The EU's Convergence Dilemma

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Notermans Ton

2015-02-01

Full Text Available As economic stagnation continues to mark the EU in the fifth year of the euro zone crisis, political support for integration is waning. The European Parliament elections of 2014 returned a hitherto unparalleled number of Eurosceptic MEPs, with EU-critical parties becoming the largest ones in several Member States. Much of this Euroscepticism is driven by economic polarisation between core and peripheral countries. While an increasing number of voters in the northwestern creditor countries resent having to foot the bill for what they consider economic mismanagement in the periphery, voters in peripheral countries increasingly rebel against what they deem to be an economically catastrophic Diktat from Germany and its allies. Continued political support for European integration will hinge on successful income convergence in the EU but the current dilemma is that such policies might not be politically feasible. Periods of rapid convergence would seem to suggest that success depends on two main policy strategies. First, a monetary policy that promotes credit for productive purposes, leaves inflation control to other instruments, and employs selective credit rationing to prevent asset booms. Second, a vertical industrial policy prioritising selected industrial sectors. The first policy conflicts with the present framework of euro zone monetary policy, but that framework was only installed in the first place because many peripheral countries were desperately in search of an external constraint on domestic distributional conflict. Industrial policies, in turn, require a sufficient degree of state autonomy from business elites in order to be effective, but it is highly questionable whether most states in the EU possess such autonomy. Though there are, as yet hesitant, signs of a reorientation of both monetary and cohesion policy in the EU, the question of the institutional and political preconditions for their successful implementation has been largely

The approach of political parties in Turkey to the membership of the European Union in the eyes of the youth

OpenAIRE

Hakan Samur

2007-01-01

Political parties are the representatives of interests and expectations in the society and the stance of political parties in relation to an issue critical for our society, such as membership of Turkey to the European Union is very important. The perceived image of political parties among people regarding that stance is also important to the same extent. Based on this understanding and moving from the results of a survey conducted among seniors from almost all of the faculties at Dice Univers...

Bringing EU-Turkey trade and investment relations up to date?

OpenAIRE

Dawar, Kamala; Sübidey, Togan

2016-01-01

The case is made that the EU-Turkey CU of 1995 covering industrial goods should be modernised and modified to take into account the various and growing criticisms of the original CU. Furthermore, economic integration between the EU and Turkey should be strengthened by signing a complementary deep integration regional trade agreement (RTA) between the EU and Turkey, covering agriculture, SPS measures, services, government procurement, investment, and dispute settlement. For Turkey, the objecti...

Beyond Essentialist and Functionalist Analyses of the "Politicisation of Religion": The Evolution of Religious Parties in Political Catholicism and Political Islam

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Joerg Baudner

2014-03-01

Full Text Available The debate about “politics and religion” has already rejected essentialist claims of fundamental differences in the impact of religion on politics in different cultures. This article will argue that political Islam in Turkey and political Catholicism in Italy and Germany adopted remarkably similar patterns of cross-class coalitions and policies for a “reconciliation of capitalism and democracy”. First, religious parties developed as mass integration parties which already encompassed cross-class coalitions. Second, in the aftermath of political and economic crises these parties transformed into catch-all parties with a pronounced neo-liberal agenda which was given a religious justification. Third, at the same time these parties continued to sponsor policies and organizations which cushioned and supplemented an uneven economic development. Fourth, the parties kept traditional family policies which helped attracting a significant female electorate. “Organized religion” provided religious parties with a potential electorate, ancillary organizations and ideological concepts; however, their role in this political evolution changed. The conclusion will discuss whether these findings can be generalized.

Communities, Boundaries and New Neighbours: the Discursive Construction of EU Enlargement

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Giuditta Caliendo

2008-12-01

Full Text Available The institutional discourse of the European Union (EU is undergoing important changes that are also reflected by new initiatives in its communication policy. Against a background of widespread scepticism towards EU enlargement among the public, this change is driven by the need to promote the widening of its borders in a more effective way in order to prompt popular endorsement. Through the use of its textual and visual communicative strategies, the EU is thus finding new ways to buttress its legitimacy and raise consensus around its political actions. The node of interaction between citizens and institutions is represented by the informative publications of the EU (also made available on the europa website, which become a constitutive element in building Union-to-citizen communication. The analysis of textual and visual formulations of the European Commission’s key booklets on EU enlargement in the period from 2004 to 2007 - in terms of their content and pragmatic aims - reveals the emergence of new consensus-building strategies. Results show that a sense of allegiance and belonging attributed to a deepening of European integration is now increasingly linked to the practical advantages of EU enlargement, as expressed through the use of ‘promotional’ and strategic discursive practices. Moving away from a merely informative content, communication modes ‘migrate’ towards a more direct and ‘commodified’ type of message, while an increase in visual elements plays a complementing role in promoting legitimacy and a feeling of mutual belonging between ‘old’ and ‘new’ members of the European family.

EU Enlargement

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Pedersen, Peder J.; Pytlikova, Mariola

We look at migration flows from 8 Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs) to 5 Nordic countries over the years 1985 - 2005 and we can exploit a natural experiment that arose from the fact that while Sweden opened its labour market from the day one of the 2004 EU enlargement, the other Nordic...... countries chose a transition period in relation to the "new" EU members. We employ a differences-in-differences estimator in our analysis. The results show that the estimated effect of the opening of Swedish labour market in 2004 on migration is insignificantly different from zero. Further, we...... are interested in the overall effect of the "EU entry" on migration. Therefore we look at migration flows from CEECs during the first round EU enlargement towards CEECs in 2004 and compare them with migration flows from Bulgaria and Romania. We again used a DD estimator in our analysis. The estimated effect...

Adoption of the EU SEA Directive in Turkey

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Unalan, Dilek; Cowell, Richard

2009-01-01

This paper analyses the adoption of the EU Strategic Environmental Assessment Directive (2001/42/EC) in Turkey as part of a programme of environmental policy harmonisation for EU accession, to explore the extent to which this is driving wider shifts in modes of environmental governance. To do this, rather than simply assess compliance with Directive in narrow, formal, statutory terms, we use Jaenicke and Weidner's concept of capacity building, which focuses on the constraints facing societal action to promote sustainable development. Despite the resources invested in pre-accession training and pilot SEA projects, Turkey's adoption of the Directive is still likely to be affected by the centralised nature of the bureaucracy (affecting the scope for sectoral integration), its politicised nature (interrupting the accumulation of policy learning), the limited capacity of civil society and environmental organisations to engage with the process, and the political dominance of economic development objectives.

Participation in EU decision making: Implications for the Hungarian political institutions

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Takàcs, T.|info:eu-repo/dai/nl/304822582

2009-01-01

Amongst the main concerns that preceded the European Union’s all time biggest enlargement of 2004 was whether the new Member States would smoothly integrate into the EU decision-making procedures. The worrying speculations of how the difference between the interest, political- and negotiation

Religious intolerance and Euroscepticism

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Hobolt, S.B.; van der Brug, W.; de Vreese, C.H.; Boomgaarden, H.G.; Hinrichsen, M.C.

2011-01-01

Research on Euroscepticism focuses increasingly on the role of group identities: national identities and attitudes towards multiculturalism. Yet hardly any attention has been paid to the way in which religious intolerance shapes Euroscepticism. We argue that religious intolerance influences not only

European Enlargement Across Rounds and Beyond Borders

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Enlargement has been an almost constant part of European integration history – going from an improvised exercise to the EU’s most developed foreign policy tool. However, neither the longevity nor the complexity of enlargement has been properly historicised. European Enlargement across Rounds...... and Beyond Borders offers three interdisciplinary, innovative, and indeed radical, new ways of understanding and analysing EC/EU enlargements: first, tracing Longue Durée developments; second, investigating enlargement Beyond the Road to Membership; and third, exploring the Entangled Exchanges and synergies...... scholars, should engage with it. This publication will be of key interest to scholars and students of modern European history and politics, the European integration process, EU studies, and more broadly multilateral international institutions, history, law and the social sciences....

THE IMPACT OF EU ENLARGEMENT ON THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION

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Alfred E. Kellermann

2004-10-01

Full Text Available EU Enlargement is a consequence of the success story of the creation of the European Communities, as many applicant countries were attracted to the new legal order based on the rule of law, rather than to an order or disorder based on the rule of politics. As from May 1st 2004, the EU enlargement, unprecedented in its size, marks a historic milestone for the European Union and its Member States, and also for the whole continent. Given this new context, the EU has to find and define new cooperation partnerships with its neighbours. A major partner, not to be neglected in this new policy is by all means Russia. The first Summit between the enlarged EU and Russia held in Moscow on 21 May 2004 was the first high-level meeting of the 25 EU and Russia following the successful conclusion of negotiations between the European Commission and Russia on the extension of the EU-Russia Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA to the ten new EU Member States. The Summit calls for the reinforcement of EU-Russia relations via the creation of Four Common Spaces: a common economic space (with specific reference to environment and energy; a common space of Freedom, Security and Justice; a field of external security; as well as a space of research and education including culture. The next step will be to define shared priorities and concrete measures for each of the Four Common Spaces in a mutually agreed Action Plan.

Trade integration and synchronization of shocks : implications for EU enlargement

Czech Academy of Sciences Publication Activity Database

Babetskii, Ian

2005-01-01

Roč. 13, č. 1 (2005), s. 105-138 ISSN 0967-0750 Institutional research plan: CEZ:AV0Z70850503 Keywords : EU enlargement * business cycle * trade Subject RIV: AH - Economics Impact factor: 0.774, year: 2005

Doorkeepers and Gatecrashers: EU Enlargement and Negotiation Strategies

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Brücker, Herbert; Schröder, Philipp; Weise, Christian

2004-01-01

This paper discusses the eastward enlargement process of the EU in the framework of a simple war of attrition bargaining game. Both players -- the existing EU members and the applicants -- benefit from enlargement, yet for the applicants, reform to the acquis is costly, while the EU prefers subst...... the benefits for new members are all effective negotiation strategies for the EU that have been applied in the process....

Inequality and anti-globalization backlash by political parties

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Burgoon, B.

2013-01-01

Does income inequality increase political backlash against European and global integration? This paper reports research suggesting that it can. The article analyses party opposition to and support for trade openness, European Union integration and general internationalism of political party

Terrorism and Political Parties

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bourne, Angela

In the paper I address the empirical puzzle arising from different responses by political authorities in Spain and the UK to the existence of political parties integrated in the terrorist groups Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Basque Homeland and Freedom) and the Irish Republican Army (IRA). More...... for realization of free speech rights and representation is also emphasized, and where proscription is seen as inimical to resolution of conflict underpinning violence. In the context of party competition, a winning coalition is required for one discourse to predominate. However, I also argued that both ideas...

The Influence of Migration Crisis in Europe on EU-Turkey Relations

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Pavel P. Timofeyev

2016-01-01

Full Text Available The paper examines the impact of the migration crisis in the EU on the European Union's relations with Turkey. It is shown that for a number of reasons, including a result of EU actions taken from 2011 to 2015, EU has experienced an influx of migrants on a number of routes from the Western to the Eastern Mediterranean. The largest of them fell on Turkey, which has tried to use this factor to exert pressure on the EU in order to obtain economic and political preferences. The author examines the development of the EU migration policy in the context of the crisis, its trying to bring Turkey to cooperate and difficult negotiations, which took place at the summits of the EU-Turkey at the end of 2015. There have been disagreements among the EU countries, and the time factor, which Turkey took advantage of, advancing conditions for the closure of borders to Europe for migrants. Facing the influx of migrants the EU had to agree with a number of conditions, though not with all. The author shows that the agreement reached by the country in March 2016 is not universal, and a number of issues important to the resolution of the crisis, are waiting to be decided upon. However, according to the author, the development of the current crisis can lead both to the reform of the migration and border policy within the EU, and to restarting relations with Turkey. Though guessing on possibilities on Turkey's entry to the EU in the near future is still premature.

EU ENLARGEMENT AT A CROSSROADS

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Andreea Cătălina Paul

2012-06-01

Full Text Available The present article aims to explore the general theme of the EU enlargement strategy in the new 2012 European context. Until now, the EU’s enlargement strategy has yielded impressive results. It succeeded in transforming ten central and eastern European countries from post-communism confusion into open-market, mature and effective systems of democratic governments, and even on the economic front, they have also made astonishing progress. It is no doubt that people in the new EU countries live better then before. In this context, the EU must continue the enlargement process to help stabilize the Balkan region that lie beyond its expanded eastern border. No one can deny that major issues concerning western Balkan countries’ accession are still on the table, and they even exert a geopolitical influence of sorts. This makes it all the more important to see stability and regional co-operation there are strategically vital. An all-out effort must now be made to complete the enlargement process and ensure there is no strategic vacuum. This article provides the framework of analyses for the EU problems and the challenges for the Balkans governments as for Brussels.

The Internal Causes of Political Instability in the Republic of Turkey

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Sergey Borisovich Druzhilovsky

2016-01-01

Full Text Available The article examines the causes of the permanent political instability in the Turkish Republic, which leads to frequent change of governments, degradation of political parties and changing of policies. On the example of the activities of different cabinets it is showen that the basis of their instability is the frequent creation of coalition governments consisting of parties that stand on different ideological positions. Inter-party antagonism, in its turn, is a consequence of the split of the Turkish society along civilizational, ethnic and religious grounds, which determines the different political orientation of the various layers of the Turkish society. At the same time the article shows the examples of the undoubted efficiency of one-party governments, however they never get support from the opposition parties, and eventually also fail to effectively and consistently implement their proposed policies. The author also deals with a policy of the ruling today in Turkey, the Islamist Party of Justice and Development, which after several years of successful political and economic reforms to date entered the period of deep crisis and is increasingly losing its authority and influence both in Turkey and in neighboring countries.

Beyond the Eurosceptic/Europhile Divide: Towards a New Classification of EU News Coverage in the UK Press

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John Price

2009-11-01

Full Text Available Newspapers are typically categorised as being either Eurosceptic or Europhile. However, this classification is insufficient and misleading when applied to news reporting in the UK press. The term Euroscepticism has been usefully deconstructed into more nuanced and complex categories by researchers studying political parties and public opinion. A similar approach is now needed to better represent the complexities of EU news coverage. The current Eurosceptic/Europhile classification needs to be developed for two main reasons. First, it is misleading in that it fails to accurately map the landscape of EU news reporting across the press. Second, it is too simplistic in that it ignores important variations in EU news production – in particular, differences between tabloid and quality titles, and between Brussels based and national based journalists. This article will discuss these issues by drawing on new, empirical research into EU news production. It will conclude by proposing a new means of classifying EU news coverage in the UK press.

Nationalism, territory and extremism in party politics

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bourne, Angela

In the paper I address the empirical puzzle arising from different responses by political authorities in Spain and the UK to the existence of political parties integrated in the terrorist groups Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Basque Homeland and Freedom) and the Irish Republican Army. More specifica......In the paper I address the empirical puzzle arising from different responses by political authorities in Spain and the UK to the existence of political parties integrated in the terrorist groups Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Basque Homeland and Freedom) and the Irish Republican Army. More...... for realization of free speech rights and representation is also emphasized, and where proscription is seen as inimical to resolution of conflict underpinning violence. In the context of party competition, a winning coalition is required for one discourse to predominate. However, I also argued that both ideas...

Political parties and forestry relations in Turkey’s general elections in 2015

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Erdoğan Atmış

2016-07-01

Full Text Available Political parties have important roles in the political decision making process on identifying the demand for public goods and services. In this context, political parties have significant impacts on identification and implementation of forestry policies. Their election manifestos/declarations have statements on forests and forestry, which are important sources of information for those parties' forestry policies. In this study, election manifestos of 11 parties that participated in the general elections that took place on June 7, 2015 and November 1, 2015 in Turkey were studied. Data were analysed with “Document Analyses” and “Content Analyses”, then evaluated under eight titles. As a result of these assessments, the conclusion was that; there are significant differences between the parties' approaches to forests: some of them consider the forest not as an entity but as a source of income, developing populist discourses that are sure to appeal to the general public, through ambitious or impossible promises. It can also be said that the political parties fail to base their views on forests on reliable data.

EU Defence Industry Integration between Spillover and High Politics

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Kluth, Michael Friederich

on an intergovernmental base. In the past 10 years, however, the defence industries of the major EU powers have instigated a move from cross national collaboration to cross national consolidation. Cross border mergers and acquisitions has been carried out and pressures for regulatory mainstreaming is mounting....... This raises the question: are we witnessing an incursion of spillover mechanisms into the ‘High Politics' domain of the defence industry? What are the drivers eroding the ‘High Politics' character of defence industry integration? Are market forces at play? Does it reflect pressures for institutional...

The EU and ‘Enlargement Fatigue’: Why Has the European Union Not Been Able to Counter ‘Enlargement Fatigue’?

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Anna Szolucha

2010-05-01

Full Text Available This article provides an up-to-date overview of the problems connected with European integration. It focuses on the phenomenon of ‘enlargement fatigue’ and examines its meaning as utilised by the media, EU officials and academics. The article argues that ‘enlargement fatigue’ is not a new concept since the EU has witnessed many 'symptoms' of fatigue at multiple times in its history. The two main arguments that are often presented in order to explain why the EU has not been able to counter ‘enlargement fatigue’, namely the insufficiently tight conditionality applied to prospective members and the EU's crisis of confidence and accountability after the failed attempt to introduce the Constitutional Treaty and prolonged Lisbon Treaty ratification process, are insufficient to explain why fatigue has been so persistent a phenomenon. This article argues that the EU's failure to develop a new vision of the organisation and adjust its structural design accordingly is a reason why the Union has not dealt successfully with fatigue. Such a vision would encompass notions of “variable geometry”, “avant-garde groups” and make European borders flexible and fuzzy.

The Rise of Euroscepticism in Times of Crisis. Evidence from the 2008–2013 Eurobarometers

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Alina Bârgăoanu

2016-05-01

Full Text Available The financial and economic turmoil within the European Union has significantly impacted upon the way in which the European citizens assess the advantages of EU membership and the future of the integration process. Intensely preoccupied with the economic problems, the EU leadership has lost sight of the constant decrease of public support and the increasing lack of citizens’ confidence in the Union. This paper seeks to show the dynamics of public opinion between 2008 and 2013 with a special focus on the rise of Euroscepticism, using secondary data analysis of standard Eurobarometers. Our longitudinal analysis reveals the dynamics of EU-related attitudes and perceptions before, during, and after most of events that are usually labeled under the rather generic term “crisis”.

Political Market Orientation and Strategic Party Postures in Danish Political Parties

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan

2011-01-01

Purpose – This paper investigates the relationship between the strategic postures and political market orientation profile of two Danish parties. Profile stability at the organisational level is used as a control variable. Design/methodology/approach – The strategic political postures of two Danish...... are used to control for organisational stability. Findings – The self-typing study revealed that Party A was perceived to follow a Relationship Builder posture, and Party B a Convinced Ideologist posture. However, both market orientation profiles resembled the organisational structures of a Convinced...... in the political sphere. More specifically it empirically links political market orientation as an issue of political marketing implementation on the one hand, and strategic postures of parties as a strategic issue on the other, following a configuration theory logic. Research limitations...

The Spiral of Euroscepticism

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Galpin, Charlotte; Trenz, Hans-Jörg

2017-01-01

of Euroscepticism’, taking media autonomy seriously to understand how media logics and selective devices contribute to the shaping of public discourse about the EU. We review the literature on the media and EU legitimacy to show how media frames and their amplification on social media can account for the salience......Media scholars have increasingly examined the effects of a negativity bias that applies to political news. In the ‘spiral of cynicism’, journalist preferences for negative news correspond to public demands for sensational news. We argue that this spiral of cynicism in EU news results in a ‘spiral...... of Eurosceptic opinions in the public sphere that then push parties to contest the EU in predominantly negative terms....

Political Market Orientation and Strategic Party Postures in Danish Political Parties

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan

2011-01-01

Purpose – This paper investigates the relationship between the strategic postures and political market orientation profile of two Danish parties. Profile stability at the organisational level is used as a control variable. Design/methodology/approach – The strategic political postures of two Danish...... parties are derived using a self-typing study. Based on configuration theory, ideal organisational profiles to implement these studies are juxtaposed with the actual political market orientation profile for each party, gained from two datasets analysed using Partial Least Squares. Member activity levels...... Ideologist. Thus, Party A exhibits a mismatch between strategic orientation and implemented organisational profile, based on configuration theory. The results were generally stable across political activity levels. Originality/value – The study contributes to understanding the concept of market orientation...

FINANCING DEMOCRACY OR CORRUPTION? POLITICAL PARTY FINANCING IN THE EU’ S SOUTHEASTERN AND EASTERN MEMBER STATES

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Ada-Iuliana POPESCU

2015-09-01

Full Text Available Fighting public-sector corruption has become a priority for most governments and international organizations. The public sector is the source of many benefits. Realizing improper private gains from these benefits has long been the core definition of corruption. As the public sector grows and expands its activities, the complexity of its activities also increases. The opportunities for improper private gains grow, too. Therefore, not surprisingly, the EU admits that the public sector, including political parties and public administrations, are especially vulnerable to corruption. Political parties, for instance, depend on the funding destined for their capability to win elections and otherwise to influence public policies. In turn, this dependency creates opportunities for a variety of corrupt activities. Ensuring that campaign funding promotes democracy and not corruption requires well-crafted, vigorously enforced laws. This article analyzes the legal framework of political party financing in the Eastern and South-eastern European EU member states, in order to assess how well it works in preventing political party corruption.

THE CRUCIAL THEMES OF EU ENLARGEMENT

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Jacques Pelkmans

2001-12-01

Full Text Available This article provides a critical review of the “terms” of the ongoing EU enlargement, in the light of the European public interest. The European public interest ought to include the prospective (Central European members, within a perspective of an enlarged Union in 2010, or so. The following forms a personalised summary of a major report published (in Dutch in September 2001 by the WRR in The Hague (a think-tank, formally under the Dutch Prime Minister, but by statute fully independent. The author was one of the lead-writers of this report. The present article merely focuses on the policy recommendations of the report. It is hoped that these kinds of critical analyses will help to stimulate solid policy debate on the EU in Romania, on the road to EU membership. The article discusses why the notion of a “core-acquis” would improve the enlargement strategy; the application of the core acquis to the internal market, environment and justice and home affairs; judicial and administrative capacity; accession to “euro-land”; the rapid reform of the CAP; a reform of “cohesion” approaches; and a note on the EU budgetary implications.

About green political parties

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Orlović Slobodan P.

2015-01-01

Full Text Available In this work the author refers to some legal and political questions in connection with green political parties. Those questions cover: the ideology of green political parties, their number and influence, both in general and in Serbia. The first part of work is generally speaking about political parties - their definition, ideology, role and action. Main thesis in this work is that green political parties, by their appearance, were something new on the political scene. But quickly, because of objective and subjective reasons, they were changing original ideas and were beginning to resemble to all other political parties. In this way, they lost their vanguard and political alternativeness.

Migration Crisis and New Opportunities for Turkey

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Natalia A. Miheev

2016-01-01

Full Text Available The article discusses some aspects of the relationship of the European Union and Turkey. Against the backdrop of the immigration crisis, that has gripped almost all countries in Europe, the EU states were forced to appeal to the Turkish Government for assistance. Europe requested to withhold part of the f refugees on the territory of Turkey. The EU promised financial support. The Government of RecepTayyip Erdogan linked problems with the issue of refugees entering the country in the EU. The author analyzes the possibility of positive promotion of the negotiation process on Turkey's EU membership. Focuses on the settlement of the Cyprus problem, as one of the three major political obstacles to Turkey in Europe. We are seeing a situation in which EU political circles are willing to exert pressure on the Cyprus conflict and to push for the signing of a formal treaty on the settlement of problem. Some progress in the negotiation process between the communities of Cyprus EU starts to participate in the negotiations on Cyprus, together with the United Nations. Creates good conditions for the settlement of the conflict. Such a way of resolving the long-standing territorial-community conflict creates much more new problems on the island. Obstacles to the integration of Turkey into the EU will become even more.

Political Market Orientation: A Framework for Understanding Relationship Structures in Political Parties

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ormrod, Robert P.; Savigny, Heather

2012-01-01

This article is motivated by the growing need to integrate the current political science and marketing literature in order to provide a deeper understanding of the behaviour of political actors and their relationships with relevant stakeholder groups. In our article, we demonstrate how Ormrod...... strive for contextual sensitivity. By adopting this approach it is hoped that the fears noted by political scientists that political marketing is solely concerned with applying standard management models to political parties with the resulting emphasis on communication tactics at election time, together......’s conceptual model of political market orientation complements political science models of party organization by drawing attention to the competing interests of stakeholders in shaping party strategy and organizational structure. We treat parties as a multitude of actors rather than as monolithic entities...

Euroscepticism – a sign of a Europe in distress

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Paul Dobrescu

2016-05-01

Full Text Available Euroscepticism is explicitly or implicitly considered a product of the crisis, a result of Europe’s recent difficult moments. The secondary data analysis of official Eurobarometer results between 2009 (EB71 and the end of 2013 (the latest data available – EB80 in 17 member states, grouped around the axis North – South – East, leads us to the conclusion that Euroscepticism has amplified during the years of economic crisis following a particular pattern. We witness the rise of inequalities in a Union of equals, with significant differences in terms of public opinion in the North and in the South. The great disappointment, the gloom mood of the citizens from Greece, Cyprus, Spain, Portugal and, surprisingly, France, in contrast with the self-confident attitude of Germans and the mild enthusiasm of Eastern European countries suggest that the EU did not emerge stronger as a whole. Multiple divergences have already started to occur between the rich and the poor member states, between competitive regions and regions that lag behind, between debtors and creditors, between the North and the South and, we dare to anticipate, between the West and the East. The game is changing and Euroscepticism is now the expression of confusion and fear, more than of righteous opposition against particular issues or concerns.

CONSTRUCŢIA EUROPEANĂ ÎNTRE OPTIMISM ŞI EUROSCEPTICISM

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Neculai Bobica

2008-05-01

Full Text Available Comunicarea de faţă prezintă şi analizează fenomenul extinderii şi amplificării atitudinii euroscepticeîn spaţiul politic european, factorii ce alimentează o astfel de atitudine şi consecinţele sale asupra continuăriiprocesului de construcţie europeană. Sunt analizate, în context, diversele ipostaze ale euroscepticismulu şiimpactul lor asupra opiniei publice europene şi a factorilor de decizie politică.

DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND PARTY FUNDING: MODELS AND CHARACTERISTICS

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Hrvoje MATAKOVIC

2015-03-01

Full Text Available The first modern political parties were formed at the end of the 18th century and have, from those times up to now, undergone 4 developing phases; each of the phases is bound to ideal-type political party model: cadre parties, mass parties, catch-all parties and cartel parties. Each of these party models differentiates in various characteristics: party foundation, number of members, and way of leading the election campaigns, but also in ways of financing. This paper describes the above mentioned 4 phases of political parties’ development and 4 phases of parties' finances development; it will be analysed in detail positive and negative sides of each of the models of party financing.

Inequality and anti-globalization backlash by political parties

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Burgoon, B.

2011-01-01

Does inequality fuel anti-globalization backlash? This paper answers this question by analyzing how income inequality affects the embrace or eschew of globalization by political parties. It focuses on party opposition to and support for trade openness, European-Union integration, and general

Organizational Loyalty and Organizational Commitment: An Analysis in Terms of Political Party Organizations

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Akyay Uygur

2010-12-01

Full Text Available Sense of belonging is a psychological condition in which loyalties are divided into two. Organizational commitment, the value of the individual within the organization to accept and hear the desire to remain in the organization as it is defined. Identify a specific individual's loyalty to the organizational integration organizations, in the form of sincere commitment and dedication has been defined. This study aimed to determine the level of organizational loyalty to Turkey's third largest political party (AKP, CHP, MHP, feeling of belonging to the organization aims to determine the level of loyalty of the individual. Organizational loyalty created in accordance with this scale in city information was collected from 674 people. Accordingly, the highest level of organizational loyalty to the party MHP, the second CHP and third place in the AKP has emerged.

Impact of EU Enlargement on Business Environment of Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises in Slovakia

OpenAIRE

Ján Vravec; Marián Gál; Tomás Sabol

2005-01-01

The paper discusses the impact of EU enlargement on business environment in the Slovak Republic. Integration of Slovakia into EU has significantly influenced operating conditions for small and medium enterprises. Prosperity of small and medium enterprises depends mainly on their ability to adapt themselves to these new conditions.

