WorldWideScience

Sample records for politically motivated violence

  1. Positive and negative psychological impact after secondary exposure to politically motivated violence among body handlers and rehabilitation workers.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Shiri, Shimon; Wexler, Isaiah D; Alkalay, Yasmin; Meiner, Zeev; Kreitler, Shulamith

    2008-12-01

    The positive and negative psychological impact of secondary exposure to politically motivated violence was examined among body handlers and hospital rehabilitation workers, 2 groups that differed in their proximity and immediacy to violent events. Survivors of politically motivated violence served as a comparison group. Body handlers experienced high levels of positive psychological impact and traumatic stress symptoms. Levels of positive psychological impact among on-scene body handlers were higher than those experienced by rehabilitation workers. Traumatic stress symptoms predicted positive psychological impact among body handlers. These findings indicate that proximity to stressors is associated with higher levels of positive and negative psychological impact. Physical proximity is a major contributory factor to both positive and negative psychological effects of secondary exposure to trauma.

  2. An Inquiry into the Use of Illegal Electoral Practices and Effects of Political Violence

    OpenAIRE

    Roxana Gutiérrez-Romero

    2012-01-01

    This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the s...

  3. Political Violence and the Mediating Role of Violent Extremist Propensities

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Nele Schils

    2016-06-01

    Full Text Available Research into violent extremism is lacking integrated theoretical frameworks explaining individual involvement in politically or religiously motivated violence, resulting in a poor understanding of causal mechanisms. Building on situational action theory, the current study moves beyond the dominant risk factor approach and proposes an integrated model for the explanation of political/religious violence, distinguishing between direct mechanisms and “causes of the causes.” The model integrates mechanisms from different but complementary traditions. Following previous work, this study focusses on the causes of the causes influencing direct key mechanisms, violent extremist propensity, and exposure to violent extremist moral settings that explain political/religious violence. The theoretical model is tested using structural equation modelling. The analyses are based on a web survey (N = 6,020 among adolescents and young adults in Belgium. Results show that violent extremist propensity and exposure to violent extremist moral settings have direct effects on the likelihood of political/religious violence. These direct mechanisms are in turn determined by a series of exogenous factors: perceived injustice and poor social integration. The relationship between perceived injustice and poor social integration and political/religious violence is further mediated by perceived alienation, perceived procedural justice, and religious authoritarianism. The implications of these findings are discussed.

  4. What’s in a name? Asymmetries in the evaluation of religiously motivated terrorism and right-wing motivated violence in the context of the “refugee crisis”

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Noreen van Elk

    2016-09-01

    Full Text Available In the course of 2015, Germany was confronted with ever increasing immigration flows which resulted in the so-called “refugee crisis”. This sudden political and societal challenge brought about feelings of fear, anxiety and insecurity in many people. As a result, the right-wing Populist Party AFD and the populist movement PEGIDA steadily gained more support. Furthermore, the number of right-wing motivated crimes reached a total of 13 846 by the end of December 2015, of which 4183 were declared as motivated by “anti-migrant” or xenophobic sentiments. However, it appears as if the German government has difficulties reacting appropriately to those developments. This paper argues that the asymmetry between the moral and political evaluation of transnational religiously motivated terrorist violence and domestic right-wing extremist violence is untenable. Consequently, the emphasis on safeguarding national security against the risk of this kind of terrorist violence denies the importance of dealing with the right-wing risk “from within”. It is argued, that the increasing right-wing motivated violence shares certain dynamics with religiously motivated terrorism, even though both phenomena differ in fatality. The choice to call one form of violence terrorism and another form, in this case right-wing extremist violence, is not considered as terrorism, is not as neutral as is often presumed and is certainly not exclusively attributable to the differing character or fatality of the violence. It will be shown that instead, it reveals a lot about certain prejudices, a priori assumptions about the nature of terrorism, prevailing resentment and political interest.

  5. Youth Involvement in Politically Motivated Violence: Why Do Social Integration, Perceived Legitimacy, and Perceived Discrimination Matter?

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Maarten S. De Waele

    2014-09-01

    Full Text Available Several major theories of crime causation have been applied to the study of violence towards persons and towards property (vandalism. Less frequently, these middle-range theoretical frameworks are applied to explain individual differences in political violence. Against a background of growing concern about right-wing political violence among adolescents, the present study examines the role of a number of independent variables derived from different theoretical frameworks in a sample of 2,879 Flemish adolescents. Using blockwise regression models, the independent effects of key independent variables from social control theory, procedural justice theory, general strain theory, social learning theory, and self-control theory are assessed. The results support an integrative approach towards the explanation of political violence. The implications of our findings for future studies on violent extremism are discussed.

  6. Why does Existential Threat Promote Intergroup Violence? Examining the Role of Retributive Justice and Cost-Benefit Utility Motivations.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Hirschberger, Gilad; Pyszczynski, Tom; Ein-Dor, Tsachi

    2015-01-01

    The current research examined the role of retributive justice and cost-benefit utility motivations in the process through which mortality salience increases support for violent responses to intergroup conflict. Specifically, previous research has shown that mortality salience often encourages political violence, especially when perceptions of retributive justice are activated. The current research examined whether mortality salience directly activates a justice mindset over a cost-benefit utility mindset, and whether this justice mindset is associated with support for political violence. In Study 1 (N = 209), mortality salience was manipulated among Israeli participants who then read about a Hamas attack on Israel with either no casualties or many casualties, after which justice and utility motivations for retribution were assessed. Study 2 (N = 112), examined whether the link between death primes and support for an Israeli preemptive strike on Iran's nuclear facilities is mediated by justice or cost-benefit utility considerations. Results of both studies revealed that primes of death increased justice-related motivations, and these motives, rather than utility motives, were associated with support for violence. Findings suggest that existential concerns often fuel violent intergroup conflict because they increase desire for retributive justice, rather than increase belief that violence is an effective strategy. These findings expand our knowledge on the motivations for intergroup violence, and shed experimental light on real-life eruptions of violent conflict indicating that when existential concerns are salient, as they often are during violent conflict, the decision to engage in violence often disregards the utility of violence, and leads to the preference for violent solutions to political problems - even when these solutions make little practical sense.

  7. The Politics of Terrorism: Power, Legitimacy, and Violence

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    Richard A. Couto

    2010-03-01

    Full Text Available This paper examines and juxtaposes discourses about terrorism, violence, and political leadership. It presents generalizations about terrorism—a form of political violence by, for, and against the state—and politics and violence based on the theories of Max Weber and Hannah Arendt. The stark contrasts drawn from these theories include power as non-violent strength (Arendt versus power as violence-dependent (Weber and the struggle for legitimacy between different agents (states and individuals as well as terrorism by, for, and against the state. This reframing of power leads to judging a lack of power where there is violence, and the presence of power where one observes non-violence. An examination of political and criminal violence leads to questions about deliberate and purposeful violence, indirect and structural violence that has political consequences, and their relationship to terrorism. It expands the application of terrorism to include indirect structural violence by indicating its relationship to direct violence, not only in traditionally-viewed terrorist action but in the ignored terror of, for example, inner cities. Terrorism has many forms by many actors. To synthesize the results of these lines of reasoning leads to a conclusion with considerable implications for politics and for political leadership. The politics of terrorism suggest a central counter-terrorist approach: de-politicizing the violence of terrorists whenever possible and using the authority and power of the state to institutionalize it as criminal violence. This, in turn, also means politicizing other forms of violence, such as capital punishment, and their indirect and structural forms, such as the inner city.

  8. Political legitimacy and approval of political protest and violence among children and adolescents.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Funderburk, C

    1975-06-01

    A question of general theoretical relevance for political socialization research concerns the role played by basic political orientations in structuring specific political opinions. This report investigates the relationship between beliefs in the legitimacy of political objects and approval of political protest and violence among a sample of children and adolescents. The setting for the research was a Florida town. Four aspects of political legitimacy are defined and measured. Measures of approval of political protest and political violence are distinguished conceptually and empirically. Beliefs in political legitimacy are shown to be of considerable importance in structuring opinions about political violence but have little impact on opinions about protest.

  9. Citizenship and Political Violence in Peru

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Wilson, Fiona

    Citizenship and Political Violence in Peru recounts the hidden history of how local processes of citizen formation in an Andean town were persistently overruled from the nineteenth century on, thereby perpetuating antagonism toward the Peruvian state and political centralism. The analysis points...... violence in the 1980s. The book builds on the detailed study of a unique municipal archive in Tarma and ethnographic research from both before and after the violence....

  10. Testing a social ecological model for relations between political violence and child adjustment in Northern Ireland.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Cummings, E Mark; Merrilees, Christine E; Schermerhorn, Alice C; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C; Shirlow, Peter; Cairns, Ed

    2010-05-01

    Relations between political violence and child adjustment are matters of international concern. Past research demonstrates the significance of community, family, and child psychological processes in child adjustment, supporting study of interrelations between multiple social ecological factors and child adjustment in contexts of political violence. Testing a social ecological model, 300 mothers and their children (M = 12.28 years, SD = 1.77) from Catholic and Protestant working class neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland, completed measures of community discord, family relations, and children's regulatory processes (i.e., emotional security) and outcomes. Historical political violence in neighborhoods based on objective records (i.e., politically motivated deaths) were related to family members' reports of current sectarian antisocial behavior and nonsectarian antisocial behavior. Interparental conflict and parental monitoring and children's emotional security about both the community and family contributed to explanatory pathways for relations between sectarian antisocial behavior in communities and children's adjustment problems. The discussion evaluates support for social ecological models for relations between political violence and child adjustment and its implications for understanding relations in other parts of the world.

  11. What motivates participation in violent political action: selective incentives or parochial altruism?

    Science.gov (United States)

    Ginges, Jeremy; Atran, Scott

    2009-06-01

    In standard models of decision making, participation in violent political action is understood as the product of instrumentally rational reasoning. According to this line of thinking, instrumentally rational individuals will participate in violent political action only if there are selective incentives that are limited to participants. We argue in favor of an alternate model of political violence where participants are motivated by moral commitments to collective sacred values. Correlative and experimental empirical evidence in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict strongly supports this alternate view.

  12. Political extremism and violence in Denmark 1917-1940

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Larsen, Chris Holmsted

    . Regarding the interwar years, the Danish political parties and conditions had many structural and ideological similarities with the neighboring German Weimar Republic. But more important, the situation also differed significantly in terms of particular historical and actor-based conditions– e.g. in terms...... of generalization, but since the research-subject of political violence, in a Danish context, is largely absent and at best minimal, I have concluded that for the sake of the wider perspective, it is imperative to focus on the framework as a prerequisite for a more detailed study of political violence in Denmark....... Therefore, a crucial question is why did the political extremism and violence of the interwar years not manage to scuttle the Danish democracy? And second, why were both fascist and communist protagonists unsuccessful in subverting parliamentarism through a strategy of political violence? To gain...

  13. Political violence, collective functioning and health: a review of the literature.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Sousa, Cindy A

    2013-01-01

    Political violence is implicated in a range of mental health outcomes, including PTSD, depression, and anxiety. The social and political contexts of people's lives, however, offer considerable protection from the mental health effects of political violence. In spite of the importance of people's social and political environments for health, there is limited scholarship on how political violence compromises necessary social and political systems and inhibits individuals from participating in social and political life. Drawing on literature from multiple disciplines, including public health, anthropology, and psychology, this narrative review uses a multi-level, social ecological framework to enhance current knowledge about the ways that political violence affects health. Findings from over 50 studies were analysed and used to build a conceptual model demonstrating how political violence threatens three inter-related domains of functioning: individual functioning in relationship to their environment; community functioning and social fabric; and governmental functioning and delivery of services to populations. Results illustrate the need for multilevel frameworks that move beyond individual pathology towards more nuanced conceptualizations about how political violence affects health; findings contribute to the development of prevention programmes addressing political violence.

  14. Approaches to Political Violence and Terrorism in former Yugoslavia

    OpenAIRE

    Bieber, Florian

    2003-01-01

    Discusses political violence and terrorism in Yugoslavia caused by ethnic nationalism in the 1990s. Kinds of political conflict; Comparison of political violence with war and terrorism in Yugoslavia; Concept of terrorism and its presence in Southeastern Europe.

  15. Violence in Venezuela: oil rent and political crisis

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    Roberto Briceño-León

    2006-06-01

    Full Text Available This article analyzes the changes in violence in Venezuela during the last forty years. It links the ups and downs of the oil revenues and the political crisis of the country to the changes in the homicide rates, which increased from 7 per 100 thousand inhabitants in 1970 to 12 in 1990, 19 in 1998 and 50 in 2003. The article characterizes Venezuela as a rentist society and shows its trajectory from rural violence to the beginning of urban violence, the guerilla movements of the 60s, the delinquent violence related to the abundance of oil revenues and the violence during the popular revolt and the sackings of 1989 in Caracas. After this, we analyze the coups d'état of 1992 and the influence the political violence exerted upon criminal violence. We describe the political and party changes in the country, their influence upon the stabilization of homicide rates since the mid-90s and their remarkable increase during the H. Chávez government. The article finishes with an analysis of the current situation, the official prohibition to publish statistics on homicides and with some thoughts about the perspective of greater violence in Venezuela.

  16. Why achievement motivation predicts success in business but failure in politics: the importance of personal control.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Winter, David G

    2010-12-01

    Several decades of research have established that implicit achievement motivation (n Achievement) is associated with success in business, particularly in entrepreneurial or sales roles. However, several political psychology studies have shown that achievement motivation is not associated with success in politics; rather, implicit power motivation often predicts political success. Having versus lacking control may be a key difference between business and politics. Case studies suggest that achievement-motivated U.S. presidents and other world leaders often become frustrated and thereby fail because of lack of control, whereas power-motivated presidents develop ways to work with this inherent feature of politics. A reevaluation of previous research suggests that, in fact, relationships between achievement motivation and business success only occur when control is high. The theme of control is also prominent in the development of achievement motivation. Cross-national data are also consistent with this analysis: In democratic industrialized countries, national levels of achievement motivation are associated with strong executive control. In countries with low opportunity for education (thus fewer opportunities to develop a sense of personal control), achievement motivation is associated with internal violence. Many of these manifestations of frustrated achievement motivation in politics resemble authoritarianism. This conclusion is tested by data from a longitudinal study of 113 male college students, showing that high initial achievement motivation combined with frustrated desires for control is related to increases in authoritarianism (F-scale scores) during the college years. Implications for the psychology of leadership and practical politics are discussed. © 2010 The Author. Journal of Personality © 2010, Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

  17. Economic Liberalization and Political Violence : Utopia or Dystopia ...

    International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

    2010-08-06

    Economic Liberalization and Political Violence : Utopia or Dystopia ? Couverture du livre Economic Liberalization and Political Violence : Utopia or Dystopia ? Editor(s):. Francisco Gutiérrez et Gerd Schönwälder. Publisher(s):. Pluto Press, CRDI. August 6, 2010. ISBN: 9780745330631. 360 pages. e-ISBN: 9781552504826.

  18. Premigration Exposure to Political Violence and Perpetration of Intimate Partner Violence Among Immigrant Men in Boston

    Science.gov (United States)

    Acevedo-Garcia, Dolores; Hemenway, David; Decker, Michele R.; Raj, Anita; Silverman, Jay G.

    2009-01-01

    Objectives. We examined associations between premigration political violence exposure and past-year intimate partner violence (IPV) perpetration among immigrant men attending community health centers in Boston. Methods. A convenience sample of immigrant men (N = 379; aged 18–35 years), largely from the Caribbean and Cape Verde, who attend community health centers, completed an anonymous, cross-sectional survey on risk and protective factors for male-perpetrated IPV and respondents’ exposure to political violence. Results. One in 5 (20.1%) immigrant men reported that they were exposed to political violence before arrival in the United States. Men reporting political violence exposure were significantly more likely to report IPV perpetration than were men not reporting such exposure (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 2.84; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.41, 5.74). Significant associations with political violence exposure were observed for both physical (AOR = 2.69; 95% CI = 1.11, 6.54) and sexual (AOR = 2.37; 95% CI = 1.04, 5.44) IPV perpetration. Conclusions. To our knowledge, our findings document for the first time the significant association between premigration political violence exposure and recent IPV perpetration among immigrant men. Additional work is needed to examine underlying mechanisms to inform culturally appropriate programs. PMID:18703450

  19. Curbing Electoral Violence in Nigeria: The Imperative of Political ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    Both domestic and international political sociologists based on empirical investigations argue that the greatest obstacle to democratic consolidation in. Nigeria is electoral violence. This is as a result of the rascal politics that the political elites engage in. Sometimes, the violence is intra-party, and most of the time, it is ...

  20. Economic Liberalization and Political Violence : Utopia or Dystopia ...

    International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

    Economic Liberalization and Political Violence : Utopia or Dystopia ? Couverture du livre Economic Liberalization and Political Violence : Utopia or Dystopia ? Directeur(s):. Francisco Gutiérrez et Gerd Schönwälder. Maison(s) d'édition: Pluto Press, CRDI. 6 août 2010. ISBN : 9780745330631. 360 pages. e-ISBN :.

  1. Citizenship and Political Violence in Peru

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Wilson, Fiona

    Citizenship and Political Violence in Peru recounts the hidden history of how local processes of citizen formation in an Andean town were persistently overruled from the nineteenth century on, thereby perpetuating antagonism toward the Peruvian state and political centralism. The analysis points...

