments were conducted prior to the 2016 Presidential election. Participants rated their belief in factual and incorrect statements that President Trump made on the campaign trail; facts were subsequently affirmed and misinformation retracted. Participants then re-rated their belief immediately or after a delay. Experiment 1 found that (i) if information was attributed to Trump, Republican supporters of Trump believed it more than if it was presented without attribution, whereas the opposite was true for Democrats and (ii) although Trump supporters reduced their belief in misinformation items following a correction, they did not change their voting preferences. Experiment 2 revealed that the explanation's source had relatively little impact, and belief updating was more influenced by perceived credibility of the individual initially purporting the information. These findings suggest that people use political figures as a heuristic to guide evaluation of what is true or false, yet do not necessarily insist on veracity as a prerequisite for supporting political candidates.
Mandel, David R.; Omorogbe, Philip
2014-01-01
Previous research finds that Republicans report being happier or more satisfied with their lives than Democrats. Using representative American samples from 2002, 2005, 2007, 2009, and 2010, we tested a Person × Situation interactionist account in which political affiliation (Democrat, Republican) and political climate (favorable when the president in office is of the same party) are proposed to affect past, present, and anticipated future life satisfaction. Meta-analyses of related tests of key hypotheses confirmed that (a) life satisfaction was greater when the political climate was favorable rather than unfavorable and (b) Republicans were more sensitive to political climate than Democrats. As predicted, Republicans also were more politically polarized than Democrats. Taken together, the findings indicate that, compared to Democrats, Republicans are more apt to self-identify in political terms, and core aspects of their subjective well-being are more easily affected by the outcome of political events. PMID:24901253
Market Reform, Programmatic (DeAlignment and Party System Stability in Latin America
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Kenneth M. ROBERTS
2013-07-01
Full Text Available Although democratic regimes in Latin America since the early 1980s have been surprisingly durable, party systems in much of the region continue to experience very high levels of electoral instability. A critical juncture approach to institutional change suggests that variation in party system stability is related to the impact of market liberalization in the 1980s and 90s on the programmatic alignment –or (dealignment– of partisan competition. Market reforms that were adopted by conservative leaders and opposed by a major leftist rival aligned party systems programmatically, allowing societal opposition to be channeled into institutionalized forms of competition that were highly stable in the post-adjustment era. By contrast, «bait-and-switch» reforms adopted by populist or leftist leaders were programmatically de-aligning for party systems, leaving them vulnerable to highly destabilizing reactive sequences in the aftermath to the reform process-including mass social protests, the demise of historic conservative parties, and the outflanking of traditional populist or leftist parties by more radical, anti-neoliberal outsiders. The political dynamics of market-based economic adjustment thus heavily conditioned the ways in which party systems would process the post-adjustment revival of populist and leftist alternatives in the region.
The African Political Business Cycle: varieties of Experience
Mosley, P.; Chiripanhura, B.
2012-01-01
We seek to understand both the incidence and the impact of the African political business cycle in the light of a literature which has argued that, with major extensions of democracy since the 1990s, the cycle has both become more intense and has made African political systems more fragile. With the help of country-case studies, we argue, first, that the African political business cycle is not homogeneous, and is rarely encountered in so-called ‘dominant-party systems’ where a pre-election st...
The Political Economy of Recent Economic Growth in India
Raghbendra Jha
2004-01-01
The political economy of India’s economic growth is an issue of abiding interest. Higher and sustained economic growth has, all over the world, been the surest and most time tested means of raising living standards and reducing poverty. Further, given that it is a functioning democracy, economic policy in India can often be dictated by political expediency as political parties indulge in competitive populism in the face of improvements in social indicators such as literacy, infant mortality a...
The South African Communist Party and the collapse of the Soviet Union
Ellis, S.D.K.
1992-01-01
Sum.: For 40 years (1950-1990) the South African Communist Party (SACP) was banned by a government that represented international communism as the source of all political evil. The conditions of exile go some way towards explaining the SACP's continuing attachment to Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy. As
Political Ideology, Trust, and Cooperation
Balliet, Daniel; Tybur, Joshua M.; Wu, Junhui; Antonellis, Christian; Van Lange, Paul A. M.
2016-01-01
Theories suggest that political ideology relates to cooperation, with conservatives being more likely to pursue selfish outcomes, and liberals more likely to pursue egalitarian outcomes. In study 1, we examine how political ideology and political party affiliation (Republican vs. Democrat) predict cooperation with a partner who self-identifies as Republican or Democrat in two samples before (n = 362) and after (n = 366) the 2012 US presidential election. Liberals show slightly more concern for their partners’ outcomes compared to conservatives (study 1), and in study 2 this relation is supported by a meta-analysis (r = .15). However, in study 1, political ideology did not relate to cooperation in general. Both Republicans and Democrats extend more cooperation to their in-group relative to the out-group, and this is explained by expectations of cooperation from in-group versus out-group members. We discuss the relation between political ideology and cooperation within and between groups. PMID:29593363
Rethinking Political Legitimacy: Citizen Inclusion and Social Digital ...
International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)
documenting the practices that users of social media develop to influence the public sphere; ... political parties, and mass communication media) perceive and respond to citizen-based actions generated by social media. ... Related content ...
eParticipation for Political Education: Challenges and Opportunities
Maier-Rabler, Ursula; Neumayer, Christina
This paper argues, that the incorporation of eParticipation into political education at schools will broaden the chances of young people for political and societal engagement and strengthen civil society of a country or state. Frustration with traditional party politics especially of the younger generation is increasing in contemporary society. Since the voting age in Austria was lowered to 16, new ways of learning for political education by utilizing information and communication technologies (ICTs) that have the potential to increase participation of young people are considered. However, Austrian young people are not yet educated in developing and expressing political perspectives and therefore not prepared for actively taking part in politics. Exemplified on the project Polipedia.at, a collaborative online textbook on political education, this paper aims to give recommendations from a social science perspective for integration of ICTs into political education in order to enhance political participation of youth.
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Oskar SKOMSKI
2017-11-01
Full Text Available The main assumption of this paper is to analyse the Sejm elections of 2015 results. The authors conducted a simulation study regarding the single-member constituencies in the election to the Polish Parliament, basing the research on the election results facilitated by National Electoral Commission as well as the specific data provided by Central Statistical Office. The division of Poland into 460 single-member constituencies was mapped by the authors (those maps do not include the district divisions in the cities, as the agglomerations’ division is problematic. Obtained results indicate to the marginalization of the Polish political scene – plural voting would preclude the election victories of the secondary political parties and civil rights movements.
POLITICAL ISLAM IN THE 21ST CENTURY
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Ferran Izquierdo Brichs
2011-04-01
Full Text Available Since the 1980s, political Islam or Islamism has created enormous concern both in the political media and the news media. The revolution in Iran in the late 1970s and the election victory by FIS in Algeria in the late 1980s represented two decisive points in the popular and ideological mobilisation by Islamist groups. Immediately after that, the civil war in Algeria and terrorist violence left their mark on the 1990s. The perception of Islamism today is still associated, in many cases, with the dynamics of the end of the past century, and with the jihadism of a few fundamentalist groups, without taking into account the fact that the majority of Islamist groups have undergone an enormous evolution, and that the context in which they are operating is also very different. As we will see, instead of the jihadism or the ideological radicalness of the past century, today’s political Islam is much better represented by the moderation (both ideological and in terms of political activity of Turkey’s AKP party, the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Morocco’s PJD, Tunisia’s al-Nahdah and most of the parties and large groups. Central factors in this dynamic of moderation are, on one hand, the link between Islamist groups with regimes and, on the other, the claims for and acceptance of liberal democracy as a strategy in their political struggle.
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C. M.