Turkish Political Market and the Perception of Political Parties

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Cihat Polat

2015-06-01

Full Text Available This study attempts to describe the Turkish political market and determine where and how Turkish political parties are perceived by voters. The study uses a two-dimensional map to determine the voter perceptions of the parties in the Turkish political market based on a survey questionnaire applied to 400 young voters. It also investigates whether there are any major differences in the perception of parties in the political space based on voter ideologies. The study finds that young voters have clear perceptions of the positions of Turkish parties. It also finds that voter perceptions of parties vary based on voters’ ideological positions.

Political party affiliation, political ideology and mortality.

Science.gov (United States)

Pabayo, Roman; Kawachi, Ichiro; Muennig, Peter

2015-05-01

Ecological and cross-sectional studies have indicated that conservative political ideology is associated with better health. Longitudinal analyses of mortality are needed because subjective assessments of ideology may confound subjective assessments of health, particularly in cross-sectional analyses. Data were derived from the 2008 General Social Survey-National Death Index data set. Cox proportional analysis models were used to determine whether political party affiliation or political ideology was associated with time to death. Also, we attempted to identify whether self-reported happiness and self-rated health acted as mediators between political beliefs and time to death. In this analysis of 32,830 participants and a total follow-up time of 498,845 person-years, we find that political party affiliation and political ideology are associated with mortality. However, with the exception of independents (adjusted HR (AHR)=0.93, 95% CI 0.90 to 0.97), political party differences are explained by the participants' underlying sociodemographic characteristics. With respect to ideology, conservatives (AHR=1.06, 95% CI 1.01 to 1.12) and moderates (AHR=1.06, 95% CI 1.01 to 1.11) are at greater risk for mortality during follow-up than liberals. Political party affiliation and political ideology appear to be different predictors of mortality. Published by the BMJ Publishing Group Limited. For permission to use (where not already granted under a licence) please go to http://group.bmj.com/group/rights-licensing/permissions.

Turkey’s Population Dynamics As A Candidate Country For EU Membership

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Harun Uçak

2011-01-01

Full Text Available Literally, it has been accepted that one of the major obstacles to Turkey’s EU membership is in population term. There has not been any enlargement process as large as Turkey’s population as a single state in EU history before. The enlargement in 2004 which includes 10 states involved 74 million people as whole member states while Turkey’s population is 72 million inhabitants in 2007 data which is only lower than Germany’s population in all EU member states. Thus, Turkey's accession would be different from previous enlargements because of the combined impact of high population. This study compares the population dynamics, working conditions, minimum wage rates and main macroeconomic indicators between Turkey and EU member states. Turkey has young generations compared to EU countries. In the comparison of age groups proportion in total population, 0-19 age group %21,9 in EU 27 and %36,5 in Turkey, 20-39 age group is %28 in EU 27 and %34,3 in Turkey, 40-59 age group is %27,9 in EU and %20,9 in Turkey, 60 and above age group is %22,1 in EU and %9,5 in Turkey. Thus, population dynamics of Turkey could make a contribution to offsetting the ageing of EU 27 societies if the membership would occur in the future. However, minimum wage rates in Turkey are lower than many EU member states but generally higher than EU member states located in Central and Eastern Europe. Thus, immigration possibilities from Turkey can be expected to Western European Countries, but not the same direction to Central and Eastern Europe Countries. Furthermore, the process in macroeconomic indicators will be a determinant in immigration expectations while Turkey’s GDP has been grown faster than EU level recently.

Political Market Orientation and the Network Party Type

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ormrod, Robert P.

and Saglie (2003). This is motivated by the growing need to integrate the current political science and marketing literature in order to provide a deeper understanding of the behaviour of political actors and their relationships with relevant stakeholder groups. Whilst the underlying conceptualisation draws......The conceptualisation of a political market orientation (PMO) draws on current marketing thought by focussing on the relationships that exist between the party2 and relevant internal and external stakeholders (Ormrod 2005, 2011a). However, the specific way in which the PMO model is linked...... on the management-based ‘relationship marketing’ approach (Bannon 2005; Henneberg and O’Shaughnessy 2009), by striving for contextual sensitivity it is hoped that the fears noted by political scientists that political marketing is solely concerned with applying standard management models to political parties...

Social media in political communication and the use of twitter in the 2011 general elections in Turkey

OpenAIRE

Bayraktutan, Günseli; Binark, Mutlu; Çomu, Tuğrul; Doğu, Burak; İslamoğlu, Gözde; Telli Aydemir, Aslı

2012-01-01

This study is a part of a comprehensive research supported by TÜBİTAK SOBAG (The Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey - Social Sciences and Humanities Research Grant Group), which investigates with quantitative and qualitative methods the practices involved in the usage of the social media by political parties and political party leaders as a channel/area for political communication. The aim for this study is to demonstrate, within the framework of the developing citizenshi...

The Integration of MEPs from Central and Eastern Europe into the European Parliament

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Radko Hokovský

2012-04-01

Full Text Available This article evaluates the level of integration of Members of the European Parliament from Central and Eastern Europe in the European Parliament after the EU enlargements of 2004 and 2007. The main objective is to address the puzzle of how the European Parliament’s political groups could maintain or even increase their voting cohesion after the influx of a significantly large number of new MEPs coming from countries with different historical experience, socio-economic characteristics, and political and party systems. Three indicators of MEP integration are defined: integration into parliamentary leadership, integration into parliamentary work, and integration into voting patterns. The article uses data from the VoteWatch.eu website on MEPs’ activities and voting between the years 2004-2011, as well as data from official documents of the European Parliament and its political groups. Analysis of the data reveals that the new member states’ MEPs were significantly under-represented in parliamentary leadership and key legislative activities, despite the fact that their voting loyalty to their political groups was greater than that of their colleagues from older member states.

The Border-making Policy of the European Union: Eastern Enlargement

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Lika Mkrtchyan

2012-12-01

Full Text Available Having no internal borders, what is a border for the European Union (EU? Which criteria does this powerful organization pursue in its decision-making on further expansion: geographical, political, cultural, economic or all of these? What is the profi t of the Union in advancing its external borders to the east? And why to the east and not the south or west across the Atlantic? Does it still mean that there is the reason for enlarging eastward based on the geographical belonging to Europe? This paper discusses the expansion of the European Union to the east with the main focus on its political and economic aspects of integration. The fi rst part includes introduction to the concept of Europe, historic background about the formation of the united Europe in terms of geography, culture, politics and economy, juxtaposing opinions and viewpoints of different experts and political scientists on “what is Europe?” and what are the core issues of its enlargement. The second and third parts are dedicated to the advantages and disadvantages of European Integration for both parties concerned – the EU and the candidate/member state, in the case of the former having its own “demarcation policy” towards certain regions of the continent when it comes to unifi cation. And the fourth part is about the communication and miscommunication of the informative bodies of the European Union that are responsible for public awareness on any process that goes on within the European family. The lack of information results in the ignorance of citizens of European and partner countries, which, of course, refl ects on the further processes of expansion on the political level and cultural perception and mentality on the social level. The conclusion sums up the research, and the bibliography lists the books, articles, monographs and Internet sources used in the course of the study.

Gendering transnational party politics

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Kantola, Johanna; Rolandsen-Agustín, Lise

2016-01-01

research traditions, we build toward an analytical framework to study gender and transnational party politics. Our empirical analysis focuses on two policy issues, the economic crisis and the sexual and reproductive health and rights, analyzing European Parliament reports, debates and voting on the issues...... from 2009 to 2014. By focusing on gender equality constructions and the way in which consensus and contestation are built around them within and between party groups, we argue that shared constructions about gender equality are issue specific and change over time. Consensus breaks down along the left......In this article, we analyze transnational party politics in the European Union from a gender perspective. This is a subject that has been neglected both by mainstream European studies on party politics and by gender scholars who work on political parties. Drawing on the insights of these two...

Can EU Act as a Democracy Promoter? Analysing the Democratization Demand and Supply in Turkey - EU Relations

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Çiğdem Üstün

2017-06-01

Full Text Available The EU’s role to assist Turkey in its democratization efforts has been debated during Turkey’s candidacy. However, in the second decade of the 21st century, this role of the EU lost its visibility while Turkey seemed to lose its interest in reform movements. This paper, inspired by Pevehouse, defines the EU as a supplier of democratization mechanisms and Turkey as an actor in need. Although lack of enthusiasm and disengagement have come to characterize Turkey-EU relations, this study aims to demonstrate that there are differences between the governing and the opposition actors’ views on the EU and its role in the democratization of Turkey. Data collected from the speeches of opposition parties’ parliamentarians between 1 January 2011 and 31 August 2016 demonstrates the similarities observed in these parties’ concerns regarding democratic practices and the perception of the EU as an actor strengthening democracy, while indicating that the EU, as a supplier, overlooked their concerns during the process.

Youth Work in Turkey: A Sector Newly Emerging and Marked by Political Competition

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Demet Lüküslü

2018-02-01

Full Text Available Youth work is a very recent field in Turkey and the evolution of the field has been very much influenced by the European institutions, especially with the European Union candidacy process of Turkey. Youth work in Turkey can be analyzed in three different layers since the central government, local government (municipalities and civil society organization all have youth work activities. During our Horizon 2020 PARTISPACE research project, we conducted ethnographic research to shed light on the local characteristics of youth work in a central Anatolian city in Turkey. The cases we discuss in the scope of this paper based on our ethnographic research includes two youth centers, one run by a central government agency, the Ministry of Youth and Sports, the other by a local municipality run by the party of opposition. The study reveals the influence of local dynamics and political competition in the development of youth policy and youth work. Our research demonstrates that, even if youth work is not a priority in the public policy agenda, it has become an object of political competition in Turkey.

Political Parties and Innovation

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bischoff, Carina Saxlund; Christiansen, Flemming Juul

2017-01-01

parties themselves as well their impact on potentially innovative public decisions. One major expectation is that hierarchical parties with centralized leadership make more efficient decisions but that sustainable innovation outcomes promoted by collaborative efforts are easier to obtain for decentralized...... political parties with participatory internal democratic processes....

Can EU Act as a Democracy Promoter? Analysing the Democratization Demand and Supply in Turkey - EU Relations

OpenAIRE

Çiğdem Üstün

2017-01-01

The EU’s role to assist Turkey in its democratization efforts has been debated during Turkey’s candidacy. However, in the second decade of the 21st century, this role of the EU lost its visibility while Turkey seemed to lose its interest in reform movements. This paper, inspired by Pevehouse, defines the EU as a supplier of democratization mechanisms and Turkey as an actor in need. Although lack of enthusiasm and disengagement have come to characterize Turkey-EU relations, this study aims to ...

Promoting Party Politics in Emerging Democracies

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Burnell, P.; Gerrits, A.

2010-01-01

This opening section briefly introduces international political party support, that is, assistance to political parties by international organizations, mostly from the US and Europe, to strengthen individual political parties, to promote peaceful interaction between parties and to help to create a

The Political Parties and Political Participation in Rivers State, Nigeria

African Journals Online (AJOL)

The Political Parties and Political Participation in Rivers State, Nigeria: A Case Study of 2015 General Elections. Goddey Wilson. Abstract. The study reviewed the activities of the political parties and its impact on voters' participation in the political activities in Rivers State. In pursuit of this objective, the study generated ...

Party-state relationship, an effect of the political competition. The party system and patronage in Romanian politics

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Irina Lonean

2012-06-01

Full Text Available The article examines the party-state relationship in post-communist Romania. It shows the connections between the existence of patronage, corruption and the states’ weak administrative capacity, on one hand, and the dynamics of the political party system, as an explanatory variable, on the other hand. The instability of the political parties in Romania and their changing relations within the system make the electorates’ task of anticipating and sanctioning their politics impossible. Consequently, the political parties have the possibility of extracting resources from the state without being held accountable in elections, as an effect of their dynamic, but non-robust competition.

Public Sphere - Political Advertisement Relationship in Turkey: Analysing Political Advertisements of JDP in General Elections 2011

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Erdal Dağtaş

2015-09-01

Full Text Available Public sphere is a social space, open to active individual access and free discussion, rescued from state intervention, where communicative action free from violence and individual benefits is undertaken; and rational-critical discourse is built. Political advertisement is the type advertising which aims at directing voters or the government to a particular action, having them adopt a certain view or approach. The concept of political advertising emerged with the practice of using commercial advertising techniques to promote a party, candidate or an idea. Justice and Development Party (JDP, has been ruling Turkey since 2002. The leader of the party is Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. It is a conservative party and has carried out some practices that could be regarded as negative. Anti-secular attitudes are also among these practices. Thus, analysing the political advertisements of JDP has proved to be interesting. Public sphere studies are mostly conducted through news stories and columns in media. In that sense, it is significant to analyse political advertisements in terms of public sphere. In this study, the political advertisements of the ruling Justice and Development Party (JDP in the process of Turkish General Parliamentary Election, 2011 have been analysed. The political advertisements in question have been analysed via Sabah newspaper. The reason for choosing Sabah is that it supports JDP as an example of partisan press. The samples have been taken from 2 weeks before the elections. Accordingly, as a full-page advertisement is published every day, 14 political advertisement analyses have been conducted in total. Political advertisements have been analysed using qualitative text analysis. As the study follows the path of public place-political advertising relationship, it finds meaning in itself.

Financing of Political Parties and Electoral Campaigns in Republic of Macedonia

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Farije ALIU

2016-07-01

Full Text Available Political party in the Republic of Macedonia began to operate after independence and the adoption of the Constitution in November 1991 and has since become an integral part of the political scene and the data from the Central Registry of the Republic of Macedonia registered political parties more than 50 political parties active in the current system. The electoral system in the country is set according to the proportional model where direct and free elections by secret ballot to elect members of Parliament and members of the municipal councils and the City of Skopje for four years, while according to the majority model is the selection of the President of the Republic for a term of five years and the election of mayors of municipalities and the City of Skopje for four years. The legal framework for the financing of political parties in the country is well developed. The main law governing the financing of political parties and their supervision law on financing of political parties and the amendments to the same law. The provisions contained in the law is comprehensive, addressing the financing of the regular activities of political parties and their supervision and demonstrate ensuring transparency and accountability in political financing and a ban on anonymous donations and donations from abroad and determine the rules for cap on private donations and prohibiting quid pro quo agreements. Some provisions relating to the financing of political parties included in the Law on Political Parties and certain provisions governing the various supervisory authorities, in particular the Law on Prevention of Corruption and the Law on State Audit footnote. The basic law that regulates elections is the Electoral Code. Under the provisions of the Electoral Code the political parties and election campaign organizers are required to submit financial reports to the authorities to ensure respect for the principles of transparency and accountability and are

The fifth wave of the European Union enlargement: pro et contra

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Batorshina Irina

2011-09-01

Full Text Available This article analyses the principal complex of economic and political motivations of the states of Central and Eastern Europe and the EU members related to the EU enlargement towards the East. Special attention is paid to the discussion on the reasonableness of the EU enlargement and the positions of certain EU members.

Party-political and electoral system of Uruguay

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Samuel Decresci

2015-06-01

Full Text Available The Oriental Republic of Uruguay is seen by many as a pioneer among Latin American nations to modernize its state and its policy. Since the late nineteenth century to the twentieth, Uruguayan political actors operate significant changes such as the separation of church and state, labor regulation, divorce law, women's vote, etc. Because of this and the progressive modernization, it was called the “Switzerland of the Americas”. Today, it still stands out in this area by regularizing abortion, homoaffective marriage, liberalization and access to marijuana. Moreover, noteworthy that such measures were achieved largely because of governance that the executive enjoys in the midst of this political system. Thus, this work aims to analyze such Uruguayan political system. In short, a political system is understood by the government system, the electoral system and the party system. That said, it will be analyzed in the political scenario of the country, their characteristics, party and election rules, political parties, party dynamics and relations between the powers.

28 CFR 51.7 - Political parties.

Science.gov (United States)

2010-07-01

... THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT OF 1965, AS AMENDED General Provisions § 51.7 Political parties. Certain activities of political parties are subject to the preclearance requirement of section 5. A change affecting... 28 Judicial Administration 2 2010-07-01 2010-07-01 false Political parties. 51.7 Section 51.7...

Turkey and the Muslim Brotherhood: Crossing Roads in Syria

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Bulut Gurpinar

2015-11-01

Full Text Available Relations between Turkey and the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood (SMB have gained momentum in the light of post-Arab revolt developments. This study aims to present the historical background of the relationship between SMB and AKP and effects of this relationship on foreign policy. For the analytical discussion on the relationship between AKP and SMB integration to ‘particular’ recent foreign policies of Turkey, first of all, it will be examined how the SMB is perceived in Turkey in social and political arenas. Thus, the socio-political dimensions of the process in which the SMB came to the fore and began to be known in Turkey will be explored along with its position in foreign policy during the Justice and Development Party (JDP government and the Syrian crisis.

Political parties and politics on the Internet: An analysis of the websites of Catalan political parties

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Albert Padró-Solanet

2008-02-01

Full Text Available

The article analyses the use of New Information and Communications Technologies (NICT by the political parties, going beyond approaches focusing on the potential of these technologies for political transformation and renovation. In order to do this a set of variables that characterise the strategic position of the Catalan parties is employed: ideology, organisation and position in the electoral market. The analysis shows three different forms of usage of the Internet. One group of parties (PSC, CDC-CiU uses it to promote participation and campaigning activities; a second group (ICV, Cs, to generate new resources, and finally, a third group (PSC, ERC uses it to build contact networks. The size, and to a lesser degree the type of organisation, stand out as the major explanatory variables. The major parties use the Internet to promote campaign activities and participation; in contrast, smaller parties tend to make use of the Internet to generate new sources of financing and workforce. Depending on the type of organisation, the parties of the masses seem to be more likely to use the Internet to set up and activate an extensive contact network which recreates the characteristic associative realm of these parties in cyberspace.

Radicalismos, violências e integração política na Turquia Radicalisms, violence and political integration in Turkey

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Hamit Bozarsian

2001-05-01

Full Text Available Este artigo analisa os principais obstáculos a serem enfrentados para a integração política na Turquia. Mostra que o radicalismo e a violência originam-se em três fontes: a oposição curdo-turca; a oposição alevita-sunita e o avanço do islamismo político, com sua recusa de abandonar a referência religiosa. Contribuíram para a atual fragmentação política as contradições da doutrina kemalista, na qual ainda se assenta a legitimidade do Estado turco; os sucessivos golpes militares de Estado, que obrigam a constantes realinhamentos das formações partidárias; e a militarização de vastas regiões da Turquia em resposta às sucessivas ondas curdas e alevitas de contestação violenta, conduzindo à autonomização dos grupos armados que tendem a perpetuar a contestação e a repressão violentas. Diante desse quadro, o futuro da Turquia depende, por um lado, da integração social das identificações e convicções (curdas, alevitas e islamitas pelo reconhecimento das culturas regionais e, por outro lado, da adoção do princípio de não-politização das convicções religiosas e do abandono do conservadorismo social por oposição à ocidentalidade.This article analyses the main obstacles to be faced for the political integration in Turkey. It shows that radicalism and violence spring from three sources; the Turkish-Kurd opposition; the Sunite-Alevite opposition and the rise of political Islamism, with its refusal to abandon religious reference.What has contributed to the present political fragmentation are the contradictions of the Kemalist doctrine, on which the legitimacy of the Turkish State is based; the successive military coups d'etat that cause constant party realignements; and the militarization of vast regions of Turkey to hold back the successive waves of Kurdish and Alevite violent uprisings, which, in turn, give autonomy to armed groups that tend to perpetuate the violent contends and repression. From this

Political Marketing Mix in Indonesia Parties

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Freddy Simbolon

2016-05-01

Full Text Available The reform era has changed the paradigm of Indonesian politics. Multiparty system has demanded a political party to be able to compete for their constituents. Article aimed to convey a political marketing concept that can helppolitical parties in planning a strategy to win the election. Research method used descriptive method analysis. The results suggest that the approach of the marketing mix that includes the product, price, place, and promotion areapproaches that are very helpful in presenting a plan to win the marketing strategy of political parties in elections.

The Analysis Of Political Marketing Mix In Influencing Image And Reputation Of Political Party And Their Impact Toward The Competitiveness Of Political Party The Survey Of Voters In West Java Province

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Dedeh Maryani

2015-08-01

Full Text Available Abstract Recently in Indonesia public trust toward political parties has been decreasing. Most voters tend to be neutral they had better to choose to none. The Experts argued that political competitivness will be high when political parties apply the accurate marketing mix or enhance their image and reputation. The aim of this research is to show how far political marketing mix in influencing the image or the reputation of political party and their impact toward the competitivness of 10 political parties conducted in Province West Java. I use quantitative method with explanatory survey method design. The population in this research is all voters in West Java while the samples are about 400 persons with cluster random sampling. Data analysis in this research is descriptive with Parsial Least Square PLS hypothesis test. PLS describes political marketing mix toward the image and the reputation of political party and their impact toward the competitivness of political party. The result shows that independent variable X political marketing mix gives a positive and significant influence to intervening variables Y1 and Y2 the image and the reputation of political party and dependent variable Y3 political party competitivness their impact to the variable depend on it. The finding in this study is that marketing mix has high influence toward the competitiveness of political party by enhancing the image and the reputation of political party.

Post-Enlargement Intra-EU Labour Mobility Under Stress Test

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Galgóczi, Béla; Leschke, Janine

2014-01-01

Freedom of movement for persons and workers is undoubtedly one of the core values and main building blocks of the EU. This paper examines a number of its aspects that have important political and institutional relevance for the EU and its future.......Freedom of movement for persons and workers is undoubtedly one of the core values and main building blocks of the EU. This paper examines a number of its aspects that have important political and institutional relevance for the EU and its future....

Low Membership in Czech Political Parties: Party Strategy or Structural Determinants?

Czech Academy of Sciences Publication Activity Database

Linek, Lukáš; Pecháček, Š.

2007-01-01

Roč. 23, č. 2 (2007), s. 259-275 ISSN 1352-3279 R&D Projects: GA MPS 1J004/04-DP1 Institutional research plan: CEZ:AV0Z70280505 Keywords : political parties * party membership * antiparty sentiments * party organization Subject RIV: AD - Politology ; Political Sciences

EU issue voting: asset or liability? How European integration affects parties' electoral fortunes

NARCIS (Netherlands)

de Vries, C.E.

2010-01-01

This study develops and tests arguments about how political parties’ electoral fortunes in national elections are influenced by voters’ preferences regarding the European Union (EU). To date, there is increasing evidence demonstrating the impact of EU issues on vote choice in national elections — a

CONCEPTIONS OF THE EU AND ATTITUDES TO TURKEY'S ACCESSION IN FRENCH AND BRITISH DISCOURSE

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Catherine MACMILLAN

2010-07-01

Full Text Available In recent years, France has oppose d full EU membership for Turkey while Britain has been one of the staunchest supporters of Turkey's EU accession bid. This paper argues that this can be explained by fundamentally different conceptions of the EU in the two countries, based in turn on differences in national concep tions of state and nation. The paper thus analyses recent French and Britis h discourse on the EU and, particularly, on Turkey's accession bid, according to Sjursen's (20 07 framework of three idealised visions of the EU. These are firstly, the EU as a problem-solving entity, secundly as a values-based community based on a common cultural identity and finally as a post-national union underscored by 'universal' rights such as democracy and human rights

Features of modern security policy UK political parties

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A. V. Stalovierova

2015-12-01

Full Text Available The security policy of the British coalition government of D. Cameron (2010-2015 is summarized; it’s been proved that political forces of Tory and Liberal Democrat should have compromised to carry out unanimous course in the scope of national security, and the problems of the security strategy on parliamentary elections in 2015 are analyzed, particularly the comparative analysis of the modern safety strategy of leading British parties is exercised. Under conditions of the appearance of new challenges and threats, transformation of international safety system, the questions of safety policy often become the object of attention of the British community and experts. The absence of cross-party consensus on most terms of safety strategy of the United Kingdom during the election campaign in 2015 makes the discussion about perspectives of the British safety policy still more urgent. During the election campaign there was no unity on any aspect of security subject between parties. First of all, Labourists, Liberal Democrats, Scottish National Party and Green Party made a statement about readiness to develop cooperation with the EU and the Conservatives and the UK Independence Party were on the side of the Eurosceptics. The opinions of the parties were also divided on military operations abroad, financing and force level. In terms of one-party government and presence of majority in the House of Commons, the Conservatives have opportunities to realize their own vision of British safety policy.

Social Networks and Political Parties in Chile

OpenAIRE

Adler Lomnitz, Larissa

2002-01-01

This paper describes the origin and evolution of two Chilean political parties (the Radical Party and the Christian Democrat Party) through the analysis of the social networks that originated and composed them. The aim of this study is to propose a model of national political cultures on the basis of the structure of social networks related to power and of the symbol system, which legitimizes it. The structure of social networks, horizontal and vertical, are based on reciprocal or redistribut...

Personality and Euroscepticism

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Nielsen, Julie Hassing

2016-01-01

and openness positively correlate with positive EU attitudes, while people scoring high on neuroticism tend to support the EU less. Furthermore, I find that personality moderates different EU frames. Individuals with certain personality traits are more influenced by framing effects than others, while positive......Attitudes towards EU integration are widely studied, yet we know only little about the role of personality for EU attitudes. Utilizing a framing experiment encompassing positive and negative frames of EU integration, this article reports on how personality influences attitudes towards EU...... integration, and how personal predispositions moderate framing effects, impacting EU attitude formation. The study relies on Danish and Swedish data (N = 1808). I test both the direct impact of personality on EU attitudes and personality's moderating impact on framing effects. I find that extraversion...

ISLAMIC PARTIES AND THE POLITICS OF CONSTITUTIONALISM IN INDONESIA

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Mukrimin Mukrimin

2012-12-01

Full Text Available This article examines the relationship between religion and the state in Indonesia by exploring how Islam is used by political parties to shape the politics. The study shows that Islamic politics is a complementary in both nationhood and statehood in Indonesia. From the early days of the new-born nation-state, Muslims in Indonesia had played significant role in shaping the nation; nonetheless, they have never dominated the political power. Fragmentation among Muslims themselves and internal political parties is among the reason why religious (Islamic parties failed in bringing religious identity to the state arena. Political subordination-inclusion-ignorance-confrontation is the circular game that features Islamic politics in Indonesia. The debatable issue on shari‘ah law, which is frequently used by Islamic parties, always becomes the core problem of the relation between Islam and the state. Even though Islam has played an important role in colouring the Indonesian politics, its existence remains complementary.

THE ROLE OF THE ECONOMIC RENTS IN THE POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION OF TURKEY AFTER THE 1980S*

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Bugra Kalkan

2016-07-01

Full Text Available It is claimed in this article that one of the main aims of the “bureaucratic tutelage” system in Turkey is to control the distribution of the economic rents created by the import-substituting industrialization. Thus, economic statism and the bureaucratic control over elected politicians were compatible with each other until economic liberalization in 1980. Even a limited economic liberalization created great opportunities for the politicians to weaken the power of the bureaucratic elites, particularly military officers. Thus, there is a strong relationship between economic liberalization and democratization in Turkey after 1980. However, even though, bureaucratic tutelage is regressed, Turkey is still far from having a transparent government and efficient public organizations. The conventional explanations are not adequate to grasp the intermingled relations between economic and political institutionalization in Turkey. Therefore, public choice may help to understand the role of the economic motivations of the political actors/elites in the context of shaping the political institutions. The political actors are seen as utility maximizers within the limits of institutional rules and practices, and the institutional change is explained with the help of changing interests and power relations of these actors. Enlarging economic liberties have gradually forced bureaucratic tutelage system to dissolve. For sure, dissolving the bureaucratic tutelage system is not a perfect or an intended process but examining this process from Turgut Ozal to Tayyip Erdogan gives us a theoretical framework to understand the political transformation of Turkey in the era of an open economy.

Pirate political parties: New democracy or political utopia

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Karanović Bojana

2012-01-01

Full Text Available Modern society is changing under the influence of IT technologies, more and more we talk about 'digital revolution', and political and economic developments are shaped by computer networks. Undeniably, the Internet has opened new possibilities for socio-political expansion, networking and mobilization. Besides the political establishment, many social movements found their chance in cyberspace recognizing the IT technology as a platform for the development and improvement of their internal and external communication. In this article we will focus on the Pirate Party, movement that has been seriously growing on the European political stage for last several years. Following the example of German Pirate Party we will try to explain the characteristics of the movement, its goals and communication strategies, and political dilemmas which it brings.