  2. Private Political Violence and Boss-Rule in the Philippines

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Peter Kreuzer

    2009-04-01

    Full Text Available Despite its rather strong and venerable democratic credentials the Philippines is still marred by political violence. Targeted killings and physical harassment by vigilantes, death squads, private armed groups, para-military militias, the police or members of the armed forces as well as violent competition for political jobs cost hundreds of lives every year. One central anchor point of this broad range of violent actors and forms are the locally embedded political bosses. (Defective democracy provides an ideal frame for the continuing competition between various segments of the highly fragmented elite. The paper shows how the bosses succeeded in controlling most means of political violence employed and were thereby able to advance their interests to an extraordinary extent. Upholding private control over means of violence furthered their interests as a political class even though it weakened the state

  3. Association between exposure to political violence and intimate-partner violence in the occupied Palestinian territory: a cross-sectional study.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Clark, Cari Jo; Everson-Rose, Susan A; Suglia, Shakira Franco; Btoush, Rula; Alonso, Alvaro; Haj-Yahia, Muhammad M

    2010-01-23

    Intimate-partner violence might increase during and after exposure to collective violence. We assessed whether political violence was associated with male-to-female intimate-partner violence in the occupied Palestinian territory. A nationally representative, cross-sectional survey was done between Dec 18, 2005, and Jan 18, 2006, by the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics. 4156 households were randomly selected with a multistage random cluster design, from which 3815 ever-married women aged 15-64 years were identified. We restricted our analysis to presently married women (n=3510, 92% participation rate), who completed a short version of the revised conflict tactics scales and exposure to political violence inventory. Exposure to political violence was characterised as the husband's direct exposure, his indirect exposure via his family's experiences, and economic effects of exposure on the household. We used adjusted multinomial logistic regression models to estimate odds ratios (ORs) for association between political violence and intimate-partner violence. Political violence was significantly related to higher odds of intimate-partner violence. ORs were 1.89 (95% CI 1.29-2.76) for physical and 2.23 (1.49-3.35) for sexual intimate-partner violence in respondents whose husbands were directly exposed to political violence compared with those whose husbands were not directly exposed. For women whose husbands were indirectly exposed, ORs were 1.61 (1.25-2.07) for physical and 1.97 (1.49-2-60) for sexual violence, compared with those whose husbands were not indirectly exposed. Economic effects of exposure were associated with increased odds of intimate-partner violence in the Gaza Strip only. Because exposure to political violence is associated with increased odds of intimate-partner violence, and exposure to many traumas is associated with poor health, a range of violent exposures should be assessed when establishing the need for psychosocial interventions in

  4. Political violence exposure, adolescent school violence, and drug use: The mediating role of school support and posttraumatic stress.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Fang, Lin; Schiff, Miriam; Benbenishty, Rami

    2016-01-01

    Adolescents may engage in risk behaviors to cope with the negative psychological impacts resulting from exposure to political violence. Guided by the Deterioration Deterrence Model and General Strain Theory, the present study assessed the mediating role of school support and posttraumatic stress (PTS) on two adolescent risk behaviors (i.e., school violence and drug use) among Arab and Jewish Israeli adolescents. We analyzed data from a nationally representative survey that consisted of 4,733 Israeli high school students (54.5% females; 63.2% Jewish) following the Second Lebanon War. Structural equation modeling using weighted data bootstrapped with 2,000 iterations evaluated the mediated effects of school support and PTS. The results showed that both school support and PTS mediated the pathways from political violence exposure to school violence and drug use. However, although school support and PTS fully mediated the relationship between political violence exposure and these risk behaviors for Jewish students, school support and PTS only partially mediated the relationships for Arab students. While school support can help decrease the detrimental effect of exposure to terrorism and war, Israeli adolescents exposed to more political violence may perceive receiving less school support than those experiencing less exposure. Findings of this study provide evidence for the theorized mediated pathways between political violence exposure and adolescent risk behaviors by PTS and school support. The study serves as a basis for future research that can unpack the relationship between exposure to political violence and adolescent risk-taking behaviors. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved).

  5. Northern Ireland: political violence and self-reported physical symptoms in a community sample.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Cairns, E; Wilson, R

    1991-01-01

    In order to investigate the possible relationship between physical health and political violence in Northern Ireland a random sample of residents of four electoral areas (two with relatively high violence and two with relatively low violence) was interviewed at home. Each person was asked to rate their health in terms of common physical symptoms, to indicate their use of family doctor and hospital services, and to rate the level of political violence in their neighbourhood. Analysis of covariance (with a measure of psychological well-being, a measure of trait neuroticism plus age and socioeconomic status as covariates) revealed that women reported more physical symptoms than did men, people in the 'high' violence areas reported more symptoms than did those in the 'low' violence areas, while those who rated their own neighbourhood most highly in terms of perceived violence also reported the greatest number of physical symptoms. However, a series of chi 2 tests revealed no association between political violence or perceived political violence and uptake of services.

  6. Sources of political violence, political and psychological analysis

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    O. B. Balatska

    2015-05-01

    We also consider the following approaches to determining the nature and sources of aggression and violence such as instinktyvizm (K. Lorenz and behaviorism (J. B. Watson and B. F. Skinner et al.. Special attention is paid to theories of frustration aggression (J. Dollard, N. E. Miller, L. Berkowitz et al., according to which the causes of aggression and violence are hidden in a particular mental state – frustration. The particular importance of the theory of T. R. Gurr, in which the source of aggression and political violence are defined through the concept of relative deprivation, is underlined. Another approach is described in the article ­ the concept of aggression as a learned reaction (A. Bandura, G. Levin, B. Fleischmann et al.. Supporters of this approach believe that aggressive behavior is formed in the process of social training.

  7. A Social-Ecological, Process-Oriented Perspective on Political Violence and Child Development.

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    Cummings, E Mark; Goeke-Morey, Marcie; Merrilees, Christine E; Taylor, Laura K; Shirlow, Peter A

    2014-06-01

    Youths' risk for adjustment problems in contexts of political violence is well-documented. However, outcomes vary widely, with many children functioning well. Accordingly, moving beyond further documenting the risk for many negative outcomes associated with living in contexts of political violence, a second generation of research is moving towards identifying the mechanisms and conditions that contribute to children's adjustment. Increasing support is emerging for understanding effects on children in terms of changes in the social contexts in which children live, and in the psychological processes engaged by these social ecologies. Selected themes are considered, including (a) the need to study multiple levels of the social ecology, (b) differentiating between the effects of exposure to contexts of political versus non-political violence, and (c) theories about explanatory processes. Selected research pertinent to these directions is reviewed, including findings from a six-wave longitudinal study on political violence and children in Northern Ireland.

  8. Long-term exposure to political violence: The particular injury of persistent humiliation.

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    Barber, Brian K; McNeely, Clea; Olsen, Joseph A; Belli, Robert F; Doty, Samuel Benjamin

    2016-05-01

    This study assessed the association between exposure to political violence over a 25-year period and adult functioning among a population that has experienced protracted and severe political conflict. Instead of aggregating exposure to political violence across time and type of exposure, as is commonly done, the event history calendar pioneered in this study assessed exposure to five forms of political violence annually from 1987 to 2011 in a representative sample of 1788 adults, aged 37 on average, in the occupied Palestinian territories (West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip). This method allowed for the identification of trajectories of exposure to political violence from childhood to adulthood using latent profile analysis. We then correlated the trajectories of exposure to measures of economic, political, community, family, psychological, and health functioning. As expected, being shot at, having one's home raided, being hit or kicked, being verbally abused, and witnessing someone close being humiliated were all elevated during periods of heightened political conflict (the first intifada (1987-1993) and, less so, the second intifada (2000-2005)). In addition, 12% of women and men reported high and persistent levels of exposure to humiliation (being verbally abused and/or witnessing someone close being humiliated) across the entire 25-year period. These individuals lived predominantly in neighborhoods with a high Israeli military presence. Compared to those who experienced periodic exposure to political violence, persistently humiliated men and women reported significantly lower health, economic, political, and psychological functioning, as well as higher social cohesion and political expression. Relevant literatures are reviewed when concluding that persistent humiliation is a neglected form of political violence that is best represented as a direct (versus structural), acute (versus chronic), macro (versus micro), and high-grade (versus low

  9. Gendered violence and India's body politic

    OpenAIRE

    Desai, Manali Sudhir

    2016-01-01

    The paradox of rape is that it has a long history and occurs across all countries, yet its meaning can best be grasped through an analysis of specific social, cultural and political environments. Feminist writing on citizenship and the state has long noted the relevance of women’s bodies as reproducers of the nation; it is equally important to think about the uses of the sexed body in a political context. A consideration of gendered violence as part of a continuum of embodied assertions of po...

  10. Witnessing the effects of political violence in families: mechanisms of intergenerational transmission and clinical interventions.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Weingarten, Kaethe

    2004-01-01

    In this era of globalization, when news about political violence can haunt anyone, anywhere, those whose families have suffered political violence in the past are particularly vulnerable to current distress. Skilled in understanding transgenerational processes, family therapists need to be familiar with the mechanisms by which children are exposed to the effects of political violence suffered by their elders-that is, the ways in which they become their witnesses. This article presents a framework for understanding how the trauma of political violence experienced in one generation can "pass" to another that did not directly experience it, and proposes a model to guide clinical intervention.

  11. Exerting power or striking back: a gendered comparison of motivations for domestic violence perpetration.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Kernsmith, Poco

    2005-04-01

    This study compares the motivations for using violence and the context in which violence occurs among male and female domestic violence perpetrators. One hundred twenty-five participants in batterer intervention counseling in Los Angeles County, California, were surveyed. The sample was approximately half male and half female. Males and females were found to differ in their motivations for using violence in relationships. Females reported using violence in response to prior abuse, citing revenge and retaliation as a primary motivation. Because treatment approaches are commonly derived from the power and control model, which indicates that violence is used to gain power and control, batterer intervention counseling may not be appropriate for women, who appear more motivated by the desire to maintain personal liberties in a relationship where they have been victimized. Treatment must walk the fine line between addressing victimization issues and holding women accountable for decisions to use violence.

  12. Political motivations for intra-European migration.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Bygnes, Susanne; Flipo, Aurore

    2017-08-01

    Motivations for migrating within the European Union have mainly been attributed to economic, career and lifestyle choices. This article suggests that political dissatisfaction is also an important motivator of recent intra-European migration. In our analysis of in-depth interviews with Romanian migrants in Spain and with Spanish migrants in Norway, we found a common emphasis on the political dimensions of their decision to migrate. In the interviews, the economic component of migration was often related to bad governance and negative perceptions of the state. The similarities of Spanish and Romanian migration narratives are especially striking because Spain and Romania represent substantially different migratory, political and economic contexts. However, migration is more obviously intertwined with conventional acts of political protest in the Spanish case. We suggest that differences in democratic contexts are pivotal in people's reactions to and framing of their deep dissatisfaction with domestic politics, as found in many European countries today.

  13. Children and political violence from a social ecological perspective: implications from research on children and families in Northern Ireland.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Cummings, E Mark; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C; Schermerhorn, Alice C; Merrilees, Christine E; Cairns, Ed

    2009-03-01

    The effects on children of political violence are matters of international concern, with many negative effects well-documented. At the same time, relations between war, terrorism, or other forms of political violence and child development do not occur in a vacuum. The impact can be understood as related to changes in the communities, families and other social contexts in which children live, and in the psychological processes engaged by these social ecologies. To advance this process-oriented perspective, a social ecological model for the effects of political violence on children is advanced. This approach is illustrated by findings and methods from an ongoing research project on political violence and children in Northern Ireland. Aims of this project include both greater insight into this particular context for political violence and the provision of a template for study of the impact of children's exposure to violence in other regions of the world. Accordingly, the applicability of this approach is considered for other social contexts, including (a) another area in the world with histories of political violence and (b) a context of community violence in the US.

  14. Understanding Islamist political violence through computational social simulation

    Energy Technology Data Exchange (ETDEWEB)

    Watkins, Jennifer H [Los Alamos National Laboratory; Mackerrow, Edward P [Los Alamos National Laboratory; Patelli, Paolo G [Los Alamos National Laboratory; Eberhardt, Ariane [Los Alamos National Laboratory; Stradling, Seth G [Los Alamos National Laboratory

    2008-01-01

    Understanding the process that enables political violence is of great value in reducing the future demand for and support of violent opposition groups. Methods are needed that allow alternative scenarios and counterfactuals to be scientifically researched. Computational social simulation shows promise in developing 'computer experiments' that would be unfeasible or unethical in the real world. Additionally, the process of modeling and simulation reveals and challenges assumptions that may not be noted in theories, exposes areas where data is not available, and provides a rigorous, repeatable, and transparent framework for analyzing the complex dynamics of political violence. This paper demonstrates the computational modeling process using two simulation techniques: system dynamics and agent-based modeling. The benefits and drawbacks of both techniques are discussed. In developing these social simulations, we discovered that the social science concepts and theories needed to accurately simulate the associated psychological and social phenomena were lacking.

  15. Understanding the impact of political violence in childhood: a theoretical review using a social identity approach.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Muldoon, Orla T

    2013-12-01

    The present paper reviews the literature that has assessed the psychological impact of political violence on children. Concern for those growing up in situations of political violence has resulted in two areas of research within psychology: the first considers children as victims of conflict and considers the mental health consequences of political violence. The second considers children as protagonists or aggressors in conflict and considers related moral and attitudinal consequences of exposure to political violence. These two literatures are most often considered separately. Here the two strands of research are brought together using a social identity framework, allowing apparently divergent findings to be integrated into a more coherent understanding of the totality of consequences for children and young people growing up in situations of armed conflict. © 2013.

  16. [Mental Health and Political Violence. Care of Psychiatric Patient or Acknowledge of the Micropolitics of the Subject].

    Science.gov (United States)

    Arias López, Beatriz Elena

    2013-09-01

    Political violence is a global phenomenon, especially in low- to middle-income countries. This phenomenon increasingly involves civilians. This situation is a priority in collective health, as it produces multiple and complex effects on physical and mental health, and human and social ecosystems. The objective of this article is to present the main tendencies that coexist in research and practice on the understanding of the effects of political violence on mental health. The biomedical approach of psychiatric trauma and the wider perspective of social sciences, which incorporate the collective dimension of these effects, are also taken into account. Review of research determines the relationship with political violence / collective violence and mental health in international databases and national documentation centers, academics and NGOs within the last decade of the twentieth century, and the first of this century under the headings of trauma, war, armed conflict and political violence. The limitations of general explanations of psychiatric trauma in understanding the complex effects of political violence on mental health are shown. The constructs that incorporate social and collective dimensions increase this comprehension of these effects and knowledge of mental health, both conceptually as methodologically. In a political violence context it urgent to change attitudes about mental health. It is a way to overcome the biomedical, individualistic, and short term epidemiology, and to remove medication from mental health. This means acknowledging that people who experience the effects of political violence effects are not sick. They are powerful people who can transform and produce the life they dream of. Copyright © 2013 Asociación Colombiana de Psiquiatría. Publicado por Elsevier España. All rights reserved.

  17. Gender-based political harassment and violence: effects on the political work and public roles of women.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Valverde, María Eugenia Rojas

    2010-01-01

    This article shows the significance of the problems of political harassment and violence against women in positions of political responsibility in Bolivia. This phenomenon is seen in both rural and urban areas and transcends borders. It has been shown that these attacks constitute a violation of women's civil and political rights and a threat to the physical and mental health of women leaders in Bolivia. Furthermore, there is no punishment of guilty parties, reparation, or moral or material compensation for the women who are affected. In Bolivia, gender-based harassment and violence is a fundamental barrier to women's political participation. However, this phenomenon is still not addressed by government programs and is not part of the public discourse and debate. In spite of the measures taken to promote women's political participation, several different administrations have been unable to guarantee women the capacity to occupy positions of responsibility without being threatened or harassed. The results of our research led to a bill addressing this problem. Subsequently, Ecuador took this bill as an example and replicated it in a legislative initiative. These results show the importance of research by organizations that represent women in preventing unjust situations and health problems.

  18. A Gender Comparison of Motivations for Physical Dating Violence Among College Students

    Science.gov (United States)

    Elmquist, JoAnna; Wolford-Clevenger, Caitlin; Zapor, Heather; Febres, Jeniimarie; Shorey, Ryan C.; Hamel, John; Stuart, Gregory L.

    2015-01-01

    There are limited empirical investigations that directly compare men and women’s motivations, or reasons, for perpetrating physical dating violence (DV). In an attempt to further understand whether men and women have similar or different motives for physical DV, the purpose of the current study was to conduct a gender comparison motives in a sample of male (n = 163) and female (n = 319) college students. Motivations for physical DV were classified according to seven broad categories proposed by Langhinrichsen-Rohling and colleagues (2012): (a) power/control, (b) self-defense, (c) expression of negative emotion (e.g., anger), (d) communication difficulties, (e) retaliation, (f) jealousy, and (g) other (e.g., because it was sexually arousing, the influence of alcohol, the influence of drugs). The prevalence of physical violence perpetration in the overall sample was 29.4%. Results indicated that communication difficulties and self-defense were among the most frequently endorsed motive categories for both male and female perpetrated dating violence. In addition, results demonstrated gender similarity in all of the examined motive categories. Research and clinical implications are discussed. PMID:25392388

  19. Economic Liberalization and Political Violence: Utopia or Dystopia ...

    International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

    2010-08-06

    Aug 6, 2010 ... Economic Liberalization and Political Violence: Utopia or Dystopia? ... Narrowing the concept of globalization to the more manageable notion of “neoliberalism,” ... Asian outlook: New growth dependent on new productivity ... of its 2017 call for proposals to establish Cyber Policy Centres in the Global South.

  20. Exposure to Community Violence and Political Socialization among Adolescents in Northern Ireland

    Science.gov (United States)

    Shepherd, Linda

    2007-01-01

    This study evaluates the effects of adolescent exposure to cross-community violence, intense paramilitary operations, aggression, and intimidation in Northern Ireland. Using publicly available survey data gathered by agencies in Northern Ireland, the research examines the effects of exposure to political violence with focus upon the manner by…

  1. War in the Classrooms: Political Violence Against the Educational labor Unions in Colombia

    OpenAIRE

    Novelli, Mario

    2009-01-01

    his article shows the research results about the political violence against teachers, not only does it introduce figures but also it goes into detail about the nature and the dynamics of the manner how teachers are affected by the political violence in Colombia. As well, it presents the different strategies of resistance that trade unionists in the educational sector and their allies, have developed throughout the years, in order to defend their human rights. The result of this research shows...

  2. The Longitudinal Effects of Chronic Mediated Exposure to Political Violence on Ideological Beliefs About Political Conflicts Among Youths.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Gvirsman, Shira Dvir; Huesmann, L Rowell; Dubow, Eric F; Landau, Simha F; Boxer, Paul; Shikaki, Khalil

    This study examines the effects of chronic (i.e., repeated and cumulative) mediated exposure to political violence on ideological beliefs regarding political conflict. It centers on these effects on young viewers, from preadolescents to adolescents. Ideological beliefs refers here to support of war, perception of threat to one's nation, and normative beliefs concerning aggression toward the out-group. A longitudinal study was conducted on a sample of Israeli and Palestinian youths who experience the Israeli-Palestinian conflict firsthand ( N = 1,207). Two alternative hypotheses were tested: that chronic exposure via the media increases support for war and aggression and elevates feeling of threat, or that chronic exposure via the media strengthens preexisting beliefs. Results demonstrated that higher levels of exposure were longitudinally related to stronger support for war. Regarding normative beliefs about aggression and threat to one's nation, mediated exposure reinforced initial beliefs, rendering the youths more extreme in their attitudes. These results mostly support the conceptualization of the relation between media violence and behaviors as "reciprocally determined" or "reinforcing spirals." The results are also discussed in light of the differences found between the effect of exposure to political violence firsthand and exposure via the media.