2007-01-01
an integrated construct of political marketing strategy which is exemplified by the derivation of hypotheses of the relationships between organizational stances on the one hand, and attitudinal and behavioural aspects of political market orientation on the other. We propose two levels of hypotheses: Firstly......Recently, the areas of strategic political marketing as well as political market orientation have been the subject of several conceptual articles (e.g., Henneberg 2006a; O'Cass 1996; Ormrod 2005, 2007). These have laid the theoretical foundations for further empirical work (e.g., Henneberg 2006b; O......'Cass 1996, 2001a, 2001b; Ormrod et al. 2007; Ormrod and Henneberg 2008 forthcoming). However, despite the close conceptual relatedness between some of these concepts they have yet to be integrated to provide a more nuanced picture which researchers but also political marketing practitioners can utilise...
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Guadalupe Martínez Fuentes
2011-04-01
Full Text Available One of the key points in the future of today’s political transition in Tunisia lies in the Islamists’ willingness to cooperate with the rest of the political parties to promote political change, as well as their electoral performance in the next elections. The aim of this article is to help reduce uncertainty on this issue, by clarifying its antecedents. With this aim, the author adopts as the article’s area of study the strategic-relational dimensions of Tunisia’s Islamist party’s performance in elections. With this in mind, the author analyses the types of interaction that the Islamist party maintained in the presidential elections of 2004 and 2009 with the other political and social parties that were critical of the Ben Ali regime, and examines its causes. As a result of this, the study concludes that up to now, both the party’s alignment with certain secular political and social actors from the structure of opposition to the Ben Ali regime, and its policy of confrontation with certain others, has not been based on any programmatic issue, nor on any issues of sensitivity or religious conception, but rather on the struggle to head political change and to lead a new government.
Baray, Gamze; Postmes, Tom; Jetten, Jolanda
2009-12-01
This paper introduces the concept of self-defining groups to explain how personal and social aspects of identity relate to each other among members of an extreme right-wing political party. Two studies were conducted. Study 1 examined how affiliation with a social group that has clear-cut, rigid norms and values affects the personal and social self-concept. Participants were members of a (self-defining) Turkish nationalist organisation (N=66) and a control group of Turkish university students (N=58). Paradoxically, high levels of national identification were associated with stronger personal identity. Study 2 used the same participant population (N=177) and manipulated self-focused attention by means of a mirror. Self-aware members reported the highest levels of identification with the nationalist organisation. Results suggest that members of this groups show no signs of 'vanishing individuality': although boundaries between personal and social identities are blurred, extremist group members retain a distinct and strengthened sense of personal identity. This raises some interesting questions for the concept of personal identity and how it can be informed by the content of one's social identity.
How Politics Shapes the Growth of Rules
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Jakobsen, Mads Leth Felsager; Mortensen, Peter Bjerre
2015-01-01
when, why, and how political factors shape changes in the stock of rules. Furthermore, we test these hypotheses on a unique, new data set based on all Danish primary legislation and administrative rules from 1989 to 2011 categorized into 20 different policy domains. The analysis shows......This article examines the impact of politics on governmental rule production. Traditionally, explanations of rule dynamics have focused on nonpolitical factors such as the self-evolvement of rules, environmental factors, and decision maker attributes. This article develops a set of hypotheses about...... that the traditional Weberian “rules breed rules” explanations must be supplemented with political explanations that take party ideology and changes in the political agenda into account. Moreover, the effect of political factors is indistinguishable across changes in primary laws and changes in administrative rules...
Reeves, Aaron; McKee, Martin; Stuckler, David
2016-03-01
Do print media significantly impact political attitudes and party identification? To examine this question, we draw on a rare quasi-natural experiment that occurred when The Sun, a right-leaning UK tabloid, shifted its support to the Labour party in 1997 and back to the Conservative party in 2010. We compared changes in party identification and political attitudes among Sun readers with non-readers and other newspaper readerships. We find that The Sun's endorsements were associated with a significant increase in readers' support for Labour in 1997, approximately 525,000 votes, and its switch back was associated with about 550,000 extra votes for the Conservatives in 2010. Although we observed changes in readers' party preference, there was no effect on underlying political preferences. The magnitude of these changes, about 2% of the popular vote, would have been unable to alter the outcome of the 1997 General Election, but may have affected the 2010 Election. Copyright © 2015. Published by Elsevier Inc.
Politics of climate change: a European perspective
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
O'Riordan, T.; Jaeger, Jill
1996-01-01
The Politics of Climate Change provides a critical analysis of the political, moral and legal response to climate change, in the midst of various other closely connected socio-economic policy shifts. Evolving from original EC commissioned research, it examines how climate change was put on the policy agenda with the evolution of the United Nations Framework Convention and subsequent Conference of Parties, and considers the uncertainties of climate futures in the context of changing social and industrial policies. (Author)
Kershaw, Paul; Swanson, Eric; Stucchi, Andrea
2017-06-16
The World Health Organization Commission on the Social Determinants of Health (SDoH) observes that building political will is central to all its recommendations, because governments respond to those who organize and show up. Since younger Canadians are less likely to vote or to organize in between elections, they are less effective at building political will than their older counterparts. This results in an age gap between SDoH research and government budget priorities. Whereas Global AgeWatch ranks Canada among the top countries for aging, UNICEF ranks Canada among the least generous OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries for the generations raising young children. A surgical intervention into the body politic. Guided by the "health political science" literature, the intervention builds a non-profit coalition to perform science-based, non-partisan democratic engagement to increase incentives for policy-makers to translate SDoH research about younger generations into government budget investments. All four national parties integrated policy recommendations from the intervention into their 2015 election platforms. Three referred to, or consulted with, the intervention during the election. The intervention coincided with all parties committing to the single largest annual increase in spending on families with children in over a decade. Since many population-level decisions are made in political venues, the concept of population health interventions should be broadened to include activities designed to mobilize SDoH science in the world of politics. Such interventions must engage with the power dynamics, values, interests and institutional factors that mediate the path by which science shapes government budgets.
Energy Technology Data Exchange (ETDEWEB)
Haeusler, J
1988-01-01
The book deals intensively with two interpretations of the nuclear controversy, their different approaches formulating two poles of conceivable criticism of the role of the political parties in the nuclear controversy: 1) Conservative interpretations nourish frustration over the stop of the nuclear power programme and put the blame exclusively on the political parties, so that their role appears dysfunctional in the process of technological process that is determined by the technical facts. 2) Materialistic analyses anticipate the smooth functioning of the nuclear power programme and forget about the political parties, so that their role in this approach appears to be irrelevant to the enforcement of capitalistic logics or of the interests of the nuclear power industry. An empirical criticism of the case opposes both approaches. Arguments against the one show that the political parties played a relevant role in the development of nuclear power technology in the F.R.G., and arguments against the other show that the parties' influence in the process was by no means dysfunctional. The concluding statement is that the blocking impact of the Social Democratic Party has been quite a functional one in the economic development of the nuclear power programme within the framework set by the 'Modell Deutschland'. The Social Democratic Party actually got hooked up in a dilemma in the wake of the nuclear controversy, and the book analyses the Party's current situation. (orig./HSCH).
Energy Technology Data Exchange (ETDEWEB)
Haeusler, J.
1988-01-01
The book deals intensively with two interpretations of the nuclear controversy, their different approaches formulating two poles of conceivable criticism of the role of the political parties in the nuclear controversy: 1) Conservative interpretations nourish frustration over the stop of the nuclear power programme and put the blame exclusively on the political parties, so that their role appears dysfunctional in the process of technological process that is determined by the technical facts. 2) Materialistic analyses anticipate the smooth functioning of the nuclear power programme and forget about the political parties, so that their role in this approach appears to be irrelevant to the enforcement of capitalistic logics or of the interests of the nuclear power industry. An empirical criticism of the case opposes both approaches. Arguments against the one show that the political parties played a relevant role in the development of nuclear power technology in the F.R.G., and arguments against the other show that the parties' influence in the process was by no means dysfunctional. The concluding statement is that the blocking impact of the Social Democratic Party has been quite a functional one in the economic development of the nuclear power programme within the framework set by the 'Modell Deutschland'. The Social Democratic Party actually got hooked up in a dilemma in the wake of the nuclear controversy, and the book analyses the Party's current situation. (orig./HSCH).