Euroscepticism Online

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Dutceac Segesten, Anamaria; Bossetta, Michael

The 2014 elections for the European Parliament are likely to result in the highest number of MEPs representing right-wing parties across Europe. The prolonged eurocrisis and its direct, visible effects (e.g. unemployment and poverty) have already polarized the public opinion in many of EU:s membe...... and nationalism as the two poles on a continuum of attitudes coming out of the discourses. We discuss finally the consequences of the expected Swedish-Danish divergence of online debate content for the idea of a unified European public sphere.......The 2014 elections for the European Parliament are likely to result in the highest number of MEPs representing right-wing parties across Europe. The prolonged eurocrisis and its direct, visible effects (e.g. unemployment and poverty) have already polarized the public opinion in many of EU:s member......-criticism between Sweden and Denmark? Methodologically we combine quantitative and qualitative content analysis of the forum discussions pertaining to the EU critique taking place on the two platforms respectively. Our focus is thus not on the republished content originated in traditional media channels...

Party Political Panthers: Hegemonic Tamil Politics and the Dalit Challenge

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Hugo Gorringe

2011-12-01

Full Text Available The Viduthalai Ciruthaigal Katchi (VCK, Liberation Panther Party has successfully transformed from the largest Dalit movement in Tamil Nadu into a recognised political organisation. Social movement theorists like Gamson (1990 view political recognition and engagement as one of the main aims and successes of social mobilisation. Despite the obvious achievements of the VCK, however, activists and commentators express disappointment or disillusionment with its performance. The Panthers clearly reject the caste hierarchy, but they increasingly adopt hegemonic forms of politics which can undermine their aims. This paper, thus, engages with the questions of movement institutionalisation by tracing the political trajectory of the VCK and charting its resistance to and compliance with Dravidian hegemony. It argues that institutionalisation needs to be understood within particular socio-political contexts and notes how the hegemony of Dravidian politics partly explains the disjuncture between activist and political perceptions. It portrays how the dominant political parties have set the template for what it means to ‘do’ politics in Tamil Nadu which serves as both an opportunity and a constraint for potential challengers.

Golkar Party's Political Communications the New Paradigm Bakrie Leadership 2009-2013

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Khoiruddin Muchtar

2013-11-01

Full Text Available This study base on the efforts of the Golkar Party's to the process of interpretation, socialization, and implementation of the new paradigm, the paradigm guide to reformations Golkar Party's become to democratic, independent, solid, strong, foundamental, and responsive. How Golkar party's political communication about socialization and implementation of a new paradigm of Golkar Party's leadership Aburizal Bakrie-year period from 2009 to 2012.The aim of this research is to study and overview of the process of socialization and implementation new paradigm Golkar Party's of the Aburizal Bakrie’s leadership. This contect described to using constructivist paradigm through the theory of Performance of Communication and Structuration. Research using the case study method. Data obtained by participation observer, unstructured interviews, and documentary study. The data also collected from informants. The results of this research show: 1 The Golkar Party's has a very significant infrastructure, so the making easier to socialization new paradigm to internal party, but Golkar Party's can not erase stigma society as the New Order party. Socializing new paradigm Golkar Party's to be done in integrated, systematic and continuous addressed to all cadres of various levels from the center to the village. 2 the new paradigm Golkar Party's ideals as the basis and foundation values stand for the Golkar Party's, the implementation is faced with the reality of the condition of the various political considerations and the interests of power, so it can not shown the Golkar Party's political communication with the direction of the reality, Golkar Party's must be have to political communication with the role of multi faces.

The impact of EU referenda on national electoral politics: evidence from the Dutch case

NARCIS (Netherlands)

de Vries, C.E.

2009-01-01

This study deals with the issue of increasing contention regarding European matters in national arenas. Specifically, it focuses on the impact of European Union referenda on national elections. EU referenda have two important consequences for national politics: they increase inter-party conflict

CHANGING FROM WITHIN? THE INTRA-ORGANIZATIONAL DYNAMICS OF EU ENLARGEMENT

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Velibor JAKOVLESKI

2015-12-01

Full Text Available This paper opens up the black box of enlargement, focusing on how the intra-organizational relationships among the Council of the European Union, the European Commission, and the European Parliament affect the process of enlargement. Formally speaking, enlargement is an intergovernmental process, suggesting that member states are firmly in control of its outcomes. However, the EU’s supranational actors, specifically the European Parliament and European Commission also attempt to influence enlargement at various stages. I posit that the process of enlargement to the Western Balkans has evolved, influenced by changing constraints which are operating on the aforementioned actors. The added value of this work is in disaggregating the enlargement process based on its institutionalized relationships in both a vertical and horizontal dimension. It provides a supply-side argument for how enlargement policy has evolved from within the EU, rather than simply as a function of external factors.

Religion, politics and gender equality in Turkey: implications of a democratic paradox?

Science.gov (United States)

Arat, Yeşim

2010-01-01

This article examines the gendered implications of the intertwining of Islam and politics that took shape after the process of democratisation in Turkey had brought a political party with an Islamist background to power. This development revived the spectre of restrictive sex roles for women. The country is thus confronted with a democratic paradox: the expansion of religious freedoms accompanying potential and/or real threats to gender equality. The ban on the Islamic headscarf in universities has been the most visible terrain of public controversy on Islam. However, the paper argues that a more threatening development is the propagation of patriarchal religious values, sanctioning secondary roles for women through the public bureaucracy as well as through the educational system and civil society organisations.

Brexit and Euroscepticism

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Wind, Marlene

2017-01-01

-EU-parties and governments in different member states over the past months, but Brexit and Trump also seems to have given a complete new momentum to the European project. This chapter demonstrates why Brexit cannot be generalized to the rest of the continent but is the result of a complicated and special British conception...

Political parties in the Sverdlovsk region: stages of development

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Mukhametov Ruslan Salikhovich

2013-12-01

Full Text Available This article analyzes the processes of party building in the Russian Federation. On the example of a single region – the Sverdlovsk region – we study the evolution of political parties. The factors favoring the process of formation and functioning of regional political parties and political movements in the Middle Urals are identified and classified. Much attention is paid to such factors of development of the parties in the region as a party-electoral law and the electoral system view.

IS TURKEY READY TO JOINT THE EUROPEAN FISCAL UNION?

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Georg Friedrich SIMET

2012-12-01

Full Text Available Since Turkey was officially recognized as a candidate for full membership in 1999 and negotiations were started in 2005 its membership bid has become and still is a major controversy in the ongoing enlargement process. This controversy contributes not only to the valuation of modern Turkey’s social, cultural, political but also its economic situation. Most statements are based on scenarios derived from the perspective on how Turkey’s membership would influence the EU as a whole and/or some of its member states. The development of Turkey as EU member was rarely researched. In particular it was not studied how Turkey’s membership would change Turkey and how these changes would re-influence the development of the EU in a longer run. The present financial, debt crisis in the EU led to intensified short-term oriented analyses on just financial aspects. In order to define and discuss pros and cons of Turkey’s accession it is not sufficient anymore to focus almost exclusively on the effects of Turkey’s accession to the EU. Turkey is to be analyzed from three further perspectives and scenarios: 1 How will Turkey develop as non-member state? 2 How would Turkey develop as a member-state? And 3 How would Turkey as a member state re-influence the EU? As the present economic crisis of the EU (for instance about 46 % of young people in Spain are jobless is aggravated by a major financial crisis in the Euro zone, the economic and financial perspectives of development have to be moved into focus. The “Europe 2020 Strategy” points the way, as it provides indicators to measure the EU’s development from a long-termed perspective. Growth “at EU and national levels” has to be “smart”, “sustainable” and “inclusive”. Accordingly, “five targets were identified: (1 75 % of the population aged 20-64 should be employed, (2 3% of the EU's GDP should be invested in R&D, (3 The "20/20/20" climate/energy targets should be met, (4 The share of

Political Psychology of European Integration

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Manners, Ian James

2014-01-01

The chapter engages in a survey of what political psychology and European integration have to say to each other in the understanding of the European Union. The chapter draws on five strands of political psychology as part of this engagement – conventional psychology, social psychology, social...... construction, psychoanalysis, and critical political psychology. Within each strand a number of examples of scholarship at the interface of political psychology and European integration are examined. The chapter argues that the study of the EU has much to benefit from political psychology in terms of theories...... and methods of European identity and integration, but it also argues that political psychology can benefit from the insights of European integration by rethinking the processes that drive the marking of inside and outside, interior and exterior, belonging and otherness....

Political Globalization and Foreign Direct Investment Inflows in Turkey

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Cem Doğan

2016-06-01

Full Text Available This article examines the impact of political globalization on foreign direct investment inflows to Turkey. Existence of foreign missions in a country, membership in international organizations, participation in U.N. Security Council Missions, and International Treaties are all seen as indicators political globalization. Using different econometric techniques, this study aims to find out whether any empirical relationship between political globalization and FDI exists. The analysis in this article covers the period in Turkey between 1970-2012. The results of cointegration analysis provide no an evidence of a long-run or short run any relationship political globalization and FDI.

Imitating the newcomer. How, when and why established political parties imitate the policy positions and issue attention of new political parties in the electoral and parliamentary arena : the case of the Netherlands

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Otjes, Simon Pieter

2012-01-01

This thesis studies, how, when and why established political parties imitate new political parties. It examines new party effects on both the policy positions of established parties and the attention established political parties spend on issues. It examines this effect in both the electoral and

Means of discourse manipulations in political party programs in Spain

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Irina V. Smirnova

2014-01-01

Full Text Available Thanks to different mass media sources, members of any society are well aware of political developments and events and politicians. Every person has his or her own formed political beliefs and affirmations, interpreters other people's actions during political developments and evaluates events that take place. Political forces, in turn, see a person (a potential elector as an object of external information influence. This lets them use political communication when competing for the power. In the modern democratic society this competition is carried out via parliamentarian debates, politicians' speeches, examining political parties' programs, political agitation and voting. General audience-oriented political discourse implements its function of political information influence. As the goal of any political party's program (as an independent form of text in the system of political discourse is to win the elections and come to power, thus the audience influence function is one of the most fundamental and serve as the basis for the text. The text of a program itself is characterized by its persuasive orientation towards the audience, which reveal itself in such methods as convincing, argumentation, manipulation and evaluation. All the political programs pertain to parties which are at the power or which are in opposition. The main characteristic of oppositional programs is the criticism of the power, vice versa, the dominant party's programs confirm the correctness of their policy. All the political programs are multi-authored. The written form of any political program lets put into practice a detailed text analysis. This article presents the analysis of the texts of two leading Spanish political parties (the Spanish socialist worker's party and the people's party of Spain.

New prospects in the political economy of inner-Caspian hydrocarbons and western energy corridor through Turkey

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Bilgin, Mert

2007-01-01

This paper makes a new conceptualization on Caspian energy system and the transit routes that pass through Turkey. Firstly, it puts forward the term of 'inner-Caspian', comprising Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. Secondly, it identifies sub-systems of 'western energy corridor through Turkey' (WECT) by diversifying: (1) 'WECT inner-Caspian', which includes hydrocarbon transportation from Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan; (2) 'WECT Russia', which is currently composed of Blue Stream gas pipeline and oil transportation by tankers through Turkish straits; and (3) 'WECT Middle East', which refers to Iranian, Iraqi and Egyptian hydrocarbons. Thirdly, this paper makes a comparative analysis on WECT systems through selected economic (reserves, supply/demand, production and transportation costs), geo-political (e.g. moves of the concerned actors), political (e.g. recent developments in government structures) and security (especially in terms of transport) indicators which bring out that 'it is more reasonable for the EU to first embrace WECT inner-Caspian, then develop WECT Middle-East in order to diversify its energy supply'

Negotiating EU CO2/energy taxation. Political economic driving forces and barriers

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Klok, Jacob

2001-11-01

The primary objective of this project is to identify the main political economic driving forces behind and barriers against the creation of an EU agreement on CO 2 /energy taxation. The analysis is based on a theoretical framework for understanding European integration and on detailed historical investigations into a process of EU negotiations concerning CO 2 /energy taxation that took place from the 1980s to 1994. Following the historical analysis of political economic driving forces and barriers, some overall perspectives on possible future developments within the field of EU CO 2 /energy taxation are finally advanced. The secondary objective of the project is to consider the possible effects on the EU negotiation process of Danish efforts to push the CO 2 /energy tax proposal from the late 1980s to 994. This analysis is based on the preceding historical analysis of the EU negotiation process, as well as further investigations into the national Danish development within the field of CO 2 /energy taxation, including accounts of Denmark's particular relations with the EU during the period in question. Finally, based on the likely future developments in the field EU CO 2 /energy taxation. Denmark's strategic opportunities are outlined. (BA)

Western Balkan States and the European Union Enlargement

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Gelina Maliqi (Ramolli

2011-07-01

Full Text Available For half a century, European Union-(EU has pursued ever-deeper integration while taking in new members. It’s marked as an important step in relationship deepening between EU and Western Balkans-(WBs where Albania is part of. In 2003, EU declared that the future of WBs is within EU. Initially it adopted a generous strategy that linked the timetable for accession to the pace of reform in WBs. The declaration contained a conditional promise; EU would consider WBs for membership only if they reached EU standards. The EU was motivated by usual economic considerations connected to enlargement and a desire to increase regional stability. The enlargement process regarding Albania will bring several reforms on different fields. Our country will benefit from a share of multibeneficiary funds for competitiveness, SMEs, energy efficiency and banking sector regulation. This presentation handles out these main issues: EU policy and the enlargement process regarding Albania inspecting the way and progress done up to now by our country, the main features of our national EUcoordination system, concluding in a SWOT Analysis of EU-coordination system in Albania. Eventually, I believe that Albania being part of WBs is at one time an opportunity and a challenge for the future of EU.

POLITICAL PARTIES AND THEIR ROLE IN SAFEGUARDING THE SUPREMACY OF THE CONSTITUTION

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Silvia-Elena, OLARU

2014-11-01

Full Text Available Nowadays, the political scene of the world is stirred by political parties. The separate fronts of the Government, on the one side, and Parliament, on the other, are now obsolete notions, while political parties dominate social life, having become genuine states in state. Therefore, within the contemporary organization of the powers in state, the issues are assessed from a different perspective: traditional structures are maintained, while their functions evolve and transform rapidly. A modern society without political parties is unconceivable. Today, more than ever, political parties deserve their qualification of "engines of political life" and "reasons of the aging of the classical theory of the separation of powers"; at the same time, they must act within the boundaries set by law, namely by observing the principles of a democratic state and the constitutional order. When dealing with the theory of the separation of powers in state, we must keep in mind that, to a large extent, it was developed in a time in which political parties did not exist yet or were not in their modern form. The main problems were of institutional nature and referred to the various bodies, their competencies and the relationships between them. Unfortunately, in societies in transition, where authentic democracy is still developing, political parties - in some countries - perceive governing as a means of obtaining ministerial portfolios at all costs, irrespective of whether they have professionals for the field concerned or not. This often creates a governmental crisis, which usually leads to changing the incumbents and obtaining more positions in the new government. In this context, some of the incumbent parties set up all kinds of obstacles in order to limit the number of parties, and if this limitation fails, they manage to create legal provisions which discriminate among parties with seats in Parliament and those which are not represented, both in local and

Modelling the dynamics of two political parties in the presence of switching.

Science.gov (United States)

Nyabadza, F; Alassey, Tobge Yawo; Muchatibaya, Gift

2016-01-01

This paper generalizes the model proposed by Misra, by considering switching between political parties. In the model proposed, the movements of members from political party B to political party C and vice versa, are considered but the net movement is considered by assuming that [Formula: see text] (a constant), which implies that the movement of members is either from party B to party C or from party C to party B. In this paper we remodel these movements through switching functions to capture how individuals switch between parties. The results provide a more comprehensive synopsis of the dynamics between two political parties.

Role of political parties in the formation of civil society in Uzbekistan

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Сирожжон Насипкулович Бердикулов

2015-06-01

Full Text Available The article considers the role of political parties in the development of civil society and the rule of law, as well as issues of political parties differ from other public organizations, the concept of a multi-party system, the importance of a multi-party system in ensuring political pluralism, inter-party competition, constructive opposition, the expression of the interests of the electorate, the space of political parties in parliament and local councils (soviets

Parties now talk about the EU in national election campaigns, but they still tend to talk past each other

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Senninger, Roman; Wagner, Markus

2015-01-01

How important is the issue of European integration to national election campaigns? Roman Senninger and Markus Wagner write that while the EU previously played only a very small role in national elections, the onset of the Eurozone crisis has resulted in the issue becoming more prominent in campai......How important is the issue of European integration to national election campaigns? Roman Senninger and Markus Wagner write that while the EU previously played only a very small role in national elections, the onset of the Eurozone crisis has resulted in the issue becoming more prominent...... in campaigns in several countries. However, using an analysis of party press releases in Austria, they illustrate that parties still differ greatly in how they address the issue, with parties exhibiting a tendency to talk past each other rather than genuinely engaging with the subject....

Intra-party policy entrepreneurship and party goals. The case of political parties’ climate policy preferences in Ireland

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Little, Conor

2017-01-01

This study contributes to the growing literature on the domestic politics of climate change by examining the climate policy preferences of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Labour Party over 20 years. Bringing the concept of ‘policy entrepreneurship’ into the study of intra-party politics, it uses...... who have engaged in policy entrepreneurship with the aim of strengthening their parties’ climate policy preferences. In instances where office-seeking incentives for climate policy have been strong, they have often contributed to changes in policy preferences, whether or not intra-party policy...... entrepreneurship has been present. Theoretically, the study argues that the concept of ‘policy entrepreneurship’ can be usefully borrowed from the public policy literature by researchers of party policy preferences and intra-party politics. Empirically, it adds to the small but growing body of research on climate...

Choosing memories? Russian political parties as actors of historical policy

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Anikin Daniil Alexandrovich

2017-12-01

Full Text Available The article takes an attempt to analyse the transformation of relations between the state power and political parties in Russia within the framework of implementation the politics of memory. On the basis of the content analysis, the article analyses the specifics of using the images of the past in the activities of the 7th State Duma’s political parties: mentioning the historical periods, frequency of mentions, the function of a statement containing positive, neutral or critical assessments of the past, the theme of the continuity of historical experience of the Russian statehood, ways of implementation of some elements of the politics of memory. To sum up, the stumbling block for the main parliamentary parties becomes the Soviet past concerning which there are only separate points of correlation of all political forces. Today we can talk about the process set by the parties to develop the systematic strategies for comprehending the past. The article also analyses the history of the political parties in the context of the politics of memory.

The transformation of the Swedish political party system in the late 20th/early 21st century

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Ryabichenko Arkady

2013-09-01

Full Text Available This article studies the process of transformation of the Swedish political party system in the 1980s. The study aims to develop a typology of the Swedish political party system before and after the transformation processes commenced. The article identifies the key prerequisites for such transformation: the crisis of social democracy and an increase in the nationalist attitudes in the society caused by the negative repercussions of the system of integration of migrants into the society based on the multiculturalism principles. The interethnic tension manifested itself in the wide support for the Swedish Democrats Party in the 2010 parliamentary election. From a political party system dominated by social democrats, the Swedish political party system turned into one with two leading parties – the centre-left Swedish Social Democratic Labour Party and the centre-right Moderate Party. The Swedish Democrats position themselves as an alternative to the two party blocs headed by the dominating parties (the Alliance and the Red-Green. The study employs an interdisciplinary approach in the framework of science synthesis. Its results can be of practical significance for politicians, social activists, and academicians.

Integrating Islamist Militants into the Political Process : Palestinian ...

International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

Integrating Islamist Militants into the Political Process : Palestinian Hamas. The striking victory of Hamas in the elections of January 2006 raises questions about the integration of Islamists into the Palestinian political system. This project, which is part of a larger program of research on the role of political parties in the Middle ...

'it’s in her eyes': A 'barometer' for EU accession through female perceptions of role portrayals in advertising: a Cross-cultural study of Ukraine and Turkey

OpenAIRE

de Kervenoael, Ronan; Aykaç, D. Selcen Ö.; Aykac, D. Selcen O.

2007-01-01

This article examines female response to gender role portrayals in advertising for Ukraine and Turkey. Both being new potential EU candidates, we argue that gender stereotype could also be use as a ‘barometer’ of progress and closure towards a more general EU accepted behaviour towards women. While their history remains different, both from a political and society values point of views, constraints are currently being faced that require convergence or justification of practices and understand...

Social Networks and Political Parties in Chile

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Adler Lomnitz, Larissa

2002-09-01

Full Text Available This paper describes the origin and evolution of two Chilean political parties (the Radical Party and the Christian Democrat Party through the analysis of the social networks that originated and composed them. The aim of this study is to propose a model of national political cultures on the basis of the structure of social networks related to power and of the symbol system, which legitimizes it. The structure of social networks, horizontal and vertical, are based on reciprocal or redistributive forms of exchange, on what is being exchanged and on the articulation between networks. In every society there are symmetrical and asymmetrical exchanges, which produce horizontal and vertical networks. These networks interact among themselves to form the social fabric. The dominance of some over others and how they combine, delineate the character of the political culture (authoritarian vs. egalitarian. Chile is a multiparty country within which there are cohorts of horizontal groups of friends, who informally exercise a central control over their members and create invisible boundaries setting them apart from others, in which leadership is under constrains. The result is both a strong presidential system based on an almost fanatic legitimacy, combined with factionalism and a strong parliamentary system.

Northern Steps of EU Enlargement: The Impact of “Cohesion” Policies on Iceland’s Accession Process

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Adriana Di Stefano

2011-03-01

Full Text Available This paper focuses on the EU accession process of Iceland, reading the latest northern steps of EU enlargement under a “cohesion” perspective, i.e., through the lens of the cohesion “theory”, namely the method resulting from interactions of the general principles of subsidiarity and cooperation or partnership. From the Mediterranean to the Arctic, the territorial dimension of cohesion policies, as grounded in different EU policies, plays different roles and meets a wide range of economic and social needs. By implementing Nordicum-Mediterraneum analogies, a cohesion-minded EU enlargement approach requires the overall reframing of territorial-based policies and a better allocation of shared responsibilities at the more efficient level of governance.

Constituents of political cognition: Race, party politics, and the alliance detection system.

Science.gov (United States)

Pietraszewski, David; Curry, Oliver Scott; Petersen, Michael Bang; Cosmides, Leda; Tooby, John

2015-07-01

Research suggests that the mind contains a set of adaptations for detecting alliances: an alliance detection system, which monitors for, encodes, and stores alliance information and then modifies the activation of stored alliance categories according to how likely they will predict behavior within a particular social interaction. Previous studies have established the activation of this system when exposed to explicit competition or cooperation between individuals. In the current studies we examine if shared political opinions produce these same effects. In particular, (1) if participants will spontaneously categorize individuals according to the parties they support, even when explicit cooperation and antagonism are absent, and (2) if party support is sufficiently powerful to decrease participants' categorization by an orthogonal but typically-diagnostic alliance cue (in this case the target's race). Evidence was found for both: Participants spontaneously and implicitly kept track of who supported which party, and when party cross-cut race-such that the race of targets was not predictive of party support-categorization by race was dramatically reduced. To verify that these results reflected the operation of a cognitive system for modifying the activation of alliance categories, and not just socially-relevant categories in general, an identical set of studies was also conducted with in which party was either crossed with sex or age (neither of which is predicted to be primarily an alliance category). As predicted, categorization by party occurred to the same degree, and there was no reduction in either categorization by sex or by age. All effects were replicated across two sets of between-subjects conditions. These studies provide the first direct empirical evidence that party politics engages the mind's systems for detecting alliances and establish two important social categorization phenomena: (1) that categorization by age is, like sex, not affected by alliance

Partisan heart and/or rational mind? Party identification, political knowledge and electoral turnout

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Pavlović Zoran

2018-01-01

Full Text Available This paper aims at analysing the relationship between positive and negative party identification and political knowledge, as well as their interplay in regard to electoral turnout. The data from the Serbian 2012 post-election public opinion survey on the nationally representative probability-based sample of voting age citizens were used (N = 1568. The data show that political knowledge is significantly and positively correlated both with positive and negative party identification. Citizens who are more knowledgeable and positively identified are also more likely to vote. However, it is shown that the influence of political knowledge on electoral turnout is moderated only by positive party identification. Political knowledge significantly predicts turnout only in the group of citizens without positive party identification. Being negatively identified with a political party does not modify the relationship between political knowledge and turnout. The results are discussed in terms of the Michigan model of party identification and cognitive mobilisation thesis. The roles of affective and cognitive motivation in electoral participation are additionally stressed and debated. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 47010

Political Parties and Popular Representation in Myanmar’s Democratisation Process

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Kristian Stokke

2015-01-01

Full Text Available The article examines the role of political parties in Myanmar’s democratisation process. We argue that the substance of democratisation depends on popular representation through political parties but question their capacity to provide such representation. Examining capacity through the concept of party institutionalisation, we find that most parties have not been able to build effective organisational structures. However, we also find a degree of party institutionalisation in the form of rootedness in society. Political cleavages between those favouring authoritarian rule over democratic rule and Burman nationhood over ethnic notions of nationhood have produced divisions between state-centred parties associated with Myanmar’s authoritarian legacy and society-centred pro-democracy and ethnic parties. Although being less dichotomous than in the past, we argue that these cleavages continue to provide a basis for party identity and rootedness in society. We conclude that further development of political parties and popular representation will be shaped by the relations between parties, the state, and society – where individual parties are shaped according to their tendencies towards state-centred cartel parties or society-centred mass parties.

Sacrificial limbs of sovereignty: disabled veterans, masculinity, and nationalist politics in Turkey.

Science.gov (United States)

Açiksöz, Salih Can

2012-03-01

Over the last decade, disabled veterans of the Turkish Army who were injured while fighting against the Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan (PKK; Kurdistan Workers' Party) have become national icons and leading ultranationalist actors. While being valorized as sacrificial heroes in nationalist discourse, they have also confronted socioeconomic marginalization, corporeal otherness, and emasculation anxieties. Against this backdrop, disabled veterans' organizations have become the locus of an ultranationalist campaign against dissident intellectuals. Building on two years of ethnographic research with disabled veterans in Turkey, this article analyzes these processes through the analytical lens of the body. Locating the disabled veteran body at the intersection of state welfare practices, nationalist discourses on heroism and sacrifice, and cultural norms of masculinity and disability, I illustrate how disabled veterans' gendered and classed experiences of disability are hardened into a political identity. Consequently, I show how violence generates new modalities of masculinity and political agency through its corporeal effects.

THE POLITICS OF BENEVOLENCE: Political Patronage of Party-based Charitable Organizations in Contemporary Indonesian Islam

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Hilman Latief

2013-12-01

Full Text Available The rise of party-based Islamic charities has had a profound impact on the nature of philanthropic activities in contemporary Indonesia, and stimulated a new debate over the issue of the politics of benevolent acts. Over the past few years, in line with the increase of the influence of the Islamic factor in Indonesian politics, there have been a number of political parties which actively engaged with social welfare activities through the newly-established Islamic charitable organizations. The close ties between charitable organizations and political parties may lead to the new patterns of Muslim social and political activism, and to the new forms of political clientelism. This article analyzes the vibrant effort of political parties in sponsoring the inception and operation of Islamic charitable organizations in the post New Order era, and investigates how political clientelism has been established through charity practices. This paper compares the roles of charitable organizations set up by the nationalist and Islamist parties in formulating strategies to promote their political interest. Based on three political parties studied in this article, which are the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS, Golkar Party, and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P, this paper argues that the practice of charity has become a popular way used by politicians to patronize their constituents, but at the same time, this practice has weakened the Muslim perspective of development and social change.[Munculnya lembaga-lembaga amal yang dikelola oleh partai politik berpengaruh luas terhadap aktifitas filantropi di Indonesia dan memicu perdebatan seputar politik-kedermawanan. Dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, selaras dengan semakin meningkatnya pengaruh Islam dalam lanskap politik Indonesia, partai-partai politik juga berlomba-lomba untuk terlibat aktif dalam aktifitas filantropi dengan mendirikan lembaga amal. Ikatan kuat antara partai politik dan lembaga amal

‘The Union shall respect cultural diversity and national identities’ Lisbon’s concessions to Euroscepticism – true promises or a booby-trap?