  3. Motives and characteristics of domestic violence homicides and suicides among women in India.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Sabri, Bushra; Sanchez, Maria V; Campbell, Jacquelyn C

    2015-01-01

    Domestic violence homicides and suicides are significant causes of deaths among women in India. This study examined characteristics and motives of various types of domestic violence-related homicides and suicides (n = 100) in India using newspaper reports (2011-2012). The majority of victims were found to be young women, mostly killed by burning or strangulation methods. The most frequently reported motive was dowry demands followed by a history of domestic violence or harassment and family conflict. The findings highlight the need for stronger prevention/intervention programs in India to identify and intervene with women at high risk for being killed or committing suicide.

  4. Motivation and morality: Insights into political ideology.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Janoff-Bulman, Ronnie; Carnes, Nate C

    2014-06-01

    Our past work linking motivation and morality provides a basis for understanding differences in political ideology and positions across the political spectrum. Conservatism is rooted in avoidance-based proscriptive morality, whereas liberalism is rooted in approach-based prescriptive morality. Two distinct, binding, group moralities reflect these different regulatory systems and emphasize social coordination through Social Order versus social cooperation through Social Justice.

  5. Motivated Reasoning, Political Information, and Information Literacy Education

    Science.gov (United States)

    Lenker, Mark

    2016-01-01

    Research in psychology and political science has identified motivated reasoning as a set of biases that inhibit a person's ability to process political information objectively. This research has important implications for the information literacy movement's aims of fostering lifelong learning and informed citizenship. This essay argues that…

  6. Political Violence and Child Adjustment: Longitudinal Tests of Sectarian Antisocial Behavior, Family Conflict, and Insecurity as Explanatory Pathways

    Science.gov (United States)

    Cummings, Edward M.; Merrilees, Christine E.; Schermerhorn, Alice C.; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C.; Shirlow, Peter; Cairns, Ed

    2012-01-01

    Understanding the impact of political violence on child maladjustment is a matter of international concern. Recent research has advanced a social ecological explanation for relations between political violence and child adjustment. However, conclusions are qualified by the lack of longitudinal tests. Toward examining pathways longitudinally,…

  7. New political violence in Africa : secular sectarianism in Sierra Leone

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Richards, P.

    1999-01-01

    Mary Douglas (1993) has indicated some of the shared concerns that keep voluntary enclaves together as 'social movements'. The present paper describes a rather different kind of enclave politics, being concerned with the 'new violence' of groups enclaved by social exclusion and force. The paper

  8. Reframing political violence and mental health outcomes: outlining a research and action agenda for Latin America and the Caribbean region

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Duncan Pedersen

    Full Text Available In recent decades, the number of people exposed to traumatic events has significantly increased as various forms of violence, including war and political upheaval, engulf civilian populations worldwide. In spite of widespread armed conflict, guerrilla warfare and political violence in the Latin American and Caribbean region, insufficient attention had been paid in assessing the medium and long-term psychological impact and additional burden of disease, death, and disability caused by violence and wars amongst civilian populations. Following a review of the literature, a few central questions are raised: What is the short, medium and long-term health impact of extreme and sustained forms of violence in a given population? How political violence is linked to poor mental health outcomes at the individual and collective levels? Are trauma-related disorders, universal outcomes of extreme and sustained violence? These questions lead us to reframe the analysis of political violence and mental health outcomes, and reexamine the notions of trauma, after which a research and action agenda for the region is outlined. In the concluding sections, some basic principles that may prove useful when designing psychosocial interventions in post-conflict situations are reviewed.

  9. Motivations for intimate partner violence in men and women arrested for domestic violence and court referred to batterer intervention programs

    Science.gov (United States)

    Elmquist, JoAnna; Hamel, John; Shorey, Ryan C.; Labrecque, Lindsay; Ninnemann, Andrew; Stuart, Gregory L.

    2014-01-01

    Research has attempted to elucidate men and women’s proximal motivations for perpetrating intimate partner violence (IPV). However, previous research has yet to clarify and resolve contention regarding whether motives for IPV are gender-neutral or gender specific. Thus, the purpose of this present study was to compare motives for physical IPV perpetration among a sample of men (n =90) and women (n =87) arrested for domestic violence and court-referred to batterer intervention programs. Results demonstrated that the most frequently endorsed motives for IPV by both men and women were self-defense, expression of negative emotions, and communication difficulties. With the exception of expression of negative emotions and retaliation, with women endorsing these motives more often than men, there were no significant differences between men and women’s self-reported reasons for perpetrating physical aggression. The implications of these findings for future research and intervention programs are discussed. PMID:25332752

  10. A Gender Comparison of Motivations for Physical Dating Violence Among College Students.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Elmquist, JoAnna; Wolford-Clevenger, Caitlin; Zapor, Heather; Febres, Jeniimarie; Shorey, Ryan C; Hamel, John; Stuart, Gregory L

    2016-01-01

    There are limited empirical investigations that directly compare men and women's motivations, or reasons, for perpetrating physical dating violence (DV). In an attempt to further understand whether men and women have similar or different motives for physical DV, the purpose of the current study was to conduct a gender comparison of motives in a sample of male (n = 163) and female (n = 319) college students. Motivations for physical DV were classified according to seven broad categories proposed by Langhinrichsen-Rohling and colleagues: (a) power/control, (b) self-defense, (c) expression of negative emotion (e.g., anger), (d) communication difficulties, (e) retaliation, (f) jealousy, and (g) other (e.g., because it was sexually arousing, the influence of alcohol, the influence of drugs). The prevalence of physical violence perpetration in the overall sample was 29.4%. Results indicated that communication difficulties and self-defense were among the most frequently endorsed motive categories for both male and female perpetrated DV. In addition, results demonstrated gender similarity in all of the examined motive categories. Research and clinical implications are discussed. © The Author(s) 2014.

  11. The blurred boundaries of political violence in the Sahel-Sahara

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Walther, Olivier

    2017-01-01

    The Sahel and the Sahara are faced with exceptional political instability involving a combination of rebellions, jihadist insurgencies, coups d’état, protest movements and illegal trafficking. Analysis of the outbreaks of violence reveals that the region is not just the victim of an escalation...... of wars and conflicts that marked the 20th century. The Sahel-Sahara has also become the setting of a globalised security environment, in which boundaries between what is local and global, domestic and international, military and civilian, politics and identity are blurred....

  12. Using social constructionist thinking in training social workers living and working under threat of political violence.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Shamai, Michal

    2003-10-01

    This article describes and analyzes an intervention program with social workers living and working in a situation of uncertainty created by political violence such as war and terrorism. The author used a social constructionist perspective as a theoretical framework, emphasizing the effect of the social and political context in constructing the experience and a recognition of the personal and professional knowledge acquired in the daily experience. The author used qualitative methods to evaluate the process and outcome. The narrative-holistic analysis focused on reconstructing meaning and adapting it to the new situation, the main thrust of the program. From the thematic analysis four main themes emerged: (1) loss as a result of political violence; (2) meaning of strength and weakness in situations of political violence; (3) preparation for terrorist attacks; and (4) definition of a safe place. The outcome evaluation describes the meaning of this kind of training program to the participants. The specific context of the training program is discussed as well as possibilities of using it in different contexts.

  13. Political violence and child adjustment in Northern Ireland: Testing pathways in a social-ecological model including single-and two-parent families.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Cummings, E Mark; Schermerhorn, Alice C; Merrilees, Christine E; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C; Shirlow, Peter; Cairns, Ed

    2010-07-01

    Moving beyond simply documenting that political violence negatively impacts children, we tested a social-ecological hypothesis for relations between political violence and child outcomes. Participants were 700 mother-child (M = 12.1 years, SD = 1.8) dyads from 18 working-class, socially deprived areas in Belfast, Northern Ireland, including single- and two-parent families. Sectarian community violence was associated with elevated family conflict and children's reduced security about multiple aspects of their social environment (i.e., family, parent-child relations, and community), with links to child adjustment problems and reductions in prosocial behavior. By comparison, and consistent with expectations, links with negative family processes, child regulatory problems, and child outcomes were less consistent for nonsectarian community violence. Support was found for a social-ecological model for relations between political violence and child outcomes among both single- and two-parent families, with evidence that emotional security and adjustment problems were more negatively affected in single-parent families. The implications for understanding social ecologies of political violence and children's functioning are discussed.

  14. Political violence and child adjustment in Northern Ireland: Testing pathways in a social ecological model including single and two-parent families

    Science.gov (United States)

    Cummings, E. Mark; Schermerhorn, Alice C.; Merrilees, Christine E.; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C.; Shirlow, Peter; Cairns, Ed

    2013-01-01

    Moving beyond simply documenting that political violence negatively impacts children, a social ecological hypothesis for relations between political violence and child outcomes was tested. Participants were 700 mother-child (M=12.1years, SD=1.8) dyads from 18 working class, socially deprived areas in Belfast, Northern Ireland, including single- and two-parent families. Sectarian community violence was associated with elevated family conflict and children’s reduced security about multiple aspects of their social environment (i.e., family, parent-child relations, and community), with links to child adjustment problems and reductions in prosocial behavior. By comparison, and consistent with expectations, links with negative family processes, child regulatory problems and child outcomes were less consistent for nonsectarian community violence. Support was found for a social ecological model for relations between political violence and child outcomes among both single and two parent families, with evidence that emotional security and adjustment problems were more negatively affected in single-parent families. The implications for understanding social ecologies of political violence and children’s functioning are discussed. PMID:20604605

  15. Intergenerational Transmission of Resilience? Sense of Coherence Is Associated between Lithuanian Survivors of Political Violence and Their Adult Offspring.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Kazlauskas, Evaldas; Gailiene, Danute; Vaskeliene, Ieva; Skeryte-Kazlauskiene, Monika

    2017-01-01

    Little is known about intergeneration effects on mental health in the families of survivors of political oppression of communist regime in Central and Eastern Europe. We aimed to explore post-traumatic stress in the second generation of the Lithuanian survivors of political violence, and analyze links between parental and adult offsprings' sense of coherence in the families exposed to political violence during the oppressive communist regime in Lithuania. A total of 110 matched pairs of communist regime political violence survivors (mean age = 73.22 years) and their adult offspring (mean age = 44.65 years) participated in this study. Life-time traumatic experiences and sense of coherence were measured in both parents and their offspring. Post-traumatic stress symptoms were assessed in the second generation of survivors. We found a high vulnerability in the second generation of the Lithuanian families of political violence survivors, with a 29% of probable PTSD in the second generation based on self-report measures. A significant positive correlation between parental and adult offsprings' sense of coherence was found. Post-traumatic stress symptoms were associated negatively with a sense of coherence in the second generation. Our study indicates the links between parental and the second generation's sense of coherence in the families of survivors of political violence. The study raises broader questions about the intergenerational aspects of resilience. Further studies are needed to explore the links between parental and child sense of coherence in other samples.

  16. Political violence, ethnic conflict, and contemporary wars: broad implications for health and social well-being.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Pedersen, Duncan

    2002-07-01

    Ethnic conflict, political violence and wars that presently shape many parts of world have deep-seated structural causes. In poor and highly indebted countries, economic and environmental decline, asset depletion, and erosion of the subsistence base lead to further impoverishment and food insecurity for vast sectors of the population. Growing ethnic and religious tensions over a shrinking resource base often escort the emergence of predatory practices, rivalry, political violence, and internal wars. The nature of armed conflict has changed substantially over time and most strategic analysts agree that in the second half of the 20th century, contemporary wars are less of a problem of relations between states than a problem within states. Despite the growing number of armed conflicts and wars throughout the world, not enough attention has been paid to the local patterns of distress being experienced and the long-term health impact and psychosocial consequences of the various forms of political violence against individuals, communities, or specific ethnic groups. The short or long-term impact assessment on civilian populations of poor countries affected by war have been scarce, and studies focussing on experiences of collective suffering and trauma-related disorders among survivors are beginning to emerge in the scientific literature. The medicalization of collective suffering and trauma reflects a poor understanding of the relationships among critically important social determinants and the range of possible health outcomes of political violence.

  17. Exposure to Political Conflict and Violence and Post-Traumatic Stress in Middle East Youth: Protective Factors

    Science.gov (United States)

    Dubow, Eric F.; Huesmann, L. Rowell; Boxer, Paul; Landau, Simha; Dvir, Shira; Shikaki, Khalil; Ginges, Jeremy

    2012-01-01

    Objective We examine the role of family- and individual-level protective factors in the relation between exposure to ethnic-political conflict and violence and post-traumatic stress among Israeli and Palestinian youth. Specifically, we examine whether parental mental health (lack of depression), positive parenting, children’s self-esteem, and academic achievement, moderate the relation between exposure to ethnic-political conflict/violence and subsequent post-traumatic stress (PTS) symptoms. Method We collected three waves of data from 901 Israeli and 600 Palestinian youths (three age cohorts: 8, 11, and 14 years old; approximately half of each gender) and their parents at 1-year intervals. Results Greater cumulative exposure to ethnic-political conflict/violence across the first two waves of the study predicted higher subsequent PTS symptoms even when we controlled for the child’s initial level of PTS symptoms. This relation was significantly moderated by a youth’s self-esteem and by the positive parenting received by the youth. In particular, the longitudinal relation between exposure to violence and subsequent PTS symptoms was significant for low self-esteem youth and for youth receiving little positive parenting but was non-significant for children with high levels of these protective resources. Conclusions Our findings show that youth most vulnerable to PTS symptoms as a result of exposure to ethnic-political violence are those with lower levels of self-esteem and who experience low levels of positive parenting. Interventions for war-exposed youth should test whether boosting self-esteem and positive parenting might reduce subsequent levels of PTS symptoms. PMID:22594697

  18. Sex begets violence: mating motives, social dominance, and physical aggression in men.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Ainsworth, Sarah E; Maner, Jon K

    2012-11-01

    There are sizable gender differences in aggressive behavior, with men displaying a much higher propensity for violence than women. Evolutionary theories suggest that men's more violent nature derives in part from their historically greater need to compete over access to potential mates. The current research investigates this link between mating and male violence and provides rigorous experimental evidence that mating motives cause men to behave violently toward other men. In these studies, men and women were primed with a mating motive and then performed a noise-blast aggression task. Being primed with mating led men, but not women, to deliver more painful blasts of white noise to a same-sex partner (but not an opposite-sex partner). This effect was particularly pronounced among men with an unrestricted sociosexual orientation, for whom competition over access to new mates is an especially relevant concern. Findings also suggest that mating-induced male violence is motivated by a desire to assert one's dominance over other men: when men were given feedback that they had won a competition with their partner (and thus had achieved dominance through nonaggressive means), the effect of the mating prime on aggression was eliminated. These findings provide insight into the motivational roots of male aggression and illustrate the value of testing theories from evolutionary biology with rigorous experimental methods. (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved.

  19. Violence motivated by perception of sexual orientation and gender identity: a systematic review.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Blondeel, Karel; de Vasconcelos, Sofia; García-Moreno, Claudia; Stephenson, Rob; Temmerman, Marleen; Toskin, Igor

    2018-01-01

    To assess the prevalence of physical and sexual violence motivated by perception of sexual orientation and gender identity in sexual and gender minorities. We searched nine databases without language restrictions for peer-reviewed and grey literature published from 2000 to April 2016. We included studies with more than 50 participants that measured the prevalence of physical and sexual violence perceived as being motivated by sexual orientation and gender identity or gender expression. We excluded intimate partner violence and self-harm. Due to heterogeneity and the absence of confidence intervals in most studies, we made no meta-analysis. We included 76 articles from 50 countries. These covered 74 studies conducted between 1995 and 2014, including a total of 202 607 sexual and gender minority participants. The quality of data was relatively poor due to a lack of standardized measures and sometimes small and non-randomized samples. In studies where all sexual and gender minorities were analysed as one population, the prevalence of physical and sexual violence ranged from 6% (in a study including 240 people) to 25% (49/196 people) and 5.6% (28/504) to 11.4% (55/484), respectively. For transgender people the prevalence ranged from 11.8% (of a subsample of 34 people) to 68.2% (75/110) and 7.0% (in a study including 255 people) to 49.1% (54/110). More data are needed on the prevalence, risk factors and consequences of physical and sexual violence motivated by sexual orientation and gender identity in different geographical and cultural settings. National violence prevention policies and interventions should include sexual and gender minorities.

  20. Violence motivated by perception of sexual orientation and gender identity: a systematic review

    Science.gov (United States)

    de Vasconcelos, Sofia; García-Moreno, Claudia; Stephenson, Rob; Temmerman, Marleen; Toskin, Igor

    2018-01-01

    Abstract Objective To assess the prevalence of physical and sexual violence motivated by perception of sexual orientation and gender identity in sexual and gender minorities. Methods We searched nine databases without language restrictions for peer-reviewed and grey literature published from 2000 to April 2016. We included studies with more than 50 participants that measured the prevalence of physical and sexual violence perceived as being motivated by sexual orientation and gender identity or gender expression. We excluded intimate partner violence and self-harm. Due to heterogeneity and the absence of confidence intervals in most studies, we made no meta-analysis. Findings We included 76 articles from 50 countries. These covered 74 studies conducted between 1995 and 2014, including a total of 202 607 sexual and gender minority participants. The quality of data was relatively poor due to a lack of standardized measures and sometimes small and non-randomized samples. In studies where all sexual and gender minorities were analysed as one population, the prevalence of physical and sexual violence ranged from 6% (in a study including 240 people) to 25% (49/196 people) and 5.6% (28/504) to 11.4% (55/484), respectively. For transgender people the prevalence ranged from 11.8% (of a subsample of 34 people) to 68.2% (75/110) and 7.0% (in a study including 255 people) to 49.1% (54/110). Conclusion More data are needed on the prevalence, risk factors and consequences of physical and sexual violence motivated by sexual orientation and gender identity in different geographical and cultural settings. National violence prevention policies and interventions should include sexual and gender minorities. PMID:29403098

  1. The Violence of Post-Racial Memory and the Political Sense of Mourning

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Alfred Frankowski

    2013-01-01

    Full Text Available In this paper I argue that “post-raciality” entails a way of remembering that depoliticizes the social meaning of memory and thus of history. Through aesthetic critique, I attempt to show how the hyper-production of memory obscures the very real forms of violence directed toward non-whites. By developing the aesthetic critiques of W.E.B. Du Bois and Walter Benjamin, I argue that representing former violence as social memory fails to adequately address subtle forms of cultural and residual violence. Furthermore, I argue that post-racial memory produces sites and representations of the past only to enact a type of social forgetting in the present. I develop a political sense of mourning as a form of resistance against the violence of post-racial memory.