The politics of carbon taxation - how varieties of policy style matter
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Andersen, Mikael Skou
2018-01-01
that the share of fossil fuels in the energy mix defines the room for such taxes, nor does it point to a strong role for political partisanship. Rather, it is deep-seated patterns of national policy styles with neo-corporatist traits, providing a protective device for the open economies of small countries, which...... condition the introduction of carbon taxes. The associated routines of decision-making offer coordination mechanisms for proactive macroeconomic policies in which carbon taxation can find a place. Parliamentary democracies with proportional representation, as are common in the smaller countries, provide...... access to the government for political parties that pursue carbon taxation. These in turn sensitise larger political parties to climate concerns, as they benefit from institutionalised practices and routines for problem-solving and consensus-seeking. Carbon taxes tend to get more leeway in coordinated...
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Nord, Lars; Stur, Elisabeth
2010-11-01
The overall purpose of this paper is to investigate how the premises for the political decision processes in the issue of final disposal of the Swedish nuclear waste are affected by changes in the public opinion climate and global events. The paper therefore focuses on questions concerning how the national political debate leading up to decisions interacts with the media debate, and the public opinion dynamic that arises when the two debates relate to each other. Particular interest is devoted to the arguments and standpoints that occur in politics and media and how they refer to the prevailing public opinion situation and to conditions in the surrounding world of a political, legal, economic, ecological and technological nature. An analysis of the arenas and actors involved in the debates ought to provide valuable knowledge regarding how the political agenda has been formed at different points in time. The following questions are of central interest to the study: - What characterizes the parliamentary and the party political debate in the nuclear waste issue, and in what way have actors, standpoints and arguments changed over time? - What characterizes opinion formation and news reporting in the media in the nuclear waste issue and in what way have actors, standpoints and arguments changed over time? The course of the debate at four different times and in connection with four parliamentary elections during the period 1976-2009 is analyzed in the study. The subject of the analysis includes the four parliamentary parties the Centre Party, the Liberal Party, the Moderates and the Social Democrats. These four parties have been chosen because they have been represented in the Swedish Parliament during the entire period studied and are therefore reasonable to compare. The study has mainly been conducted as a qualitative textual analysis of public print, party documents and media content. The qualitative text analysis is complemented to some extent by other existing
Apathy, alienation and young people: the political engagement of British millennials
Fox, Stuart
2015-01-01
Conventional wisdom holds that today’s young people, often known as ‘the Millennials’, are a politically alienated generation. Their hostility towards political parties, association with protest movements, and low electoral turnout are all said to indicate their alienation from the processes and institutions of Western democracy. This conventional wisdom stands, however, on shaky ground. Previous research has given too little attention to the definition and measurement of political alienation...
Évolution des partis politiques dans le monde arabe | Page 3 | IDRC ...
International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)
Political parties in Algeria : the limits of participation ... IDRC invests in research and knowledge to empower women in India ... New website will help record vital life events to improve access to services for all. A new website and resource library will help improve developing country registration and information systems for ...
Herwartz, Helmut; Theilen, Bernd
2014-02-01
In this article, we examined if partisan ideology and electoral motives influence public healthcare expenditure (HCE) in countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. We distinguished between the effects on the growth of the expenditures and its adjustment to violations of a long-run equilibrium linking HCE with macroeconomic and demographic trends. Regarding the influence of partisan ideology, we found that if governments are sufficiently long in power, right-wing governments spend less on public health than their left-wing counterparts. Furthermore, if a right-wing party governs without coalition partners, it responds more strongly to deviations from the long-run HCE equilibrium than left-wing governments. With regard to electoral motives, we found that health expenditure increases in years of elections. Independent of their partisan ideology, single-party (minority) governments induce higher (lower) growth of public HCE. Each of these political factors by its own may increase (decrease) HCE growth by approximately one percentage point. Given an average annual growth of HCE of approximately 4.1%, political factors turn out to be important determinants of trends in public HCE. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
9 CFR 590.119 - Political activity.
2010-01-01
... 9 Animals and Animal Products 2 2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Political activity. 590.119 Section 590.119 Animals and Animal Products FOOD SAFETY AND INSPECTION SERVICE, DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE EGG... party or candidate, except as authorized by law or regulation of the Department, is prohibited. This...
Hooker, Claire; Chapman, Simon
2006-02-01
To analyse structural factors revealed by politicians that shaped legislation on tobacco control in New South Wales, 1955-95. Parliamentary debates and other records were collected. Open-ended interviews were conducted with 17 Members of Parliament (MPs) who were significantly involved, and then analysed for structural elements. Tobacco industry lobbying had a significant but limited influence on policy making, being exerted largely through social interactions with executives and based on concerns about the economic impact on third parties. MPs saw health advocates' chief functions as (1) generating community concern about the issue and support for control measures, and (2) bringing any new information to political attention, providing pro-control arguments and data through the media. Factors that delayed tobacco control policies included: the conservative stance of Premiers and major parties, commitments to unanimous federal action, and rivalry between parties. Factors that facilitated control policies included: reforms that gave the Legislative Council increased power, the use of parliamentary committees, and backbencher and grass roots support. Tobacco control policy and legislation has been the product of political structures that gave power to those MPs in the least powerful positions--minor parties, Members of the Legislative Council (MLCs), backbenchers, women and party rank and file--rather than to major parties and their executives. Advocates should make the most of their access points to the political process, providing information, arguments and support and demonstrating public opinion in favour of further control.
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Palma Peña-Jiménez, Ph.D.
2011-01-01
Full Text Available During election campaigns the political spot has a clear objective: to win votes. This message is communicated to the electorate through television and Internet, and usually presents a negative approach, which includes a direct critical message against the opponent, rather than an exposition of proposals. This article is focused on the analysis of the campaign attack video ad purposely created to encourage the disapproval of the political opponent among voters. These ads focus on discrediting the opponent, many times, through the transmission of ad hominem messages, instead of disseminating the potential of the political party and the virtues and manifesto of its candidate. The article reviews the development of the attack ad since its first appearance, which in Spain dates back to 1996, when the famous Doberman ad was broadcast, and examines the most memorable campaign attack ads.
The legislative consequences of internal conflict and inter-party divisions
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Matthias Haber
2015-06-01
Full Text Available Governments must respond quickly to pressing economic and societal problems. However, institutional rules, public opinion and unanticipated world events often delay the legislative process. Building on theories of legislative decision-making and intra-party politics, this paper shows that the speed at which bills pass is also driven by the governing party’s internal cohesiveness and its ideological distance to the opposition. Governing parties that are internally divided have greater difficulty in forming the legislative majorities necessary to pass laws quickly, especially if their preferences are further away from the opposition. I test these hypotheses using a novel collection of laws passed in the UK Parliament and conference speeches given by Labour and Conservative party members over a 10-year period. I use automated text classification techniques to determine the relative location of actors’ preferences and the level of intra-party disagreement. I then predict the duration of lawmaking based on the government’s recent internal level of conflict and its distance to the opposition. The results complement mounting evidence that parties’ internal policy divisions hold important implications for parties’ performance in government.
On Enthusiasm in Politics: 12 Hypotheses
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Valerio Romitelli
2013-12-01
Full Text Available The author suggests twelve hypothesis to revive enthusiasm as a political category and, finally, to restate the possibility of political action. The enthusiasm of the masses was in this perspective the essential political element of ''The Glorious Thirties'' following the Second War World, characterized by this tension to realize a greater social justice. It would have been also at the base of the ''Long Sixty- eight'' and of the processes of decolonization. Enthusiasm is thus thought in opposition both to the monopolistic pretension of political innovation forwarded by communist parties in the past and to the exclusive competence on political-economical decisions claimed today by democratic élite. Rethinking the enthusiasm that animated these historic sequences of the Twentieth century should offer the possibility to respond to «the sad passions» that dominate the era of neoliberal administration of global democracy.