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Aronstein, Irene

2010-01-01

Taking Euroscepticism that mainly concentrates on the tension between European integration and the preservation of cultural diversity and national identity as a point of departure, this contribution serves as a normative observation of the Lisbon Treaties' competences and procedures in relation to

Newcomers in Politics? The Success of New Political Parties in the Slovak and Czech Republic after 2010?

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Viera Žúborová

2015-12-01

Full Text Available The last election in the Slovak and Czech Republic was special. It not only took place before the official electoral period (pre-elections, but new political parties were “again” successful. The article focuses not only on both elections in the last two years in a comparative perspective, but it analyses the opportunity structure of success as well, including types of new political parties (according to Lucardie. The article seeks to answer the question: why are new political parties electorally successful, able to break into parliament and even become part of a coalition government? We assume that the emergence and success of new political parties in both countries relied on the ability to promote “old” ideas in a new fashion, colloquially referred to as “new suits” or “old” ideological flows in new breeze.

Party financing and referendum campaigns in EU member states

NARCIS (Netherlands)

van Klingeren, M.; Orozco, M.; van Spanje, J.; de Vreese, C.

2015-01-01

This study has been prepared by the Amsterdam School of Communication Research (ASCoR), part of the Faculty of Social and Behavioural Sciences, University of Amsterdam (UvA). It comprises 1) an up-to-date inventory of party finance rules within the EU Member States, 2) an overview of the regulations

Political Party Funding in Romania - One Step Forward, Two Steps Back?

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Iulian Georgel Savenco

2015-05-01

Full Text Available Within political life, the determining role is given to political parties in their capacity as actors in the electoral campaign and in the race for political power. This is the reason for which we believe that the means of financing political parties and the electoral campaigns in which they partake is an important aspect within the electoral reform, as without an adequate funding their chances of winning the electoral race are drastically reduced. On the other hand, funding of political parties is of great interest as the lack of transparency which usually encircles this process can lead to a dangerous phenomenon, namely corruption. Throughout this article we present the current situation and critically analyze the changes which the Romanian legislature plans to apply to the political party financing law.

Social media, parties, and political inequalities

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Jacobs, K.T.E.; Spierings, C.H.B.M.

2016-01-01

This book examines how social media have transformed politics in established democracies. Specifically, the authors examine the influence of the unique qualities of social media on the power balance between and within parties. They present a general theory as well as an in-depth case study of the

Islamist Parties and Democratization : Lessons from Turkey's Justice ...

International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

The Turkish elections of November 2002 brought a new Islamic-oriented political party to power, with ... They will endeavor to explain the Turkish experience in terms of general causal ... IDRC at the ICLEI Resilient Cities 2018 conference.

Development of Romanian Nuclear Power Program implications for future's EU enlargement

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Havris, A.

2002-01-01

Energy and transport are two areas for which relations with third countries are crucial. Transport is of course essential in order to ensure smooth movements of people and economic operators within the EU but also with the outside world. Its importance becomes even more apparent in a period characterised by globalization. If modes of transport are the arteries of our society, then energy is the blood. The Green Paper on the security of EU energy supply issued by the Commission shows that whereas the EU economy is energy-intensive, Community energy resources are limited. Consequently, the EU is dependent on external sources of energy, a situation which will not change with the forthcoming enlargement. Hence, most of the EU's external relations include an important chapter on energy. The instrument for applying Romania's pre-accession strategy is the National Programme for Accession (NPAR). I focused on the current situation, short and medium term priorities of the Nuclear Energy as part of the Energy Chapter of the NPAR. In spite of the Romanian Authorities' strong commitment for the completion of Unit2, obtaining the EURATOM loan, for which Societatea Nationala Nuclearelectrica S.A. applied to the European Commission in 1999, remained a critical component of the overall financing requirements of this project. The National Strategy for the Development of the Energy Sector on Medium Term 2001- 2004, as part of our national economic strategy, concludes that on a least-cost basis and considering programs for improving energy efficiency, it is necessary to have Cernavoda Unit 2 in operation by 2006. Finally, are presented the benefits for Romania, as a country involved in the process of European Integration, with a view to obtaining the EURATOM loan and finalizing Cernavoda NPP - Unit2.(author)

The Impact of the Explosion of EU News on Voter Choice in the 2014 EU Elections

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Jan Kleinnijenhuis

2016-02-01

Full Text Available The European elections in 2014 were the first to be held after a long period in which EU-related news was prominent in the media. They were held after years of daily news about the euro crisis and after months of news about the popular uprising in the Ukraine against president Yanukovych, who had refused to sign the association agreement with the EU. This could have invited political parties to overcome the usual problem of low salience of EU issues by strongly profiling themselves on EU issues. Turnout at the 2014 EU elections, however, remained low, hinting that parties were unable to convert the attention for European issues into enthusiasm for their party at the European elections. This paper asks how vote choice was influenced by party campaigning on EU related issues. A news effects analysis based on a content analysis of Dutch newspapers and television, and on a panel survey among Dutch voters revealed that EU issues functioned as wedge issues: the more strongly parties were associated in the news with the euro crisis and the Ukraine, the less they succeeded in mobilizing voters.

EU Enlargement: Migration flows from Central and Eastern Europe into the Nordic countries - exploiting a natural experiment

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Pytlikova, Mariola; Pedersen, Peder J.

We look at migration flows from 8 Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs) to 5 Nordic countries over the years 1985 - 2005 and we can exploit a natural experiment that arose from the fact that while Sweden opened its labour market from the day one of the 2004 EU enlargement, the other Nordic...... countries chose a transition period in relation to the "new" EU members. We employ a differences-in-differences estimator in our analysis. The results show that the estimated effect of the opening of Swedish labour market in 2004 on migration is insignificantly different from zero. Further, we...... are interested in the overall effect of the "EU entry" on migration. Therefore we look at migration flows from CEECs during the first round EU enlargement towards CEECs in 2004 and compare them with migration flows from Bulgaria and Romania. We again used a DD estimator in our analysis. The estimated effect...

TURKEY’S ACCESSION TO THE EUROPEAN UNION – PRESENT OR PERSPECTIVES?

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Ileana Voica

2017-12-01

Full Text Available The enlargement of the European Union is a sui generis process, which involves internal preparation of the candidate countries, the European Union and accession negotiations as well. The EU enlargement process is based on the desire to create a close relationschip between the European countries in a common economic and political project. Guided by tha values of the European Union and subject to strict conditions, the enlargement proved to be one of the most effective tools for promoting political, economic and social reforms and to strengthen pceace, stability and democracy across the continent. A controversial topic in the last period is Turkey’s accession to the European Union. Turkey’s European ambitions date back to the 1963 Ankara Agreements, although it has formally submitted the membership application in 1987. Following the Helsinki European Council of 10 – 11 December 1999, accession negotiations between the EU and Romania, Latvia, Lithuania, Slovakia, Malta and Bulgaria started on 15 February 2000. Regarding the accession negotiations with Turkey, il was considered that this country does not meet, at this stage, the criteria set by the Copenhagen European Council on the rule of law, democracy and human rights. For Turkey, an Accession Partnership was adopted on 8 March 2001. Currently, Turkey is far from concluding the process of joining the European Union. However, Turkey is a state that can no longer be ignored by anyone in the world politics, being remarked by the infrastructure projects, the developed tourism, the steady economic growth and, last but not least, by the impressive military power, being the second NATO army. Given that, in the framework of the enlargement process, both the candidate states and the old members must be prepared for integration and cohabitation as well as the negative opinion on the Turkish membership of the influential states, such as Germany and France, it remains to be seen whether Turkey will

Political Party Financing and why it Matters in Tanzania | Walwa ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

Among the key recommendations is that public funding for ongoing party activities and campaigns should be allocated by a mix of proportional rules and flat subsidies to all parties that meet reasonable thresholds and flat subsidies as refers here imply providing subsidies to all political parties on equal basis. The other key ...

Public Integrity, Economic Freedom and Governance Performance. A Comparative Study for the EU Member States and Acceding Countries

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Ani MATEI

2010-11-01

Full Text Available The studies concerning the impact of corruption on the effectiveness of governance are numerous, valorising profound approaches, based on criteria and standards related to good governance, organizational behaviour. The concepts and mechanisms specific for econometrics and statistics provide the quantitative support for qualitative analyses, substantiating public policies, in view to assure effectiveness in performance measurement. For EU Member States and acceding countries, the level of development and social organization determines specific ethical behaviours. In this context, the current paper aims a comparative economic and social evaluation of the correlations between corruption, performance and economic freedom in the states mentioned, following the various significant stages of the EU enlargement. The working hypotheses turn into consideration the following issues:# Corruption holds national specific character and the statistic, econometric or sociologic analyses reveal that it is stable during time.# The climate of economic freedom and the intensity of corruption influence powerfully the economic performance.# The EU membership, “seniority” in EU, regional context determine different attitudes and perceptions on the corruption phenomena.# For the newer EU states or the acceding countries, the strategies of integrity have mimetic character and the National Integrity Systems have structured powerful connections aimed at determining an action focused on public integrity.In the analyses achieved, the EU is approached globally, at least from statistic point of view, and the conclusions aim situations specific to the groups of states that have been or will be the beneficiaries of the EU enlargement. The quantitative analyses use both own results of the researches carried out by the authors and public results of World Bank or Heritage Foundation, as well as results of authorities responsible for national statistics. The paper uses the

Foreign Direct Investments and Tax Correlation: Some of EU Countries and Turkey

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Ali YAVUZ

2010-06-01

Full Text Available In the globalizing world; individuals, markets and capital are more mobile than the past for that reason countries are in cutthroat competition for attract the direct and indirect investments. Especially, developing countries overview their own tax policy and perform incentive measures including tax incentives to attract the direct investments which have a positive effect of production and employment level. In this process, some countries achieve their goals and some are not. The purpose of this study evaluate the difference of tax policies in Turkey which in EU candidacy process and some old central, east Europe countries which are in EU and the main rival of Turkey to attracting direct investments. In this evaluation process, changing income tax, corporate tax, value added tax and performance of attracking the direct investments which was performed in selected countries, were evaluated by comparative

African Ruling Political Parties and the Making of 'Authoritarian ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

appearing to be a 'reincarnation' of the one-party system and military rule that held sway for about three to four decades in Africa (from the 1960s). In the process of this transformation, African ruling parties have been grossly destabilising opposition and perceived dissenters through clientelism, patronage politics and ...

The value of political parties to representative democracy

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Kölln, Ann-Kristin

2015-01-01

Political parties play a major role in democratic processes around the world. Recent empirical research suggests that parties are increasingly less important to citizens. Simultaneously, classic and contemporary theories of representative democracy specifically still minimally incorporate accounts

Energy-political ideas of environmentalist parties in Western Europe

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Hrbek, R.

1990-01-01

By and large the green-alternative parties embrace the same energy policies: They reject nuclear energy, they demand a radically new approach to energy politics and they want to realise their programmes within a comprehensive restructuring of the political and economic order of the respective states. The reasons for this categorical NO to nuclear energy seen in its social and environmental compatibility. In the following we will explain how this type of party works and functions. The reasons for the formation of these parties and the profile of green-alternative parties on a national and international level are described in detail as well as the resonance in society and their chances of success in general. (orig./HSCH) [de

Contextualizing Intergroup Contact: Do Political Party Cues Enhance Contact Effects?

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Sønderskov, Kim Mannemar; Thomsen, Jens Peter Frølund

2015-01-01

This article examines intergroup contact effects in different political contexts. We expand on previous efforts of social psychologists by incorporating the messages of political parties as a contextual trigger of group membership awareness in contact situations. We argue that the focus among...... political parties on us-them categorizations heightens the awareness of group memberships. This focus in turn enhances the positive intergroup contact effect by stimulating majority members to perceive contacted persons as prototypical outgroup members. A multilevel analysis of 22 countries and almost 37......,000 individuals confirms that the ability of intergroup contact to reduce antiforeigner sentiment increases when political parties focus intensively on immigration issues and cultural differences. Specifically, both workplace contact and interethnic friendship become more effective in reducing antiforeigner...

Enlarging the EU's internal energy market: Why would third countries accept EU rule export?

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Prange-Gstoehl, Heiko

2009-01-01

Why would countries without a membership perspective seek integration into the EU's internal energy market? One major element of the EU's external energy policy is the export of EU energy norms and regulations to neighbourhood countries and beyond. A core legal instrument the EU uses in this context is the Energy Community Treaty (ECT). The ECT goes both geographically and regarding its depth significantly beyond neighbourhood or association policies, addressing potentially also countries in the 'far neighbourhood' and aiming at the creation of a Single Market for energy with these countries. While, however, EU candidate countries are obliged to adopt the 'acquis' before accessing the EU and therefore comply to EU rules already before they enter the Club, I argue that countries with no or only a vague membership perspective - i.e. countries where the EU cannot apply the 'conditionality' - approach (e.g., ENP countries)-aim at deeper integration with the EU because they are either eager to demonstrate their capability and potential to become part of the Club, they seek greater independence from a regional hegemon or they envisage significant economic gains as common norms, rules and standards are likely to increase economic exchange with the EU.

Political Legitimacy of Vietnam’s One Party-State: Challenges and Responses

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Carlyle A. Thayer

Full Text Available This article focuses on the challenges to the authority of Vietnam’s one-party state that emerged in 2009 and state responses. Three separate challenges are discussed: opposition to bauxite mining in the Central Highlands; mass protests by the Catholic Church over land ownership issues; and revived political dissent by pro-democracy activists and bloggers. The Vietnam Communist Party bases its claims to political legitimacy on multiple sources. The bauxite mining controversy challenged the state’s claim to political legitimacy on the basis of performance. The Catholic land dispute challenged the state’s claim to legitimacy on rational-legal grounds. Revived political dissent, including the linkage of demands for democracy with concerns over environmental issues and relations with China, challenged the state’s claim to legitimacy based on nationalism. Vietnam responded in a “soft authoritarian” manner. Future challenges and state responses will be debated as Vietnam moves to convene its eleventh national party congress in 2010.

The “transforming power” of EU Enlargement policy in Serbia. An anthropological reflection

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Francesco Florindi

2012-05-01

Full Text Available The enlargement process of the European Union contributed substantially to the harmonisation of legal systems over the continent. The article provides an anthropological critique to the way harmonisation to EU law is implemented in the Balkans, underlining the general lack of awareness by both Serbian government and the EU of Serbian social and legal systems. While applying the anthropological method to EU law’s effects in Serbia, the author investigates also the inner value of the EU project itself. For instance the State's failure to regulate anti-corruption matters has been experienced even when the State's provision in question were in full compliance with several other international obligations and with a positively hierarchically superior legal system: the Constitution.

The EU's Normative Power in Changing World Politics

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Manners, Ian

2009-01-01

global order: 1) what is the concept of normative power in world politics?; 2) what is an effective EU toolbox for tackling new challenges?; 3) how does the EU go beyond self-perception and rhetoric?; 4) what is the raison d'etre of the EU?; and 5) how might normative power in EU external policies lead...

Implementing Democratic Equality in Political Parties

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bolleyer, Nicole; von Nostitz, Felix-Christopher; Little, Conor

2015-01-01

This article theorises and empirically assesses some important intra-organisational implications of maximising democratic equality in political parties both between followers and members and between members and elites. They include weak member commitment, passivity of the rank-and-file membership...

Measuring the effects of social media participation on political party communities

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Effing, Robin; van Hillegersberg, Jos; Huibers, T.; Reddick, C.; Aikins, S.K.

2012-01-01

Political parties can potentially benefit from Social Media to shape interactions between their members. This chapter presents the Social Media Participation Model (SMPM), which measures the effects of Social Media Participation on political party communities. As people and politicians increasingly

Turkey’s Membership in the European Union: Analyzing Potential Benefits and Drawbacks

Science.gov (United States)

2008-12-01

began with the establishment of a coal and steel community, and it has led to an economic, social, and political union.1 Considering the historical...important tool for economic, social and political progress. Yet, this membership is not a sine qua non for Turkey. Turkey wants to be treated as well...and Germany – and its role in the consolidation of democracy in Spain and Portugal – constitute important examples.132 The EU has not, however, had

AN APPLICATION ON BRAND POSITIONING ACTIVITIES OF POLITICAL PARTIES: GAZIANTEP SAMPLE

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Bülent DEMİRAĞ

2018-01-01

Full Text Available The aim in political marketing is to be able to determine the needs and desires of the voters correctly, to form and implement the policies towards the electorate and finally to be able to sustain the electorate in the political process and to form the electoral loyalty accordingly. Particularly, regardless of the voting rate, in the elections, the second party is considered to have lost the election, and for this reason, it is very important for the political parties that are political practitioners to come to the forefront in the politically high society where competition is experienced in the ruthless dimensions. In order to create this differentiation, it is crucial that the competitors, the market and other variables are analyzed well, the segmentation of the market, the formation and application of positioning-related policies and recertification-related strategies. The aim of the work is to measure perceptions of the characteristics of voters who are thought to be influential in political party preferences. In this context, it has been investigated whether 11 different characteristics determined by voters make a meaningful difference with their demographic characteristics. The identification of these characteristics and their importance will provide significant advantages for political parties in their positioning strategies. Within this scope, face to face surveys and data were collected from the voters voting in the province of Gaziantep. The obtained data were subjected to statistical analysis. In this context, it was concluded that the factors affecting political party election differed significantly with demographic criteria.

Motivated Reasoning and Political Parties: Evidence for Increased Processing in the Face of Party Cues

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Petersen, Michael Bang; Skov, Martin; Serritzlew, Søren

2013-01-01

. As part of the latter processes, the presence of party cues would make individuals engage in effortful motivated reasoning to produce arguments for the correctness of their party’s position. Following psychological research, we use response latency to measure processing effort and, in support......Extant research in political science has demonstrated that citizens’ opinions on policies are influenced by their attachment to the party sponsoring them. At the same time, little evidence exists illuminating the psychological processes through which such party cues are filtered. From...... the psychological literature on source cues, we derive two possible hypotheses: (1) party cues activate heuristic processing aimed at minimizing the processing effort during opinion formation, and (2) party cues activate group motivational processes that compel citizens to support the position of their party...

Euro-scepticism as party strategy: persistence and change in party-based opposition to European integration

OpenAIRE

Sitter, Nick

2003-01-01

'Parteien, die eine grundsätzlich oder bedingt ablehnende Haltung der europäischen Integration gegenüber vertreten, sind im gesamten politischen Spektrum zu finden. Ein kursorischer Blick auf die europäische Parteienlandschaft zeigt, dass Mitte-Links- und Mitte-Rechts-Parteien eher nicht zur Übernahme einer grundsätzlich euro-skeptischen Position tendieren, obwohl sie bestimmte Aspekte der europäischen Integration ablehnen mögen, wenn diese programmatischen Zielen zuwiderlaufen. Bis auf einig...

FRAGMENTATION AND CONFLICT AMONG ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES IN INDONESIA DURING REFORMASI ERA (1998-2009: Anatomy, Factors and Implications

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Sri Yunanto

2013-12-01

Full Text Available Since independence of the Republic of Indonesia, Muslims, as the majority population, have established diverse Islamic political parties. The nature of such parties has changed from the days of the Old Order to the New Order and Reformasi eras. Despite similar anatomies between Islamic parties of the Old Order and those of Reformasi, Islamic political parties profess different ideological missions. While the beginning of Old Order saw the confederation of Islamic political parties, Masyumi, seeking to promote the establishment of an Islamic State, none of the Islamic political parties which mushroomed during Reformasi era expressly struggled for the establishment of an Islamic state. However, the Islamic political parties had to weather similar problems of internal conflict and fragmentation. Different ideological strands, policy stances and leadership styles are believed to be amongst the pivotal root causes of their domestic troubles. With their popular votes and parliamentary seats significantly reduced, they prove to be no competition to the nationalist political parties.

The Limits of Conditionality: Turkey – EU Taxation Negotiations

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Hakan Cavlak

2015-10-01

Full Text Available Conditionality is mostly defined as the EU policy engendered for candidate countries. However, the mere use of conditionality by the EU does not essentially explain transferring of policies and EU rules towards the candidate countries. EU conditionality may be considered as a comprising approach but in certain policy areas or countries it might not be as successful as it was on other ones. The EU conditionality basically defined as a bargaining policy of affecting through reward, under which the EU provides inducements to candidate or neighbor countries to aligning with the conditions of the EU. In this study the explanatory power of conditionality would be questioned; so the main question will be “to what extent does the EU have influence on policy convergence in a candidate country that does not have a clear membership perspective? Taxation chapter in accession negotiations between Turkey and the EU has been chosen as the case of this research as providing to have an answer on this question. The main objective of this paper is ‘analyzing the extent of EU conditionality on Turkish taxation policy.’ Furthermore, it is argued in this study that “without a concrete incentive, European Union’s impact on a candidate country would be limited.”  

[Public spheres, political crisis and the Internet: the rise of the Podemos party].

Science.gov (United States)

Jerez, Ariel; Maceiras, Sergio D'Antonio; Maestu, Enrique

2015-12-01

The rise of the political party Podemos, within the context of a crisis in political representation, can be explained from a perspective of transformative interactions between public spheres, social movements and new technologies. The emergence of the 15M movement allowed Podemos to offer a new diagnosis of politics that has been actively promoted on social media, which represent a true campaign platform for low-budget parties. An analysis of Twitter and Facebook reveals the rapid growth of Podemos, its prominence on social networks, the profile of its followers and its most influential publications in these new discourses. Lastly, we analyze the challenges for this type of party in terms of incorporating into the political panorama in Spain and in Europe.

Political party elites and the breakdown of democracy: the Turkish case,1973-1980

OpenAIRE

Demirel, Tanel

1998-01-01

Ankara : Department of Political Science and Public Administration and Institute of Economics and Social Sciences, Bilkent Univ., 1998. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- Bilkent University, 1998. Includes bibliographical references leaves 395-441 This study aims to analyze the behavior of Turkish political party elites during the 1973-1980 period. It is particularly concerned with the extent to which political party elites seemed to have contributed to the breakdown of Turkish democracy in ...

Bolivia: New Presidential Electoral System and Political Parties Coordination

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Mario Torrico

2015-01-01

Full Text Available This article analyzes the incentives generated by presidential electoral systems in Bolivia. The system that was in place until 2005 led to the formation of coalition governments that aimed at giving the Executive the majority in Congress. However, these coalitions gradually lost the electorate confidence, and citizens sought alternative political options to major parties from the early nineties on, giving rise to a social dissatisfaction with democracy. This, in turn, led to the resignation of Sánchez de Lozada and, later, to the triumph of Evo Morales. The new electoral system for electing the president, included in the 2009 Constitution, increases the likelihood that the elected government does not have a majority in Congress. Similar situations in the past led to political crisis and anticipation of elections. In a more favorable context characterized by greater satisfaction with democracy and their parties, the challenge is to take decisions inclusively, something unprecedented in Bolivian politics.

The effects of social media on political party perception and voting behavior

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Riezebos, Peter; de Vries, Sjoerd A.; de Vries, Pieter Walter; de Zeeuw, Erik

2011-01-01

This study sought to determine to what extent social media influences political party perception (PPP) and political voting behavior. Based on literature a conceptual model was developed which measures political interest, political trust, religion and the use of social media and their effects on PPP

Institute of party leadership system of the party creation of modern Ukraine

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

I. O. Lavrenyuk

2015-06-01

Full Text Available This article based on the study of the theory and practice of party­building in Ukraine examines the role of party leader in the political process and the establishment of parties, implementation of the political power, the development of political consciousness and the formation of modern political elite of our country. It is alleged that party leader – a reputable, recognized in its political environment, the person chosen to lead the party and the ability of citizens to consolidate around a common goal, most effectively represent the interests of a particular social group. It is stated that the defining feature of the phenomenon of party leadership is that under conditions of constant political development and irreversibility of democratic transformations in Ukraine part of leaders of political parties in fact is a powerful talent pool for senior government officials, local government agencies and other administrative institutions. The process of creating games as an integral part of the political process is characterized by a certain way, the mechanism of action of consciousness and culture in the public sphere, which deals with political parties. Regularities component of modern political elite of the party elite acts ­ governing the range of persons in the political party headed by its leader that are directly involved in strategic decision­making, policy formulation of this power, as well as its participation in the political process. We study the classification model of national political parties and the institutions of the party leadership. It is proposed to assess the level of correlation of the party leaders and the general dynamics of the civil society in Ukraine. It is stated that at this time a fundamental change in Ukrainian Party elite has not happened yet. However, there is a long evolution of the institute of the party leadership – a rather difficult process of internal and external, objective and subjective, economic

The Changing of Political Orientation of Masyumi Party During 1950-1959

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Alfi Hafidh Ishaqro

2017-06-01

Full Text Available Through historical method, this article studies the Shifts in Political Ideological Orientation of Masyumi Party during the Liberal Democracy Era 1950–1959. The shifted orientations of Masyumi Party included a shif of orientation in its principle, form of government and the government executive system. The establishment of Masyumi Party was the apex of the Japanese concern in trying to map the axis of the powers of various groups in Indonesia. The formations of PUTERA, which bore the nationalist inclination and MIAI, which tended to accommodate urban Muslims were not attractive enough to win the hearts and empathy from the Indonesian native communities for its occupation in Indonesia. Masyumi Party made Islam as a its struggling principle, not only as a symbol but also tha ideology and spirits in conducting the various siyasah preaches within the scope of political struggles. Numerous internal dynamics were then occuring in the body Masymi Party. The Party’s change in its orientation began to be visible, indicated by the idea suggested by M. Natsir to formulate the Constitution or Law of General Election. The formation of the General Election Law made M. Natsir and Masyumi the symbol of the establishment and growth of democracy in the Republic of Indonesia, which became more evident when M. Natsir was ousted and the subsequent working cabinet heads failed to hold a General Election. And finally, at the end of 1955 under the leadership of Burhanuddin Harahap, who was himself a Masyumi figure, a general election was held for the first time. The political attitude shown by Masyumi indicated that Masumi Party had shifted its political orientation. Masyumi Party, which originally struggled to implement Islam by employing the Syura in forming a government was helplessly compromising its principle by following and combining itself into a democracy model the initiator of which was the leader of Masyumi Party itself. Such political behavioral changes

Political Parties, Clientelism, and Bureaucratic Reform

OpenAIRE

Cruz, Cesi; Keefer, Philip

2015-01-01

The challenge of public administration reform is well-known: politicians often have little interest in the efficient implementation of government policy. Using new data from 439 World Bank public sector reform loans in 109 countries, we demonstrate that such reforms are significantly less likely to succeed in the presence of non-programmatic political parties. Earlier research uses evidence from a small group of countries to conclude that clientelistic politicians resist reforms that restrict...

The role of the party leadership to activization the political process of modern Ukraine

OpenAIRE

N. V. Morar

2014-01-01

This article analyzes the conceptual position of the party leadership as a factor in activation processes of political transformation in societies. The place of the party leaders in the political processes in Ukraine, which belongs to the transitional societies. It is proved that the main factor determining the place and role of party leaders in the political processes of transformation of societies dynamics. Where society is experiencing political transformation implemented constitutional...

Confederalism and autonomy in Turkey: The Kurdistan Workers' Party and the Reinvention of Democracy

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Akkaya, A.H.; Jongerden, J.P.

2013-01-01

After a long period of ‘national liberation struggle’ aimed at establishing an independent state, the Kurdish movement in Turkey led by the PKK (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan, Kurdistan Workers’ Party), has changed course and set its aim towards a project of radical democracy. This idea of radical

Matrix revolutions? An analysis of party organization and ICT use by political parties in the Republic of Ireland

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Wall, M.; Sudulich, M.L.

2010-01-01

This article investigates the characteristics of political parties' websites in the Republic of Ireland and seeks to evaluate whether parties' organizational structures influence the manner in which they present themselves online. Ireland has been chosen as a research environment because there is

Assessing the Influence of Political Parties on Public Opinion: The Challenge from Pretreatment Effects

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Slothuus, Rune

2016-01-01

Despite generations of research, political scientists have trouble pinpointing the influence of political parties on public opinion. Recently, scholars have made headway in exploring whether parties in fact shape policy preferences by relying on experimental designs. Yet, the evidence from...... this work is mixed. I argue that the typical experiment faces a design problem that likely minimizes the extent to which parties apparently matter. Because parties have policy reputations, experimental participants may already know from real-world exposure to political debate where the parties stand before...... they are told in the experiment—they are “pretreated.” This study investigates how real-world political context interferes with party cue stimulus in experiments. In two experiments I show that two types of “pretreatment” from outside the experiment—exposure-based and reputation-based—dramatically moderate...