  2. Children and Political Violence from a Social Ecological Perspective: Implications from Research on Children and Families in Northern Ireland

    Science.gov (United States)

    Cummings, Mark E.; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C.; Schermerhorn, Alice C.; Merrilees, Christine E.; Cairns, Ed

    2009-01-01

    The effects on children of political violence are matters of international concern, with many negative effects well-documented. At the same time, relations between war, terrorism, or other forms of political violence and child development do not occur in a vacuum. The impact can be understood as related to changes in the communities, families and…

  3. Terrorism and Political Violence in Africa: Contemporary Trends in a Shifting Terrain

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    James J.F. Forest

    2011-09-01

    Full Text Available In 1994, Martha Crenshaw’s edited volume Terrorism in Africa made clear how terrorism – generally defined as a tactic that uses violence or the threat of violence as a coercive strategy to cause fear and political intimidation – was a feature within resistance movements, military coups, political assassinations, and various intra- and inter-state wars that have affected most African states at some point during the continent’s transition to independence and subsequent post-colonial period.  Crenshaw further noted that terrorism was not “an isolated phenomenon” for African states or the region more broadly [1]. This description remains salient today: terrorism has been a global phenomenon for many decades, and Africa has not been unscathed by it. Terrorism is just one of several types of political violence that states and their citizens, in Africa and elsewhere, have had to grapple with. In fact, from a macro perspective, terrorism may not be universally seen as the most important security challenge faced by African states and their citizens. Famine, drought, endemic poverty, diseases and other natural and man-made disasters that undermine human security have also been at the forefront of recent policy discussions on Africa among Western governments and international aid organizations. It is thus necessary to place terrorism within the broader terrain of Africa’s security challenges, before examining the historical trends and specific examples discussed in this Special Issue of Perspectives on Terrorism.

  4. FILTERED VIOLENCE: PROPAGANDA MODEL AND POLITICAL ECONOMY OF THE INDIAN FILM INDUSTRY

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Azmat Rasul

    2016-01-01

    Full Text Available Production, distribution, and consumption of cinematic violence raises several questions of academic import. Despite a plethora of research studies exploring the nature of screen violence and its effects on viewers, a serious debate on the influence of state machinery on the production of sanitized violence in movies is still wanting. Likewise, Bollywood’s role in advancing the Indian government’s agenda in war and peace times has been paid petite attention in academic discourses dealing with media-state interconnection. This article explores the relevance of Herman and Chomsky’s propaganda model as a framework for analysis and analyzes Bollywood’s movies based on stories of violence in war and peace times. The article discusses the connections with the Indian state apparatus that influences production processes in the Indian film industry by providing financial assistance and applying multifarious political, social, economic, and ideological pressures (filters. The findings suggest that the Bollywood movies support diplomatic initiatives of the Indian government through cinematic narratives of sanitized violence.

  5. Psychiatric Consequences for Israeli Adolescents of Protracted Political Violence: 1998-2004

    Science.gov (United States)

    Slone, Michelle; Shechner, Tomer

    2009-01-01

    Background: This study examined relations between Israeli adolescents' political violence exposure and psychiatric consequences over seven years around the second Intifada and possible differential effects according to age and gender. Methods: Cross-sectional data was collected from 3667 adolescents aged 10-18, constituting two age groups of early…

  6. Building a translational science on children and youth affected by political violence and armed conflict: A commentary.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Masten, Ann S

    2017-02-01

    Articles in this timely Special Section represent an important milestone in the developmental science on children and youth involved in political violence and armed conflict. With millions of children worldwide affected by past and present wars and conflicts, there is an urgent and growing need for research to inform efforts to understand, prevent, and mitigate the possible harm of such violence to individual children, families, communities, and societies, for present as well as future generations. The four programs of research highlighted in this Special Section illustrate key advances and challenges in contemporary development research on young people growing up in the midst or aftermath of political violence. These studies are longitudinal, methodologically sophisticated, and grounded in socioecological systems models that align well with current models of risk and resilience in developmental psychopathology. These studies collectively mark a critically important shift to process-focused research that holds great promise for translational applications. Nonetheless, given the scope of the international crisis of children and youth affected by political violence and its sequelae, there is an urgent global need for greater mobilization of resources to support translational science and effective evidence-based action.

  7. Blaming the Environment: Ethnic Violence and the Political Economy of Displacement in Kenya

    OpenAIRE

    Kagwanja, Peter

    2002-01-01

    Within the context of historical and political economy, this paper examines the link between environmental stress and the contemporary problems of ethnic violence and forced migrations, specifically internal displacement in Kenya. It examines the various theoretical links to political and ethnic persecution which cause displacement and environmental stress. Examining the historical antecedents of the phenomenon of displacement in Kenya, the paper argues that environmental stress per se cannot...

  8. Political Violence and Child Adjustment in Northern Ireland: Testing Pathways in a Social-Ecological Model Including Single- and Two-Parent Families

    Science.gov (United States)

    Cummings, E. Mark; Schermerhorn, Alice C.; Merrilees, Christine E.; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C.; Shirlow, Peter; Cairns, Ed

    2010-01-01

    Moving beyond simply documenting that political violence negatively impacts children, we tested a social-ecological hypothesis for relations between political violence and child outcomes. Participants were 700 mother-child (M = 12.1 years, SD = 1.8) dyads from 18 working-class, socially deprived areas in Belfast, Northern Ireland, including…

  9. Political Islam and Religious Violence in Post-New Order Indonesia

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Abdil Mughis Mudhoffir

    2016-01-01

    Full Text Available This paper tries to understand why religious violence increasingly occurs in post-New Order Indonesia. There are two dominant views in understanding this. First, the security approach that perceives the violence as a result of the emergent of “radical” agent of political Islam in the more open political space. In this regard, the state is considered weak because the iron hand as used by the authoritarian regime in the past New Orderhas disappeared. Thus, the strong security instruments are needed as a solution, such as the law on anti-terrorism and the police force of anti-terrorism (Densus 88. Second, the cultural approach views violence as caused by the inability of society to build the religious tolerance. Society is considered weak. Religious expression in the political arena is believedas the source of the emergent of intolerant acts. To conquer this, intensive inter-religious dialogues are required. The author argues that those two approaches are not adequate. The historical fact shows that the emergence of political Islam today is the result of the oscillated relationship between Islam and the authoritarian state during the New Order period. In addition, the Indonesian historical experience also clearly illustrates that the presence of political Islam is nothing but a form of response to the critical social-politicaleconomic situation. Political Islam does not appear in a vacuum, but it emerges from the crisis where another populist response from the left is absent.Tulisan ini berupaya memahami mengapa kekerasan agama meningkat di Indonesia pasca Orde Baru. Selama ini, ada dua pandangan dominan dalam memahami persoalan di atas. Pertama, pendekatan keamanan yang memandang kekerasan agama sebagai hasil dari munculnya agen Islam politik yang radikal dalam arena politik yang semakin terbuka. Dalam konteks ini, negara dianggap lemah karena kehilangan tangan besinya seperti yang sebelumnya digunakan oleh rezim otoriter

  10. Peruvian cinema, national identity and political violence 1988-2004

    OpenAIRE

    Barrow, Sarah

    2007-01-01

    The role of national cinema in shaping, reflecting and contesting a complex national identity that is the site of conflict and struggle is the central interest of this study of contemporary Peruvian cinema, 1988-2004. This project examines the relationship between cinema, state and identity in Peru, with a specific focus on the representation of the political violence between the state and Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) that began in 1980. It looks in particular at portrayals of important ev...

  11. Mediators and moderators of a psychosocial intervention for children affected by political violence

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Tol, W.A.; Komproe, I.H.; Jordans, M.J.D.; Gross, A.L.; Susanty, D.; Macy, R.D.; de Jong, J.T.V.M.

    2010-01-01

    Objective: The authors examined moderators and mediators of a school-based psychosocial intervention for children affected by political violence, according to an ecological resilience theoretical framework. Method: The authors examined data from a cluster randomized trial, involving children aged

  12. Mediators and Moderators of a Psychosocial Intervention for Children Affected by Political Violence

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Tol, W.A.; Komproe, I.H.; Jordans, M.J.D.; Gross, A.L.; Susanty, D.; Macy, R.D.; de Jong, J.T.V.M.

    2010-01-01

    Objective: The authors examined moderators and mediators of a school-based psychosocial intervention for children affected by political violence, according to an ecological resilience theoretical framework. Method: The authors examined data from a cluster randomized trial, involving children aged

  13. The Significance of Trust in the Political System and Motivation for Pupils' Learning Progress in Politics Lessons

    Science.gov (United States)

    Landwehr, Barbara; Weisseno, Georg

    2016-01-01

    Very little research has been conducted on the contribution of political education to learning progress in Germany. Hence, there is a need for intervention studies measuring performance against the theoretical background of a political competence model. This model comprises three constructs: subject knowledge, motivation and attitudes. According…

  14. “If you don’t take off your clothes, we’re going to kill you” : Sexual electoral violence as a silent weapon in Burundi and implications for humanitarian action

    OpenAIRE

    van Baalen, Miriam

    2017-01-01

    Previous research on electoral violence has explored the variation in manifestation, perpetrators, victims and causes or motivations.  While explanations have prescribed to structural and electoral factors or the nature of politics, nature of elections and electoral institutions, the causes and motivations behind sexual electoral violence has been under-researched. This in-depth single case study of sexual violence against women associated with the opposition in Burundi explores the possibili...

  15. Emotional insecurity about the community: A dynamic, within-person mediator of child adjustment in contexts of political violence.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Cummings, E Mark; Merrilees, Christine; Taylor, Laura K; Goeke-Morey, Marcie; Shirlow, Peter

    2017-02-01

    Over 1 billion children worldwide are exposed to political violence and armed conflict. The current conclusions are qualified by limited longitudinal research testing sophisticated process-oriented explanatory models for child adjustment outcomes. In this study, consistent with a developmental psychopathology perspective emphasizing the value of process-oriented longitudinal study of child adjustment in developmental and social-ecological contexts, we tested emotional insecurity about the community as a dynamic, within-person mediating process for relations between sectarian community violence and child adjustment. Specifically, this study explored children's emotional insecurity at a person-oriented level of analysis assessed over 5 consecutive years, with child gender examined as a moderator of indirect effects between sectarian community violence and child adjustment. In the context of a five-wave longitudinal research design, participants included 928 mother-child dyads in Belfast (453 boys, 475 girls) drawn from socially deprived, ethnically homogenous areas that had experienced political violence. Youth ranged in age from 10 to 20 years and were 13.24 (SD = 1.83) years old on average at the initial time point. Greater insecurity about the community measured over multiple time points mediated relations between sectarian community violence and youth's total adjustment problems. The pathway from sectarian community violence to emotional insecurity about the community was moderated by child gender, with relations to emotional insecurity about the community stronger for girls than for boys. The results suggest that ameliorating children's insecurity about community in contexts of political violence is an important goal toward improving adolescents' well-being and adjustment. These results are discussed in terms of their translational research implications, consistent with a developmental psychopathology model for the interface between basic and intervention

  16. Using Social Constructionist Thinking in Training Social Workers Living and Working under Threat of Political Violence.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Shamai, Michal

    2003-01-01

    Describes and analyzes an intervention program with social workers living and working in a situation of uncertainty created by political violence, such as war and terrorism. Uses a social constructionist perspective as a theoretical framework, emphasizing the effect of the social and political context in constructing the experience and a…

  17. Political Violence and Child Adjustment: Longitudinal Tests of Sectarian Antisocial Behavior, Family Conflict and Insecurity as Explanatory Pathways

    Science.gov (United States)

    Cummings, E. Mark; Merrilees, Christine E.; Schermerhorn, Alice C.; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C.; Shirlow, Peter; Cairns, Ed

    2011-01-01

    Understanding the impact of political violence on child maladjustment is a matter of international concern. Recent research has advanced a social ecological explanation for relations between political violence and child adjustment. However, conclusions are qualified by the lack of longitudinal tests. Towards examining pathways longitudinally, mothers and their adolescents (M = 12.33, SD =1.78, at time 1) from two-parent families in Catholic and Protestant working class neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland, completed measures assessing multiple levels of a social ecological model. Utilizing autoregressive controls, a three-wave longitudinal model test (T1, n = 299; T2, n = 248; T3, n = 197) supported a specific pathway linking sectarian community violence, family conflict, children’s insecurity about family relationships, and adjustment problems. PMID:22313052

  18. The Fracturing of China? Ethnic Separatism and Political Violence in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region

    National Research Council Canada - National Science Library

    Hitchcock, Bradley D

    2007-01-01

    .... Throughout the 1990s sporadic political violence occurred in Xinjiang, and as the geopolitical situation in Central Asia changed, Beijing's claim that Muslims were a threat to its national security...

  19. Building a Tower of Babel? Integrating Core Motivations and Features of Social Structure into the Political Psychology of Political Action

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    van Zomeren, Martijn

    The political psychology of political action provides the potential for building bridges between scholars from different fields. The main aim of this article is to set some baby steps toward building two conceptual bridges by bringing together a core motivation approach to political action with core

  20. Childrearing Violence and Child Adjustment Following Exposure to Kenyan Post-election Violence.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Skinner, Ann T; Oburu, Paul; Lansford, Jennifer E; Bacchini, Dario

    2014-01-01

    This study examines parents' and children's exposure to short-term political violence and the relation between childrearing violence and child adjustment following widespread violence that erupted in Kisumu, Kenya after the disputed presidential election in December 2007. Mothers of 100 Luo children (mean age = 8.46 years, 61% female) reported on their own use of childrearing violence at Time 1, approximately 4 months after the disputed election, and again at Times 2 ( n = 95) and 3 ( n = 95), approximately 12 and 24 months later, respectively. At Time 2, mothers reported about post-election violence directed at them and about their children's exposure to post-election violence. Children reported about their own externalizing behaviors at Times 1, 2, and 3. Children's exposure to post-election violence was related to Time 2 externalizing behavior, and childrearing violence at Time 1 predicted child externalizing behavior at Time 2. Exposure to post-election violence was not directly related to either childrearing violence or children's externalizing behavior by Time 3, although children's externalizing at Time 2 predicted more childrearing violence at Time 3. These results support earlier work that links childrearing violence and children's exposure to political violence with increases in child externalizing behavior, but examined these links in the under-studied area of short-term political violence. Even though sudden and severe political violence may subside significantly in weeks or months, increased attention to long-term effects on parenting and child adjustment is warranted.

  1. Power Versus Affiliation in Political Ideology: Robust Linguistic Evidence for Distinct Motivation-Related Signatures.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Fetterman, Adam K; Boyd, Ryan L; Robinson, Michael D

    2015-09-01

    Posited motivational differences between liberals and conservatives have historically been controversial. This motivational interface has recently been bridged, but the vast majority of studies have used self-reports of values or motivation. Instead, the present four studies investigated whether two classic social motive themes--power and affiliation--vary by political ideology in objective linguistic analysis terms. Study 1 found that posts to liberal chat rooms scored higher in standardized affiliation than power, whereas the reverse was true of posts to conservative chat rooms. Study 2 replicated this pattern in the context of materials posted to liberal versus conservative political news websites. Studies 3 and 4, finally, replicated a similar interactive (ideology by motive type) pattern in State of the State and State of the Union addresses. Differences in political ideology, these results suggest, are marked by, and likely reflective of, mind-sets favoring affiliation (liberal) or power (conservative). © 2015 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc.

  2. Parental practices and political violence: the protective role of parental warmth and authority-control in Jewish and Arab Israeli children.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Lavi, Iris; Slone, Michelle

    2012-10-01

    Parental warmth and parental authority-control patterns have been documented as practices with highest significance for children's well-being and development in a variety of life areas. Various forms of these practices have been shown to have a direct positive effect on children and also to protect children from adverse effects of numerous stressors. However, surprisingly, few studies have examined the role of these practices as possible protective factors for children exposed to intractable conflict and political violence. Participants in this study were Jewish (n = 88) and Arab (n = 105) Israeli families, with children aged 7-12.5 (M = 10.73, SD = 0.99). Children completed questionnaires assessing political violence exposure, behavioral, psychological, and social difficulties, and perceived paternal and maternal warmth. Mothers and fathers completed questionnaires assessing parental warmth, parental authority-control, and the child's difficulties. Results showed parental warmth to be a significant moderator of political violence, related to low levels of behavioral and social difficulties of children. Parental authority-control patterns were not protectors from adverse effects of political violence exposure. Maternal authoritarian authority-control showed an effect resembling a risk factor. Differential roles of parental warmth and authority-control, fathers' versus mothers' roles, and ethnic differences are discussed, and practical clinical implications are proposed. © 2012 American Orthopsychiatric Association.

  3. Does self-complexity moderate the effects of exposure to political violence for adolescents?

    Science.gov (United States)

    Slone, Michelle; Roziner, Ilan

    2013-01-01

    This study examined the moderating role of self-complexity (SC) on well-being (WB) and psychopathology among Israeli adolescents exposed to the Second Lebanon War (2006). Adolescents (N=584, mean age 16.41) completed a SC measure, Political and Negative Life Events (NLE) scales, Brief Symptom Inventory and Satisfaction with Life Scale. The theoretical model analyzed the function of SC as a moderator of exposure effects to political life events (PLE), while controlling for general NLE. Results corroborated the model with SC moderating the effects of the war-related PLE. Adolescents with low SC are at risk for damaged WB and psychiatric consequences from political violence exposure. This opens a diagnostic avenue for identification of at-risk adolescents in this socio-political context toward whom clinical programs should be directed.

  4. Islam and Political Violence

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    John L Esposito

    2015-09-01

    Full Text Available The global threat of Al Qaeda post 9/11 and ISIL, increased Sunni-Shia conflicts, and violence in the Middle East and Pakistan dominate headlines and challenge governments in the region and globally. Both Muslim extremists and some Western experts and observers speak of a clash of civilizations or a culture war in Muslim-West relations. Both the discourse and violence yet again raise questions about the relationship of Islam to violence and terrorism: is Islam a particularly violent religion? Critics cite Quranic passages, doctrines like jihad and events in Muslim history as strong indicators and proof that Islam is the primary driver of Muslim extremism and terrorism. What do the Quran and Islamic law have to say about violence, jihad and warfare? What are the primary drivers of terrorism in the name of Islam today? This article will address these questions in the context of development of global jihadist movements, in particular Al Qaeda and ISIL, their roots, causes, ideology and agenda.