The political context of social inequalities and health.
Navarro, V; Shi, L
2001-01-01
This analysis reflects on the importance of political parties, and the policies they implement when in government, in determining the level of equalities/inequalities in a society, the extent of the welfare state (including the level of health care coverage by the state), the employment/unemployment rate, and the level of population health. The study looks at the impact of the major political traditions in the advanced OECD countries during the golden years of capitalism (1945-1980)--social democratic, Christian democratic, liberal, and ex-fascist--in four areas: (1) the main determinants of income inequalities; (2) levels of public expenditures and health care benefits coverage; (3) public support of services to families; and (4) the level of population health as measured by infant mortality. The results indicate that political traditions more committed to redistributive policies (both economic and social) and full-employment policies, such as the social democratic parties, were generally more successful in improving the health of populations. The erroneous assumption of a conflict between social equity and economic efficiency is also discussed. The study aims at filling a void in the growing health and social inequalities literature, which rarely touches on the importance of political forces in influencing inequalities.
THE ELECTORAL FAILURE OF LIBERAL PARTIES IN CENTRAL EUROPE: A DIRECTIONAL MODEL ANALYSIS
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Alexandru VOLACU
2011-12-01
Full Text Available In this paper we provide a theoretical framework for interpreting the reiterated failure of liberal parties in a series of Central European states (namely Austria, Belgium, Germany, Luxembourg and the Netherlands. We argue that the directional model of spatial analysis elaborated by Rabinowitz and Macdonald (1989 and Macdonald, Listhaug and Rabinowitz (1991 can be an efficient instrument used for understanding why liberal parties are not able to perform as well as their opponents in elections, our hypothesis being, in consistency with the theoretical predictions made by the directional model, that political parties which ideologically diverge from the center without becoming too radical are more likely to increase their electoral percentage then parties which converge toward the ideological center. We test and partially confirm our hypothesis by comparatively studying the ideological shifts and electoral percentages of liberal parties within the 5 states mentioned above, across a period of five consecutive elections, proving that a correlation between ideological shifts and electoral percentages exists in the sense predicted by the directional model for a large majority of cases.
Translations on Eastern Europe, Political, Sociological, and Military Affairs, Number 1567.
1978-07-21
confirmation of the Porter Snob abrid/ajanie en-’? oppression-—cor ".equeneer" of the political and militar-/- relatio^a eet~b- liehed in favor of the...bold defiance to fascism. In this regard, the RCP also addressed appeals many times to the most diverse parties and political groupings and obtained
Constitutional Matrix of the Evolution of the Nigerian Political Party ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
This is true, whether one thinks of the relatively decentralized and consensual societies of the TIV or IGBO, in which political matters are discussed at length before reaching decision binding on all; or whether, as among the BINIS and HAUSAS one recalls highly centralized, authoritarian social systems. What is said of the ...
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Bochsler, Daniel
2009-01-01
voting technology are not politically neutral: Internet voters favoured political parties that receive strong support from the ethnic majority and from wealthy areas. If it is to have any effect on political participation, Internet voting seems poised to increase inequalities, rather than level them....
The changing political identity of the "Overseas Chinese" in Australian Politics
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Chongyi Feng
2011-04-01
Full Text Available This paper explores the role played by the Chinese communities in the Australian politics of multicultural democracy from the perspective of political socialisation and resocialisation. It argues that there is no such a thing as inherent “cultural values” or “national values” that differentiate ‘the Chinese” politically from the mainstream Australian society. This paper focuses on the Chinese nationalism of Han Chinese migrants in Australia. Within the “new mainland migrants” who have come to Australia directly from the PRC since the 1980s, nationalism is much weaker among the Tiananmen/ June 4 generation who experienced pro-democracy activism during their formative years in the 1980s. Nationalism is much stronger among the Post-Tiananmen Generation who are victims of the “patriotism campaign” in the 1990s when the Chinese Communist party-state sought to replace discredited communism with nationalism as the major ideology for legitimacy.
Balliet, Daniel; Tybur, Joshua M.; Wu, Junhui; Antonellis, Christian; Van Lange, Paul A.M.
2018-01-01
Theories suggest that political ideology relates to cooperation, with conservatives being more likely to pursue selfish outcomes, and liberals more likely to pursue egalitarian outcomes. In study 1, we examine how political ideology and political party affiliation (Republican vs. Democrat) predict
Third-Party Incentive Strategies and Conflict Management in Africa
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Emmanuel, Nikolas G.
2016-01-01
Dr. Nikolas Emmanuel's examines the use of an incentives approach in managing intrastate conflict in Africa because in many cases, risks and costs make applications of hard power alone unfeasible. Furthermore, simply ignoring episodes of civil conflict in the hope that they will "burn themselves...... out"� does not appear to be a viable alternative. That said, both noncoercive and coercive incentive strategies exist and have been deployed by third parties in a variety of conflict situations. Such incentives seek to manage conflict by encouraging political bargaining. The clear intention...... parties can help manage conflicts. Second, it offers a typology of the available incentive strategies, classifying them along noncoercive and coercive lines. Thus, the article outlines the possibilities offered by an incentives approach, focusing on examples drawn from recent African cases....
The Political Psychology of European Integration
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Manners, Ian James
2015-01-01
express for the EU and fellow Europeans, and the passion with which supporters of the EU argue for greater integration and enlargement are today central to understanding European integration. Being mindful of Europe - reflecting on the ways in which psychology and politics are deeply implicated in under......In an era of European crises over political legitimacy, economic austerity, and collapse of confidence in the EU the topic of European integration has be-come a very emotional subject. The anger which protestors demonstrate against economic austerity, the hate which nationalist far-right parties...
Electoral Politics in Zimbabwe: Authoritarianism Versus the People
African Journals Online (AJOL)
sulaiman.adebowale
2006-08-31
Aug 31, 2006 ... ZANU-PF party. Human rights groups in Zimbabwe report that the majority of .... both the Zimbabwe Constitution and the Electoral Act (1990) have been ... The political environment did not accord the eligible voters their basic.
Chile: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations
2010-09-22
RN) and the rightist Independent Democratic Union (Unión Demócrata Independiente , UDI). A third coalition, the “Broad Party of the Socialist Left...independents and members of the Regionalist Party of Independents (Partido Regionalista de los Independientes , PRI), who are unaffiliated with either of the...Wilde, “Piñera Won. Will he uphold Chile’s post -Pinochet moral legacy?” Christian Science Monitor, January 18, 2010. Chile: Political and Economic
Policy Responsiveness and Political Accountability in City Politics
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Anthony M. Sayers
2017-03-01
Full Text Available Peculiar patterns have emerged in municipal politics in Canada. Unlike at federal and provincial levels of government, party politics is weak or absent in cities. But looking at the entire history of municipal elections of three Western Canadian cities — Calgary, Edmonton and Vancouver — also finds that, again unlike politicians at higher levels, municipal representatives are increasingly more likely to win repeated re-elections, facing a much lower threat from any competitive challenge. In addition, the careers of municipal politicians are growing steadily longer, leading to relatively stable, almost static, city governments that tend to see change most commonly when councillors choose to step down, rather than being forced out. Such patterns, of course, run counter to the general presumption in lively democracies, including this one, that the responsiveness of government leaders (that is, following the wishes of their constituents and their accountability for the actions they take are best served by frequent turnovers in government: The need to throw politicians out every now and again to let new ones try and do things better. Whether the remarkable levels of stability and incumbency on city councils actually do serve the best interests of voters is unclear. More clear is that the lack of a party system at the city level seems to have contributed to this peculiar dynamic, and that city politicians have an interest in keeping it that way. While party affiliations provide a candidate some benefits in the form of campaign co-ordination, they also provide voters with increased clarity about what each candidate stands for policy-wise. That might be helpful to voters, but city politicians might find it more useful to blur their positions, leaving voters uncertain of exactly how to define a specific councillor’s stand, overall. The amount of information required to root through a councillor’s voting record, and the relatively light media
Pension Funds and the Politics of Ownership in Britain, c. 1970-86.