Partis politiques et médias en Grande-Bretagne : entre rivalité et complicité Political Parties and Media in Great Britain Rivals or Partners ?

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Karine Rivière De Franco

2005-01-01

Full Text Available During the weeks preceding a General Election, British political parties try to convince the electorate to vote for them, but given the limited degree of direct communication, the parties need the media to transmit their messages. Their relationships are complex and behind an apparent antagonism, a real partnership sometimes develops. Indeed, political parties endeavour to influence the media in order to benefit from positive coverage, by resorting to political marketing, by hiring advisers, by giving the media the type of news that they need and by controlling press conferences and press releases. The media do not accept this manipulation and react by making independent political choices, by finding other sources of political news or by revealing the methods used by the political parties to convince voters. In other circumstances, the political parties and the media become partners, since the media enable the parties to transmit their messages without any external modification through electoral broadcasts and advertisements and sometimes they even take an active part in the parties’ electoral campaigns. Even if the political parties and the media need each other, they use and manipulate each other. During electoral campaigns, these relationships are not to be neglected because they can either facilitate or hinder the persuasion of the electorate.

THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP AS PART OF THE EU FOREIGN POLICY: A REVIEW OF THEORETICAL APPROACHES

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Andrei SCRINIC

2014-10-01

Full Text Available The Eastern Partnership (2009 as a component part of the European Neighbourhood Policy is a tool that aims at the economic integration and political cooperation of the countries that are included in this project by signing association and free trade agreements with the European Union (EU. The recent events in Ukraine have revealed the possibility of these countries to become EU member states depending on the progress made, which is confirmed by many European experts. However, there are big differences among the Eastern Partnership countries on their way to EU integration on the background of the strong pressure from Russia, aimed to suppress any pro-European manifestations of such countries. Despite the sharpening of geopolitical challenges, the EU continues to use the traditional ways of enlargement and deepening of cooperation processes with the Eastern Neighbourhood. This paper aims at reviewing the theoretical approaches through which the EU, as a normative power, exerts major influence on the Eastern Partnership (EaP countries by extending the neofunctional practices, intergovernmental cooperation and the constructivist model. However, in view of reaching the soft power objectives, we aim at transforming and strengthening the EU positions in the context of amplified economic and political-ideological problems at regional level.

The EU-Turkey Deal and the Safe Third Country Concept before the Greek Asylum Appeals Committees

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Gkliati, M.

2017-01-01

This article discusses the first case law issued on the EU-Turkey deal from April to June 2016, which authoritatively answers the question whether Turkey constitutes a safe third country for refugees. In 390 out of 393 decisions, the Greek Asylum Appeals Committees ruled that Safe Third Country

The political constitution of the EU citizen rights regime

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Olsen, Tore Vincents

2011-01-01

Reactions to decisions by the European Court of Justice (ECJ) demonstrate that the political institutions in the Union should take responsibility for the development of the structure of the European Union's (EU) citizen rights regime. This article analyses different political views on the EU...... communities and institutions to the good life of citizens, both individually and collectively. Taking the contestation between the different views seriously, the article argues in favour of political constitutionalism, according to which the development of the EU citizen rights regime is the responsibility...... citizen rights regime. It argues that the disagreement between them is largely a disagreement between ‘reasonable views’. The disagreement is mainly based on different views about the levels (European, national) at which individuals are to be seen as equals and about the contribution of different...

Intra-EU Direct Investment and Enlargement

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Festa Andrea

2015-03-01

Full Text Available This paper examines the determinants of the intra-EU direct investment (IDI into the New Member States (NMS using a panel dataset of bilateral capital flows for the period 1993-2013. It is found out by using a simple gravity model that EU membership is the most important determinant. Unlike previous studies including non-EU countries, the distance is insignificant, which is caused by proximity of these countries to one another. A separate analysis focused on subgroups of accession countries gives some evidence that even when size of their economy, distance, institutional quality and EU accession are taken into account, Central European countries receive more IDI than the Baltic and the Balkan states. On the contrary to that, the analysis restricted to the Balkan countries which have joined the EU shows the inexistence of a negative Balkans effect in attracting foreign investment. This finding is relevant because previous studies demonstrate a persistent negative Balkans effect for non-EU Balkan countries and suggests a crucial impact of the EU accession in determining the intra-EU capital flows.

The Analysis of Slovenian Political Party Programs Regarding Doctors and Health Workers from 1992 to 2014.

Science.gov (United States)

Maksuti, Alem; Rotar Pavlič, Danica; Deželan, Tomaž

2016-03-01

The study focuses on the programmatic bases of Slovenian political parties since independence. It presents an analysis of party programs and their preferences regarding doctors and other health workers, as well as the contents most commonly related to them. At the same time, the study also highlights the intensity of the presence of doctors on the policy agenda through time. In the study, 83 program documents of political parties have been analysed. The study includes programmes of political parties that have occurred in parliamentary elections in Slovenia between 1992 and 2014 and have exceeded the parliamentary threshold. The data were analysed using the content analysis method, which is suitable for analysing policy texts. The analysis was performed using ATLAS.ti, the premier software tool for qualitative data analysis. The results showed that doctors and other health workers are an important political topic in non-crisis periods. At that time, the parties in the context of doctors mostly dealt with efficiency and the quality of services in the health system. They often criticize doctors and expose the need for their control. In times of economic crisis, doctors and other health workers are less important in normative commitments of parties. Slovenian political parties and their platforms cannot be distinguished ideologically, but primarily on the principle of access to government. It seems reasonable to conclude that parties do not engage in dialogue with doctors, and perceive the latter aspassive recipients of government decisions-politics.

Political parties Foundations and Politicization Processes in Brazil: action domain, amalgams and ambivalences

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Eliana Tavares dos Reis

2017-12-01

Full Text Available The article analyzes the space of party foundations in Brazil. This field of action is perceived as a vehicle and a reflection of processes of politicization.The work is based on two axis: 1 the (structural and sociographic configuration of these party sectors and its relative autonomy or dependence according to the party organizations; 2 the possible intersections between political logic and domain and intellectuals from the exploitation of this specific area. It presents data on the creation and the creation chronology of party foundations, its organizational structure (websites, offices, sectors, tasks/roles divisions; requirements of various experts, products such as books, magazines, courses, incomes; etc. from information available on the internet as well as the social, political and cultural profiles of its presidents and former presidents. It was also examined the case of the Perseu Abramo Foundation of the Workers Party.

Specifics of horizontal and vertical relations in Ukrainian political communication on the background of the party building’s process, political science theory and requirements to Ukrainian political context

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K. Y. Odarchenko

2016-10-01

Full Text Available The specifics of horizontal and vertical relations in Ukrainian political communication on the background of the party building’s process has been analysed. Aims of this article are: 1 determination of the subjectivity of political communication; 2 disclosure of the main features of internal politics and communications; 3 setting the essential features of the political parties’ status after peaceful protests in Ukraine 2013-2014 year; 4 explanation of the actual gap that has horizontal and party political communication in Ukraine. Political modernization, capacity of Ukrainian political parties has been characterized. It has been shown that Maidan didn’t influenced tools of creating political parties and their typology greatly. Maidan as a political component was weak and did not respond to the challenges, which Ukrainian political system faced to. The weakness was in the fact that leaders of the oppositional political camp would rather keep old then implement real political change of the political system , which was adapted by the old oliharcial clan. Public sector was not able to identify their environment with new political leaders, nor with a mass movement, based on the creation of new organized political force. It has been found that in a democratic society communication is effective only if it is not only technically modern, interactive, two-way, but if it is consistent to other democratic demands, such as legal and moral control of society over the media, maintenance of basic pluralism, direct contact between senders and recipients of information, feeds decentralization, respect of freedom of expression and privat opinion. Summary of the political communication in Ukraine has to move away from thinking of policy and bureaucratic political consciousness. Otherwise, the simulation is effective and efficient for countries and regions where political communication can become a daily political farce communication in public space.

Public funding of political parties when campaigns are informative

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ortín, Ignacio Ortuño; Schultz, Christian

dependence on vote shares induces fur- ther moderation and improves welfare. If parties are asymmetric, vote share dependent public funding bene…ts the large party and makes it moderate its candidate, while the smaller party reacts by choosing a more extremist candidate. On balance, however, if the parties......The paper considers public funding of political parties when some voters are poorly informed about parties’ candidates and campaigns are informative. For symmetric equilibria, it is shown that more pub- lic funding leads parties to chose more moderate candidates, and that an increase in the funding’s...... are not too asymmetric, an increase in vote share dependent funding improves welfare and increases the likelihood that a moderate candidate wins the election...

Anti-EU and Anti-LGBT Attitudes in Poland: Considering Quantitative and Qualitative Evidence

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Chojnicka Joanna

2015-10-01

Full Text Available The purpose of this study is to investigate anti-EU and anti- LGBT attitudes in Poland on the basis of quantitative evidence (statistical data and qualitative evidence (discourse analysis of statements expressed on the Internet. As Euroscepticism seems to frequently appear in conjunction with prejudice against LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transsexual or transgender persons, the task of this article is to find out whether they may have a common foundation and what it may be.

The Changing of Political Orientation of Masyumi Party During 1950-1959

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Alfi Hafidh Ishaqro

2017-06-01

The formation of the General Election Law made M. Natsir and Masyumi the symbol of the establishment and growth of democracy in the Republic of Indonesia, which became more evident when M. Natsir was ousted and the subsequent working cabinet heads failed to hold a General Election. And finally, at the end of 1955 under the leadership of Burhanuddin Harahap, who was himself a Masyumi figure, a general election was held for the first time. The political attitude shown by Masyumi indicated that Masumi Party had shifted its political orientation. Masyumi Party, which originally struggled to implement Islam by employing the Syura in forming a government was helplessly compromising its principle by following and combining itself into a democracy model the initiator of which was the leader of Masyumi Party itself. Such political behavioral changes were associated with the reasoning of the then leaders of Masyumi Party, who tended to accommodative and excessively compromising.

Presence of Political Parties and Deputies in Internet in Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay

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Yanina Welp

2016-01-01

Full Text Available According to Latinobarómetro, political parties are the institutions which less confidence receive from Latin Americans. This is not a particularity of Latin America, but a documented problem of Western consolidated democracies.In this context, in Europe and United States, among others, the use of digital media become a tool to overcome the crisis of representation, given their capacities to renovate politics, and because they allow the offering of more publicity of public matters as well as the opening up of new channels of participation and communication between citizens and representatives. But to what extent and with which features is this adoption happening in Latin America? Based on the study of the online presence of political parties and deputies of Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay (webs, blogs, Facebook and Twitter, this article explores the levels of digital media adoption and the influence of variables such as the internet diffusion in the country, the crisis of representation and the characteristics of political parties (institutionalization, ideology, size, role of leaders explaining the extension and characteristics of this adoption. 

Creating A Nationwide Nonpartisan Initiative for Family Caregivers in Political Party Platforms.

Science.gov (United States)

Scribner, Ben; Lynn, Joanne; Walker, Victoria; Morgan, Les; Montgomery, Anne; Blair, Elizabeth; Baird, Davis; Goldschmidt, Barbara; Kirschenbaum, Naomi

2017-06-01

Policymakers have been slow to support family caregivers, and political agendas mostly fail to address the cost burdens, impact on employment and productivity, and other challenges in taking on long-term care tasks. This project set out to raise policymakers' awareness of family caregivers through proposals to Republican and Democratic party platforms during the 2016 political season. The Family Caregiver Platform Project (FCPP) reviewed the state party platform submission process for Democratic and Republican parties in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. We built a website to make each process understandable by caregiver advocates. We designed model submissions to help volunteers tailor a proposal and recruited caregiver advocates participating in their state process. Finally, we mobilized a ground operation in many states and followed the progress of submissions in each state, as well as the formation of the national platforms. In 39 states, at least one party, Republican or Democrat, hosted a state party platform process. As of September 2016 FCPP volunteers submitted proposals to 29 state parties in 22 states. Family caregiver language was added to eight state party platforms, one state party resolution, two bipartisan legislative resolutions, and one national party platform. The FCPP generated a non-partisan grassroots effort to educate and motivate policymakers to address caregiving issues and solutions. Democratic party leaders provided more opportunities to connect with political leaders, with seven Democratic parties and one Republican party, addressing family caregiver issues in their party platforms. © 2017, Copyright the Authors Journal compilation © 2017, The American Geriatrics Society.

11 CFR 100.85 - Legal or accounting services to political party committees.

Science.gov (United States)

2010-01-01

... 11 Federal Elections 1 2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Legal or accounting services to political party committees. 100.85 Section 100.85 Federal Elections FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION GENERAL SCOPE AND DEFINITIONS (2 U.S.C. 431) Exceptions to Contributions § 100.85 Legal or accounting services to political party...

Economic impact assessment of Turkey's post-Kyoto vision on emission trading

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Akın Olçum, Gökçe; Yeldan, Erinç

2013-01-01

For the post-Kyoto period, Turkey strongly emphasizes the establishment of national emission trading system by 2015 and its integration with the EU ETS along its accession process to the EU. In this paper, we study the mechanisms of adjustment and economic welfare consequences of various ETS regimes that Turkey considers to apply by 2020, i.e. regional ETS and international trading within the EU ETS. We conduct our analysis under the current EU 20–20–20 emission target, 20%, and also under its revised version, 30%. We find that Turkey has economic gains from linking with the EU ETS under the 20% cap, in comparison to the domestic ETSs. Despite the EU's welfare loss under linkage in comparison to the case where Turkey has domestic abatement efforts, it still prefers linking as it increases economic well being compared to the case where Turkey does not abate. Under 30% cutback, Turkey has critical output loss under linkage due to high abatement burden on the EU, while the EU is better off as it passes some of its abatement burden to Turkey. Therefore, emission quotas and their allocation across the ETS and non ETS sectors become highly critical in distributing the overall economic gains from bilateral trading. - Highlights: • We conduct welfare analysis of Turkey's post-Kyoto vision on emission trading. • Welfare impacts of having Turkey in the EU ETS via EU accession are analyzed. • Analysis is done with the current EU target of 20%, and the revised target of 30%. • Welfare impacts of linkage on both regions highly depend on the emission targets. • The EU has welfare gains when Turkey engages in abatement actions

Policy agendas and births and deaths of political parties : The Dutch Model

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Lowery, D.; van Witteloostuijn, A.; Peli, G.; Brasher, H.; Otjes, Simon; Gherghina, Sergiu

The standard model of political party density emphasizing the interaction of social cleavages and district magnitude (M) is incomplete in accounting for number of parties in cases of high values of M in an arbitrary way. We explore an alternative model for such cases emphasizing the slack in the

Gender Influence on Part-time Working: An Empirical Study Upon the EU and Turkey

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Aslı Beyhan Acar

2014-04-01

Full Text Available In this empirical study, it’s investigated differences of part-time working rates between men and women in the period of 2000-2012. 17 members of the EU and Turkey -as a candidate country- are participated in the study. Turkey is participated into the study too, because Turkey must adapt the most of the regulations of EU as a candidate member of the Union. The data are collected from OECD and World Bank statistics web site. Beyond that many database indicate part-time employment rates for both common and national definition of part-time working for statistical purpose. According to this it’s aimed to determine whether there is a significant difference between part-time working rates that are based on common and national definition. In the literature, there are some studies that investigate fertility rates and part-time employment rates of women. The correlation of these two variables that are belonged the years 2000-2012 is tested and the findings are indicated in the study. Furthermore, it’s analyzed the rate differences of part-time working for men and women in the period of 2000-2012.

Gender Influence on Part-time Working: An Empirical Study upon the EU and Turkey

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Aslı Beyhan Acar

2016-01-01

Full Text Available In this empirical study, it’s investigated differences of part-time working rates between men and women in the period of 2000-2012. 17 members of the EU and Turkey -as a candidate country- are participated in the study. Turkey is participated into the study too, because Turkey must adapt the most of the regulations of EU as a candidate member of the Union. The data are collected from OECD and World Bank statistics web site. Beyond that many database indicate part-time employment rates for both common and national definition of part-time working for statistical purpose. According to this it’s aimed to determine whether there is a significant difference between part-time working rates that are based on common and national definition. In the literature, there are some studies that investigate fertility rates and part-time employment rates of women. The correlation of these two variables that are belonged the years 2000-2012 is tested and the findings are indicated in the study. Furthermore, it’s analyzed the rate differences of part-time working for men and women in the period of 2000-2012.

Exploring the ‘ultimate’ step in the mediatization of political parties

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ørsten, Mark; Willig, Ida; Pedersen, Leif Hemming

Previous studies exploring the fourth dimension of mediatization, that is to say the extent to which political parties adjust their perceptions and behaviour to news media logic, have focused on three steps of structural change that political parties may take as a response to the increasing......, parties may begin to especially focus on candidates who are skilled in communicating with the news media (Strömbäck & Van Alest, 2013).So far, research into the fourth dimension of mediatization in Denmark has focused mostly on the first two steps (Blach-Ørsten, 2016; Elmelund-Præstekær & Hopmann, 2016...

Immigration politics Italian style: the paradoxical behaviour of mainstream and populist parties.

Science.gov (United States)

Perlmutter, T

1996-01-01

This article explores the role of electoral politics in managing immigration as a policy option in Italy. Italy was late in passing its first comprehensive immigration legislation (1990). A small, liberal party waged a campaign against the proposed immigration law. A party known for right-wing posturing did not mobilize against the law. These political postures were not anticipated by conventional wisdom. Conventional wisdom suggests that immigration should not be an electoral issue and that consensus solutions should be sought. It is argued that the Italian response supports the view that in a fragmented, multi-party system, minor parties will be more likely to mobilize. Two mass media studies were used as the basis for this article's analysis. The studies provide detailed evidence on party willingness to publicly discuss immigration and the ways the issues are framed. The Italian case illustrates the tendency for mainstream, pro-system parties to politicize the issue and extremist, anti-system parties to depoliticize it. The DC and PCI, as mass parties, behaved traditionally and supported moderately open immigration policies, but in closed forums. The minor parties had a stake in shifting electoral support, so the PSI took an outspoken stand and the PARI publicized its exclusion from the policy-making process and its support for more restrictive policies. It was the constituencies and the leadership structure that facilitated these strategies. The author differs from Betz's party analysis by arguing that party ideology may not be a useful guide for predicting stands on immigration, and that it is difficult to generalize about immigration.

Weather conditions and political party vote share in Dutch national parliament elections, 1971-2010

Science.gov (United States)

Eisinga, Rob; Te Grotenhuis, Manfred; Pelzer, Ben

2012-11-01

Inclement weather on election day is widely seen to benefit certain political parties at the expense of others. Empirical evidence for this weather-vote share hypothesis is sparse however. We examine the effects of rainfall and temperature on share of the votes of eight political parties that participated in 13 national parliament elections, held in the Netherlands from 1971 to 2010. This paper merges the election results for all Dutch municipalities with election-day weather observations drawn from all official weather stations well distributed over the country. We find that the weather parameters affect the election results in a statistically and politically significant way. Whereas the Christian Democratic party benefits from substantial rain (10 mm) on voting day by gaining one extra seat in the 150-seat Dutch national parliament, the left-wing Social Democratic (Labor) and the Socialist parties are found to suffer from cold and wet conditions. Cold (5°C) and rainy (10 mm) election day weather causes the latter parties to lose one or two parliamentary seats.

The Politics of Global Value Chains: Import-dependent Firms and EU-Asia Trade Agreements.

Science.gov (United States)

Eckhardt, Jappe; Poletti, Arlo

2016-01-01

In 2006, the European Commission released its Global Europe Communication, in which it announced a shift from a multilateral to a bilateral trade strategy. One of the key pillars of this new strategy was to strengthen the bilateral trade relations with key Asian countries. In contrast to existing analyses that focus on European Union (EU) decision makers' agency, we propose an explanation for this notable shift in the EU's trade policy that stresses the political role of import-dependent firms. In light of the increasing integration of such firms into global value chains, the article argues that a plausible case can be made, both theoretically and empirically, that import-dependent firms had a clear stake in the signing of preferential trade agreements between the EU and Asian countries and that their lobbying efforts significantly affected the EU's decision to start negotiations with South Korea, India and Vietnam.

FORUM OF POLITICAL PARTIES, THINK TANKS AND NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS OF THE BRICS GROUP

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E. Gladun

2017-01-01

Full Text Available The Joint International Forum of Political Parties, Think Tanks and NonGovernmental Organizations of the BRICS took place in Fuzhou, China on 10–12 June 2017. The event was hosted jointly by the International Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, the China Council for BRICS Think Tank Cooperation and the China NGO Network for International Exchanges.For the first time in the story of BRICS cooperation the countries’ representatives witnessed the renewed format of the BRICS Academic Forum – two traditional tracks (academic conference and civil track were supplemented by the assembly of political parties. Taking its turn in chairing the multinational BRICS association in 2017, China proposed this new Forum format and joined together three dialogues that had grown out of the BRICS Academic Forum, which took place now for the ninth time.1 Another innovation on China’s part was the outreach format – representatives of 28 countries, including Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Cambodia, Egypt, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Kenya, Argentina, Chile and Mexico among others took part.The Joint International Forum was a truly large-scale international event – 37 political parties of 26 countries, 105 think tanks, and over 400 representatives of 79 civil society organizations were in attendance.2The Forum participants engaged in separate deliberations at the BRICS Academic Forum on “Pooling Wisdom and New Ideas for Cooperation,” the BRICS Civil Society Organizations Forum on “Stronger People-to-People Bond for Better Cooperation,” and the BRICS Political Parties Dialogue on the “Guiding Role of Political Parties in Promoting Cooperation.” The Forum was a complete success with broad consensus.

How body balance influences political party evaluations. A Wii balance board study.

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Katinka eDijkstra

2012-12-01

Full Text Available Embodied cognition research has shown how actions or body positions may affect cognitive processes, such as autobiographical memory retrieval or judgments. The present study examined the role of body balance (to the left or the right in participants on their attributions to political parties. Participants thought they stood upright on a Wii™ Balance Board, while they were actually slightly tilted to the left or the right. Participants then ascribed fairly general political statements to one of ten political parties that are represented in the Dutch House of Representatives. Results showed a significant interaction of congruent leaning direction with left- or right wing party attribution. When the same analyses were performed with the political parties being divided into affiliations to the right, center, and left based on participants’ personal opinions rather than a ruling classification, no effects were found. The study provides evidence that conceptual metaphors are activated by manipulating body balance implicitly. Moreover, people’s judgments may be colored by seemingly trivial circumstances such as standing slightly out of balance.

How body balance influences political party evaluations: a wii balance board study.

Science.gov (United States)

Dijkstra, Katinka; Eerland, Anita; Zijlmans, Josjan; Post, Lysanne S

2012-01-01

Embodied cognition research has shown how actions or body positions may affect cognitive processes, such as autobiographical memory retrieval or judgments. The present study examined the role of body balance (to the left or the right) in participants on their attributions to political parties. Participants thought they stood upright on a Wii(™) Balance Board, while they were actually slightly tilted to the left or the right. Participants then ascribed fairly general political statements to one of 10 political parties that are represented in the Dutch House of Representatives. Results showed a significant interaction of congruent leaning direction with left- or right-wing party attribution. When the same analyses were performed with the political parties being divided into affiliations to the right, center, and left based on participants' personal opinions rather than a ruling classification, no effects were found. The study provides evidence that conceptual metaphors are activated by manipulating body balance implicitly. Moreover, people's judgments may be colored by seemingly trivial circumstances such as standing slightly out of balance.

Constitutional reform processes and political parties : principles for practice

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Vliet, van M.; Wahiu, W.; Magolowondo, A.

2012-01-01

This publication provides a set of guiding principles for constitutional reform on the basis of practical experiences of constitutional reform processes in selected countries: Bolivia, Ghana, Indonesia, Iraq, Kenya, Malawi, Zimbabwe and South Africa. The focus is on the role of political parties in

The Quality of Governance and EU Regional Policy as a key determinant in the process of the integration of the Western Balkans into the EU

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Demush Bajrami

2017-12-01

Full Text Available This paper analyzes the quality of governance and financial assistance as key determinants for successful functioning of the process of integration within the European Union (EU. Moreover, the paper develops a comparison of the Western Balkans with current EU members and the forthcoming, on the basis of the selected indicators of governance (rule of law, democracy, corruption, political stability, and effectiveness of state with the experience of the implementation of the reforms of public administration. Various surveys show that the Western Balkans, by all quality of governance indicators, especially in the rule of law, lags behind 28 (twenty eight of the current EU countries (without taking in account the Great Britain. The low level of the functioning of rule of law, combined with inadequate and unreformed public administration is potentially the biggest obstacle in the association agreement of the Western Balkans with EU, but also as challenge in achieving sustainable social and economic development. Whereas in the case of the Western Balkan countries, there is an obvious difference between proclaiming and internal reality, which is further compounded by a difficult political and economic transition, as well as in social domain - where poverty and corruption are the most worrying. The research data obtained from independent bodies - academic and research institutions, civil society and international organizations - confirm this controversial picture of the Western Balkans. Negative attitudes still prevail in Western Balkans political elites and if given the chance to political manipulation, may behave unpredictably. All this makes it obligatory to make a comparative overview, for depicting in particular the quality of governance as sine qua non for the Western Balkans countries‘ integration in EU.

The effect of political products on the decision to choose political party through the role of the candidates of legislative members as mediating variable

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Suwignyo Widagdo

2015-12-01

Full Text Available This study attempts to analyze; 1 the effect of political product on the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member; 2 the effect of political product on the decision to choose political party; 3 the effect of the decision to choose the candidates of legislative members on the decision to choose political party; and 4 the role of mediating variable of the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member on the affect the decision to choose political party. The data were analyzed using inferential statistical analysis of Generalized Structured Component Analysis (GeSCA. It shows that 1 the political product has an effect on the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member; 2 the mediating variable of the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member plays a very important role for the constituents in taking the decision to choose political party. However, of the existing three indicators, only personal characteristic can explain the strength of the effect of political product on the selection of political party. Yet, the second hypothesis test result shows that the path coefficient is significant and provides evidence that the second hypothesis is accepted. The decision to choose political party is increa-singly stronger as a result of the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member which is in accordance with the expectations of voters. Acquisition of the party vote will increase after the constituents know the candidates proposed. The higher the popularity and quality of the candidate is, the greater the electoral gains of a party.

Liberal Party Politics, the South African War, and the Rhetoric of Imperial Governance.

Science.gov (United States)

Mackley, Simon

2018-03-01

This article examines the imperial rhetoric of the Liberal Party during the South African War of 1899-1902, charting its use and development across five key controversies spanning the course of the conflict. Moving beyond traditional interpretations of the Liberal split as the product of competing visions of Empire and approaches to imperialism, this article argues for the need to recognize also the continuities within the imperial rhetoric of fin-de-siècle British Liberalism. Building on recent studies of political languages, it identifies how Liberal speakers from across the party operated within a rhetorical framework that emphasized three ideals of imperial governance: good government, self-government, and pluralism. In doing so, this article seeks to advance our understanding of the South African War as an episode in British party politics, demonstrating the complexity and nuance of the Liberal Party's response to the conflict. Furthermore, by undertaking an in-depth exploration of the rhetoric of imperial governance, this article highlights the Liberal response to the South African War as a case study for the reinvention and reiteration of both party and imperial languages in early twentieth-century Britain, with the potential to offer new insights into the political and imperial cultures of the period.

Party Organizational Change: Formal Distribution of Power between National and Regional Levels in Italian Political Parties (1991-2012

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Enrico Calossi

2015-03-01

Full Text Available In the last 20 years an increasing number of scholars have centred their attention on the relationships between party national structures and party sub-national branches. A relevant part of the specialized literature has interpreted party change as the by-product of the denationalization of party politics. The aim of this contribution is to investigate to what extent eight relevant Italian parties have followed patterns of organizational change, after the reforms of the municipal, provincial and regional election sys-tems; and the process of devolution of administrative powers begun during the Nineties. By focusing on two analytical dimensions (the level of involvement and the level of autonomy of party regional units, we analyse diachronically continuity and change in party formal organization, through an in-depth analysis of the statutes adopted from 1992 to 2012

African Ruling Political Parties and the Making of 'Authoritarian ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

only contributed to corruption, violent conflict, poverty, human rights abuses and the throttling of social justice. The contradiction in Africa's democratisation is further shown by the increasing metamorphoses of many African ruling political parties into what can be called 'democratic authoritarianism'. The process of this met-.