  5. Electoral democracy, revolutionary politics and political violence: the emergence of Fascism in Italy, 1920-21.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Elazar, D S

    2000-09-01

    This study examines the determination of the Italian Fascists' extra-parliamentary, para-military, violent strategy. What were the effects of the socialists' political strategy, relying on electoral democracy, on the creation and strategy of the Fascist Action Squads? A comparison among Italy's 69 provinces, based on quantitative and qualitative historical evidence reveals a distinct pattern in the Fascists' violence. They attacked mainly provinces where the Socialists enjoyed the greatest electoral support. This pattern was a product of two historical processes: (a) the threat of the Socialist party to the landlords' economic and political hegemony, and (b) the landlords' tradition of militant anti-worker organization which culminated in their alliance with the Fascists. The Fascists' struggle for, and takeover of, political power was not an immanent historical necessity. It was first and foremost an anti-socialist reaction. It was shaped both 'from below', by the political power and radicalism of the PSI and the para-military capacity of the Fascist Squads; and 'from above', by the active support the Fascists received from the landlords and the state. Supported by organized landlords and blessed with the authorities' benevolence, the Squads were able to destroy - physically and politically - the legitimately constituted provincial governments of the Socialists. The alliance with the landlords determined the Squads' almost exclusive attacks on Socialist provincial strongholds that constituted the greatest threat to the landlords' interests, while provinces dominated by the ruling Liberal party were excluded from the Squads' path of 'punitive expeditions'.

  6. Motivations for Social Media Use and Impact on Political Participation in China: A Cognitive and Communication Mediation Approach.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Chen, Zhuo; Chan, Michael

    2017-02-01

    Integrating uses and gratifications theory and the cognitive/communication mediation model: this study examines Chinese students' use of social media and subsequent impact on political participation. An integrative framework is proposed where media use, political expression, and political cognitions (efficacy and knowledge) play important mediating roles between audience motivations and participation. Structural equation analyses showed support for the integrated model. Guidance and social utility motivations exhibited different indirect effects on online and offline participation through social media news, discussion, and political efficacy. Entertainment motivations exhibited no direct or indirect effects. Contrary to expectations and previous literature, surveillance motivations exhibited negative direct and indirect effects on offline participation, which may be attributed to the particular Chinese social and political context. Implications of the findings are discussed.

  7. Political violence and development: an ecologic approach to children in war zones.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Boothby, Neil

    2008-07-01

    This article looks at the experiences of children in war from a psychosocial and social ecologic perspective. In contrast to clinical approaches, it offers a conceptualization of how the impacts of political violence and war are socially mediated. It suggests that psychologic assistance to war-affected children often occurs not through the provision of therapy by outsiders but via support from insiders.

  8. Ideology, motivated reasoning, and cognitive reflection

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Dan M. Kahan

    2013-07-01

    Full Text Available Decision scientists have identified various plausible sources of ideological polarization over climate change, gun violence, national security, and like issues that turn on empirical evidence. This paper describes a study of three of them: the predominance of heuristic-driven information processing by members of the public; ideologically motivated reasoning; and the cognitive-style correlates of political conservativism. The study generated both observational and experimental data inconsistent with the hypothesis that political conservatism is distinctively associated with either unreflective thinking or motivated reasoning. Conservatives did no better or worse than liberals on the Cognitive Reflection Test (Frederick, 2005, an objective measure of information-processing dispositions associated with cognitive biases. In addition, the study found that ideologically motivated reasoning is not a consequence of over-reliance on heuristic or intuitive forms of reasoning generally. On the contrary, subjects who scored highest in cognitive reflection were the most likely to display ideologically motivated cognition. These findings corroborated an alternative hypothesis, which identifies ideologically motivated cognition as a form of information processing that promotes individuals' interests in forming and maintaining beliefs that signify their loyalty to important affinity groups. The paper discusses the practical significance of these findings, including the need to develop science communication strategies that shield policy-relevant facts from the influences that turn them into divisive symbols of political identity.

  9. Moving Beyond Motive-based categories of Targeted Violence

    Energy Technology Data Exchange (ETDEWEB)

    Weine, Stevan [Univ. of Illinois, Chicago, IL (United States); Cohen, John [Rutgers Univ., New Brunswick, NJ (United States); Brannegan, David [Argonne National Lab. (ANL), Argonne, IL (United States)

    2015-10-01

    Today’s categories for responding to targeted violence are motive-based and tend to drive policies, practices, training, media coverage, and research. These categories are based on the assumption that there are significant differences between ideological and non-ideological actors and between domestic and international actors. We question the reliance on these categories and offer an alternative way to frame the response to multiple forms of targeted violence. We propose adopting a community-based multidisciplinary approach to assess risk and provide interventions that are focused on the pre-criminal space. We describe four capabilities that should be implemented locally by establishing and maintaining multidisciplinary response teams that combine community and law-enforcement components: (1) community members are educated, making them better able to identify and report patterns associated with elevated risk for violence; (2) community-based professionals are trained to assess the risks for violent behavior posed by individuals; (3) community-based professionals learn to implement strategies that directly intervene in causal factors for those individuals who are at elevated risk; and (4) community-based professionals learn to monitor and assess an individual’s risk for violent behaviors on an ongoing basis. Community-based multidisciplinary response teams have the potential to identify and help persons in the pre-criminal space and to reduce barriers that have traditionally impeded community/law-enforcement collaboration.

  10. Factors shaping political priorities for violence against women-mitigation policies in Sri Lanka.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Colombini, Manuela; Mayhew, Susannah H; Lund, Ragnhild; Singh, Navpreet; Swahnberg, Katarina; Infanti, Jennifer; Schei, Berit; Wijewardene, Kumudu

    2018-05-25

    Although violence against women (VAW) is a global public health issue, its importance as a health issue is often unrecognized in legal and health policy documents. This paper uses Sri Lanka as a case study to explore the factors influencing the national policy response to VAW, particularly by the health sector. A document based health policy analysis was conducted to examine current policy responses to VAW in Sri Lanka using the Shiffman and Smith (2007) policy analysis framework. The findings suggest that the networks and influences of various actors in Sri Lanka, and their ideas used to frame the issue of VAW, have been particularly important in shaping the nature of the policy response to date. The Ministry of Women and Child Affairs led the national response on VAW, but suffered from limited financial and political support. Results also suggest that there was low engagement by the health sector in the initial policy response to VAW in Sri Lanka, which focused primarily on criminal legislation, following global influences. Furthermore, a lack of empirical data on VAW has impeded its promotion as a health policy issue, despite financial support from international organisations enabling an initial health systems response by the Ministry of Health. Until a legal framework was established (2005), the political context provided limited opportunities for VAW to also be construed as a health issue. It was only then that the Ministry of Health got legitimacy to institutionalise VAW services. Nearly a decade later, a change in government has led to a new national plan on VAW, giving a clear role to the health sector in the fight against VAW. High-level political will, criminalisation of violence, coalesced women's groups advocating for legislative change, prevalence data, and financial support from influential institutions are all critical elements helping frame violence as a national public health issue.

  11. Private Satisfactions and Public Disorders: "Fight Club," Patriarchy, and the Politics of Masculine Violence.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Giroux, Henry A.

    2001-01-01

    Analyzes the narrative structure of the film "Fight Club," addressing its critique of consumerism and its celebration of masculinity. Addresses the representational politics that structure the movie, especially its deeply conventional views of violence, gender relations, and masculinity. Considers the role that "Fight Club" and other cultural…

  12. Retelling Racialized Violence, Remaking White Innocence: The Politics of Interlocking Oppressions in Transgender Day of Remembrance

    OpenAIRE

    Lamble, Sarah

    2008-01-01

    Transgender Day of Remembrance has become a significant political event among those resisting violence against gender-variant persons. Commemorated in more than 250 locations worldwide, this day honors individuals who were killed due to anti-transgender hatred or prejudice. However, by focusing on transphobia as the definitive cause of violence, this ritual potentially obscures the ways in which hierarchies of race, class, and sexuality constitute such acts. Taking the Transgender Day of Reme...

  13. A public health framework to translate risk factors related to political violence and war into multi-level preventive interventions

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    de Jong, J.T.V.M.

    2010-01-01

    Political violence, armed conflicts and human rights violations are produced by a variety of political, economic and socio-cultural factors. Conflicts can be analyzed with an interdisciplinary approach to obtain a global understanding of the relative contribution of risk and protective factors. A

  14. Cocaleros. Violence, Drugs and Social Mobilization in the Post-Conflict Upper Huallaga Valley, Peru

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    van Dun, M.E.H.

    2009-01-01

    During Peru’s internal armed conflict (1980s-1990s) the Upper Huallaga Valley became one of the most violent theaters of conflict, with political violence and violent crime becoming causally related phenomena. In the Upper Huallaga different sorts of armed actors (whether their motivations were

  15. A public health framework to translate risk factors related to political violence and war into multi-level preventive interventions.

    Science.gov (United States)

    De Jong, Joop T V M

    2010-01-01

    Political violence, armed conflicts and human rights violations are produced by a variety of political, economic and socio-cultural factors. Conflicts can be analyzed with an interdisciplinary approach to obtain a global understanding of the relative contribution of risk and protective factors. A public health framework was designed to address these risk factors and protective factors. The framework resulted in a matrix that combined primary, secondary and tertiary interventions with their implementation on the levels of the society-at-large, the community, and the family and individual. Subsequently, the risk and protective factors were translated into multi-sectoral, multi-modal and multi-level preventive interventions involving the economy, governance, diplomacy, the military, human rights, agriculture, health, and education. Then the interventions were slotted in their appropriate place in the matrix. The interventions can be applied in an integrative form by international agencies, governments and non-governmental organizations, and molded to meet the requirements of the historic, political-economic and socio-cultural context. The framework maps the complementary fit among the different actors while engaging themselves in preventive, rehabilitative and reconstructive interventions. The framework shows how the economic, diplomatic, political, criminal justice, human rights, military, health and rural development sectors can collaborate to promote peace or prevent the aggravation or continuation of violence. A deeper understanding of the association between risk and protective factors and the developmental pathways of generic, country-specific and culture-specific factors leading to political violence is needed.

  16. The sexual games of the body politic: fantasy and state violence in Northern Ireland.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Aretxaga, B

    2001-03-01

    This article analyzes the practice of strip searching women political prisoners in Northern Ireland as a violent technology of control aimed at breaking the political identity of prisoners. Focusing on a controversial case of a mass strip search carried out in 1992, the article examines the phantasmatic investements pervading this seemingly rational technology of control. Using a psychoanalytic notion of fantasy against the backdrop of a Foucaultian theory of power, this article argues that strip searches constitute a gendered form of political domination driven by, and performed within, a phantasmatic scenario of sexual violence. In this scenario both the political and gender identities of prisoners are re-inscribed with the power of a state acting as a male body politic. The article argues that the phantasmatic support of rational technologies of control betrays the contingent and shifting character of domination as well as its ambiguous effects.

  17. Sensation Seeking in Street Violence

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Heinskou, Marie Bruvik; Liebst, Lasse Suonperä

    Sensation seeking leads to violence—runs an influential hypothesis in the social scientific study of violent behavior. Although studies confirm that violence is sometimes structured by sensation-seeking motives, the literature seldom comments on the limits to this explanation of violence....... The present study examines the scale of violence motivated by sensation seeking and the degree to which there are several distinct forms of sensation seeking motives operative in violence, rather than a sensation-seeking motive in the singular. The study draws on a sample of situations from Copenhagen...... involving street violence, which are coded quantitatively and qualitatively. Our analysis shows that sensation seeking only seldom seems to play a role in the structuring of street violence. Moreover, the data indicate that sensation seeking finds expression in street violence situations in two different...

  18. Global Governance for Health: how to motivate political change?

    Science.gov (United States)

    McNeill, D; Ottersen, O P

    2015-07-01

    In this article, we address a central theme that was discussed at the Durham Health Summit: how can politics be brought back into global health governance and figure much more prominently in discussions around policy? We begin by briefly summarizing the report of the Lancet - University of Oslo Commission on Global Governance for Health: 'The Political Origins of Health Inequity' Ottersen et al. In order to provide compelling evidence of the central argument, the Commission selected seven case studies relating to, inter alia, economic and fiscal policy, food security, and foreign trade and investment agreements. Based on an analysis of these studies, the report concludes that the problems identified are often due to political choices: an unwillingness to change the global system of governance. This raises the question: what is the most effective way that a report of this kind can be used to motivate policy-makers, and the public at large, to demand change? What kind of moral or rational argument is most likely to lead to action? In this paper we assess the merits of various alternative perspectives: health as an investment; health as a global public good; health and human security; health and human development; health as a human right; health and global justice. We conclude that what is required in order to motivate change is a more explicitly political and moral perspective - favouring the later rather than the earlier alternatives just listed. Copyright © 2015 The Royal Society for Public Health. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

  19. At the Intersection of Private and Political Conflict Zones: Policing Domestic Violence in the Arab Community in Israel.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Erez, Edna; Ibarra, Peter R; Gur, Oren M

    2015-08-01

    This article addresses the challenges posed by state intervention in a multicultural society characterized by intense political conflict, juxtaposing the voices of batterers, victims, community members, and the officials who are involved in policing domestic violence (DV) in the Arab community in Israel. A meta-analysis of interview-based data excerpts appearing in published studies shows how the response to DV in the Arab community, though consistent with Israeli law and policy, creates a sense of paralysis for the police and frustration for the parties to the violence as well as the affected communities. The cultural, social, and political forces that underlie the dynamics, tensions, and pressures experienced by the various parties are analyzed in the context of everyday life amid concerns about the Israeli-Arab conflict. The implications for policing DV in minority communities, and for police-community relations in political conflict zones, are highlighted. © The Author(s) 2014.

  20. Crisis of governance in South Sudan : electoral politics and violence in the world's newest nation

    OpenAIRE

    Brosché, Johan; Höglund, Kristine

    2016-01-01

    Since mid-December 2013, thousands of people have been killed in armed conflict in South Sudan. The fighting is entrenched in a power struggle between the main political contenders ahead of elections which were scheduled for 2015. This article examines the violence in South Sudan since the North-South war ended with a focus on the consequences of the introduction of electoral politics. Our research contributes to the literature on state-building and peace-building in war-torn societies, by ex...

  1. Adolescent Moral Motivations for Civic Engagement: Clues to the Political Gender Gap?

    Science.gov (United States)

    Malin, Heather; Tirri, Kirsi; Liauw, Indrawati

    2015-01-01

    This study explored gender differences in moral motivations and civic engagement among adolescents to add to existing explanations for the gender gap in political engagement in the US. We examined moral motivations for civic engagement in a sample of 1578 high school seniors, using a mixed-methods analysis of survey and interview data. Multiple…

  2. Exposure to Political Conflict and Violence and Posttraumatic Stress in Middle East Youth: Protective Factors

    Science.gov (United States)

    Dubow, Eric F.; Huesmann, L. Rowell; Boxer, Paul; Landau, Simha; Dvir, Shira; Shikaki, Khalil; Ginges, Jeremy

    2012-01-01

    We examine the role of family- and individual-level protective factors in the relation between exposure to ethnic-political conflict and violence and posttraumatic stress among Israeli and Palestinian youth. Specifically, we examine whether parental mental health (lack of depression), positive parenting, children's self-esteem, and academic…

  3. Gender differences in emotions, forgiveness and tolerance in relation to political violence

    OpenAIRE

    Conejero, Susana; Etxebarria, Itziar; Montero García-Celay, Ignacio

    2014-01-01

    This study, which forms part of a broader research project, analyzes gender differences in: the intensity of diverse emotions, the justification of violence, attitudes towards the terrorist group ETA, forgiveness and tolerance. Participants comprised 728 people (45.5% men and 54.5% women) resident in either Basque Country or Navarra (Spain), representative of all national identities and political ideologies existing in this context. An ad hoc questionnaire was designed and administered bet...

  4. Les violences politiques dans les Etats de la Caraïbe insulaire (1945 à nos jours La violencia política en el Caribe insular Political violence in the Caribbean Islands

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Laurent Jalabert

    2003-09-01

    expresarse de la sociedad civil o de transmitir opiniones. Así, representa sin ninguna duda una auténtica forma de cultura política de los Estados del Caribe isleño.Political violence has been a constant in the political life of the independent states of the Caribbean Islands (Cuba, Haiti, Santo Domingo, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago… from 1945 to the present times. Political violence has developed into a form of political culture, in authoritarian regimes (Cuba, Haiti, Santo Domingo, as well as in countries engaged in a democractic process (Haiti, Santo Domingo or even in the democracies (Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago. A comparative approach reveals obvious differences in the degree of violence, according to the nature of the regimes, and the nuances in each type. In spite of these varying degrees, which can extend to systematic use of terror, political violence is nonetheless common practice in all these countries as a ruling method for the government and a means of expression for the civilian society. Violence is undoubtedly a form of the political culture of the Caribbean Island’s states.

  5. Statistics and political violence: Reflections on the Social Conflict in 2009 in Guadeloupe

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    Samuel Boris

    2014-07-01

    Full Text Available In early 2009, Guadeloupe experienced a 44-day strike against the high cost of living and against the illegitimate profits some actors realise in the Island’s economy. Some of these dominant actors being heirs of settlers families, high prices are the starting point for a radical political critique. This article analyses the links between violence and the use of numbers in the course of the conflict. The mobilisation was a time of violence, clashes, and intimidation; but the denunciation of abuse also ascribes a central role to quantification, in order to estimate profit. This article shows how the figures comprise an instrument of mediation being used as a substitute for, or in combination with, multifaceted violent actions. It also shows that the figures may be themselves coercive techniques, playing a part in violent relationships. Quantification can therefore be combined, in a plurality of ways, with the transition to violence, not only by avoiding or replacing it, but sometimes overlapping with it or being its instrument

  6. Motives of corporate political donations: industry regulation, subjective judgement and the origins of pragmatic and ideological corporations.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Harrigan, Nicholas M

    2017-12-01

    What motivates corporate political action? Are corporations motivated by their own narrow economic self-interest; are they committed to pursuing larger class interests; or are corporations instruments for status groups to pursue their own agendas? Sociologists have been divided over this question for much of the last century. This paper introduces a novel case - that of Australia - and an extensive dataset of over 1,500 corporations and 7,500 directors. The paper attempts to understand the motives of corporate political action by examining patterns of corporate political donations. Using statistical modelling, supported by qualitative evidence, the paper argues that, in the Australian case, corporate political action is largely motivated by the narrow economic self-interest of individual corporations. Firms' interests are, consistent with regulatory environment theory, defined by the nature of government regulation in their industry: those in highly regulated industries (such as banking) and those dependent on government support (such as defence) tend to adopt a strategy of hedging their political support, and make bipartisan donations (to both major parties). In contrast, firms facing hostile regulation (such as timber or mining), and those without strong dependence on state support (such as small companies) tend to adopt a strategy of conservative partisanship, and make conservative-only donations. This paper argues that regulatory environment theory needs to be modified to incorporate greater emphasis on the subjective political judgements of corporations facing hostile regulation: a corporation's adoption of conservative partisanship or hedging is not just a product of the objective regulation they face, but also whether corporate leaders judge such regulation as politically inevitable or something that can be resisted. Such a judgement is highly subjective, introducing a dynamic and unpredictable dimension to corporate political action. © London School of

  7. La violence des ultrà au tournant des années 1970: une violence politique?

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Fabien Archenbault

    2014-12-01

    Full Text Available Between the late 1960s and early 1980s, football-related acts of violence tended to multiply impressively in Italy. These crimes were perpetrated by new groups of tifosi, the self-styled ‘ultras’, who claimed this verbal and physical violence, and made it a key part of their identity. These groups sometimes even considered violence as the counterpart or the continuation, within the stadium and on account of the game, of the social and political violence that was expanding in Italy during the «Lead Years» decade. Was this violence truly political? This is the question this paper attempts to answer.