Davies, Aled
2018-04-23
The growth of occupational pensions in the post-war era transformed the pattern of capital ownership in Britain, as workers' collective retirement savings purchased a substantial share of the national economy. This article examines the response of the Labour and Conservative parties to this significant material change, and considers how it shaped their respective politics of ownership at the end of the post-war settlement. It demonstrates that Labour and the trade union movement recognized occupational pension funds as a new form of social ownership but had to reconcile their desire to give pension scheme-members direct control over their investments with a broader belief that the funds needed be used for a state-coordinated revitalization of the industrial economy. Meanwhile, the Conservative Party's initial enthusiasm for occupational pensions, which it championed for helping to create a 'property-owning democracy', was challenged by a radical neoliberal critique in the early 1980s that sought to dismantle pension funds and to individualize investment. The findings in the article assert the need for historians to situate the politics of the tumultuous 1970s and 1980s in the context of the substantial economic and social changes that had taken place during the post-war decades. These changes often created opportunities to formulate new policies and political agendas, but they also served to highlight deeper tensions within the ideologies of the main political parties.
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Jessica J Neff
Full Text Available BACKGROUND: In their 2005 study, Adamic and Glance coined the memorable phrase 'divided they blog', referring to a trend of cyberbalkanization in the political blogosphere, with liberal and conservative blogs tending to link to other blogs with a similar political slant, and not to one another. As political discussion and activity increasingly moves online, the power of framing political discourses is shifting from mass media to social media. METHODOLOGY/PRINCIPAL FINDINGS: Continued examination of political interactions online is critical, and we extend this line of research by examining the activities of political users within the Wikipedia community. First, we examined how users in Wikipedia choose to display their political affiliation. Next, we analyzed the patterns of cross-party interaction and community participation among those users proclaiming a political affiliation. In contrast to previous analyses of other social media, we did not find strong trends indicating a preference to interact with members of the same political party within the Wikipedia community. CONCLUSIONS/SIGNIFICANCE: Our results indicate that users who proclaim their political affiliation within the community tend to proclaim their identity as a 'Wikipedian' even more loudly. It seems that the shared identity of 'being Wikipedian' may be strong enough to triumph over other potentially divisive facets of personal identity, such as political affiliation.
Neff, Jessica J.; Laniado, David; Kappler, Karolin E.; Volkovich, Yana; Aragón, Pablo; Kaltenbrunner, Andreas
2013-01-01
Background In their 2005 study, Adamic and Glance coined the memorable phrase ‘divided they blog’, referring to a trend of cyberbalkanization in the political blogosphere, with liberal and conservative blogs tending to link to other blogs with a similar political slant, and not to one another. As political discussion and activity increasingly moves online, the power of framing political discourses is shifting from mass media to social media. Methodology/Principal Findings Continued examination of political interactions online is critical, and we extend this line of research by examining the activities of political users within the Wikipedia community. First, we examined how users in Wikipedia choose to display their political affiliation. Next, we analyzed the patterns of cross-party interaction and community participation among those users proclaiming a political affiliation. In contrast to previous analyses of other social media, we did not find strong trends indicating a preference to interact with members of the same political party within the Wikipedia community. Conclusions/Significance Our results indicate that users who proclaim their political affiliation within the community tend to proclaim their identity as a ‘Wikipedian’ even more loudly. It seems that the shared identity of ‘being Wikipedian’ may be strong enough to triumph over other potentially divisive facets of personal identity, such as political affiliation. PMID:23573269
Evangelical women in politics: stress between public and private
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Sandra Duarte de Souza
2015-09-01
Full Text Available The low representation of women in the Brazilian National Congress has been recurrently criticized by the feminist movements, international agencies and the parliament representatives themselves. From the 513 parliament representatives elected for the 55th legislation, 51 are women representatives, and only 10 of these are evangelical Christians. The acting of evangelical women in politics has not been a subject of interest by the academy in the field of religious and feminist studies. The present article addresses the acting of evangelical women representatives in the current Brazilian politics, taking in consideration the timid participation of women in political parties, the process of evangelical insertion into Brazilian politics and the invisible place of evangelical women on political acting in their parties, including on Legislative drafting related to the right of women. Such an approach has its theoretical basis in discussion of the public/private dichotomy, on the assumption that there is an interdependence between them, and that the social nuisance with the presence of women in the public sphere has to do with the genderization and subsequent hierarchization of such spheres. As a methodological resource, there was made a recollection of the drafts proposals of the 10 evangelical women representatives on their 6 first months of mandate during the current legislation, and also of the draft proposals during the former legislation of the reelected ones.
Political view of youth voters in surabaya
Kartikasari, M. M.; Suwanda, I. M.; Adi, A. S.
2018-01-01
In the study of political socialization, youth voters are one of the targets of political parties in obtaining constituents. This article will reveal the views of youth voters in interpreting politics. Youth voters who are the subject of the study are college students in the first year. In general, they have different social life backgrounds but are in the same environment, the life of urban people, where their involvement with information technology is high. Political knowledge of youth voters is widely gained through mass media, where information is produced based on market needs. It encourages inconsistency in the direction of thinking that develops by voters. On the one hand, politics is seen as an activity based on ideal democratic values, but on the other hand politics is also seen as a practice that focuses on winning the battle of interests. This suggests that the youth voter political views are oriented toward superficial knowledge directed more by the mass media, not from experience gained through the process of political socialization.
Spaghetti Politics: Local Electoral Systems and Alliance Structure in Italy, 1984-2001
Parigi, Paolo; Bearman, Peter S.
2008-01-01
This article describes the impact of the Italian electoral reforms of 1993 on the structure of local political alliances. The reform, which moved Italy from a purely proportional representation system to a mixed, largely majoritarian system, was designed to increase transparency, reduce corruption, limit the number of political parties, and create…
Do parties matter for local revenue policies? A comparison of Denmark and Norway
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Blom-Hansen, Jens; Monkerud, Lars Christian; Sørensen, Rune
2006-01-01
initiatives. Empirically, the question is unsettled. The paper investigates the problem by looking at three revenue policy areas (income and property taxation and user charges) in two countries (Denmark and Norway). It uses data from the municipal level and thus has several hundreds of units to compare......This paper investigates the impact of party ideology on revenue politics. Theoretically, claims can be made that party ideology should matter for revenue policies. First, leftist governments are more favorable towards government intervention and a large public sector. To accomplish this, leftist...... governments need more revenue than bourgeois governments. Second, revenue policy is a redistributive policy area well suited for ideological positioning. However, the claim that party ideology does not matter can also be made since raising revenue is unpopular, and politicians may shy away from new...
Do parties matter for local revenue policies? A comparison of Denmark and Norway
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Blom-Hansen, Jens; Monkerud, Lars Christian; Sørensen, Rune
2006-01-01
This paper investigates the impact of party ideology on revenue politics. Theoretically, claims can be made that party ideology should matter for revenue policies. First, leftist governments are more favorable towards government intervention and a large public sector. To accomplish this, leftist...... governments need more revenue than bourgeois governments. Second, revenue policy is a redistributive policy area well suited for ideological positioning. However, the claim that party ideology does not matter can also be made since raising revenue is unpopular, and politicians may shy away from new...... initiatives. Empirically, the question is unsettled. The paper investigates the problem by looking at three revenue policy areas (income and property taxation and user charges) in two countries (Denmark and Norway). It uses data from the municipal level and thus has several hundreds of units to compare...