THE EU, APEC AND ASEAN; A COMPARISON IN THE FRAMEWORK OF ECONOMIC INTEGRATION

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Ismet ATES

2016-07-01

Full Text Available Fast developing technology, increased production and the search for market has paved the way for globalization after the industrial revolution. Transnational borders has almost disappeared today’s World which faced with two great wars and a lot more threat during the 20th century. Economic integrations gained speed after the two Great World Wars. Countries started to come together because of advancing technology, transportation facilities, security concerns and increased competition during this period. Thus, political, military and cultural integration movements established and also economic integration movements gained speed. Economic, political, military integrations like EU, APEC, ASEAN, NAFTA, WTO and NATO have showed impact in every region of the World. There are a lot of regional and global integration movements in the World. Globalization leads to act the World as if it had a single center increasingly. This case is important in terms of economic integration of the national economies. The main objective of economic integration is an effort to eliminate all barriers to trade. In this work, the structure of the economic integration process and its effect on the World economy will be examined. APEC, ASEAN and EU can be considered as one of the best samples of the economic integration in the World. General structures, macroeconomic performances and their effects on integration process of these three economic integrations will be discussed. As a result, APEC stands out with its developing large trade volume, ASEAN is noted with its great speed of economic development and, European Union differs with its large gross domestic product per capita. APEC, EU and ASEAN organizations show that both developed and developing countries can not remain outside of integration. Each of the three integration movement has been making great contributions to the World to integrate. World is almost becoming a single country thanks to the economic integration.

Serbia’s EU integration process: The momentum of 2008

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Ristić Irena

2009-01-01

Full Text Available After four years of ambivalence, the relationship between the European Union and Serbia is again gaining a new opportunity to flourish. The new Serbian government is formed by parties which are strongly committed to Serbia’s EU integration and hence ready to carry out reforms and fully cooperate with the International Crime Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. This paper presents the current relationship between Brussels and Belgrade and its main obstacles. It emphasizes both internal and external problems of this relationship and their interdependency. In this regard the author argues that only by a mutual commitment of both Serbia and the EU lasting peace will be achieved in the Western Balkans and the region stabilized.

What is the Role of Parental Leave policies in shaping Work and Care in the Enlarged EU?

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ejrnæs, Anders

2008-01-01

The aim of the article is to examine the role of parental leave in shaping a mother's choice between work and care in the enlarged EU. A central question is how parental leave schemes affect mothers' employment and the occupational consequences for mothers who spend time on full-time caring...

The Party Politics of Legislative-Executive Relations in Security and Defence Policy

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Wagner, W.M.; Herranz-Surralles, A.; Kaarbo, J.; Ostermann, F.

2017-01-01

The move from territorial defence to ‘wars of choice’ has influenced the domestic politics of military interventions. This paper examines the extent to which both the substance and the procedure of military interventions are contested among political parties. Regarding the substance, our analysis of

Coming to Terms with British Euroscepticism

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Jørgensen, Poul Erik Flyvholm; Isaksson, Maria

EU bashing has long been the favoured approach to European collaboration by national media outlets and the EU sceptical politicians for whom they serve as an important mouthpiece (Financial Times, 2014). Any economic malady or social curse at home can conveniently be attributed to some allegedly...... the need for close European collaboration. This research takes point of departure in the observation that EU bashing by political leaders appears to generate an equally negatively oriented, if not fear-inducing, rhetoric from the business community, about the adverse consequences of pulling out of the EU....... The expectation is that business leaders will intuitively counter the fear scenarios unfolded in the media by Eurosceptics by employing the same negative vernacular. Thus, we suspect that business leaders voice their concerns about, for instance, national opt-outs from EU treaties, or even a possible European...

Youth and Ethnic Movements and Their Impacts on Party Politics in ECOWAS Member States

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Taiwo A. Olaiya

2014-02-01

Full Text Available Although they historically played a pivotal role in the fight against colonial rule—as they have in recent attempts to entrench multiparty democratic processes—the role of youth in political parties in West Africa has received less than commensurate attention in studies on democratization. Unlike in advanced democracies where parties are key agents of political socialization and leadership, parties in West Africa are built on ethno-religious foundations. A peculiar character of highly marginalized youth thus becomes inevitable, both in politics and decision-making processes of the state. To assert themselves, the youth have also become agents of destabilization of the democracy they partook to build. Apart from their involvement in political violence, youths are now available as unconscientious “foot soldiers” of ethnic militias and terrorist groups that are constituting increased social problems in West Africa. In this article, we examine how parties and youth have interacted to define the emergence and character of threat to the nascent democracies in contemporary West Africa. The article interrogates how the notions of “youth” and “political participation” have continued to play out in different West African countries within the context of the opportunities and challenges of Africa’s youth bulge on the democratization process. The article observes that the marginalization of West African youths has been part and parcel of history only that their situation has further raised the stake as agent of social disorder in the absence of positive engagement in the recent times.

The Politics of Syrian Refugees in Turkey: A Question of Inclusion and Exclusion through Citizenship

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Sebnem Koser Akcapar

2018-03-01

Full Text Available Turkey began to receive refugees from Syria in 2011 and has since become the country hosting the highest number of refugees, with more than 3.5 million Syrians and half a million people of other nationalities, mainly from Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran. An important turning point regarding the legal status of Syrian refugees has come with recent amendments to the Turkish citizenship law. Based on ongoing academic debates on integration and citizenship, this article will explore these two concepts in the case of Syrian refugees in Turkey. We will argue that the shift in the Turkish citizenship law is a direct outcome of recent migration flows. We further argue that the citizenship option is used both as a reward for skilled migrants with economic and cultural capital and as a tool to integrate the rest of the Syrians. It also reflects other social, political and demographic concerns of the Turkish government. Using our recent ethnographic study with Syrians and local populations in two main refugee hosting cities in Turkey, Istanbul and Gaziantep, we will locate the successes and weaknesses of this strategy by exemplifying the views of Syrian refugees on gaining Turkish citizenship and the reactions of Turkish nationals.

EU Enlargement: Migration flows from Central and Eastern Europe into the Nordic countries - exploiting a natural experiment

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Pedersen, Peder J.; Pytlikova, Mariola

In this paper we look at migration flows from 10 Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC) to 5 Nordic countries over the years 1985 - 2007. We exploit a natural experiment that arose from the fact that while Sweden opened its labour market from the day one of the 2004 EU enlargement......, and Finland and Iceland from year 2006, the other Nordic countries chose a transition period in relation to the "new" EU members. The results based on a differences-in-differences estimator show that the estimated effect of the opening of the Swedish, Finnish and Icelandic labour markets on migration from...... the CEECs that entered the EU in 2004 is not significantly different from zero. However, the effect of the opening of the Swedish and Finnish labour markets in 2007 on migration from the 2007 EU entrants, Bulgaria and Romania, is significantly positive. Further, we are interested in the overall effect...

Eastern Partnership Integration with the EU and Inclusive Growth of National Economies

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Eka SEPASHVILI

2017-09-01

Full Text Available The paper aims at analyzing the circumstances and objectives of the regional integration in the context of global development. The EU is one of the most influential and important actors of the global world, which represents one of the most developed examples of the regional integration. During the development, the EU went through the several stages on enlargement. Even nowadays, without having targeted to the reactive new member in foreseen future, the EU continues the process of integration of adjacent regions by setting goals and priorities through different forms such as the European Neighborhood, the Eastern Partnership, Association Agreements, various types of Trade agreements. The Eastern Partnership which represents the EU’s eastern neighborhood consisting by former soviet republics has steadily gone up with integration: 1. Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine have already signed the Association Agreement (AA including Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas (DCFTAs with the EU and now these countries work on further progress in terms of the Implementation of AA/DCFTA; 2. Armenia and Azerbaijan are seeking new framework to up-grade their relationship with the EU, Belarus created EU Belarus Co-ordination Group and acts within the Single Support Framework program for 2017-2020. The evolution of EaP countries’ trade data evidently show the changes and growing dynamics in the region. The obvious increasing tendency of trade volumes predicts for further success in the future after the DC FTAs are enacted fully for some countries and/or other trade facilitation measures are utilized fully for others. A new approach to the economic growth also suggests that benefit from economic growth supports poverty reduction, widely spreads across sectors and affects the majority of the labor force and hence, rise the welfare of the population. In this context, Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR appears to be a useful tool to achieve this overwhelming goal

When politics prevails

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Jensen, Mads Dagnis; Snaith, Holly

2016-01-01

This article analyses Britain’s quest to negotiate its future membership of the European Union (EU) through the lens of Liberal intergovernmentalism. The article demonstrates that despite the significant economic consequences of a potential Brexit, party political factors have hitherto proven more...

EU nuclear policy towards countries in Central and Eastern Europe

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Gunter, L.

1998-01-01

The European Union has undergone many changes over the last decade as a result of both internal and external pressures. Two successive enlargements have raised the number of Member States to fifteen. Two major Treaty reforms the Single Act and the Treaty on European Union have radically modified the EU's institutional and political framework.(author)

FROM CONVENIENT HIBERNATION TO CIRCUMSTANTIAL DESPERATION: HATE SPEECH, PARTY POLITICAL COMMUNICATION AND THE NIGERIA’S 2015 GENERAL ELECTIONS

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Mike Omilusi

2018-02-01

Full Text Available Until a few months to the 2015 general elections, many political parties that have conveniently hibernated for a better part of their existence, perhaps owing to lack of proper organizational structure or support base, uncoordinated programmes or were registered because of pecuniary gains or admittance of anticipated poor electoral outing, suddenly began to jostle for political space. The main opposition party and the ruling party were either perfecting a merger processes or engulfed in internal wrangling such that communication with the electorate on fundamental issues became inconsequential. In fact, the two dominant parties, the Peoples Democratic Party and All Progressive Congress only produced their presidential candidates less than five months to the election; and the electoral campaign assumed desperate contestation in a climate of prejudice and intolerance. Hate speeches and violence were the hallmarks of their electoral campaigns. The 2015 general elections therefore, offer a unique context to interrogate the place of party political communication in an emerging democracy and specifically how hate campaigns among political gladiators/contending parties could generate violence, and if not tamed, derail democratic consolidation. This essay affirms that hate speech is not only inspired by some social circumstances but also part of a general democratic process. It attests to the fact that Nigerian politicians have become more desperate and daring in taking and retaining political power; and more intolerant of opposition, criticism and efforts at replacing them. Relying extensively on secondary sources with the aid of descriptive and narrative tools, this essay concludes that the political culture of a country determines the behavior and attitude of the population towards the political system and that democratic transition from one administration to another, particularly in emerging democracies, has often been accompanied by violence

The EU and Climate Change Policy: Law, Politics and Prominence at Different Levels

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Chad David Damro

2008-11-01

Full Text Available The European Union (EU is a prominent player in the politics of climate change, operating as an authoritative regional actor that influences policy-making at the national and international levels. The EU’s climate change policies are thus subjected to multiple pressures that arise from the domestic politics of its twenty-seven individual member states and the international politics of non-EU states with which it negotiates. Facing these multiple pressures, how and why could such a non-traditional actor develop into a prominent player at different levels of climate change policy-making? This article argues that the EU’s rise to prominence can be understood by tracking a number of historical-legal institutional developments at the domestic and international levels. The article also provides a preliminary investigation of the EU emissions trading scheme, a new institutional mechanism that illustrates the policy pressures arising from different levels.

From Dissensus to Conviviality: The New Cultural Politics of Difference in Turkey

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Oliver Kontny

2017-01-01

Full Text Available Political developments in Turkey have sparked unprecedented international media attention after the failed coup d'état in July 2016. Coverage tends to focus on the draconic crackdown and restrictions that include academic work and cultural production. This article highlights articulations of dissensus from among the vivid community of cultural producers and takes a look at the uneasy relation between cultural politics, cultural policies and Kulturkampf. Drawing on work by Paul Gilroy, Homi Bhabha, Jacques Rancière and Cornel West, I attempt to discuss the theoretical dimensions of a new cultural politics of difference in Turkey that seeks to negotiate alterity and work towards a culture of conviviality in the face of ever-increasing adversities.

Political Parties and Social Policy Responses to Global Economic Crises

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Starke, Peter; Kaasch, Alexandra; van Hooren, Franca

2014-01-01

Based on empirical findings froma comparative study onwelfare state responses to the four major economic shocks (the 1970s oil shocks, the early 1990s recession, the 2008 financial crisis) in four OECD countries, this article demonstrates that, in contrast to conventional wisdom, policy responses...... to global economic crises vary significantly across countries. What explains the cross-national and within-case variation in responses to crises?We discuss several potential causes of this pattern and argue that political parties and the party composition of governments can play a key role in shaping crisis...

CHALLENGES OF THE PATH TOWARDS AN ENLARGED EUROPE: SOUTH EASTERN EUROPE - INEQUALITY AND SOCIAL EXCLUSION

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Iulian Oneasca

2007-10-01

Full Text Available “Challenges of the path towards an enlarged Europe: South Eastern Europe” is a series of articles dedicated to support the improvement of the national strategies for mitigating poverty and promoting social inclusion. It aims to make a better use of existing theories and studies, as well as of the national experiences and to support the co-operation on these topics between the transition countries in the region. This paper opens the series of articles, introducing the inequality and social exclusion problem. An overview of the issue is presented and the challenge of the path towards EU integration is analysed with a strong political focus. The main assistance programmes are identified and the challenge termed: regional learning process on a common social inclusion strategy. Sharing the transition and accession experiences in the region helps countries to strengthen the strategic dimension of their policies. It is a political project that takes into account the density of the developed strategic frameworks and the diversity of social economic trends and traditions in the region. It also considers the proximity of the EU and the transition and accession experience of its member states in the region. General policy guidance and some practical rules of the thumb shed some light on policy recommendations.

Constitutional and administrative paradigms in judicial control over EU high and low politics

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Cebulak Pola

2017-11-01

Full Text Available This article explores the particular tensions surrounding judicial review in EU external relations. The tensions are classified using a two-dimensional framework. Firstly, a distinction based on policy domains of high and low politics, which is derived from constitutional theory, and external to the CJEU; and secondly a distinction based on legitimizing paradigms of administrative (EU as effective global actor or constitutional (judicial review as guarantee of fundamental rights in character and determined by the Court itself. Even though one would expect a dominance of the administrative paradigm in the domain of high politics, the Court uses both the administrative and the constitutional paradigm in its external relations case-law. The decision on which of these becomes the guiding frame seems to depend more on the policy domain, and be made case by case, which suggests politically sensitive adjudication, rather than a coherent approach to legitimizing the nascent judicial review in EU external relations.

Political Parties and Interest Organizations at the Crossroads : Perspectives on the Transformation of Political Organizations

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Fraussen, B.; Halpin, D.R.

2016-01-01

This article reviews the case for considering the study of parties and interest organizations together, under the umbrella of “political organizations.” While both literatures are rather disconnected at the moment, we believe that they share many commonalities. A common narrative involves the

Is additional conditionality preventing EU accession? Serbian democratic 'step back'

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Milenković Miloš

2013-01-01

Full Text Available European Union integration of Western Balkan countries in conditioned on the fulfilment on the set of criteria aimed at profound societal change. However, there is a number of additional criteria within the EU enlargement policy for the Western Balkans and Serbia in particular. We have already designated this process as 'culturalization' of accession criteria. It comprises of alterations of criteria from initial, identity-neutral and technical issues to coming to terms with the legacy of identity conflicts in the Balkan region. These conditions pose a significant challenge to political institutions in a not yet consolidated democracy. In this article we analyze how, as a result of additional conditioning, the EU accession, instead of enjoying social consensus, has reopened identity issues, divided the society and boosted discourses on 'sovereignty', 'double standards of international community' and 'injustice' perpetrated to Serbia at the time of disintegration of Yugoslavia. Serbia is in a paradoxical situation we refer to as democratic deadlock - it is in need of consolidated democracy in order to achieve political stability and stable government capable to implement EU reforms, while the instability itself is a result of additional criteria for EU accession (and reactions to it. It is a theoretically intriguing case of additional criteria preventing fulfilment of the basic accession requirements. It is further analyzed how this observed tendency can be redirected through slight alteration of beneficiaries of EU incentives aimed at facilitating cultural change. In order to viably change the political community, external assistance process needs to be as inclusive as possible. It is argued that external assistance should not only cover main political, economic and legal actors, but also include cultural actors, especially culturally legitimate elites.

EU Integration and Harmonisation of Personal Income Taxation

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Tomasz Wołowiec

2011-07-01

Full Text Available In the process of furthering EU integration little attention was given to the role of income taxes. Multiple income tax systems exist across the Union and their differentiation negatively impacts the European labour market, investments and savings, inhibiting economic growth. Individual nations have little motivation to harmonise as they can engage in tax rate competition and income taxes are interwoven with social security systems that make any attempts at reform extremely complex and politically unpopular. Much of current harmonisation is “silent”, paralegal, and occurs in response to market forces rather than following a formal plan and through intergovernmental cooperation.

A critical analysis of political conditionality: political transformation in Turkey from 1999 to 2016

OpenAIRE

Sarı, Özge; Sari, Ozge

2017-01-01

The thesis applies the external incentives model to the Turkish transformation, by analysing the effectiveness and credibility of political conditionality. The main empirical data used is drawn from the Regular Progress Reports that the European Commission prepared for the period of 1999 when Turkey was granted the status of candidate at the Helsinki Summit until 2016 when the most recent Progress Report was released. The thesis examines that to which extent and under which conditions politic...

European economic area in the system of the EU foreign policy: norwegian perspective

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Bohdan Y. Barna

2016-02-01

Full Text Available European Economic Area was one of the first examples of developing the relations between the EU and other partner countries on the continent that rejected a full membership in this organization. This form of cooperation for over twenty years provides stability, predictability and constructive development of relations with the three European partners, including Norway. Currently, the EEA is seen as a model of deeper integration without getting a full-fledged membership in the EU. It should also be noted that this arrangement has proven its resistance to external shocks as reduction of members of EFTA, EU enlargement and adoption of new EU treaties. Therefore, Brussels supports the existence of the EEA and never officially put on the agenda of the termination of the agreement or revision of its provisions. For their part, most Norwegian political parties also defend the status quo. However, there are voices on the need to modernize the EEA, especially after the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty. It is also necessary to point out that the Norwegian model of cooperation with the EU has lost its original exceptionality, especially after the entry into force of the Association Agreement with Ukraine. Oslo has also to compete with a number of other countries, NGOs and other lobby groups for attention from the EU. Relations between Norway and the EU are characterized by the asymmetry of obligations under the EEA, as Oslo is obliged to unilaterally implement acquis communautaire, while having no effective leverage over decision-making in the EU. Another challenge is the weakness of the EFTA pillars in the EEA, as it is necessary to interact with an organization, which has 28 European member-countries. There are other negative aspects that gradually reduce the role of Norway in relations with the EU. Given the current challenges, different scenarios have been prepared focusing on for the further development of relations between the EU and Norway. According to

Toward Post-Sovereign Environmental Governance? Politics, Scale, and EU Water Framework Directive

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Corey Johnson

2012-02-01

Full Text Available The EU Water Framework Directive (EUWFD of 2000 requires that all EU member states "protect, enhance and restore" rivers to attain good surface water quality by 2015. To achieve this mandate, member states divide themselves into watershed basins (River Basin Districts for the purposes of monitoring and remediation, even if those districts cross international borders. This paper examines three key elements of the rescaling of governance along watershed lines. First, I draw on a cross section of literatures on territoriality of the state and the changing regulation of nature to argue that analyses of the EU tend to privilege the nation-state as an ontological starting point. Second, the EUWFD as a rescaling of environmental gCorey Johnsonvernance is explored. The third element of the paper considers the relationship between the de- and re-territorialisation of environmental governance on the one hand, and the changing character of sovereignty in the EU on the other. On this basis, the paper argues that the EUWFD represents a hybrid form of territoriality that is changing the political geography of the European Union and that the redrawing of political-administrative scales along physical geographical lines provides evidence of the emergence of a new, non-nested scalar politics of governance in Europe.

Political economy of energy in Europe. Forces of integration and fragmentation

Energy Technology Data Exchange (ETDEWEB)

Fermann, Gunnar (ed.)

2009-07-01

The political economy of energy in Europe is defined by a large majority of states being heavily dependent upon the import of energy from a limited number of energy-producing countries located mainly outside Europe or the EU, and the relative failure of the EU to develop strong common energy policies capable of effectively counteracting the sensitivities and vulnerabilities arising from oil and gas import dependence. The eleven contributions to the Political Economy of Energy in Europe investigate unique research questions, engage in different lines of reasoning, and apply diverse sets of data fitting their particular purposes. However, the chapters of the present anthology share several common denominators defining the volume as a coherent whole: First, energy is part of the fabric of modern society and thus qualifies as a political issue of the first order. Second, political and economical aspects of the European energy condition need to be analysed in conjunction. Finally, issues of energy security need to be addressed at different levels and from several angles in order to better understand the interaction between the contradictory dynamics of integration and fragmentation pervading the political economy of energy in Europe. This volume elaborates on several lectures given at the conference ''Political Economy of Energy in Europe'', October 12-13, 2007, arranged by E.ON Ruhrgas scholarship program for Political Science at Oslo Militaere Samfund, Norway. (orig.)

(Miscommunication across the Borders: Politics, Media and Public Opinion in Turkey

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Banu Baybars-Hawks

2015-08-01

Full Text Available The American sociologist Charles Horton Cooley defined public opinion "as a process of interaction and mutual influence rather than a state of broad agreement" in 1918. On the other hand, according to the American political scientist V.O. Key, public opinion was "opinions held by private persons which governments find it prudent to heed," in 1961. During the 1990s, advances in statistical and demographic analysis helped the development of an understanding of public opinion as the collective view of a defined population, such as a particular demographic or ethnic group. In this view, the influence of public opinion is not restricted to politics and elections. Public opinion is considered a powerful force in many other spheres, such as culture, fashion, literature and the arts, consumer spending, and marketing and public relations.1 Attitudes and values play a crucial role in the development of public opinion. Different variables embedded in the political, social and media structure of the country also have potential to make an impact on public opinion. These dynamics vary from the economics to the judicial system and democratic principles functioning in that country. On the other hand, public opinion has a power to shape politics and media's priorities in reporting. The interaction among politics, public opinion and media of one country can be better analyzed with the findings of public opinion research administered regularly. In Turkey, the research on and analysis of public opinion are most frequent during the election times. Therefore, it seems necessary to measure the public opinion more regularly to test the relationships among political, public and media agendas. Accordingly, the current study seeks to fill this gap. It is argued that in the absence of timely feedback from public surveys, decisions and policies for improving different services and institutions functioning in the country might not achieve their expected goal. The findings of

The eastward enlargement of the eurozone: social and policy aspects in Portugal, Spain and Italy

OpenAIRE

Galego, Aurora; Caétano, José; Costa, Sofia; Liiv, Reilika

2003-01-01

This report explores some features of the social dimension of enlargement regarding the Southern EU-Member countries, namely Portugal, Spain and Italy. Economic theory suggests that integration may affect wages, employment and income distribution through changes on trade, FDI and migration flows. By removing all barriers to the free movement of goods and services, capital and labour, Eastward Enlargement will affect the location of economic activities, innovation, and technology. Subsequently...

Transformacija partijno-politicheskoj sistemy Shvecii v konce XX — nachale XXI veka [The transformation of the Swedish political party system in the late 20th/early 21st century

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Ryabichenko Arkady

2013-01-01

Full Text Available This article studies the process of transformation of the Swedish political party system in the 1980s. The study aims to develop a typology of the Swedish political party system before and after the transformation processes commenced. The article identifies the key prerequisites for such transformation: the crisis of social democracy and an increase in the nationalist attitudes in the society caused by the negative repercussions of the system of integration of migrants into the society based on the multiculturalism principles. The interethnic tension manifested itself in the wide support for the Swedish Democrats Party in the 2010 parliamentary election. From a political party system dominated by social democrats, the Swedish political party system turned into one with two leading parties – the centre-left Swedish Social Democratic Labour Party and the centre-right Moderate Party. The Swedish Democrats position themselves as an alternative to the two party blocs headed by the dominating parties (the Alliance and the Red-Green. The study employs an interdisciplinary approach in the framework of science synthesis. Its results can be of practical significance for politicians, social activists, and academicians.

11 CFR 106.8 - Allocation of expenses for political party committee phone banks that refer to a clearly...

Science.gov (United States)

2010-01-01

..., district, or local committee or organization of a political party where— (1) The communication refers to a... 11 Federal Elections 1 2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Allocation of expenses for political party... Allocation of expenses for political party committee phone banks that refer to a clearly identified Federal...

The Impact of European Economic Integration on Migration in the European Union

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Simionescu Mihaela

2018-05-01

Full Text Available The recent enlargement of the EU (since 2004 and the United Kingdom's decision to leave the European Union have prompted a growing research interest in the political and academic environment because of the causes and consequences of migration between the CEE countries and those in the Western Europe. In this study, the effects of European economic integration on the number of EU-15 immigrants from the newly integrated EU countries were assessed by econometric techniques. According to panel data models, in the period 2000-2015, the number of migrants from the new member states of the EU has increased, in average, with more than 2200 people only due to their EU membership. This result reflects the positive impact of European economic integration on the number of emigrants from the CEE countries that chose the EU-15 states as destination countries. Moreover, according to some ridge Bayesian regressions, during the period 2004-2015, the EU-15 immigrants coming from the EU-13 states did not negatively affect the economic growth of the EU-15 countries.

The Application of the EU-Turkey Agreement : A Critical Analysis of the Decisions of the Greek Appeals Committees

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Gkliati, M.

2017-01-01

The article discusses the first case law issued on the EU-Turkey deal that authoritatively answers the question whether Turkey constitutes a safe third country for refugees. In 390 out of 393 decisions, Greek Asylum Appeals Committees ruled that the safe third country requirements are not fulfilled

Consumer responses to promoted tweets sent by brands and political parties

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Boerman, S.C.; Kruikemeier, S.

2016-01-01

This study aims to understand how consumers respond to social media advertising (SMA) by focusing on promoted tweets sent by brands and political parties, and examines persuasion knowledge as underlying mechanism of these responses. Two online experiments with between-subjects designs, comparing the

Constitutional reform processes and political parties: principles for practice

OpenAIRE

Vliet, van, M.; Wahiu, W.; Magolowondo, A.

2012-01-01

This publication provides a set of guiding principles for constitutional reform on the basis of practical experiences of constitutional reform processes in selected countries: Bolivia, Ghana, Indonesia, Iraq, Kenya, Malawi, Zimbabwe and South Africa. The focus is on the role of political parties in constitution-building processes. The publication shows that although country-specific reform processes may be unique in terms of objectives, context, popular involvement, and achievements, they go ...

Migration and European integration of Serbia

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Lutovac Zoran

2016-01-01

Full Text Available This paper focuses on migration in the context of European integration which implies, on the one hand, internal integration, integration within the EU and, on the other hand, the enlargement process related to the countries that have applied to join the EU. The aim is to determine in which way the migration, especially refugee crisis in 2015, had influence on the EU, as a supranational political community, and what was the impact on Serbia which is in the process of integration into the European Union. Migrant crisis has shown that the EU has to confront many different issues including several issues of great importance for its survival and strengthening: how to influence on global processes to a greater extent instead of dealing with the consequences of the global politics of others; how to preserve and keep the values that the EU itself is founded and the values on which should be built upon further construction of the political community and, finally, weather the EU can be transformed in the direction of the United European States, in both the functional and in terms of values, or the EU will move towards deepening of Europe of concentric circles. Faced with extremely complex migration situation, Serbia does not have the appropriate institutional and regulatory framework, nor a political response to a series of complex issues in the area of migration and migration-related issues, such as asylum system, irregular migration, sustainable return of our citizens asylum seekers in EU member states, implementation of the agreement on readmission, the departure of highly educated - brain drain, migration and development, the fight against human trafficking (protection of victims, prevention, criminal prosecution of traffickers, and smuggling of migrants, issues of border management, demarcation and boundary determination (as well as the agreement that should be concluded. Some of these problems migrant crisis has made visible by encouraging coping

Public-Elite Gap on European Integration : The Missing Link between Discourses about EU Enlargement among Citizens and Elites in Serbia

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Kortenska, E.G.; Sircar, I.; Steunenberg, B.