  8. Support Services for Victims of Political Violence and Their Families: A Comparison between Israelis and Palestinians

    Science.gov (United States)

    Abbott, Douglas A.

    2010-01-01

    This report summarizes interviews with five social workers who helped families that experienced political violence, and with 16 families that lost a family member due to terrorist activity in Israel and Palestine from 2000 to 2005. Results revealed a great disparity between the Israelis and the Palestinians on the types of and extent of benefits…

  9. Domestic Violence as Everyday Terrorism

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Cooper-Cunningham, Dean

    2016-01-01

    Seeing bride kidnapping and domestic violence as everyday terrorism unpacks the political nature of so-called “private” phenomena and how they reify patriarchal society.......Seeing bride kidnapping and domestic violence as everyday terrorism unpacks the political nature of so-called “private” phenomena and how they reify patriarchal society....

  10. Workplace Violence

    Science.gov (United States)

    ... to reduce workplace violence. Management Commitment: Provides the motivation and resources to deal effectively with workplace violence ... physical health of the employee. Appropriate allocation of authority and resources to responsible parties. Equal commitment to ...

  11. Local political leaders and mayors: Institutional and non-institutional power in the First Violence (Colombia, 1930-1934

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    María del Rosario Vázquez Piñeros

    2017-05-01

    Full Text Available By consulting and collating periodical and documentary sources –of both a civil and ecclesiastical nature– this article analyses the relationship that local political leaders (gamonales and civil authorities established with armed institutional and illegal non-institutional groups. By exerting coercion and persecution, both leaders and civilian authorities served as a means for their political party to achieve electoral victory. This relationship made them key architects of the first stage of the Liberal-Conservative Violence, initiated under the government of Colombian President Enrique Olaya Herrera (1930-34.

  12. Evaluation of a program to prevent political violence in the Basque conflict: effects on the capacity of empathy, anger management and the definition of peace.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Garaigordobil, Maite

    2012-01-01

    To assess the effects of a program for the prevention of political violence on empathy, expression of feelings of anger, and the capacity to define peace-violence. This study used a quasi-experimental design with pretest-posttest repeated measures and a control group. The sample comprised 276 adolescents aged between 15 and 17 years (191 in the experimental group, 85 in the control group; 127 boys and 149 girls). A battery of three assessment instruments was administered before and after the intervention. The aim of the program was to increase sensitivity to the victims of political violence, promote respect for human rights, and prevent violence. The intervention consisted of 10 sessions over 3 months. MANOVA analyses revealed that the program increased participants' capacity of empathy (perspective-taking), anger control in annoying situations, and capacity to define peace-violence. This study has practical educational implications and provides an intervention tool that enhances the development of personality during adolescence and may have a preventive effect on violent behavior. Copyright © 2011 SESPAS. Published by Elsevier España. All rights reserved.

  13. Differences in pupil characteristics and motives in being a victim, perpetrator, and witness of violence in secondary education

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Mooij, Ton

    2009-01-01

    Mooij, T. (2011). Differences in pupil characteristics and motives in being a victim, perpetrator and witness of violence in secondary education. Research Papers in Education, 26(1), 105-128. doi: 10.1080/02671520903191196.

  14. Obstacles and Challenges to Gender Parity. Political Violence, Electoral System and Interculturalism

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Laura Albaine

    2015-05-01

    Full Text Available This study is a contribution to the debate about the adoption of gender parity policies in Latin America analyzing particular obstacles and challenges related to the implementation of this principle. Electoral systems tend to either optimize or reduce the impact of such gender parity measures. As well as with quotas, the size of the electoral district and the kind of electoral list system are the two variables that most influence the effective implementation of these measures. At the same time, the socio-cultural context also influences the process of implementation of gender parity measures. In patriarchal societies –with high levels of gender-based violence– electoral processes are often characterized by gender-based harassment and political violence, one of the greatest obstacles for increasing women’s political participation. These situations are further complicated in societies which are also characterized by ethnic and cultural diversity, presenting the challenge of including women who are also discriminated against for their ethno-cultural identity.

  15. Violence in Venezuela: oil rent and political crisis Violência na Venezuela: renda petroleira e crise política

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Roberto Briceño-León

    2006-06-01

    Full Text Available This article analyzes the changes in violence in Venezuela during the last forty years. It links the ups and downs of the oil revenues and the political crisis of the country to the changes in the homicide rates, which increased from 7 per 100 thousand inhabitants in 1970 to 12 in 1990, 19 in 1998 and 50 in 2003. The article characterizes Venezuela as a rentist society and shows its trajectory from rural violence to the beginning of urban violence, the guerilla movements of the 60s, the delinquent violence related to the abundance of oil revenues and the violence during the popular revolt and the sackings of 1989 in Caracas. After this, we analyze the coups d'état of 1992 and the influence the political violence exerted upon criminal violence. We describe the political and party changes in the country, their influence upon the stabilization of homicide rates since the mid-90s and their remarkable increase during the H. Chávez government. The article finishes with an analysis of the current situation, the official prohibition to publish statistics on homicides and with some thoughts about the perspective of greater violence in Venezuela.O presente artigo analisa as mudanças na violência ocorridas na Venezuela nos últimos quarenta anos, relacionadas com os altos e baixos da renda petroleira e com a crise política no país, fatos que contribuíram para um aumento nas taxas de homicídios: de 7 por cada cem mil habitantes em 1970 a 12 em 1990, 19 em 1998 e 50 no ano de 2003. O artigo caracteriza a Venezuela como sociedade rentista e, a partir daí, faz uma retrospecção cobrindo desde a violência rural até os inícios da violência urbana, o movimento guerrilheiro dos anos sessenta, a criminalidade resultando da abundância dos recursos petroleiros e a violência em decorrência da revolta popular e dos saques ocorridos em 1989 em Caracas. Em seguida são analisados os golpes de Estado de 1992 e o impacto que a violência política exerceu

  16. The Politics of Violence, The Abuse of Evil and The Critique of the War

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Anisa Azaovagh de la Rosa

    2017-11-01

    Full Text Available This article aims to provide a critic vision of the "ethic of violence" through authors like E. Bocardo, M. Castells, P. Singer, R. Bernstein and J. Butler. The ethic of violence was intended to justify the American wars against terror, instead of trying to solve the problem through dialogue or diplomacy. In their way, each of these authors criticize the ethics that were used to justify the American war, referring to their economical motivations and their media performance. An indication of the ethic is the one that President Bush showed at that time in his declarations of moral content —as his notorious phrase "the axis of evil"— in order to place himself in the side of good and them -his enemies- in the side of evil.

  17. Continuous Traumatic Situations in the Face of Ongoing Political Violence: The Relationship Between CTS and PTSD.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Nuttman-Shwartz, Orit; Shoval-Zuckerman, Yael

    2016-12-01

    This article presents a literature review of the concept of continuous traumatic situations (CTS), which relates to residents living in ongoing situations of political violence and national security threats. The first aim of this review is to narrow the gap regarding knowledge about the concept of CTS by presenting findings from studies that have assessed the effects of CTS on civilian populations. The second aim is to describe CTS in a way that highlights the differences and similarities between posttraumatic stress disorder and responses to CTS. This distinction is a necessary precondition for examining CTS, as is a careful clinical analysis of the development and course of symptoms. This literature review also highlights the importance of adopting a supplementary perspective for understanding the psychological impact of ongoing exposure to real threats, which can be used as a basis for developing intervention strategies that are appropriate for coping with life in the context of persistent violence. CTS can be manifested as emotions, behaviors, and perceptions among individuals, families, communities, and societies. The nature of the proposed model of CTS is a circular one, combining past and future perceptions and emotional reactions that have resulted from continuous and repeated traumatic experiences over an extended period of time. This wider understanding reflects the complexity of the CTS phenomenon. Various micro and macro interventions relating to CTS as the result of political violence situations and national security threats are presented, and recommendations for practice, policy, and future research are offered. © The Author(s) 2015.

  18. Men and Women Facing Political Violence in Bolivia

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Pierre Beaucage

    2008-02-01

    Full Text Available In this article, I propose to outline the stories of violence between men and women from the countryside and low-income neighborhoods in the cities, based on 33 interviews conducted in Bolivia in the summers of 2005 and 2006. I don’t consider «violence» as a universal concept, but rather as a combination of representations related to widely distributed practices within society. I will clearly point out the commonalities between men and women, on the one hand, and among inhabitants of the country and the city, on the other. One of the common characteristics of all is the perception of living in a dangerous world. Women place a considerably bigger emphasis on dangers of a supernatural kind, as well as damages cause by symbolic violence, such as «badmouthing.» The inhabitants of poor urban environments place more importance on delinquent violence, and take measures to confront it. Both sexes refer to gender violence within the family, but it is women who cite lived experiences to that respect. In terms of causes for the violence, in the city both sexes seem to be incorporating into their imagination elements of academic discourse about structural violence

  19. Parenting Style as a Moderator of Effects of Political Violence: Cross-Cultural Comparison of Israeli Jewish and Arab Children

    Science.gov (United States)

    Slone, Michelle; Shechner, Tomer; Farah, Oula Khoury

    2012-01-01

    This study examined cross-cultural differences in the moderating function of authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive parenting styles for Jewish and Arab Israeli children exposed to political violence. Respondents were parents and children aged 10-11 from 94 families (42 Arab, 52 Jewish). Parents completed the Parenting Styles and Dimensions…

  20. Gender differences in emotions, forgiveness and tolerance in relation to political violence.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Conejero, Susana; Etxebarria, Itziar; Montero, Ignacio

    2014-01-01

    This study, which forms part of a broader research project, analyzes gender differences in: the intensity of diverse emotions, the justification of violence, attitudes towards the terrorist group ETA, forgiveness and tolerance. Participants comprised 728 people (45.5% men and 54.5% women) resident in either Basque Country or Navarra (Spain), representative of all national identities and political ideologies existing in this context. An ad hoc questionnaire was designed and administered between November 2005 and February 2006, a short time before ETA declared a ceasefire. Women reported more intensity in fear for political reasons and scored higher in two of the six measures of empathy included in the study (empathy with prisoners and empathy with those who suffer and think like oneself). Men scored higher in positive emotionality, indifference and Schadenfreude. Women perceived apology and forgiveness as more necessary elements for achieving peace than men. These results suggest that it may be beneficial for women to play a more prominent role in relation to the resolution of intergroup conflicts such as the one existing in the Basque Country.

  1. Violent political contexts and the emotional concerns of township youth.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Straker, G; Mendelsohn, M; Moosa, F; Tudin, P

    1996-02-01

    This article presents the findings of a series of studies that examine the perceptions of black South African youth about township life and the civil conflict and violence it encompasses. The studies were conducted with comparable samples of 58-82 youth at 3 points in South Africa's history, all characterized by high levels of violence but differing in terms of their political contexts. These contexts were overt State-community conflict, covert opposition and political repression, and intracommunity violence. The data revealed that in all 3 contexts youth reported a high exposure to violence, but only when violence occurred in the context of intracommunity conflict was it subjectively construed to be the most problematic. Reasons for this may include the real increase in more extreme forms of violence, including deaths, that occurs in intracommunity violence and the blurring of the distinction between political and criminal violence in this context.

  2. The contribution of maternal care and control, and community type to children's adjustment to political violence.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Tangir, Gali; Dekel, Rachel; Lavi, Tamar; Gewirtz, Abigail H; Zamir, Osnat

    2017-08-01

    This study explored the behavioral and emotional adjustment of Israeli school-age children who are exposed to political violence. Based on Bronfenbrenner's (1986) ecological model and ecological model of psychosocial trauma (Harvey, 2007), we examined the direct contribution of exposure, gender, maternal characteristics (mother's posttraumatic stress symptoms [PTSS], maternal care and maternal control), and community type (development town vs. kibbutz), to school-age children's adjustment. In addition, we examined whether maternal characteristics and community type moderated the association between exposure and adjustment. There were 121 mother-child dyads from the development town of Sderot (n = 62) and from the surrounding kibbutzim (n = 58) participated. Revealed that being a boy, living in Sderot, and mothers' higher PTSS, contributed directly to children's total difficulties (i.e., externalizing and internalizing problems), and that maternal control moderated the association between personal exposure and children's total difficulties. Furthermore, being a girl and mother's higher PTSS and higher maternal control contributed directly to children's PTSS. Mother's PTSS moderated the association between personal exposure and children's PTSS. Maternal care was not associated with children's adjustment. Both the child's gender and the type of community in which he or she lives are associated with maternal distress and children's adjustment to political violence. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved).

  3. “The Boys Are Coming to Town”: Youth, Armed Conflict and Urban Violence in Developing Countries

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Krijn Peters

    2011-12-01

    Full Text Available

     

    Young people are major participants in contemporary intra-state armed conflicts. Since the end of the Cold War there has been a trend to portray these as criminal violence for private (economic ends, rather than politically or ideologically motivated. Hence, the perception of young people’s role has moved from “freedom fighters” to “violent criminals.” Our discursive and conceptual reconsideration based on a case study of Sierra Leone finds that the associated dichotomies (“new war/old war,” “greed/grievance,” “criminal/political violence” are grounded in traditional modernization assumptions and/or constructed for policy purposes, rather than reflecting reality on the ground. Urban and rural youth violence in developing countries cannot be separated from its political roots. Moreover, the violent dynamics in which urban youth violence is embedded challenge our conceptions of what an armed conflict is. Including this form of violence in mainstream conflict theory would open the way for a new interpretation and more effective policy interventions. Extrapolating the experience of Latin American cities plagued by drug violence, the recent and significant increase in drug trafficking on the West African seaboard could mark the beginning of another armed conflict with high youth involvement, this time playing out in urban settings.

     

  4. Geographies of violence: site-oriented art and politics at the Mexico-U.S. border from the 1980s to the present

    OpenAIRE

    Brailovsky Ruiz, P.

    2014-01-01

    Through a series of case studies, analysed via the theoretical framework of site-specificity, this thesis explores the ways in which artists, from the 1980s to the present, have attempted to critically represent and understand more fully the socio-political fabric of the Mexico-U.S. border and the systemic violence that undergirds it. The introduction discusses the historical and political context of the thesis, establishes its methodological territory and outlines the current research of thi...

  5. Political governance and constitution-making in Kenya : in search of popular participation. / J.M. Mukuna.

    OpenAIRE

    Mukuna, J M

    2012-01-01

    This thesis examines the evolving ideal of popular participation in the context of Kenya's experience in the intertwined areas of political governance and constitution-making. The thesis is primarily motivated by the spirit and intent of the country's constitution-making initiatives which commenced in earnest after the 2007 post-election violence in which about 1,300 precious lives were lost, over 300,000 people displaced and property destroyed. The study adopts a qualitative a...

  6. Eastern European Transformation and Youth Attitudes toward Violence

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Berit Haußmann

    2011-12-01

    Full Text Available

    This cross-national examination of the motives behind adolescent approval of violence in major cities in Germany and four Eastern European transformation societies (Czech Republic, Poland, Russia, Slovenia draws on Institutional Anomie Theory (IAT, which leads us to expect higher instrumental motivation for violence among adolescents in the transforming societies. Differences in institutional structure and cultural orientations between Germany and the Eastern European societies are assessed using data from ILO and ESS. Analysis of the different motives for violence is based on data collected by the Criminological Research Institute of Lower Saxony (KFN in Kraków, Volgograd, Ljubljana, Plzen, and Hamburg. Comparability and cross-cultural interpretability of the violence
    attitude measure is assessed by applying confirmatory factor analyses in multi-group comparisons. A lack of sufficient data meant that specific assumed linkages as implied by IAT could not be established, but the results for a specific instrumental/utilitarian motive for violence and for institutional structure and cultural orientations point to the utility of applying insights from IAT to understanding the dynamics of violence within the Eastern European context of transformation.
    We find empirical indications that specific features of the family mediate the “Eastern effect” on the instrumental/utilitarian motive. Further research is needed to discover whether economic dominance affects motives for youth violence indirectly via the socialization provided by non-economic institutions rather than directly via cultural orientations.

  7. The Existence of Violence in Nonviolent Protest Groups.

    Science.gov (United States)

    1986-01-01

    Paul Sartre, and Herbert Marcuse . Although these writers are from a broad range of disciplines, they all agree that political violence is inevitable...sacrifice, the use of political M A 1, ’. - - .eI y. 34 violence is justified when personal freedom is at stake. Marcuse , Zinn, and Sartre all agree

  8. The role of collective memory in emotional recovery of political violence in Colombia

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Juan David Villa Gómez

    2014-11-01

    Full Text Available This article enquires about the role of collective memory events of political violence victims of some organizations in three regions of Colombia, eastern Antioquia, southern Cordoba, and Medellin city on the processes of subjective and emotional transformations. It is made from a psychosocial perspective using a hermeneutic phenomenology approach. Life stories were developed with in-depth interviews to 32 people (26 women and 6 men of Eastern Antioquia, 13 people in southern Córdoba (10 women and 3 men and 13 mothers of Candelaria; 4 women life stories of the three regions studied; and 19 focus groups with participants of victims processes of the three regions. All these stories were transcribed and analyzed by the categorical analysis method by matrix. Emotional affectations of the victims and following emotional transformations arising by group, collective and public memory events in individuals and collectives involved in the execution of these actions are presented outlining a Psychosocial view that allows to approach from research and intervention to psychological, social and political phenomenon.