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
John Paul Wilson
Full Text Available Previous research has shown that perceivers can accurately extract information about perceptually ambiguous group memberships from facial information alone. For example, people demonstrate above-chance accuracy in categorizing political ideology from faces. Further, they ascribe particular personality traits to faces according to political party (e.g., Republicans are dominant and mature, Democrats are likeable and trustworthy. Here, we report three studies that replicated and extended these effects. In Study 1a, we provide evidence that, in addition to showing accuracy in categorization, politically-conservative participants expressed a bias toward categorizing targets as outgroup members. In Study 1b, we replicate this relationship with a larger sample and a stimulus set consisting of faces of professional politicians. In Study 2, we find that trait ascriptions based on target political affiliation are moderated by perceiver political ideology. Specifically, although Democrats are stereotyped as more likeable and trustworthy, conservative participants rated faces that were categorized as Republicans in Study 1a as more likeable and trustworthy than faces categorized as Democrats. Thus, this paper joins a growing literature showing that it is critical to consider perceiver identity in examining perceptions of identities and traits from faces.
Wilson, John Paul; Rule, Nicholas O
2014-01-01
Previous research has shown that perceivers can accurately extract information about perceptually ambiguous group memberships from facial information alone. For example, people demonstrate above-chance accuracy in categorizing political ideology from faces. Further, they ascribe particular personality traits to faces according to political party (e.g., Republicans are dominant and mature, Democrats are likeable and trustworthy). Here, we report three studies that replicated and extended these effects. In Study 1a, we provide evidence that, in addition to showing accuracy in categorization, politically-conservative participants expressed a bias toward categorizing targets as outgroup members. In Study 1b, we replicate this relationship with a larger sample and a stimulus set consisting of faces of professional politicians. In Study 2, we find that trait ascriptions based on target political affiliation are moderated by perceiver political ideology. Specifically, although Democrats are stereotyped as more likeable and trustworthy, conservative participants rated faces that were categorized as Republicans in Study 1a as more likeable and trustworthy than faces categorized as Democrats. Thus, this paper joins a growing literature showing that it is critical to consider perceiver identity in examining perceptions of identities and traits from faces.
Wilson, John Paul; Rule, Nicholas O.
2014-01-01
Previous research has shown that perceivers can accurately extract information about perceptually ambiguous group memberships from facial information alone. For example, people demonstrate above-chance accuracy in categorizing political ideology from faces. Further, they ascribe particular personality traits to faces according to political party (e.g., Republicans are dominant and mature, Democrats are likeable and trustworthy). Here, we report three studies that replicated and extended these effects. In Study 1a, we provide evidence that, in addition to showing accuracy in categorization, politically-conservative participants expressed a bias toward categorizing targets as outgroup members. In Study 1b, we replicate this relationship with a larger sample and a stimulus set consisting of faces of professional politicians. In Study 2, we find that trait ascriptions based on target political affiliation are moderated by perceiver political ideology. Specifically, although Democrats are stereotyped as more likeable and trustworthy, conservative participants rated faces that were categorized as Republicans in Study 1a as more likeable and trustworthy than faces categorized as Democrats. Thus, this paper joins a growing literature showing that it is critical to consider perceiver identity in examining perceptions of identities and traits from faces. PMID:24781819
The Legitimacy Deficit in the Political Process Brazilian . Democracy Theory of Violation
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Edilene Lôbo
2016-05-01
Full Text Available This article seeks to reflect on the legitimacy deficit of the Brazilian political pro- cess, in that it withdraws control over the elections and political terms from the people, refusing protection and concretion of the fundamental right of participation, backbone of the democratic state governed by the rule of law. It also seeks to identify activation mechanisms of public pools as measurement methods of the popular will, which cannot be replaced by what is read in the printed review. To achieve its objectives a slight expla- nation of the Brazilian electoral judicial bodies was made, identifying the control actions of the elections that can only be filed by for legitimates (candidate, political party, party coalitions and prosecutors office, and a justification of the application discourse for the minimal participation and excess jurisdiction (activism versus minimalism was presented as well.
What Structures and Mechanisms Promote Women's Political ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
The primary objective of this study was to compare the different structures and mechanisms used in South Africa and Cameroon to promote gender equality and women's empowerment in leadership position. The unit of analysis was parliament, political parties and government. A purposively sample of 120 participants, ...
Romanian’s Legislative Elections or Confirmation of the Political Periphery Theory
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Aurelian Giugăl
2013-04-01
Full Text Available Despite a formal liberal-democratic society and a supposed legal-rational authority (according to German sociologist Max Webers definition, post-communist Romania has continued to be a semi-peripheral country based on status. The perpetuation of the organization model where the personal status always prevails is the main effect on the parties appeared in post-communist political and economic context, which is basically the same as in interwar and communist periods. Thus parties development is closely linked to the charisma of their members, and their connection with the electorate/society has no sense concerning political ideology (as it is dominated by the context and electoral clientelism of short notice one electoral cycle.
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
A. S. Sambros
2015-12-01
Full Text Available This article analyzes the typical effects of the impact of political familizm on the political process in Ukraine. It is concluded that in general the essence of this phenomenon is negative. Therefore, in order to highlight examples of effective anti-familistic strategiesthe paper studies the existing international experience – from public documents such UN Convention against corruption to examples of specific states. The subject of the current research is the policy of states, which are considered as global (Singapore and regional (Georgia samples of the anti-familistic movement. We analyze the historical path of these countries – from the critical development of political familizm to the successful anti-familistic reforms with their subsequent consolidation of the institutional body of state. Accordingly, the research defines the possibility and the expected effectiveness of implementation of existing examples of institutional minimizationof political familizm in Ukrainian political realities basing on the advantages and disadvantages of current anti-familistic methods. The paperalso analyzes the expected impact of the Law of Ukraine regarding the public funding of political parties as one of the possible means of minimization of political familizm.
Political and Territorial Construction of Regional and National Identities in Spain since 1978
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Humlebæk, Carsten
2016-01-01
This study focuses on the Statute-related parliamentary debates of the Catalan and Valencian autonomous regions and analyses the conceptions of the political communities defended by the political parties, both of Spain, Valencia and Catalonia and the relationship between them. The goal...... is to analyse the differences over time and across ideologies of the identification patterns and the preferences with regards to the territorial organisation of the Spanish state and the arguments used to legitimise these positions. Unsurprising, the investigation shows that the secessionist crisis in Catalonia...... is reflected in many ways, but it also shows indications of conflict or of highly sensitive areas with conflict potential as early as 1979. Furthermore there are significant differences in the ways the political parties act in Valencia and Catalonia, respectively. The results suggest that the decentralisation...
How the European debt crisis reshaped national political space : The case of Greece
Katsanidou, Alexia; Otjes, Simon
2016-01-01
Where some authors saw a limited impact of Europeanisation on national party politics, others proposed that in addition to the pre-existing economic left-right dimension a separate European Union dimension structures the national political space. This article looks at the Greek bail-out during the
Keskinkilic Kara, Sultan Bilge; Oguz, Ebru
2016-01-01
Problem Statement: Political discrimination is directed against individuals on the basis of their political party membership and views, including their sociopolitical and moral attitudes. People subjected to discrimination have a high level of professional exhaustion, slow upward career mobility, low morale and performance, less initiative,…
The Emergence of Political Opposition in Mexico, 1949-1952. Two Proposals for Electoral
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
José Fernando Ayala López
2017-01-01
Full Text Available Using methodological elements from political and institutional history, the present article analyzes, the first proposal for the implementation of an electoral system of proportional representation in Mexico and its primary repercussions in the formulation of subsequent electoral laws. This initiative was presented by Vicente Lombardo Toledano and the Popular Party (PP in 1951, during the XLI Legislature (1949-1952. This event is correlated with the emergence of political opposition in the Chamber of Deputies. In the same year as the PP proposes reform, the National Action Party (PAN proposes another initiative of electoral reform. Both proposals propitiate a legislative debate that identifies the importance of elections as an instrument of State political control and proposed its reformulation. In this sense, the principal contribution of this study is to visibilize the proreform discourses of political opposition in a period which is often through of as being characterized by authoritarianism and censorship.