2016-01-01

Enlargement is often regarded as an elite-driven process, which does not or not sufficiently include the views of ordinary citizens. At the same time, support for integration has been eroding over the last decade, contributing to a public-elite gap in preferences towards the process. This paper

EU joint investigation teams: Political ambitions and police practices

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Block, L.; Hufnagel, S.; Harfield, C.; Bronitt, S.

2011-01-01

Since 1997 there exists strong political will in the European Union (EU) to use Joint Investigation Teams (JITs) to foster police cooperation in criminal investigations. For most Member States the legal basis to establish JITs became available in 2004. However, as yet, only around 40 JITs have been

Parties remove Sweden's self-imposed restrictions on nuclear energy politics

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Schulz, E.

1991-01-01

Since the 1980 decision of the Swedish Imperial Diet to switch off the last nuclear reactor by the year 2010 at the latest Sweden has been an example for those who are in favour of giving up nuclear energy. In their much-noticed agreement on energy politics in Sweden on the 15th January 1991 the Social Democrats, the Liberal Party and the Center Party removed the chains with which they had bound the Swedish energy politics. The new paper does not set a date for the switching off of nuclear reactors or the giving up of nuclear energy any more. The article contains the essential points but can only be understood against the background of the former decisions and the things which are not explicitly mentioned (negatively). (orig.) [de

Learning from the experience: preliminary results of integration experiments within PRE-EARTHQUAKES EU-FP7 Project.

Science.gov (United States)

Tramutoli, V.; Inan, S.; Jakowski, N.; Pulinets, S.; Romanov, A.; Filizzola, C.; Shagimuratov, I.; Pergola, N.; Genzano, N.; Lisi, M.; Alparslan, E.; Wilken, V.; Tsybulia, K.; Romanov, A.; Paciello, R.; Balasco, M.; Zakharenkova, I.; Ouzounov, D.; Papadopoulos, G. A.; Parrot, M.

2012-04-01

PRE-EARTHQUAKES (Processing Russian and European EARTH observations for earthQUAKE precursors Studies) EU-FP7 project is devoted to demonstrate - integrating different observational data, comparing and improving different data analysis methods - how it is possible to progressively increase reliability of short term seismic risk assessment. Three main testing area were selected (Italy, Turkey and Sakhalin ) in order to concentrate observations and integration efforts starting with a learning phase on selected event in the past devoted to identify the most suitable parameters, observations technologies, data analysis algorithms. To this aim events offering major possibilities (variety) of integration were particularly considered - Abruzzo EQ (April 6th 2009 Mw 6.3) for Italy, Elazig EQ (March 8th 2010 Mw 6.1) for Turkey and Nevelsk EQ (August 2nd 2007 Mw 6.2) for Sakhalin - without excluding other significant events occurred during 2011 like the ones of Tōhoku in Japan and Van in Turkey. For these events, different ground (80 radon and 29 spring water stations in Turkey region, 2 magneto-telluric in Italy) and satellite (18 different systems) based observations, 11 data analysis methods, for 7 measured parameters, have been compared and integrated. Results achieved by applying a validation/confutation approach devoted to evaluate the presence/absence of anomalous space-time transients in single and/or integrated observation time-series will be discussed also in comparison with results independently achieved by other authors.

Students as First-time Voters: The role of Voter Advice Applications in Self-reflection on Party Choice and Political Identity

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Niels Nørgaard Kristensen

2017-03-01

Full Text Available Purpose: This article analyses what characterises first time voters' self-reflections on party choice as they use voter advice applications. Method: This study is based on interviews of 28 Norwegian students (age 18-20preparing themselves for their first election. Findings: Finding a party to vote for is primarily characterized by a process of matching a party to students' political self, which we see as steps toward a political identity. Practical implications: Teaching politics should allow for students' reflections on self and their political preferences.

The “Soft Power” policy of Turkey towards Georgia

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Larisa Mgerovna Aleksanyan

2016-01-01

Full Text Available South Caucasus throughout history was at the epicenter of clashes of different religions, civilizations, nations and states. At present moment the interests of both regional (Turkey, Iran and global actors (the United States, NATO, the EU, Russia and others. intersect in the region. Global transformations, changing power relations in international relations have their direct influence on the political processes taking place in the region. These processes are also linked with the activities of Turkey, which aspire to regional leadership. It is Georgia, which serves as a corridor between Turkey and states of Central Asia and the South Caucasus. Turkey spreads its influence in Georgia in almost all areas using economic, military and political tools, as well as the Russian-Georgian deteriorated relations. To achieve its goals, Turkey is actively pursuing a strategy of "soft power", which further strengthens its influence in the country. Public diplomacy is a part of soft power, which also ensures the formation of a positive and attractive image of Turkey in Georgia. This article investigates the contemporary policy of "soft power" of Turkey towards Georgia. It analyses the basic tools, institutions and the direction of this policy, actively implemented by the Republic of Turkey. Particular attention is paid to the activities of the Gulen Movement in Georgia. The author makes general conclusions regarding the effectiveness of this policy.

The Normality of EU Sport Policy Studies: Disciplinary Locus in Political Science, Sport Science or Elsewhere?

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Jacob Kornbeck

2014-05-01

Full Text Available The Normality of EU Sport Policy Studies: Disciplinary Locus in Political Science, Sport Science or Elsewhere? Mainstream European integration research has shown that research on the EU tends to follow the conjunctures of European integration itself. This realisation has led to some debate on which branch of political science – international relations or government – or indeed other academic disciplines is/are the most appropriate locus for such research. The paper takes these debates one step further by looking at the occurrence of ‘EU & sport’ studies within the wider field of EU studies. The main material used comes from the ECLAS database. Findings lead to a discussion of whether ‘EU & sport’ studies should rather be for EU specialists or for sport specialists and a plea for disciplinary normalisation whereby sport science would need to get more directly involved (without necessarily overwriting political science. Some ideas are added regarding the need for a mapping of Central & Eastern European scholarship. Normalita politických studií EU v oblasti sportu: místo v oborech politologie, sportovních vědách či jinde? Hlavní integrační proudy v evropském výzkumu dokumentují, že výzkum v EU má tendenci zkoumat evropskou integraci jako takovou. Toto poznání vedlo k diskusi, v kterém oboru politologie – mezinárodní vztahy či vláda – nebo i v jiných akademických disciplínách je nejvhodnější místo pro takový výzkum. Stať se pokouší posunout tyto diskuse o krok dále tím, že studie o „EU a sportu“ se posuzují v širším záběru EU studií. Hlavní informační zdroje pocházejí z databáze ECLAS. Naše zjištění vedou k diskusi o problematice „EU a sportu“ v tom smyslu, zda by tyto studie měly být spíše určeny odborníkům EU, nebo sportovním specialistům. Důležitá je otázka disciplinární začlenění této problematiky, s širším zapojením sportovních věd (aniž by

Political institutions of electricity regulation: The case of Turkey

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Mustafa Durakoglu, S.

2011-01-01

Turkey has been going through a liberalization process in its electricity market over the last decade. So far, the regulatory content of the market reforms has been in the center of attention in the literature, to the negligence of regulatory governance. However, recent studies, which applied the theoretical insights of new institutional economics to utilities regulation, have demonstrated that political endowments of the country draw the boundaries to which extent such regulatory content can be effectively implemented. In line with these studies, this paper adopts an institutional approach and attempts to identify the political endowments of Turkey in order to further analyze whether the market reforms succeeded in bringing about sufficient checks to cure the institutional problems. In other words, the paper takes a picture of the overall regulatory arena. The results show that the current regulatory structure, especially government-regulator relations, yet fails to meet good regulatory governance criteria. The paper also provides some policy suggestions. - Highlights: → Regulatory governance matters as much as regulatory content. → Political institutions draw boundaries to the implementation of regulatory content. → Market reforms have been insufficient to bring about a true institutional change. → Institutional checks must be devised to limit government interference to the market.

Constitutional and administrative paradigms in judicial control over EU high and low politics

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Cebulak, Pola

2017-01-01

This article explores the particular tensions surrounding judicial review in EU external relations. The tensions are classified using a two-dimensional framework. Firstly, a distinction based on policy domains of high and low politics, which is derived from constitutional theory, and external...... to the CJEU; and secondly a distinction based on legitimizing paradigms of administrative (EU as effective global actor) or constitutional (judicial review as guarantee of fundamental rights) in character and determined by the Court itself. Even though one would expect a dominance of the administrative...... paradigm in the domain of high politics, the Court uses both the administrative and the constitutional paradigm in its external relations case-law. The decision on which of these becomes the guiding frame seems to depend more on the policy domain, and be made case by case, which suggests politically...

The political parties and significant personalities of the Bessarabian Zemstvo (1869-1917

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Valentin Tomuleţ

2017-12-01

Full Text Available This article focuses on some parties and significant personalities who worked in the Bessarabian institution of local self-government – Zemstvo (created in 1869 and contributed to the development of the province. The authors found that some nobles united and formed political parties. Parties of the Zemstvo were groups of persons related to the most influential families from Bessarabia. For some of them the Zemstvo served as a platform on which the nobles could solve their problems. It can be said that the Zemstvo was the “alter ego” of the Bessarabian nobility. As a result, in the political life of Bessarabia two main parties were formed – “Young Bessarabia” (“Molodaya Bessarabiya” and “Old Greek Party” (Starogrecheskaya”, which succeeded each other at the helm of power. In the early 1880s, the “Old Greek party” finally defeated its rival and gained full power in the Bessarabian Zemstvo administration. Counselors saw in the Bessarabian Zemstvo an important and reliable instrument for committing abuses. For example, the Head of the Orhei Zemstvo Council Cozac embezzled money from the Zemstvo budget. When the fact of the theft was uncovered, and this was written about in the press, Cozac shot himself. Each group of the nobles included not only people related to certain interest in economic and political life of Bessarabia, but also people related by kinship, acting in the family interests. In 1881-1884, 18 of the 52 provincial councelors were relatives: brothers Semigradov (4 people, brothers Krupensky, brothers Sinadino, brothers Dunca, brothers Cotruta (2 people. The Krupensky family was the most influential family in the Bessarabian Zemstvo. The publicist P. Krushevan wrote in this regard that the Krupensky clan usurped all the power in Bessarabia, and the Governor S. Urusov noted their importance in economic and political life of the province. Many members of the Zemstvo left their mark in the economic, political, and

The EU as a global ecological power: The logics of market integration

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Laurent, Eloi; Le Cacheux, Jacques

2010-05-01

In this paper, we try to show how the EU became a global ecological power, i.e. a power that influences environmental policies throughout the world. While the existing literature stresses the significance of normative power, regulatory politics and multi-level governance in this process, we highlight the importance of what we call the logics of market integration. By that we mean the decisive role of Single market integration in fostering convergence of environmental policies at the European level as well as in extending European influence at the global level. We illustrate our approach with the case of climate policy, detailing the EU's influence on economic instruments developed worldwide to mitigate climate change. (authors)

The Balkans: Between Economic Crisis And European Integration

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Andrei RĂDULESCU

2012-06-01

Full Text Available The Balkans region (also known as the „Powder keg of Europe” has always been an European question, a Western question, as underlined by Arnold Toynbee, in 1922. At present, European Union is confronted with the fifth enlargement, also known as the “post-conflict” enlargement – the integration of Balkan states. Bulgaria joined European Union in 2007. Croatia signed the Accession Treaty in 2011 and is expected to become an EU member in 2013. The other countries encounter in different stages of European integration. However, this process presents several challenges and dilemmas, either for European Union, or for the Balkan enclave. The main challenge in the case of this enlargement is to reconcile the nation-state building and the European integration. From the economic point of view, the Balkans region is underdeveloped. Several factors determined this stance of the region: the poor endowment in terms of natural resources, the political situation over the centuries (the military conflicts – impeding the economic development, the cultural factors. At present, the region is confronted with the consequences of the worst economic and financial crisis o global economy since the end of World War II.

The role of the party leadership to activization the political process of modern Ukraine

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N. V. Morar

2014-01-01

The role, place and their value is determined by the influence of which is carried out on the formation of political will and public opinion, the definition of public and governmental purposes, expressing the interests of social groups, political socialization and mobilization of voters of the national elite corps and replenishment policy, a process of public administration. It is concluded that the party leader is the most optimal form of leadership political process at the present stage of modernization of Ukrainian society as well as the most effective mechanism for implementing group interests in politics. A certain person or even a few actors perform the functions of the head of the party, his supporters organized activities to achieve program goals and objectives.

THE PLACE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN A DEMOCRATIC STATE, THROUGH THE GLASS OF CONSTITUTIONAL REVIEW

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Valentina BĂRBĂȚEANU

2017-05-01

Full Text Available Political parties are nowadays key actors in democratic societies, shaping social mentalities, creating and following ideologies, inducing common vision, establishing targets and ideals. Their main goal is gaining the political power by conquering the access to the highest levels of decision in the State. They are based on the freedom of association and, unlike other associations, they have a specific constitutional and legal position because they are defining and giving expression to the citizens' political will, in respect of the principles of democracy. Romanian Basic Law provides that political pluralism represents one of the supreme values of the Romanian State governed by the rule of law. In this context, the Constitutional Court has solved, over the years, various issues regarding the political parties. Authorities of constitutional jurisdiction in European countries have also been asked to express, one way or another, their opinion in connection with the activity of the political parties. Taking into consideration their importance for a healthy democratic system, the European Commission for Democracy through Law -Venice Commission has paid special attention to the complexity of aspects involved by the protection of democratic values.

11 CFR 100.145 - Legal or accounting services to political party committees.

Science.gov (United States)

2010-01-01

... 11 Federal Elections 1 2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Legal or accounting services to political party committees. 100.145 Section 100.145 Federal Elections FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION GENERAL SCOPE AND DEFINITIONS (2 U.S.C. 431) Exceptions to Expenditures § 100.145 Legal or accounting services to political...

Party member recruitment and the representativeness of party membership

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Kosiara-Pedersen, Karina

Party membership figures are in decline. However, parties are still recruiting party members. Are there any differences in the social and political characteristics of old and new party members? If there is a difference, are new party members more or less representative for party voters than old...

Eu accession to the ECHR: Enlarging the human rights protection in Europe

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Krstić Ivana

2016-01-01

Full Text Available This paper deals with the importance of the EU accession to the ECHR, as the most significant regional instrument for human rights protection. The paper outlines the evolution of the idea of the accession to the ECHR, different stages of that process, as well as a Draft agreement which attempted to resolve some complex legal issues relating to the specific nature of the EU legal system. In the second part of this paper, the Opinion 2/13 of the CJEU from December 2014 has been analyzed, which basically interrupted the entire accession process. It is noted that currently the ECtHR has only an indirect constitutional control over the EU's legal order by examining laws of the Member States. The EU accession to the ECHR would allow examination of all acts and measures in the EU from the human rights perspective, including those over which the CJEU does not have full oversight function. Therefore, the authors argue that due to the establishment of legal certainty and external control over acts of the EU institutions, it is necessary to find a way for the continuation of the accession process, as soon as possible. There are two possible scenarios: a re-negotiation of the agreement on accession, or modification of the EU Treaties. Both solutions seem almost impossible in the created political milieu. However, there is a hope that negotiations will continue due to the influence of the Avotiņš judgment from May 2016 in which the ECtHR upheld the principle of equal protection from the Bosphorus case, pointing to the importance of maintaining mutual trust between two courts, as well as the need for the establishment of greater credibility and EU strengthening after Brexit.

Eu Enlargement and Migration: Scenarios of Croatian Accession

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Wadim Strielkowski

2013-09-01

Full Text Available This paper analyzes possible incidence of pending Croatian EU accession that is to take place on the 1st of July 2013, on the labour migration from Croatia to the European Union. We apply panel data estimators using the data on emigration from 18 EU countries into Germany (which is the EU country with the largest share of ex-Yugoslav and Croatian migrants in order to construct possible scenarios of Croatian migration to the EU.Three scenarios of migration - pessimistic, realistic and optimistic - are drawn and the sensitivity of estimated coefficients on migration from Croatia into Germany during next 25 years is further discussed in detail. We conclude that, similarly to hypothetical Turkish accession, Croatian EU accession is not going to cause massive migration inflows.

Political Party Songs: Analysis of the Theme in a Song Topo By ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

It was through these songs that followers of different political parties expressed their feelings of sadness, happiness or hope. This paper analyses one song titled Topo by the band named Setlamo which was said to be aligned to Basotho Congress Party. Informed by New Criticism theory, the paper analyses the lyrics in the ...

Enacting Third-Party Certification: A Case Study of Science and Politics in Organic Shrimp Certification

Science.gov (United States)

Konefal, Jason; Hatanaka, Maki

2011-01-01

As third-party certification has become a prominent governance mechanism, conflicting understandings of it have emerged. Proponents advance third-party certification as a technical and objective governance mechanism, while critics argue that politics and relations of power characterize it. We reject this dichotomization both in terms of how TPC is…

The Political Party Phenomenon as the Major Underpinning and at Times a Conduit for the Demise of Democracy&Rechtstaat

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Mik STRMECKI

2007-06-01

Full Text Available Political parties are torn between the Scylla of their over-incorporation into the State mechanism with the ensuing possible impairment of their independence from the State and the Charybdis of their under-regulation, resulting in legal and/or constitutional lacunae iuris leading to anomalies detrimental to the public interest in maintaining the survival of a viable parliamentarian democracy imbued with the principles of freedom, fairness, equality and the Rule of Law. In my article I presented a historical and comparative insight into the so-called Four-phase theory, spearheaded by Heinrich Triepel on the treatment of the political party phenomenon by the State, namely: oppression, ignorement, legalization and constitutionalisation. I also presented a survey of individual countries constitutional and legal approaches in regulating the political party phenomenon by citing definitions along with typical functions, which I then analyzed by discerning private ones from public ones. I then went on and gave an insight and description of the so-called syndrome of the political market quagmire and concluded my article by illuminating the problem of surveying legitimate legal grounds for banishment of political parties under German and Slovenian law.

The Development of Computer Policies in Government, Political Parties, and Trade Unions in Norway 1961-1983

Science.gov (United States)

Elgsaas, Knut; Hegna, Håvard

A “Council for Government Electronic Data Processing” was established in 1961. This was the start of development of a common policy for computers and data within the public administration. In 1969-70, computers got on the agenda of political parties and the trade unions. In the course of the seventies and the beginning of the eighties the government, the political parties, and the trade unions established a more comprehensive view of data political questions that we will designate by the term data policy. This paper puts some light on the causes and forces that drove the evolvement of a data policy within these central sectors in Norway. We will also show how various actors of research, trade and industry, and political life influenced the development of data policy and present links between the actors that indicate that they mutually influenced each other.

Constitutional and administrative paradigms in judicial control over EU high and low politics

OpenAIRE

Cebulak Pola

2017-01-01

This article explores the particular tensions surrounding judicial review in EU external relations. The tensions are classified using a two-dimensional framework. Firstly, a distinction based on policy domains of high and low politics, which is derived from constitutional theory, and external to the CJEU; and secondly a distinction based on legitimizing paradigms of administrative (EU as effective global actor) or constitutional (judicial review as guarantee of fundamental rights) in characte...

THE EU-RUSSIAN CONFLICT ON CRIMEA AND ITS REGIONAL IMPLICATIONS

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Halil ERDEMIR

2014-10-01

Full Text Available The EU has capacity on pragmatic approaches to resolving conflicts among its members. Nevertheless this supranational institution’s potentials to overcome possible rivalries and conflicts originated from outside of its border might be more challenging one. This will be particularly true when conflicts arise over influencing the ENP areas between the EU and its archrival the Russian (Federation. Recent political and economic turbulences in Ukraine affected the both powers’ awkward relations on a number of fields. These were/are particularly became evident on the issue of Crimea, in which ‘the Russian referendum’ was hold, and its annexation to Russia was/is under way. Russian and the EU officials used every opportunity to declare their legal and political stances in their statements. The issues on Crimea’s strategic, economic, cultural and environmental significance for the world community in general and the direct involving parties in particular will be scrutinized through practical and theoretical approaches of international Relations.

Social Movements and New Forms of Political Organization: Podemos as a Hybrid Party

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Daniela Chironi

2017-05-01

Full Text Available In recent years, the restructuring of the party systems in several European countries was accompanied or preceded by massive waves of anti-austerity protests. Although the causal relation between these mobilizations and the rise of new parties has already been assessed, the organizational features remain understudied. To fill this gap, here we analyse the impact of the cycle of anti-austerity and pro-real democracy protests which emerged in 2011 with the birth and organizational development of the Spanish party Podemos. Bridging two subfields of social and political sciences—movement studies and party studies—we pay particular attention to the dichotomy between horizontality and verticality within Podemos' organization. In particular, we address the issues of social movement effects as well as party foundation and organizational development. Our main findings suggest that movement mobilization played a large role in shaping Podemos' foundational choices, particularly with reference to the fundamental principles of the party and its strategic positioning. Podemos is also experimenting new democratic methods internally. Nonetheless, empirical analysis shows that, overall, the influence of movements' organizational models on the organizational structure of the party has been limited. Yet, the result is a “hybrid” party that finds a balance between the horizontalism of social movements and the efficiency of parties.

11 CFR 109.33 - May a political party committee assign its coordinated party expenditure authority to another...

Science.gov (United States)

2010-01-01

... Elections FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION GENERAL COORDINATED AND INDEPENDENT EXPENDITURES (2 U.S.C. 431(17... 11 Federal Elections 1 2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false May a political party committee assign its... committee includes a subordinate committee of a State committee and includes a district or local committee...

JUDGMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES ACCOUNTABILITY OF THE RIO GRANDE DO NORTE STATE: WHICH ASPECTS RELATE WITH APPROVAL AND DISAPPROVAL?

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Stênnia Maria Ferreira de Brito

2016-03-01

Full Text Available The aim of this study is to identify factors that relate to the judgment of political parties accountability operating in the state of Rio Grande do Norte. Twenty-four political parties with directory in the state were selected considering those who have had their accounts judged between 2006 to 2013. In order to determine which factors are related to the trial of party accounts, logistic regression were considered for the analysis. Independent variables were the total revenues received by the party (in logarithm, dummy for political parties with or without the resources of the party fund and dummy for years that there were state elections, while the trial of the accounts of parties (approval / disapproval is dependent variable. The results show that only the dummy's Party Fund positively influence the judgments of the annual accounts parties. Thus, it is understood that the parties receiving public funds are more likely to provide better information and, therefore, have its accounts approved by the Unidade Técnica do Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Rio Grande do Norte. Moreover, one can even say that the parties receiving such government help have a trend or an indication of concern with the concept of accountability, since the party fund is a public resource. It is recommended that future studies address other indicators, for example, liquidity, debt and profitability. Moreover, as also proxies related to the disclosure of financial statements, number of persons elected by party in relation to the number of candidates and party members number could become plausible indicators for future research that would use the same methodology. In addition, replicate this metodology to other states for comparative issues, and even use the same methodology at national level could be aspects of research to be worked for the future.

Syrian Issue in the Discourses of Political Leaders

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Yusuf Devran

2016-11-01

Full Text Available Syrian conflict as a part of social movements called as Arab Spring has been turned into a civil war. As a result of this Turkey has come to face with the biggest refugee crisis of its entire history. Thus political parties have used different discourses on Syrian conflict and refugee crisis according to new social, economical and political conditions. In this paper political discourses used by Turkish political leaders between 2011-2015 are examined in the context of their politics for Syrian conflict and refugees. The main goal of this work is to contribute to a better contemplation on the Syrian conflict and refugee crisis by ascertaining political parties’ approaches.

ECONOMETRIC EVALUATION OF THE RELATIONSHIP ECONOMIC GROWTH AND UNEMPLOYMENT IN EU & TURKEY

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Erygit Pinar

2014-07-01

Full Text Available Unemployment, in Turkey as well as in the whole, world poses huge economic problems. When considering Turkey's economy with a continued growth but a sustainable growth trend that cannot be provided and cannot be avoided in unemployment. The concepts of unemployment and economic growth in the macro and micro level are the subject of many studies. Economists look for solutions to these problems that are faced by each country; unemployment, unemployment causes, economic growths are all concepts that are discussed. Turkey's population growth rate is high, investment and capital accumulation at the desired level cannot be performed, the quality of labor as a lack of economic and political instability, informal employment, the existence of inter-regional disparities, the lack of sufficient support in agriculture contribute to the many reasons such as unemployment, the foundation raised as an issue is caused to the end. One of the biggest problems faced by Turkey's economy has long been the problems of unemployment. Many policies have been identified and implemented to combat unemployment have been studied. High rates of growth to reduce unemployment are among the most important of these policies. The relationship between unemployment and growth for the first time was examined by Arthur M. Okun (1962. The main objective of this study with the participation of Croatia in 2013 with 28 member countries of the European Union and in Turkey for the period 2001-2011 is to examine and test the relationship between economic growth and unemployment is variable. Analysis Breitung (2000, ADF Fisher and Levin, Lin and Chu (2002 panel unit root tests, Westerlund (2007 panel cointegration tests are used. Breitung (2000, ADF Fisher and Levin, Lin and Chu (2002 tests taken by the series of first differences were stagnant. In addition, error correction model established between unemployment and economic growth Hausman tests were performed, and long-term parameters have

Political marketing in untraditional campaigns: The case of David Cameron's Conservative Party leadership victory

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C.; Forward, Nick

2007-01-01

This study investigates the concept of political market orientation (PMO) in an untraditional setting, namely the 2005 contest for the leadership of the British Conservative Party. Based on a collective case-study method, a content analysis of candidates' speeches and manifestos is provided. We...... and a contextspecific evaluation of the merits of alternative PMO profiles. Thus, the generic conceptual model of political market orientatation, which previously has only been used in the content of parties contesting a general election campaign, can be adapted to alternative campaign situations without a reduction...

The issue of Romania’s joining the First World War in the vision of the leaders of the political parties – the National Liberal Party and the Conservative Party

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Anatolie Povestca

2017-12-01

Full Text Available Romania's entry into the First World War was preceded by fierce diplomatic battles between the two warring parties – the Entente and the Triple Alliance – regarding its involvement in the conflict on one side or the other. No less dramatic was the internal struggle waged by representatives of civil society - writers, doctors, engineers, historians, leaders of political parties, both ruling and opposition. They were brought up in the spirit of nationalism and spiritual and moral values, formed on the basis of the national liberation struggle of the 19th century. Each of them motivated entry into the war, defending his own interests, trying to get as much political dividends as possible, sometimes taking unfavorable decisions, ignoring the real economic and military potential of the Romanian state. What seemed simple at first glance turned out to be in fact an equation with many unknowns. Today we know the result - the disappearance from the political map of several empires and the emergence of other political systems and regimes, more severe, which will determine the fate and history of many peoples, including Romanian.

Financial Integration into EU: The Romanian Case

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Ibrahim Bozkurt

2016-05-01

Full Text Available The aim of this study is to investigate the determinants of integration between stock market of Romania and other stock markets of European Union (EU countries. Correlations between the stock returns represent the level of integration between the stock markets. Empirical analysis are performed with daily stock returns of 24 EU members including Romania for 2002-2012 period using panel data gravity models and correlations are investigated. Findings reveal that the following factors have significant and robust effects on the financial integration process of Romania with other 23 EU members; (i EU membership, (ii bilateral trade, (iii GDP per capita, (iv 2012 sovereign debt crisis and (v East European location. The results emphasize that intensifying economic relations with EU members can contribute the integration of Romanian stock market with other EU members. designed & hoste

Economic integration in NAFTA and the EU

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bislev, Sven

This te×t critically analyzes the institutions of the EU and NAFTA. It covers both the general problems of building new and integrated markets, and several policy areas that are related to economic integration. The institutions established in both Europe and America are seen as deficient in several...... of the market economies institutions upon the integration process itself depends. This te×t analyzes the institutions of the EU and NAFTA. It covers both the general problems of building new and integrated markets, and several policy areas that are related to economic integration. The institutions established...

Twitter-Based Analysis of the Dynamics of Collective Attention to Political Parties.