  9. Preferences for group dominance track and mediate the effects of macro-level social inequality and violence across societies

    Science.gov (United States)

    Kunst, Jonas R.; Sidanius, Jim; Thomsen, Lotte

    2017-01-01

    Whether and how societal structures shape individual psychology is a foundational question of the social sciences. Combining insights from evolutionary biology, economy, and the political and psychological sciences, we identify a central psychological process that functions to sustain group-based hierarchies in human societies. In study 1, we demonstrate that macrolevel structural inequality, impaired population outcomes, socio-political instability, and the risk of violence are reflected in the endorsement of group hegemony at the aggregate population level across 27 countries (n = 41,824): The greater the national inequality, the greater is the endorsement of between-group hierarchy within the population. Using multilevel analyses in study 2, we demonstrate that these psychological group-dominance motives mediate the effects of macrolevel functioning on individual-level attitudes and behaviors. Specifically, across 30 US states (n = 4,613), macrolevel inequality and violence were associated with greater individual-level support of group hegemony. Crucially, this individual-level support, rather than cultural-societal norms, was in turn uniquely associated with greater racism, sexism, welfare opposition, and even willingness to enforce group hegemony violently by participating in ethnic persecution of subordinate out-groups. These findings suggest that societal inequality is reflected in people’s minds as dominance motives that underpin ideologies and actions that ultimately sustain group-based hierarchy. PMID:28484013

  10. Preferences for group dominance track and mediate the effects of macro-level social inequality and violence across societies.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Kunst, Jonas R; Fischer, Ronald; Sidanius, Jim; Thomsen, Lotte

    2017-05-23

    Whether and how societal structures shape individual psychology is a foundational question of the social sciences. Combining insights from evolutionary biology, economy, and the political and psychological sciences, we identify a central psychological process that functions to sustain group-based hierarchies in human societies. In study 1, we demonstrate that macrolevel structural inequality, impaired population outcomes, socio-political instability, and the risk of violence are reflected in the endorsement of group hegemony at the aggregate population level across 27 countries ( n = 41,824): The greater the national inequality, the greater is the endorsement of between-group hierarchy within the population. Using multilevel analyses in study 2, we demonstrate that these psychological group-dominance motives mediate the effects of macrolevel functioning on individual-level attitudes and behaviors. Specifically, across 30 US states ( n = 4,613), macrolevel inequality and violence were associated with greater individual-level support of group hegemony. Crucially, this individual-level support, rather than cultural-societal norms, was in turn uniquely associated with greater racism, sexism, welfare opposition, and even willingness to enforce group hegemony violently by participating in ethnic persecution of subordinate out-groups. These findings suggest that societal inequality is reflected in people's minds as dominance motives that underpin ideologies and actions that ultimately sustain group-based hierarchy.

  11. The political theology of violence in contemporary India

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Hansen, T.B.

    2008-01-01

    What are we to make of the fact that most violence in India rarely has any visible or clear actors? Why is most violence represented as 'pure events' without identifiable actors - but as 'mobs', as spontaneous combustion, as spontaneous rage that arises from perceived collective grievances and

  12. Engaging in extreme activism in support of others’ political struggles: The role of politically motivated fusion with out-groups

    Science.gov (United States)

    Boos, Beverly; Kimel, Sasha Y.; Obaidi, Milan; Shani, Maor; Thomsen, Lotte

    2018-01-01

    Humans are a coalitional, parochial species. Yet, extreme actions of solidarity are sometimes taken for distant or unrelated groups. What motivates people to become solidary with groups to which they do not belong originally? Here, we demonstrate that such distant solidarity can occur when the perceived treatment of an out-group clashes with one’s political beliefs (e.g., for Leftists, oppressive occupation of the out-group) and that it is driven by fusion (or a feeling of oneness) with distant others with whom one does not share any common social category such as nationality, ethnicity or religion. In Study 1, being politically Leftist predicted European-Americans’ willingness to engage in extreme protest on behalf of Palestinians, which was mediated by fusion with the out-group. Next, in Study 2, we examined whether this pattern was moderated by out-group type. Here, Norwegian Leftists fused more with Palestinians (i.e., a group that, in the Norwegian context, is perceived to be occupied in an asymmetrical conflict) rather than Kurds (i.e., a group for which this perception is less salient). In Study 3, we experimentally tested the underlying mechanism by framing the Kurdish conflict in terms of an asymmetrical occupation (vs. symmetrical war or control conditions) and found that this increased Leftist European-Americans’ fusion with Kurds. Finally, in Study 4, we used a unique sample of non-Kurdish aspiring foreign fighters who were in the process of joining the Kurdish militia YPG. Here, fusion with the out-group predicted a greater likelihood to join and support the Kurdish forces in their fight against ISIS, insofar as respondents experienced that their political orientation morally compelled them to do so (Study 4). Together, our findings suggest that politically motivated fusion with out-groups underpins the extreme solidary action people may take on behalf of distant out-groups. Implications for future theory and research are discussed. PMID:29304156

  13. Self-Censorship Regulatory Structure: Can We Control Political of Hates, Violence & Sex in Children Computer & Video Games?

    OpenAIRE

    Zanuddin, Hasmah

    2008-01-01

    This article examines some of the extreme negative content available to teenagers and young children in the market. Extreme negative values such as political of hates, violence and sex in some of the children computer and video games were made possible due to several factors such as lacking in regulatory structure, week policy implementation, rampant of illegal and uncensored materials. Computer and video games have been the subject of frequent controversy and censorship, due to the depiction...

  14. Loss of social resources predicts incident posttraumatic stress disorder during ongoing political violence within the Palestinian Authority.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Hall, Brian J; Murray, Sarah M; Galea, Sandro; Canetti, Daphna; Hobfoll, Stevan E

    2015-04-01

    Exposure to ongoing political violence and stressful conditions increases the risk of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in low-resource contexts. However, much of our understanding of the determinants of PTSD in these contexts comes from cross-sectional data. Longitudinal studies that examine factors associated with incident PTSD may be useful to the development of effective prevention interventions and the identification of those who may be most at-risk for the disorder. A 3-stage cluster random stratified sampling methodology was used to obtain a representative sample of 1,196 Palestinian adults living in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Face-to-face interviews were conducted at two time points 6-months apart. Logistic regression analyses were conducted on a restricted sample of 643 people who did not have PTSD at baseline and who completed both interviews. The incidence of PTSD was 15.0 % over a 6-month period. Results of adjusted logistic regression models demonstrated that talking to friends and family about political circumstances (aOR = 0.78, p = 0.01) was protective, and female sex (aOR = 1.76, p = 0.025), threat perception of future violence (aOR = 1.50, p = 0.002), poor general health (aOR = 1.39, p = 0.005), exposure to media (aOR = 1.37, p = 0.002), and loss of social resources (aOR = 1.71, p = 0.006) were predictive of incident cases of PTSD. A high incidence of PTSD was documented during a 6-month follow-up period among Palestinian residents of Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem. Interventions that promote health and increase and forestall loss to social resources could potentially reduce the onset of PTSD in communities affected by violence.

  15. Political Values or the Value of Politics

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Simoska, Emilija

    2016-04-01

    Full Text Available This essay was motivated by the gap between proclaimed democratic principles and the perceptions of politics which are exhibited by the citizens in transitional countries -more specifically in the Republic of Macedonia. It is based on research data collected in the past few decades, which illustrate that, in their political actions, the citizens are highly motivated by personal benefits and profits, rather than by their internalized values and ideologies. Non-democratic, authoritarian values prevail, while politics is perceived as a value itself, in the most materialistic meaning of the word. It creates a suitable milieu for growth of corruption, nepotism and clientelism. The authors conclude that such a circulus vitsiosus is a corner stone of the Macedonian political regime, and an enormous obstacle for the advancement of the participative, democratic political culture in reality, in spite of its formal acceptance.

  16. Dehumanization increases instrumental violence, but not moral violence

    Science.gov (United States)

    Rai, Tage S.; Valdesolo, Piercarlo; Graham, Jesse

    2017-01-01

    Across five experiments, we show that dehumanization—the act of perceiving victims as not completely human—increases instrumental, but not moral, violence. In attitude surveys, ascribing reduced capacities for cognitive, experiential, and emotional states to victims predicted support for practices where victims are harmed to achieve instrumental goals, including sweatshop labor, animal experimentation, and drone strikes that result in civilian casualties, but not practices where harm is perceived as morally righteous, including capital punishment, killing in war, and drone strikes that kill terrorists. In vignette experiments, using dehumanizing compared with humanizing language increased participants’ willingness to harm strangers for money, but not participants’ willingness to harm strangers for their immoral behavior. Participants also spontaneously dehumanized strangers when they imagined harming them for money, but not when they imagined harming them for their immoral behavior. Finally, participants humanized strangers who were low in humanity if they imagined harming them for immoral behavior, but not money, suggesting that morally motivated perpetrators may humanize victims to justify violence against them. Our findings indicate that dehumanization enables violence that perpetrators see as unethical, but instrumentally beneficial. In contrast, dehumanization does not contribute to moral violence because morally motivated perpetrators wish to harm complete human beings who are capable of deserving blame, experiencing suffering, and understanding its meaning. PMID:28739935

  17. Dehumanization increases instrumental violence, but not moral violence.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Rai, Tage S; Valdesolo, Piercarlo; Graham, Jesse

    2017-08-08

    Across five experiments, we show that dehumanization-the act of perceiving victims as not completely human-increases instrumental, but not moral, violence. In attitude surveys, ascribing reduced capacities for cognitive, experiential, and emotional states to victims predicted support for practices where victims are harmed to achieve instrumental goals, including sweatshop labor, animal experimentation, and drone strikes that result in civilian casualties, but not practices where harm is perceived as morally righteous, including capital punishment, killing in war, and drone strikes that kill terrorists. In vignette experiments, using dehumanizing compared with humanizing language increased participants' willingness to harm strangers for money, but not participants' willingness to harm strangers for their immoral behavior. Participants also spontaneously dehumanized strangers when they imagined harming them for money, but not when they imagined harming them for their immoral behavior. Finally, participants humanized strangers who were low in humanity if they imagined harming them for immoral behavior, but not money, suggesting that morally motivated perpetrators may humanize victims to justify violence against them. Our findings indicate that dehumanization enables violence that perpetrators see as unethical, but instrumentally beneficial. In contrast, dehumanization does not contribute to moral violence because morally motivated perpetrators wish to harm complete human beings who are capable of deserving blame, experiencing suffering, and understanding its meaning.

  18. Beyond a politics of recrimination: Scandal, ethics and the rehabilitation of violence

    Science.gov (United States)

    Johnson, Jamie M.

    2016-01-01

    The practice of contemporary warfare seems to be plagued by scandal. It is often assumed that the act of bearing witness to these moments of ethical failure, in which the relationship between the martial and the ethical breaks down, plays an important role in holding powerful actors to account for their conduct. Considerable faith has been placed in the role of transparency and truth-telling as foundations for normative engagements with war. This article argues that we must be cautious about this investment. Drawing on the work of Jean Baudrillard, this article offers a method for critically reading scandals as a series of line-drawing manoeuvres. Taken together, these manoeuvres demonstrate how scandals function to enable, excuse and obscure the complex landscapes of violence that define the spectacular and mundane sites of contemporary war. Reducing critical engagements with violent practices to a logic of recrimination, scandals often function to revitalise the very principles they appear to contest. Focusing upon the socio-political implications of wartime scandals, this article demonstrates that the performative force of scandals is therefore the reproduction of a violent status quo rather than opening up new spaces for imagining less violent futures. Offering a critical reading of controversies relating to the provision of humanitarian assistance and education in Afghanistan, this article reflects on the ambiguities and anxieties of critiquing violence. PMID:29278252

  19. Fictive kinship as a means for promoting Islamist violence

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Nielbo, Kristoffer Laigaard; Nissen, Lars-Kristian; Andersen, Marc Nicklas

    as primary motivators for violence. Evolutionary psychology has questioned the claim that such a direct connection between scriptures and violence exists. Instead humans are wired with evolved moral foundations that are responsible for motivating social action. Islamist violence may be legitimized by moral......Following a series of Islamist terrorist attacks in the Western world, most recently the Île-de-France and the Copenhagen attacks in 2015, the link between Islam and violence has become a much debated subject. One position in this debate argues that Islamic scriptures in and of themselves serve...... to discourse on violence than discourse on religion...

  20. Gender-based violence: a crucial challenge for public health.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Sanjel, S

    2013-01-01

    This article attempts to summarize the situations of gender-based violence, a major public health issue. Due to the unequal power relations between men and women, women are violated either in family, in the community or in the State. Gender-based violence takes different forms like physical, sexual or psychological/ emotional violence. The causes of gender-based violence are multidimensional including social, economic, cultural, political and religious. The literatures written in relation to the gender-based violence are accessed using electronic databases as PubMed, Medline and Google scholar, Google and other Internet Websites between 1994 and first quarter of 2013 using an internet search from the keywords such as gender-based violence, women violence, domestic violence, wife abuse, violence during pregnancy, women sexual abuse, political gender based violence, cultural gender-based violence, economical gender-based violence, child sexual abuse and special forms of gender-based violence in Nepal. As GBVs remain one of the most rigorous challenges of women's health and well-being, it is one of the indispensable issues of equity and social justice. To create a gender-based violence free environment, a lot works has to be done. Hence, it is suggested to provide assistance to the victims of violence developing the mechanism to support them.

  1. Violences and resistances from a Narrative Production with militants of postdictatorial Chile

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Roberto Fernández Droguett

    2015-12-01

    Full Text Available Political violence being a relevant issue of our recent past that is still present in Chilean society, from the approach of the Social Psychology of Memory in this paper we review and discuss some aspects of violence and resistance of the decade nineties in Chile and its relationship with the present. Dealing with this theme it is developed in terms of a Narrative Production made with subjects ascribed to the use of violence as a strategy of revolutionary political struggle during the dictatorship and transition to democracy. The review and analysis of some segments of the Narrative Production realizes the characteristics of the political violence of the period and the forms of resistance to such violence as soon as conceptions that individuals have on the subject and its manifestations today

  2. Using machine-coded event data for the micro-level study of political violence

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Jesse Hammond

    2014-07-01

    Full Text Available Machine-coded datasets likely represent the future of event data analysis. We assess the use of one of these datasets—Global Database of Events, Language and Tone (GDELT—for the micro-level study of political violence by comparing it to two hand-coded conflict event datasets. Our findings indicate that GDELT should be used with caution for geo-spatial analyses at the subnational level: its overall correlation with hand-coded data is mediocre, and at the local level major issues of geographic bias exist in how events are reported. Overall, our findings suggest that due to these issues, researchers studying local conflict processes may want to wait for a more reliable geocoding method before relying too heavily on this set of machine-coded data.

  3. Violence, Identity and (In)security

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Wilson, Fiona

    2009-01-01

    This article argues that the position of political violence in developing countries has changed in the post-Cold War period, from being seen (by some) as a legitimate response to dictatorship to become associated with criminality and delinquency on the one hand and terrorism on the other. This pr......This article argues that the position of political violence in developing countries has changed in the post-Cold War period, from being seen (by some) as a legitimate response to dictatorship to become associated with criminality and delinquency on the one hand and terrorism on the other...

  4. Relations between Political Violence and Child Adjustment: A Four-Wave Test of the Role of Emotional Insecurity about Community

    Science.gov (United States)

    Cummings, E. Mark; Taylor, Laura K.; Merrilees, Christine E.; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C.; Shirlow, Peter; Cairns, Ed

    2015-01-01

    This study further explored the impact of sectarian violence and children’s emotional insecurity about community on child maladjustment using a four-wave longitudinal design. The study included 999 mother-child dyads in Belfast, Northern Ireland (482 boys, 517 girls). Across the four-waves, child mean age was 12.19 (SD = 1.82), 13.24 (SD = 1.83), 13.61 (SD = 1.99), and 14.66 years (SD = 1.96), respectively. Building on previous studies of the role of emotional insecurity in child adjustment, the current study examines within-person change in emotional insecurity using latent growth curve analyses. The results showed that children’s trajectories of emotional insecurity about community were related to risk for developing conduct and emotion problems. These findings controlled for earlier adjustment problems, age and gender, and took into account the time-varying nature of experience with sectarian violence. Discussion considers the implications for children’s emotional insecurity about community for relations between political violence and children’s adjustment, including the significance of trajectories of emotional insecurity over time. PMID:23527495

  5. Political Violence in Latin America. A Cross-Case Comparison of the Urban Insurgency Campaigns of Montoneros, M-19, and FSLN in a Historical Perspective

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    le Blanc, J.H.C.

    2012-01-01

    The investigation reconstructs and examines the processes of escalation and de-escalation of political violence in internal conflicts in Latin America. The study analyses and compares the urban insurgent campaigns of the Argentinean Montoneros, the Colombian Movement 19 April (M-19) and the

  6. Urban Violence in Kenya's Transition to Pluralist Politics, 1982-1992 ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    Dans plusieurs parties de l'Afrique on note une escalade de la violence urbaine. Les études théoriques à ce sujet n'abordent principalement que les manifestations de violence dans les quartiers pauvres, et la criminalité urbaine avec ses actes de violence. Il y a un besoin urgent de focaliser l'attention sur les causes ...

  7. Critical thinking, politics on a large scale and media democracy

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    José Antonio IBÁÑEZ-MARTÍN

    2015-06-01

    Full Text Available The first approximation to the social current reality offers us numerous motives for the worry. The spectacle of violence and of immorality can scare us easily. But more worrying still it is to verify that the horizon of conviviality, peace and wellbeing that Europe had been developing from the Treaty of Rome of 1957 has compromised itself seriously for the economic crisis. Today we are before an assault to the democratic politics, which is qualified, on the part of the media democracy, as an exhausted system, which is required to be changed into a new and great politics, a politics on a large scale. The article analyses the concept of a politics on a large scale, primarily attending to Nietzsche, and noting its union with the great philosophy and the great education. The study of the texts of Nietzsche leads us to the conclusion of how in them we often find an interesting analysis of the problems and a misguided proposal for solutions. We cannot think to suggest solutions to all the problems, but we outline various proposals about changes of political activity, that reasonably are defended from the media democracy. In conclusion, we point out that a politics on a large scale requires statesmen, able to suggest modes of life in common that can structure a long-term coexistence.

  8. Non-Violence and Civilian Agency in Communal War : Evidence from Jos, Nigeria

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Krause, J.

    2017-01-01

    Communal violence is one of the deadliest forms of political violence in Nigeria. Research has yet to identify and explain the variation in spread and intensity of violence ‘within’ communal conflicts. This article analyses violence and non-violence in two almost contiguous neighbourhoods located in

  9. Violence Patterns in Peckinpah's The Wild Bunch (1969: Critical Reading

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Baker Bani-Khair

    2017-03-01

    Full Text Available This paper focuses on the issue of violence in Sam Peckinpah's The Wild Bunch (1969 through explaining some of the cultural and historical implications of violence in the 1960s such as Vietnam War, the Mexican war and also the explosion of the feminist movement and some other important social and political upheavals that shaped the cultural context of the 1960s in America. It also sheds light on Sam Peckinpah’s approach of violence screen and stylizing violence and the representations of violence as a tormenting and brutalizing reality that matches the spirit of the age in addition to the social, political, and colonial conflicts of the 1960s. Violence and the implications of violence in The Wild Bunch whether social , cultural, psychological, or humanistic have been discussed in brief in order to show the critical approach of the film as being a rich and didactic film to watch, especially in terms of its rich cultural and historical contexts.