Pridemore, William Alex; Kim, Sang-Weon
2006-05-01
Durkheim argued that acute political crises result in increased homicide rates because they pose a threat to sentiments about the collective. Though crucial to Durkheim's work on homicide, this idea remains untested. The authors took advantage of the natural experiment of the collapse of the Soviet Union to examine this hypothesis. Using data from Russian regions (N = 78) and controlling for measures of anomie and other covariates, the authors estimated the association between political change and change in homicide rates between 1991 and 2000. Results indicated that regions exhibiting less support for the Communist Party in 2000 (and thus greater change in political ideals because the Party had previously exercised complete control) were regions with greater increases in homicide rates. Thus, while democratization may be a positive development relative to the Communist juggernaut of the past, it appears that the swift political change in Russia is partially responsible for the higher rates of violence there following the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Mayer, Martin; Kenter, Robert; Morris, John C
2015-01-01
States' policy decisions regarding the Affordable Care Act (ACA) of 2010 have often been explained as predominantly, if not solely, partisan. Might rival explanations also apply? Using a cross-sectional 50-state regression model, we studied standard political variables coupled with public-health indicators. This work differs from existing research by employing a dependent variable of five additive measures of ACA support, examining the impact of both political and socioeconomic indicators on state policy decisions. Expanding on recent empirical studies with our more nuanced additive index of support measures, we found that same-party control of a state's executive and legislative branches was indeed by far the single best predictor of policy decisions. Public-health indicators, overwhelmed by partisan effect, did not sufficiently explain state policy choice. This result does not allay the concerns that health policy has become synonymous with health politics and that health politics now has little to do with health itself.
Guzman, R
2000-03-01
Circuit parties are extended celebrations, lasting from a day to a week, primarily attended by gay and bisexual men in their thirties and forties. These large-scale dance parties move from city to city and draw thousands of participants. The risks for contracting HIV during these parties include recreational drug use and unsafe sex. Limited data exists on the level of risk at these parties, and participants are skeptical of outside help because of past criticism of these events. Health care and HIV advocates can promote risk-reduction strategies with the cooperation of party planners and can counsel individuals to personally reduce their own risk. To convey the message, HIV prevention workers should emphasize positive and community-centered aspects of the parties, such as taking care of friends and avoiding overdose.
No Country For Old Cleavages: Political attitudes and beliefs amidst the Greek debt crisis
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Elias Dinas
2012-08-01
Full Text Available The Greek youth enters in their formative period amidst a period of a severe debt crisis that has been having unforeseeable implications to the established party system. How do these new political developments affect the attitudes, beliefs and the repertoire of political actions of this generation? What is the role of old cleavages and traditional division lines in this ever-changing political setting? Drawing on a novel sample from university students, the paper assesses the impact of the crisis on young people’s political beliefs. The findings suggest that the classic left-right division is not adequate to represent the much more nuanced and complex divisions generated as a result of the crisis. Some of the information provided in this survey helps to explore the role of new seemingly important division lines in helping us understand the dynamics of party competition and public opinion.
Spain and the Western Sahara: the Political Party Dimension
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Jordi Vaquer i Fanés
2007-12-01
Full Text Available Since the Spanish army’s hasty withdrawal from Western Sahara in 1975, the two main parties since Spain acquired its democracy have differed over what stance should be taken with respect to the Sahara issue. The aim of this article is to establish to what extentthis is the result of the opposing government/opposition dynamic and how far it is a result of the parties’ own stances, by analysing the evolution of their attitudes and approaches with respect to the Sahara issue. The hypothesis is that the Spanish parties’ position with respect to Algeria and Morocco was initially very much determined by their view of the Sahara issue, but that there has been an inversion of this attitude. Thus at present, opposing stances on the Sahara issue are mainly the result of different views on Spain’s interests in the Maghreb region and, above all, of different ideas about which country Morocco or Algeria should benefit most from bilateral relations.
2013-12-16
...: Robert M. Knop, Assistant General Counsel, or Cheryl A.F. Hemsley, Attorney, 999 E Street NW., Washington... party committee votes to nominate the party's candidate for the special general election, not the date... primary elections in New York from contributions for special general elections. \\1\\ See 2 U.S.C. 441a(a)(1...
Nwogu, G. A. I.
2015-01-01
The nascent democracy in Nigeria is plagued with myriad of intrigues, discordant opinions of the political class. The reason is not farfetched. Every political party sees its manifesto and plans of action as the best for the citizenry. They elbow each other in the process of garnering political recognition and vibrancy. Their unhealthy rivalry…
Environment protection and energy politics
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Grawe, J.
1993-01-01
The lecture first deals with the aims and legal basis in German and European law of environment protection with regard to energy politics. It then goes to deal with European regulations for environment protection and their effects on the energy supply: Air pollution abatement, tax for the protection of the climate, internalisation of external costs. The following European energy-political measures impinge on environment protection: Sponsored projects, least-cost planning, third-party access to the public electricity supply. The discrepancy between European and national policies can be lessened or resolved by the following means: Harmonisation, subsidiarity principle, and scope for entrepreneurial solutions. (orig.) [de
Political Campaigns Get Personal with Students
Hermes, J. J.
2007-01-01
On Election Day in 2006, some students at the University of Texas at Austin were prodded by startlingly personal calls from Democratic Party supporters. As political campaigns look to corral young voters, those calls could be a harbinger of things to come in 2008: campaigns going after students through contact information that public colleges are…
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Felipe G.K. Buttelli
2017-11-01
Full Text Available This article proposes three reflexive movements. The first one offers an introduction to Fees Must Fall, pointing to some aspects that allow us to understand it as a social movement and some of its basic features. The second movement is a theoretical one, constructing the notion of emancipatory politics. It is based on the distinctions suggested by Jacques Rancière between ‘police and politics’ and by Michael Neocosmos between ‘excessive and expressive’ politics. It will also present the Freirean notion of ‘conscientisation and dialogicity’, emphasising the learning experience from the political praxis within emancipatory social movements. The third movement offers, as conclusion, an apocalyptic politics as suggested by Žižek, envisioned through the lens of Christian eschatology, as a critical approach to social movements towards the radical transformation of society.
Measure and collapse of participatory democracy in a two-party system
Sznajd, Jozef
2015-10-01
Measure what is measurable, and make measurable what is not so (Galileo Galilei). According to the above sentence we do not ask why we need to measure democracy but if it is possible to measure something which is not unequivocally defined. Although, it is unlikely a final agreement on the definition of democracy, the idea that it is a form of governance based on collective decision making seems to be uncontested. On the premise that in the high-quality democracy citizens (agents) not only must have equal participation rights but must want to participate in shaping decision, as an effective measure of democracy in a two party political system we propose the percentage of the total population that actually voted in a given elections only for two major parties. Thus, we disregard not only nonvoters but also smaller parties voters whom votes will not have a substantial impact on the election and consequently they will not be in the loop, even theoretically. To describe such a system a sociophysics model based on the $S=1$ Ising model (Blume-Capel) is proposed. The measure of democracy, V_D index, as a function of inter-party conflict is analyzed.
Young people, parents and radical right voting. The case of the Swiss People's Party
Coffé, H.R.; Voorpostel, M.B.J.