Science.gov (United States)

Eom, Young-Ho; Puliga, Michelangelo; Smailović, Jasmina; Mozetič, Igor; Caldarelli, Guido

2015-01-01

Large-scale data from social media have a significant potential to describe complex phenomena in the real world and to anticipate collective behaviors such as information spreading and social trends. One specific case of study is represented by the collective attention to the action of political parties. Not surprisingly, researchers and stakeholders tried to correlate parties' presence on social media with their performances in elections. Despite the many efforts, results are still inconclusive since this kind of data is often very noisy and significant signals could be covered by (largely unknown) statistical fluctuations. In this paper we consider the number of tweets (tweet volume) of a party as a proxy of collective attention to the party, identify the dynamics of the volume, and show that this quantity has some information on the election outcome. We find that the distribution of the tweet volume for each party follows a log-normal distribution with a positive autocorrelation of the volume over short terms, which indicates the volume has large fluctuations of the log-normal distribution yet with a short-term tendency. Furthermore, by measuring the ratio of two consecutive daily tweet volumes, we find that the evolution of the daily volume of a party can be described by means of a geometric Brownian motion (i.e., the logarithm of the volume moves randomly with a trend). Finally, we determine the optimal period of averaging tweet volume for reducing fluctuations and extracting short-term tendencies. We conclude that the tweet volume is a good indicator of parties' success in the elections when considered over an optimal time window. Our study identifies the statistical nature of collective attention to political issues and sheds light on how to model the dynamics of collective attention in social media.

Twitter-Based Analysis of the Dynamics of Collective Attention to Political Parties.

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Young-Ho Eom

Full Text Available Large-scale data from social media have a significant potential to describe complex phenomena in the real world and to anticipate collective behaviors such as information spreading and social trends. One specific case of study is represented by the collective attention to the action of political parties. Not surprisingly, researchers and stakeholders tried to correlate parties' presence on social media with their performances in elections. Despite the many efforts, results are still inconclusive since this kind of data is often very noisy and significant signals could be covered by (largely unknown statistical fluctuations. In this paper we consider the number of tweets (tweet volume of a party as a proxy of collective attention to the party, identify the dynamics of the volume, and show that this quantity has some information on the election outcome. We find that the distribution of the tweet volume for each party follows a log-normal distribution with a positive autocorrelation of the volume over short terms, which indicates the volume has large fluctuations of the log-normal distribution yet with a short-term tendency. Furthermore, by measuring the ratio of two consecutive daily tweet volumes, we find that the evolution of the daily volume of a party can be described by means of a geometric Brownian motion (i.e., the logarithm of the volume moves randomly with a trend. Finally, we determine the optimal period of averaging tweet volume for reducing fluctuations and extracting short-term tendencies. We conclude that the tweet volume is a good indicator of parties' success in the elections when considered over an optimal time window. Our study identifies the statistical nature of collective attention to political issues and sheds light on how to model the dynamics of collective attention in social media.

Who wants full membership? Characteristics of Turkish public support for EU membership

OpenAIRE

Çarkoğlu, Ali; Carkoglu, Ali

2003-01-01

Examines the basis of support and resistance to European Union (EU) membership among voters in Turkey. Issues concerning Turkey's candidacy for EU membership; Description of EU support across different constituencies of public opinion; Implications of EU membership support for EU-Turkey relations; Factors that influenced the expressed support for EU membership.

Nuclear opponents and party politics

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Tollmann, A.

1987-01-01

The question treated in this article is: what do the members of the Austrian parliament - of the different parties - against nuclear energy, in particular against nuclear installations in neighbour countries? Of special interest is the Green party, now also represented in the parliament. The conclusion is that even this party, though in principle definitely anti-nuclear, is of no help to nuclear opponents in general, and to the Working Group No to Zwentendorf in particular. (qui)

Why Political Parties Colonize the Media in Indonesia: An Exploration of Mediatization

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Muhammad Thaufan Arifuddin

2017-01-01

Full Text Available Mediatization has become more relevant in exploring relations between media and politics in post-Suharto Indonesia. However, the media's roles as the fourth estate of democracy has been hijacked by wealthy politicians and political parties. As a result, most mainstream media have failed to enhance public dabates democratically. Based on existing mediatization literature, politico-economy analysis, and data collected through extensive in-depth interviews and relevant documents in the 2013-2015 period, this article theoretically aims to develop the mediatization concept and explore the degree of mediatization of politics in contemporary Indonesia.

Personality and Party Ideology Among Politicians. A Closer Look at Political Elites From Canada and Belgium

Science.gov (United States)

Joly, Jeroen K.; Hofmans, Joeri; Loewen, Peter

2018-01-01

We examined the relationship between Big Five personality and the political ideology of elected politicians. To this end, we studied 303 politicians from Flanders, Wallonia, and Canada, relating their self-reported Big Five scores to a partisanship-based measure of political ideology. Our findings show that, in line with the congruency model of personality, Openness to Experience is the best and most consistent correlate of political ideology, with politicians high on Openness to Experience being more likely to be found among the more progressive left-wing political parties. PMID:29719525

Personality and Party Ideology Among Politicians. A Closer Look at Political Elites From Canada and Belgium.

Science.gov (United States)

Joly, Jeroen K; Hofmans, Joeri; Loewen, Peter

2018-01-01

We examined the relationship between Big Five personality and the political ideology of elected politicians. To this end, we studied 303 politicians from Flanders, Wallonia, and Canada, relating their self-reported Big Five scores to a partisanship-based measure of political ideology. Our findings show that, in line with the congruency model of personality, Openness to Experience is the best and most consistent correlate of political ideology, with politicians high on Openness to Experience being more likely to be found among the more progressive left-wing political parties.

The European Union’s Trade Strategy and Its Reflections on Turkey: an Evaluation from the Perspective of Free Trade Agreements

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Sait AKMAN

2010-04-01

Full Text Available This study attempts to assess implications, of European Union’s (EU new trade strategy and its Free Trade Agreements (FTAs with third countries, on Turkey-EU relations. It analyses critics raised in the context of FTAs and puts forward that the sustainability of the relations is contingent to the satisfaction of a set of criteria.The EU shifted its trade policy from sole reliance on multilateral trade negotiations towards initiatives for bilateral and preferential agreements (PTAs under its ‘Global Europe’ strategy which was adopted in 2006, to propose its trade policy agenda and priorities in accordance with its Lisbon Strategy. WTO Doha Round is currently in deadlock and it is improbable that it will be concluded in the near future. Partly for this reason, the EU tends to implement its policy objectives constantly through a set of FTAs. Turkey has to align its trade policy to the EU’s preferential regimes, pursuant to its obligations arising from the Customs Union (CU. Hence, it has concluded so far sixteen FTAs with relevant countries. On the other hand, the intensification of critics about the FTAs process and the CU brings impediments for Turkey to commit itself to its CU obligations in the next period. Two main motives can be cited as a reason: First, the EU trade strategy obviously considers the global context within which the EU rests; and the Member States’ interests, which are subsequently reflected into its FTAs. Nevertheless, a harmonious action by Turkey becomes onerous as long as EU trade priorities diverge from Turkey’s long term trade strategy. Second reason, aside from technical aspects of the CU, can be attributed to the ‘political uncertainty’ converged around the ‘open-endedness’ of the membership process, which in turn affects the CU, Turkey’s most vital linkage to the EU, and the commitments there from.

THE PROBLEMS OF SERBIAN SELF-DETERMINATION IN FOREIGN POLICY: THROUGH THE THORNS TO THE “STARS” OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

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M. M. Lobanov

2016-01-01

Full Text Available The article deals with the features of contemporary political development of Serbia, including the main areas of cooperation with the European Union (EU. Since the early 2000s the strategic priority of the country's foreign policy is participation in the European integration process, which is accompanied by support of consistent and pragmatic relations with the other key partners, primarily with Russia. The principle of multi-vector foreign policy has been developed since the fi rst half of the 2010s, but its use is treated with the lack of uniqueness by different social strata and political movements. Mechanisms of acceleration or slowing down the integration process are used by offi cial Brussels depending on the current aims and political conjuncture (for example, to weaken Russian infl uence in the country and in the region. However, despite the success achieved on the path to the EU accession and the favorable dynamics of negotiation process, the level of support of pro-European policy has been decreasing in Serbian society since the end of the 2000s. The main challenges of the near future, in addition to the growth of euroscepticism, include problems of institutional harmonization with the EU and the compliance with the Copenhagen criteria, the enforcement of the Brussels agreement with Pristina, as well as maintaining of balanced foreign policy.

The Geopolitics of Water and Oil in Turkey

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

2009-01-01

commodity pipeline projects. Through a series of water and energy pipelines, Turkey can gain significant political, economic, and social influence, while contributing to regional integration and stability. This paper addresses the background to Turkey's geopolitical future, with regard to both energy and water resources. It also aims to provide some suggestions as to how Turkey can take greater advantage of its geopolitical potential. Section I of the paper discusses Turkey's geopolitical potential; Section II details Turkey's complex and conflicted political relationships with regional nations; Section III examines specific pipeline projects held back by political conflicts; Section IV conclusively analyzes the situation and offers policy suggestions for Turkey. (author)

The Geopolitics of Water and Oil in Turkey

Energy Technology Data Exchange (ETDEWEB)

NONE

2009-07-01

make it a crossroads of multiple commodity pipeline projects. Through a series of water and energy pipelines, Turkey can gain significant political, economic, and social influence, while contributing to regional integration and stability. This paper addresses the background to Turkey's geopolitical future, with regard to both energy and water resources. It also aims to provide some suggestions as to how Turkey can take greater advantage of its geopolitical potential. Section I of the paper discusses Turkey's geopolitical potential; Section II details Turkey's complex and conflicted political relationships with regional nations; Section III examines specific pipeline projects held back by political conflicts; Section IV conclusively analyzes the situation and offers policy suggestions for Turkey. (author)

Rights of Minors and Constitutional Politics in the German Länder. Legal Framework, Party Strategies, and Constitutional Amendments

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Lorenz Astrid

2015-11-01

Full Text Available The article analyses constitutional politics in the German Länder in the field of minors’ rights. Since this issue seems a purely legal matter dealt with at the federal, European and international level, we should expect similar, almost identically shaped policies at the Länder level. However, the analysis brings considerable variations of constitutional activities in this field to the fore: time, frequency, and contents of respective initiatives vary significantly in the period from 1999 to 2014. These variations were due to different party strategies, diverging party platforms and majority constellations in the Länder. The analysis also shows that the public arguments brought forward in favour of constitutional amendments refer only weakly and randomly to legal provisions and processes at other levels. The political debate supporting extended children's rights rather refers to general observations, to the specific regional context, and constitutional provisions in other Länder. At least with regard to this issue, the multi-level system did not systematically impact on constitutional politics in the Länder. It rather can be understood as an opportunity structure providing parties with multiple realms in which they can pursue their goals. Thus the study shows that federal and regional party strategies are key factors in explaining policy diffusion in multilevel systems.

Party rules, party resources and the politics of parliamentary democracies

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Poguntke, Thomas; Scarrow, Susan; Webb, Paul

2016-01-01

, then investigate what it tells us about contemporary party organization in these countries, focusing on parties’ resources, structures and internal decision-making. We examine organizational patterns by country and party family, and where possible we make temporal comparisons with older data sets. Our analyses...... suggest a remarkable coexistence of uniformity and diversity. In terms of the major organizational resources on which parties can draw, such as members, staff and finance, the new evidence largely confirms the continuation of trends identified in previous research: that is, declining membership......, but enhanced financial resources and more paid staff. We also find remarkable uniformity regarding the core architecture of party organizations. At the same time, however, we find substantial variation between countries and party families in terms of their internal processes, with particular regard to how...

Partidele româneşti, între politicianism şi politică

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Bogdan Ficeac

2011-08-01

Full Text Available The „originality” of the Romanian transition from totalitarianism to democracy represents, in fact, the failure of this process. The power was not transferred from the hands of a leader or of a small group of discretionary leaders to the legal-rational-bureaucratic institutions, but to the large structures of new rich, which control the entire economic and political life of the country, including the political parties. The only way to cure the Romanian political life is to professionalize the politics, to provoke the politicians to live for politics not off politics. This vital goal could be reach by strictly bringing into force the EU rules and practice, especially the EU model of spending the public money.

THE ROLE AND IMPORTANCE OF REPUBLIC OF TURKEY WITHIN EUROPEAN UNION NETWORK

OpenAIRE

Serkan GÜZEL

2016-01-01

This paper examines Republic of Turkey’s relationships with Western world in general, and with EU in special. Putting forth the relationship betweeen EU and Republic of Turkey in a clear manner, underlying factors of Republic of Turkey’s accession to the EU has been discussed in accordance with the main problem of Republic of Turkey, including overpopulation and unemployment rate. However, it is essential for EU to consider geostrategical position of Republic of Turkey bringing Europe and Asi...

Conservative Party Modernisation and David Cameron's Politics of the Family

OpenAIRE

Hayton, Richard

2010-01-01

A key feature of David Cameron's electoral appeal is his carefully cultivated image as a ‘family man’. Cameron has repeatedly stressed the importance of the family to his political views and stated his desire to see marriage rewarded through the tax system. At the same time, Cameron has presented himself as a modernising leader, keen to demonstrate that he and his party are in touch with contemporary society. Central to this effort to detoxify the Conservative brand has been an emphasis on so...

Politics of re-building hegemony and the subject in post-1997 Turkey

OpenAIRE

Taş, Hakkı

2011-01-01

Ankara : The Department of Political Science, İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University, 2011. Thesis (Ph. D.) -- Bilkent University, 2011. Includes bibliographical references leaves 322-372. This study aims to analyze the interrelation between hegemony and the subject within the case of the February 28 process, which refers to the military’s long-term project to reshape the Turkish social and political system which had brought the Islamist Refah Partisi (RP - Welfare Party) to the...

Political-Military Trends in Italy, Greece, and Spain

Science.gov (United States)

2005-12-01

the EU main- stream on most issues. PASOK , the leading opposition party, has also become increasingly moderate and centrist over the last decade...generally been supportive of Belgrade, and was overwhelmingly opposed to the western intervention in Kosovo. Despite this, the PASOK government of the...troversial character in the bilateral relationship in recent years. Politically, Crete is traditionally a PASOK stronghold, but not over

Politics, markets and EU gas supply security. Case studies of the UK and Germany

Energy Technology Data Exchange (ETDEWEB)

Kopp, Sandu-Daniel

2015-03-01

Publication in the field of social sciences. Sandu-Daniel Kopp investigates whether carbon reduction targets are compatible with market-driven competition in gas (and power) industries, and whether security of supply is compatible with competitive markets. He examines the policy trade-offs which need to be made between the three different elements, and whether these policy judgements should be economically or politically based. The analysis shows the need for a complex set of politically determined options to protect (competitive) markets from price risks and emergency events and demonstrates that this has thus far failed the policy test. Overall, the author argues that the three major elements of EU energy policy are incompatible in important respects and thereby challenges much of the conventional wisdom of EU and Member State policies of the past decade.

Politics, markets and EU gas supply security. Case studies of the UK and Germany

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Kopp, Sandu-Daniel

2015-01-01

Publication in the field of social sciences. Sandu-Daniel Kopp investigates whether carbon reduction targets are compatible with market-driven competition in gas (and power) industries, and whether security of supply is compatible with competitive markets. He examines the policy trade-offs which need to be made between the three different elements, and whether these policy judgements should be economically or politically based. The analysis shows the need for a complex set of politically determined options to protect (competitive) markets from price risks and emergency events and demonstrates that this has thus far failed the policy test. Overall, the author argues that the three major elements of EU energy policy are incompatible in important respects and thereby challenges much of the conventional wisdom of EU and Member State policies of the past decade.

Political Parties and Interest Groups Members' Patterns of Social Network Site Usage in Kyrgyzstan

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Elira Turdubaeva

2014-11-01

Full Text Available Kyrgyzstan, with a high level of political participation and an avant-garde position regarding internet access in Central Asia, broadband and social media penetration in the population, is a critical case for studying social network sites (SNSs in relation to political participation. This study analyzes the practices and attitudes of SNS users in Kyrgyzstan. Two types of users – members of political parties and members of interest organizations – are interviewed in focus groups about their practices and attitudes towards political content in the social network site Facebook. The findings indicate that, to some extent, the political engagement is indeed occurring within the Facebook environment, suggesting that the popular social networking sites (SNSs are an avenue for young people to express and share their political views. Facebook allowed users to share their political beliefs, support specific candidates, and interact with others on political issues. Participants’ perceptions regarding the appropriateness of political activity on Facebook, as well as the specific types of political activities they engaged in and witnessed within the site, were also explored.

The German Political Economy Between Deregulation and Re-regulation: Party Discourses on Minimum Wage Policies

OpenAIRE

Dostal, Jörg Michael

2012-01-01

In the German political economy of the early 21st century, labor market policymaking has shifted toward deregulation and liberalization. In particular, the so-called Hartz labor market reforms of the Social Democratic Party and Green Party government, introduced in 2002 and 2003, pushed for employment growth in low-wage and deregulated employment sectors. This article focuses on one of the key debates triggered by Germany’s labor market deregulation after 2002, namely whethe...

Electoral institutions, parties, and the politics of class: Why some democracies redistribute more than others

OpenAIRE

Iversen, Torben; Soskice, David

2005-01-01

We develop a general model of redistribution and use it to account for the remarkable variance in government redistribution across democracies. We show that the electoral system plays a key role because it shapes the nature of political parties and the composition of governing coalitions, whether these are conceived as electoral alliances between classes or alliances between class parties. Our argument implies a) that center-left governments dominate under PR systems, while center-right gover...

Implementation of integrated homecare in EU

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Larsen, Torben

://www.integratedhomecare.eu/ ) aims to develop a strategy for better clinical continuity in EU. Data and Method A systematic literature review on integrated care forms the base for design of an HTA of integrated home care (IHC) for chronic conditions in such a state of disablement that patient schools are not enough. The EUnet...... approach with the adaption to local conditions in a decentralized approach. This means that a regional level with direct cooperation between the administrative/financial and the clinical/specialist levels is focused. This meso- level is addressed by an international network of national specialist groups......  Implementation of Integrated Home Care in EU Objective WHO put the fragmented delivery of health and social services for large groups of chronic conditions on the research agenda in 2002 as implemented in the call EU-FP7-HEALTH-2007-3.1.6. This granted project ( http...

INTERPRETER TRAINING CURRICULUM IN TURKEY: THE CASE OF SAKARYA UNIVERSITY

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Sibel OKUYAN

2017-04-01

Full Text Available In our globalizing and rapidly changing world thanks to the communication technologies, Turkey has a significant strategic position in terms of socio-cultural and economical aspects. Therefore, Turkey has a different commercial and political relationship with many countries comprising various cultures and languages. In order to maintain these relations healthfully, interpreting is of utmost importance. Turkey’s membership application for EU shows that Turkey is now an important political power. Besides, commercial contacts with other countries are on the rise and foreign people pay a visit to our country for health tourism. On the other hand, conflicts in neighboring countries increase. All of these factors raise the demand for interpreting in Turkey. In this respect, considering aforementioned explanations we believe that contents of the interpreting courses in academic translation institutions must be refreshed and updated, while doing so, market conditions must also be taken into account. This study deals with interpreting courses offered at Sakarya University taking the above-mentioned suggestions into consideration. In this study, we aim to evaluate interpreting courses in terms of the developments in academic interpreter training and interpreting profession. Hence, curricula of Translation & Interpreting (Studies Departments were compared to each other and the findings are discussed.

NATO Enlargement

National Research Council Canada - National Science Library

Gallis, Paul E

2003-01-01

This report provides a brief summary of the last round of NATO enlargement. The report analyzes the key military and political issues in the debate over seven prospective members named at NATO's Prague summit...

The Next Round of NATO Enlargement

National Research Council Canada - National Science Library

Simon, Jeffrey

2000-01-01

.... Political, geostrategic, and technical factors will frame policy options on enlargement though the shifting importance of these factors will likely influence any decision on enlarging the Alliance...

EU External Relations Law and the European Neighbourhood Policy

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Van Vooren, Bart

-historical context of political Union, this thesis first argues why coherence is an issue at all in EU external relations, and why law is integral to attaining the ever-enigmatic single voice of the European Union. Subsequently, the text examines the role of EU external relations law in attaining a coherent...

Women’s Role in the Spanish Politics: The PSOE Case

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Gema Sánchez Medero

2008-05-01

Full Text Available This article analyzes women incorporation in different levels of political life, namely in the political parties and representative institutions. The aspects it focused on were the actions taken by the PSOE (Spanish Labour Socialist Party in relation to the paritary democracy, so as to properly evaluate the consequences produced on the organization party itself and on those institutional areas where they have obtained representation (General Spanish Parliament, Autonomous Parliaments, and City Halls, to observe whether women are actually committed to political life or such integration only obeys to political party interests.

Social praxis, party, and class relations today

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Egni Malo

2014-01-01

Full Text Available Today’s political sociologists are once again interested in the study of the crisis of mass-based parties, anti-politics and anti-parliamentarism, crisis in the authority of the political class, prevailing corporate interests within republican institutions, and populism. Political sociology however, takes the party, as a construct of political sociology alone, without consideration upon its militancy and action, as the party, which objectifies the foundation of a State, and as a result the party becomes, simply an historical category. We approach the problem of the modern state from many angles; analysing the nature of a political party as such; the ideological dangers of determinism and spontaneism which a party necessarily must struggle with; the type of non-administrative internal regime which is necessary for a party to be effective and so on. The problem we seek to elaborate is the specific character of the collective action that makes possible the passage from a sectored, corporate and subordinate role of purely negative opposition, to a leading role of conscious action towards not merely a partial adjustment within the system, but posing the issue of the State in its entirety. In developing this theme – as a study of the real relations between the political party, the classes and the State – a two-fold consideration is devoted to the study of Machiavelli and Marx: first from the angle of the real relations between the two, as thinkers of revolutionary politics, of action; and secondly from a perspective which would derive from the Marxist doctrines an articulated system of contemporary politics, as found in The Prince.

The energy-political programmes of the parties in the State Parliament of Sachsen-Anhalt prior to the State election

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Grupe, H.

1994-01-01

This is the first in a series of articles taking a close look at the essential statements in the energy and environmental policy programmes of the politically relevant parties and comparing them with one another. The series begins with the political programmes of the parties represented in the State Parliament of Sachsen-Anhalt (where an election is forthcoming on June 26, 1994), as submitted to the editor of this journal in answer to his inquiry. The analysis is preceded by a brief summary of the most important geographical and energy-economic data and the range of political parties in this State Parliament in order to illustrate the boundary conditions. (orig./UA) [de

The Social Composition and Main Tasks of Russian Right-Monarchist and Centrist Political Parties of the Early Twentieth Century

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Alexander S. Zabolotskikh

2016-01-01

Full Text Available This article analyzes the social composition of the political parties of the Russian Empire in the early XX century and a real reflection of interests of different social groups. The estates principle of social organization of pre-revolutionary Russia, seems, was to be decisive to formation of the party organizations. However, in practice, many public organizations (in particular, the Black Hundred Party declared their all-estates character, trying to become the spokesman of the greatest possible number of social groups. By the beginning of XXcen tury in Russia there were about 60 parties, which could be called the all-Russian. Comparing the most famous of them, the author concludes that representatives of the Black Hundreds largely managed to realize the proclaimed all-estates construction principle of political organization. As stated by the leader of the Monarchist Party V.A.Gringmut, "Black Hundred-monarchists - are thousands, millions, it's - the whole Russian Orthodox people, remaining faithful to the oath unlimited Orthodox tsar" [10, p. 156]. The ideology of the Black Hundreds, which had the universal Christian character, reflecting the traditionalist outlook of the country's population, contributed to their penetration into the masses. Contrary to popular belief, the big bourgeoisie and the landlord class were not the only groups that are members of the «Union of October 17 th». However Octobrists faced with serious problems, attracting to its ranks of workers and peasants of the Russian population, because they are more focused on employers rather than workers. For example, as the researchers note, an important role in the creation of the "Union of October 17 th " played factory owners Brusnitsyns in St. Petersburg [3, p.122]. But by 1917 Octobrists altogether lost control of the labor movement. Thus, despite the constant positioning of the political parties of the Russian Empire as all-estates, in reality, they pursued the interests

The Social Composition and Main Tasks of Russian Right-Monarchist and Centrist Political Parties of the Early Twentieth Century

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Alexander S. Zabolotskikh

2016-01-01

Full Text Available This article analyzes the social composition of the political parties of the Russian Empire in the early XX century and a real reflection of interests of different social groups. The estates principle of social organization of pre-revolutionary Russia, seems, was to be decisive to formation of the party organizations. However, in practice, many public organizations (in particular, the Black Hundred Party declared their all-estates character, trying to become the spokesman of the greatest possible number of social groups. By the beginning of XXcen tury in Russia there were about 60 parties, which could be called the all-Russian. Comparing the most famous of them, the author concludes that representatives of the Black Hundreds largely managed to realize the proclaimed all-estates construction principle of political organization. As stated by the leader of the Monarchist Party V.A.Gringmut, "Black Hundred-monarchists - are thousands, millions, it's - the whole Russian Orthodox people, remaining faithful to the oath unlimited Orthodox tsar" [10, p. 156]. The ideology of the Black Hundreds, which had the universal Christian character, reflecting the traditionalist outlook of the country's population, contributed to their penetration into the masses. Contrary to popular belief, the big bourgeoisie and the landlord class were not the only groups that are members of the «Union of October 17th». However Octobrists faced with serious problems, attracting to its ranks of workers and peasants of the Russian population, because they are more focused on employers rather than workers. For example, as the researchers note, an important role in the creation of the "Union of October 17th" played factory owners Brusnitsyns in St. Petersburg [3, p.122]. But by 1917 Octobrists altogether lost control of the labor movement. Thus, despite the constant positioning of the political parties of the Russian Empire as all-estates, in reality, they pursued the interests of

SEPARATISM IN IDEOLOGY AND ACTIVITIES OF FLEMISH RIGHT-WING POPULIST PARTIES

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

P. V. Oskolkov

2017-01-01

Full Text Available The article is devoted to the issue of the Flemish separatism, including autonomism and independism (the latter aiming at the creation of own power center, and how it is reflected in the programs of the Flemish right-wing populist parties. The author presents a brief history of the phenomenon; Flemish separatism is seen in the context of the European integration and in comparison with other separatist movements. Having been articulated politically in 1990s, Flemish separatism is now an inherent part of the right-wing populist party programs: of the Flemish Bloc program (since 2004 it is Flemish Interest as an independence appeal, and of the New Flemish Alliance program as a call for further state reforming, aiming at the creation of a confederative system. A number of Flanders independence plans have been elaborated, whose authors posit that it is not Flanders that should quit the federation, but Belgium should officially disintegrate into two parts (because only in this case the French-speaking part of the country will not become the sole heir of the federation. The separatists usually see the EU as an institutional barrier; however, its role is acknowledged in the strengthening of regions’ position in the entireEurope. The elements that should keep the Belgian federation intact are not de facto functioning properly; however, gaining full independence would only fix the de jure already existing administrative and political split, and would also create a number of administrative problems. That is why the percentage of the Flemish independence proponents has declined recently, and the Belgian federation is now in a certain “break-even point” that can be distorted by the right-wing populist parties.

Türkiye’de Genel Seçim Kampanyaları (1950-2002 Political Elections In Turkey (1950-2002

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Doğan DUMAN

2013-09-01

Full Text Available Printed and visual media have the power of guiding the society asideological apparatuses. As advertisements reflect societal values anddaily relationships, they can be evaluated as cultural texts that makean entry to history. Mc Luhan argues that advertising is one of therichest and most loyal social activities. Thus, political advertisementsonce more unfold the old relationship of politics and communicationthat is rooted back to history of humanity. Political parties are theparticipations of voters in political life. Analysing political campaignspave the way for social analysis as well. From past to present, politicalparties and leaders have benefited from the art of communication andpossibilities of technology. In accordance with the developments in thefield, it can be observed that strategies and tactics employed in politicalcampaigns have been advanced likewise. 1950 elections, that enabledthe society to reveal its free will through voting, has a significant placein Turkish political history as the beginning of democracy-politicscommunicationtriangle.This article aims to indicate prominent features of parties byanalysing political campaigns in Turkey between 1950 and 2002 andtheir message strategies. Political advertisements that are used inpolitical campaigns provide the basis of research. This study intends toevaluate the transformation of political communication and politicalcampaigns in Turkey and its historical background by conveying thecampaigns through descriptive narration and analysing posters andprinted advertisements in elections. Results of the study reveal thatpolitical parties develop discourses in the light of their visions andmissions; there is an increase in negative political advertisements whilerival parties employ similar policies; additionally, it was observed thatparties that provide positive and hopeful discourses gain victory in thepolitical race. In this study mainly government and the main oppositionparties

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MEDIA OWNERSHIP AND NEWS PROCESS IN TURKEY FROM THE POLITICAL ECONOMY PERSPECTIVE