2010-01-01
It is commonly found that young people tend to adopt the political party choice of their parents. However, far less is known about the applicability of this theory when investigating radical right support. Using the Swiss Household panel data (1999e2007), this study empirically identifies the
Understanding voter orientation in the context of political market orientation
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C.
2010-01-01
This article develops a conceptual framework and measurement model of political market orientation. The relationships between different behavioural aspects of political market orientation and the attitudinal influences of such behaviour are analysed, and the study includes structural equation...... modelling to test several hypotheses. While the results show that political parties focus on several different aspects of market-oriented behaviour, especially using an internal and societal orientation as cultural antecedents, a more surprising result is the inconclusive effect of a voter orientation...... on political market orientation. This lends support to the argument of 'looking beyond the customer' in political marketing research and practice. The article discusses the findings in the context of the existing literature on political marketing and commercial market orientation....
Immigration Ethnic Diversity and Political Outcomes
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Harmon, Nikolaj Arpe
2017-01-01
I study the impact of immigration and increasing ethnic diversity on political outcomes in immigrant-receiving countries, focusing on immigration and election outcomes in Danish municipalities 1981-2001. A rich set of control variables isolates ethnic diversity effects from those of other immigrant...... characteristics and a novel IV strategy based on historical housing stock data addresses issues of endogenous location choices of immigrants. Increases in local ethnic diversity lead to right-ward shifts in election outcomes by shifting electoral support away from traditional "big government" left-wing parties...... and towards anti-immigrant nationalist parties in particular. These effects appear in both local and national elections....
Steenvoorden, E. (Eefje); Harteveld, E. (Eelco)
2017-01-01
textabstractIn the literature, explanations of support for populist radical right (PRR) parties usually focus on voters’ socio-structural grievances, political discontent or policy positions. This article suggests an additional and possibly overarching explanation: societal pessimism. The central
ELEMENTS OF NEOCONSERVATISM IN THE CONTEMPORARY POLITICAL SOCIETY IN GERMANY
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М С Ладыгин
2017-12-01
Full Text Available The article is devoted to the phenomenon of strengthening neoconservative sentiments, i.e. neocon actors, in Germany. The paper analyzes the aims of three neoconservative actors in Germany: the party Alternative for Germany, the social movement PEGIDA and the “Identitarian movement”. It is found that all three parties have similar aims and their cooperation could lead to a serious strengthening of neocon positions both in society and on the political landscape. One of the conclusions of the article at hand is that it is too early to judge the party's ability to work as an established party. This conclusion is accompanied with the fact that the majority of those who voted for AfG were so called “protest voters”, hence they may prevent the return of the party in the next elections to the Bundestag.
Prosumption as a Political Practice in a “Producer-Consumer Environment”
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N V Plotichkina
2013-12-01
Full Text Available In this paper prosumption is characterized as a political practice in “producer-consumer” communities. Digital political prosumption is the result of the dissemination of Web 2.0., new social media, and 3.0. marketing. Political prosumption can develop in such forms as: the production of media political content (public journalism, political blogging, open news, citizens’ participation in ‘occupy’ movements and pirate parties. The principles of digital prosumption in politics are as follows: openness for public participation, assessment by communities, heterarchy, ad-hoc-meritocracy, common property, and personal service of community members. The appearing new forms of citizen participation are considered to be a transition to a democratic net society structure based on prosumption.
Party politics and Greek security policy from 1974 to 1984: change and continuity
Haines, John L.
1984-01-01
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited This thesis explores the effects of political change on Greek security policy during the period 1974 to 1984. This period encompasses significant change in Greece's foreign relations including those with the United States. The central question is: Are the elements of Greek security policy based on long-term basic interests which find consistent expression, or are they a function of domestic political factors, more ideologicall...
Political pugilists: recuperative gender strategies in canadian electoral politics.
Maiolino, Elise
2015-05-01
This paper offers the concept recuperative gender strategies to describe how political leaders work to restore their public gender identities. The author examines a charity-boxing match between two Canadian politicians, Justin Trudeau and Patrick Brazeau. Trudeau is the current leader of the Liberal Party of Canada and son of former Prime Minister, Pierre Trudeau. Brazeau was a Conservative Senator. Through a discourse analysis of 222 national newspaper articles published on the match, this paper chronicles Justin Trudeau's transition from "precariously masculine" to "sufficiently masculine" and discusses the significance of this transformation for Trudeau's suitability for Liberal Party leadership. Cet article propose le concept de stratégies de récupération des sexes pour décrire et expliquer comment des dirigeants politiques travaillent à rétablir leurs identités sexuelles publiques. J'analyse la couverture médiatique du combat de boxe caritatif datant de mars 2012 et opposant deux politiciens canadiens : Justin Trudeau, le chef du Parti libéral du Canada, et Patrick Brazeau, un sénateur conservateur. En m'appuyant sur une analyse de discours de 222 articles de journaux nationaux publiés au sujet de ce combat, je détaille la transition de Justin Trudeau d'une forme de masculinité « précaire » à une « masculinité suffisante », et je discute de l'importance de cette transformation pour l'aptitude perçue de Trudeau comme chef du Parti libéral. © 2015 Canadian Sociological Association/La Société canadienne de sociologie.
Leadership in politics and science within the Antarctic Treaty
John R. Dudeney; David W.H. Walton
2012-01-01
For over 50 years the Antarctic has been governed through the Antarctic Treaty, an international agreement now between 49 nations of whom 28 Consultative Parties (CPs) undertake the management role. Ostensibly, these Parties have qualified for their position on scientific grounds, though diplomacy also plays a major role. This paper uses counts of policy papers and science publications to assess the political and scientific outputs of all CPs over the last 18 years. We show that a subset of t...
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Ermakov V.A.
2017-04-01
Full Text Available this research is dedicated to the political specificity of elimination of «masonic underground organization» by soviet special forces in USSR. The issue of relations between communist movements with political masonry was also considered in the article. It appears that in the beginning of 1920s «freemasons» planned prospects in cooperation with Bolsheviks, while having hidden goal to «cover» Soviet government with masonic ideas. Masons of 1920s were quite satisfied with Bolshevism as a weapon to eradicate Russian national self-awareness and its Orthodox religion. Liquidation process of masonic underground, which started in 1925, was conditioned by inner-party strife between «Stalinists», conducting anti-masonic and anti-Zionist campaigns, and «Trotskyists», who appeared to be a weapon of international masonic politics in Soviet Russia. Authors conclude that liquidation of occult-masonic underground in USSR had several political goals: covering communist party leaders' masonic past, elimination masons as potential western secret service agents, threatening conservative intelligentsia, exposure masonic people from the environment of Soviet officials and cultural elites, extermination masonic alternative of communistic ideology and preparation of «grand terror» against «Lenin's guard».
Fertile grounds for extreme right-wing parties : Explaining the Vlaams Blok’s electoral success
Coffé, Hilde; Heyndels, Bruno; Vermeir, Jan
2007-01-01
The Vlaams Blok is one of the most successful extreme right-wing parties in Europe. We empirically identify contextual determinants that contribute to its political success in the municipal elections of October 8th, 2000 in Flanders. The use of the Tobit II estimator allows disentangling the party’s
The Political Communication of Strategic Nuclear Policy.
Camden, Carl; Martin, Janet
A study of the different perceptual frameworks of the major parties involved in strategic nuclear policy was conducted by examining the interaction between the Executive Branch, Congress, and the informed public. Public political communication data were gathered from public documents generated by Congress and the Executive branch, and by examining…
Boyne, George A.; James, Oliver; John, Peter; Petrovsky, Nicolai
2010-01-01
In many political systems the political neutrality of senior managers' tenure is often cherished as a key part of the politics-administration dichotomy and is subject to formal safeguards. We test hypotheses about the impact of political change on senior management turnover drawn from political science, public administration and private sector management theory. Using panel data to control for unobserved heterogeneity between authorities, we find that changes in political party control and lo...