  10. Impact of Political Environment on Business Performance of ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    DR Nneka

    stability and absence of violence while business performance was measured by the ... which influence the ability of economic entities in achieving their goal. ..... data on political instability and violence were correlated with data on profitability,.

  11. [Sex/Gender, Violence and Human Rights: Conceptual Perspectives for Approaching Gender-Based Violence against Women from the Health Sector].

    Science.gov (United States)

    Bello-Urrego, Alejandra Del Rocío

    2013-03-01

    Based upon the public health sector perspective, this article explores conceptual approaches to address the issue of gender violence against women. To consider the election of an analysis framework regarding the phenomenon of violence against women in the health sector, in the light of the political implications of becoming a woman in the midst of a specific social order. Expert review of scientific literature published on free-access data bases so as to identify the most commonly used interpretation frameworks with regard to the phenomenon of violence against women in order to explain its political implications according to a specific social order. Becoming woman implies participation in social aspects from an inequity stemming from structural power. This is the reason why violence against women can never be considered away from its roots. i.e., a society that assigns to women social roles that imply diminished possibilities of access to the use of power through a sex/gender system which is binary, hierarchic and exclusive. In public health areas, the selection of interpretation frameworks that do not take into account the structural origin of violence against women contribute to their invisibilization and even to perpetuate it, independently from the conscience of the researcher on the basis of the political burden arising from the use of such frameworks to the detriment of others, or the intention of objectivity regarding frameworks with a heavy political burden that contribute to the maintenance of a sex/gender binary, hierarchic and excluding structure. Copyright © 2013 Asociación Colombiana de Psiquiatría. Publicado por Elsevier España. All rights reserved.

  12. The Effects of Mediated Exposure to Ethnic-Political Violence on Middle East Youth’s Subsequent Post-Traumatic Stress Symptoms and Aggressive Behavior

    Science.gov (United States)

    Gvirsman, Shira Dvir; Huesmann, L. Rowell; Dubow, Eric F.; Landau, Simha F.; Shikaki, Khalil; Boxer, Paul

    2015-01-01

    This study introduces the concept of chronic (i.e., repeated and cumulative) mediated exposure to political violence and investigates its effects on aggressive behavior and post-traumatic stress (PTS) symptoms in young viewers. Embracing the risk-matrix approach, these effects are studied alongside other childhood risk factors that influence maladjustment. A longitudinal study was conducted on a sample of youth who experience the Israeli-Palestinian conflict firsthand (N = 1,207). As hypothesized, higher levels of chronic mediated exposure were longitudinally related to higher levels of PTS symptoms and aggression at peers independently of exposure to violence in other contexts. In the case of aggressive behavior, structural equation analysis (SEM) analyses suggest that, while it is likely there are causal effects in both directions, the bigger effect is probably for exposure to violence stimulating aggression than for aggression stimulating exposure to violence. Both the longitudinal effects on aggression and PTS symptoms were especially strong among youth who demonstrated initially higher levels of the same type of maladjustment. These results support the conceptualization of the relation between media violence and behaviors as “reciprocally determined” or “downward spirals” and highlight the contribution of the risk-matrix approach to the analysis of childhood maladjustment. PMID:26456988

  13. Unmasking: on violence, masculinity, and superheroes in science education

    Science.gov (United States)

    Broadway, Francis S.; Leafgren, Sheri L.

    2012-09-01

    Through exploration of public mask/private face, the authors trouble violence and its role in science education through three media: schools, masculinity, and science acknowledging a violence of hate, but dwelling on a violence of caring. In schools, there is the poisonous "for your own good" pedagogy that becomes a "for your own good" curriculum or a coercive curriculum for science teaching and learning; however, the antithetical curriculum of I'm here entails violence—the shedding of the public mask and the exposing of the private face. Violence, likewise, becomes social and political capital for masculinity that is a pubic mask for private face. Lastly, science, in its self-identified cultural, political and educational form of a superhero, creates permanent harm most often as palatable violence in order to save and to redeem not the private face, but the public mask. The authors conclude that they do not know what violence to say one should not do, but they know the much of the violence has been and is being committed. All for which we can hope is not that we cease all violence or better yet not hate, but that we violently love.

  14. The Relationship of Abortion and Violence Against Women: Violence Prevention Strategies and Research Needs.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Coyle, Catherine T; Shuping, Martha W; Speckhard, Anne; Brightup, Jennie E

    2015-01-01

    From the perspective of peace psychology, the role of abortion in acts of violence against women is explored, with a focus on violence-prevention strategies. Setting aside the political debate, this task force report takes the conflict-transformation approach of considering all perspectives that have concern for the right of women to avoid being victims of violence. The evidence that victims of Intimate Partner Violence are disproportionately represented in women presenting for abortion suggests a need for screening at clinics. Coerced abortion is a form of violence and has occurred by government policy in China and as a result of other violence against women: sex trafficking and war situations. Sex-selection abortion of female fetuses, referred to as "gendercide," has reached pandemic proportions and caused a gender imbalance in some countries. Psychology, through empirical research, can make unique contributions to understanding the relationship between abortion and violence and in developing prevention strategies.

  15. Social participation within a context of political violence: implications for the promotion and exercise of the right to health in Guatemala.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Flores, Walter; Ruano, Ana Lorena; Funchal, Denise Phe

    2009-01-01

    Social participation has been understood in many different ways, and there are even typologies classifying participation by the degree of a population's control in decision making. Participation can vary from a symbolic act, which does not involve decision making, to processes in which it constitutes the principal tool for redistributing power within a population. This article argues that analyzing social participation from a perspective of power relations requires knowledge of the historical, social, and economic processes that have characterized the social relations in a specific context. Applying such an analysis to Guatemala reveals asymmetrical power relations characterized by a long history of repression and political violence. The armed conflict during the second half of the 20th century had devastating consequences for a large portion of the population as well as the country's social leadership. The ongoing violence resulted in negative psychosocial effects among the population, including mistrust toward institutions and low levels of social and political participation. Although Guatemala made progress in creating spaces for social participation in public policy after signing the Peace Accords in 1996, the country still faces after-effects of the conflict. One important task for the organizations that work in the field of health and the right to health is to help regenerate the social fabric and to rebuild trust between the state and its citizens. Such regeneration involves helping the population gain the skills, knowledge, and information needed in order to participate in and affect formal political processes that are decided and promoted by various public entities, such as the legislative and executive branches, municipal governments, and political parties. This process also applies to other groups that build citizenship through participation, such as neighborhood organizations and school and health committees.

  16. Gender-Specific Election Violence: The Role of Information and Communication Technologies

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Gabrielle Bardall

    2013-11-01

    Full Text Available The rising influence of new information and communication technologies (ICTs has paralleled the rapid development of women’s political participation worldwide. For women entering political life or holding public positions, new ICTs are frequently used as tools of gender-specific electoral and political violence. There is evidence of ICTs being used to perpetrate a broad range of violent acts against women during elections, especially acts inflicting fear and psychological harm. Specific characteristics of ICTs are particularly adapted to misuse in this manner. Despite these significant challenges, ICTs also offer groundbreaking solutions for preventing and mitigating violence against women in elections (VAWE. Notably, ICTs combat VAWE through monitoring and documenting violence, via education and awareness-raising platforms and through empowerment and advocacy initiatives.

  17. [Injury mechanisms in extreme violence settings].

    Science.gov (United States)

    Arcaute-Velazquez, Fernando Federico; García-Núñez, Luis Manuel; Noyola-Vilallobos, Héctor Faustino; Espinoza-Mercado, Fernando; Rodríguez-Vega, Carlos Eynar

    2016-01-01

    Extreme violence events are consequence of current world-wide economic, political and social conditions. Injury patterns found among victims of extreme violence events are very complex, obeying several high-energy injury mechanisms. In this article, we present the basic concepts of trauma kinematics that regulate the clinical approach to victims of extreme violence events, in the hope that clinicians increase their theoretical armamentarium, and reflecting on obtaining better outcomes. Copyright © 2016. Published by Masson Doyma México S.A.

  18. Gender-based violence and the need for evidence-based primary ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    Gender-based violence is a significant problem globally and in South Africa. The public and political discourse has been dominated by calls for increased penalties and convictions for perpetrators of various types of gender-based violence. However, these responses are unlikely to prevent such violence from occurring in ...

  19. Violence, Oppression, and Double Standards in Three Colombian Films

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Melissa R. Meade

    2011-08-01

    Full Text Available This article compares three Colombian films that tell distinct stories of violence, personal and political oppression, and double standards. The films Confesión a Laura (Confessing to Laura, Jaime Osorio, 1991, La Primera Noche (The First Night, Luis Alberto Restrepo, 2003 and El Rey (The King, José Antonio Dorado, 2004 each highlight the characters’ struggles in the Colombian socio-political landscape. Each  film’s content and themes do not merely offer representations of national culture, but also provide a way in which to discuss the political and social struggles of Colombia. The directors explore these stories of violence and socio-political struggle through the use of mis-en-scène, cinematography, sound, and editing.

  20. Electoral Institutions and Electoral Violence in Sub-Saharan Africa

    OpenAIRE

    Fjelde, Hanne; Höglund, Kristine

    2016-01-01

    Political violence remains a pervasive feature of electoral dynamics in many countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, even where multiparty elections have become the dominant mode of regulating access to political power. With cross-national data on electoral violence in Sub-Saharan African elections between 1990 and 2010, this article develops and tests a theory that links the use of violent electoral tactics to the high stakes put in place by majoritarian electoral institutions. It is found that ele...

  1. Electoral Violence and Democratization Process in Nigeria: A Reference of 2011 and 2015 General Elections

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Lawrence I. EDET

    2015-09-01

    Full Text Available The general account of Nigeria’s post-independence electoral processes has always been characterized by violence. Nigeria’s 2015 general elections marked the fifth multi-party elections in the country and the second handover of civilian administrations since the inception of the Fourth Republic democratic experiment in 1999. This account cannot be analyzed without issues of electoral violence. Electoral violence had been a permanent feature of Nigeria’s democratic process, except 2015 general elections where the international observers described as a “significant improvement” over the previous elections in terms of violence related cases. Electoral related violence in the country particularly in 2011 got to an unprecedented dimension resulting in destruction of lives and property worth millions of naira. This paper expatiates on electoral violence and its general implications on the democratization process in the country, with major emphasis on the 2011 and 2015 general elections. The paper argued that the high incidence of pre and post electoral violence in the country within the periods has to do with the way Nigerian politicians regard politics, weak political institutions and weak electoral management body as well as bias nature of the security agencies, etc. However, the paper examined the general implications of electoral violence on democratization process and how the country can handle the electoral process to avoid threats associated with the electoral violence. Archival analysis, which widely extracted data from newspapers, journals, workshop papers, books, as well as publications of non-governmental organizations was adopted for the study. The major significance of this study is to expose the negative implications associated with electoral violence and how it can be curbed. The position canvassed in this paper will serve as a useful political literature for political leaders, policy makers and the general reading public who

  2. Growing Up Amid Ethno-political Conflict: Aggression and Emotional Desensitization Promote Hostility to Ethnic Out-groups

    Science.gov (United States)

    Niwa, Erika Y.; Boxer, Paul; Dubow, Eric; Huesmann, L. Rowell; Shikaki, Khalil; Landau, Simha; Gvirsman, Shira Dvir

    2016-01-01

    Ethno-political violence impacts thousands of youth and is associated with numerous negative outcomes. Yet little research examines adaptation to ethno-political violence over time or across multiple outcomes simultaneously. The present study examines longitudinal patterns of aggressive behavior and emotional distress as they co-occur among Palestinian (n=600) youth exposed to ethno-political violence over 3 years in 3 age cohorts (starting ages: 8, 11, 14). Findings indicate distinct profiles of aggressive behavior and emotional distress, and unique joint patterns. Further, youth among key joint profiles (e.g., high aggression-emotional desensitization) are more likely to endorse normative beliefs about aggression toward ethnic out-groups. This study offers a dynamic perspective on emotional and behavioral adaptation to ethno-political violence and the implications of those processes. PMID:27684400

  3. Degendering (sexual) violence in intimate relationships

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Bertelsen, Eva; Østerby Sørensen, William; Jensen, Mathilde Worch

    2018-01-01

    Even though Denmark in many respects shows some of the most gender equality rates in the world, the rates of physical and/or sexual violence against women in Denmark are among the highest in Europe. In this article we seek to describe state responses to these figures. We do so by investigating...... the symbolic representations of sexual violence in intimate relationships, framing contemporary political/societal developments of the Danish field of welfare work addressing violence in intimate relationships as well as the dominating knowledge production substantiating these. Theoretically, Slavoj Zizek...... and his concept objective violence inform the paper, in order to analyze authoritative representations of ‘sexual violence in intimate relationships’ in three areas: Danish legislation and legal practices, Danish research on sexual violence, and policy-papers. Thus the Danish Criminal Code, selected...

  4. Corpses and Capital: Narratives of Gendered Violence in Two Costa Rican Novels

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Laura Barbas Rhoden

    2008-01-01

    Full Text Available In a region prone to violence and political corruption, Costa Rica has been touted as an ecological paradise, a stable democracy, and an egalitarian society. However, Costa Rican fiction from the late twentieth century contests this idyllic image and presents instead a world of intrigue, violence, and criminality. El año del laberinto (2000 by Tatiana Lobo and Cruz de olvido (1999 by Carlos Cortés are two novels that serve as an excellent introduction to developments in postwar fiction and scholarship from Central America. In my analysis, I first situate the novels in the context of Central American cultural and political developments in recent decades and then consider the linking of narrative, gender, and violence in the novels. My study centers on the authors' use of crime to challenge national myths and to deconstruct narratives that have been instrumental in constructing cherished national identities. Of particular importance is the depiction of gendered bodies and the violence practiced upon them, as well as the politics surrounding bodies and violence in national narratives and in the authors' contemporary stories.

  5. Understanding sexual and reproductive violence: an overview.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Barzelatto, J

    1998-12-01

    International agreements recognizing different forms of violence as violations of human rights and the definition provided by the 1993 UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women are taken as a starting point and its implications analyzed, emphasizing gender roles and stereotypes. Violence against women is related to violence in general, to the so-called culture of violence. Factors influencing a culture of violence are discussed, as well as the differences between public and private violence, emphasizing the need to understand their interaction to be effective in preventing violence against women. It is concluded that all violence stems from unbalanced exercise of power, creating injustice and lack of real democratic interaction. When left unchallenged such situations become part of the culture of individuals and societies, reinforcing the use of violence to solve conflicts. Hence, preventing violence against women requires cultural, social, economic, and political changes that are only possible by mobilizing society as a whole.

  6. Physical and emotional abuse in romantic relationships: motivation for perpetration among college women.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Leisring, Penny A

    2013-05-01

    Intimate partner violence is extremely common in college samples. To inform prevention and intervention efforts, understanding the motivation for engaging in partner aggression is critically important. The predominant view in the domestic violence field has been that women's use of intimate partner violence occurs in the context of self-defense. However, there has been a dearth of solid evidence to support this claim. The present study explored the motivations for the perpetration of minor and severe physical aggression and for three types of emotional abuse (restrictive engulfment, denigration, and dominance/intimidation) among college women. A detailed definition of self-defense was used and motivations for women who were sole perpetrators of physical violence as well as motivations for women who had been aggressed against in their romantic relationships were examined. Anger, retaliation for emotional hurt, to get partner's attention, jealousy, and stress were all common reasons for perpetrating partner violence among college women. Few women indicated that self-defense was a motive for their abusive behavior. The results suggest that prevention and intervention efforts to reduce partner violence perpetration by women should include anger and stress management.

  7. Violence Against Women and Girls : Introduction

    OpenAIRE

    Gennari, Floriza; McCleary-Sills, Jennifer; Hidalgo, Nidia

    2014-01-01

    Violence against women and girls (VAWG) is one of the most oppressive forms of gender inequality and stands as a fundamental barrier to equal participation of women and men in social, economic, and political spheres. Such violence impedes gender equality and the achievement of a range of development outcomes. VAWG is a complex and multifaceted problem that cannot effectively be addressed f...

  8. Violence and Violence Research in Africa South of the Sahara

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Suren Pillay

    2011-07-01

    Full Text Available

    This review presents the major lines of investigation regarding violence in Africa since the Cold War. After a historical introduction to the development of violent phenomena and their political contexts, diverse issues such as civil war, democratization, vigilantism, and the role of youth are assessed. It is argued that recent research has produced important insights by re-focusing on violent phenomena beyond the state. Yet despite the increasing number of non-state violent actors active on the African continent, to speak of a “privatization” of violence may be premature.

  9. Losing out on Both Counts: Disabled Women and Domestic Violence

    Science.gov (United States)

    Thiara, Ravi K.; Hague, Gill; Mullender, Audrey

    2011-01-01

    The links between disability and domestic violence have been under-examined to date, leading to the marginalisation of disabled women affected by domestic violence in theory, politics, and practice. This paper draws on the findings from the first national study in the United Kingdom of the needs of disabled women experiencing domestic violence and…

  10. National Integration, Citizenship, Political Participation

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    USER

    attainment of a successful democratization process and national stability. ... insecurity, sectarian violence, ethnic strifes, political instability and threats of .... of nation-states out of disparate socio-economic, religious, ethnic and geographical.

  11. Egyptian Film: Gender and Class Violence Three Cycles.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Al-Obaidi, Jabbar A.

    2000-01-01

    Examines the level of physical and verbal violence by gender and social class in Egyptian films in three cycles: romantic musicals and melodramas; war and political genres; and drug and gangster films. Concludes that the outrageous level of violence does not accurately reflect the real society. (Contains 20 references.) (LRW)

  12. Structural Violence: Moving beyond ethnicity towards and understanding of electoral violence in kenya

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Owiso, Michael Omondi

    2018-01-01

    Ethnicity has come to be widely used as an explanation to electoral violence in Kenya. Research on electoral violence has been limited to electoral related violence in relation to the manipulation of the multi-ethnic composition of the country by the political elite. In light of this, this study......, but at the same time expose the disconnect in electoral violence studies. The study is based on desk research and digs into books, journals, memoirs, newspapers and official government documents to unearth the underlying structure of Kenya (the actors, institutions, cultural hegemony, history and ideologies...... wishes to move beyond this otherwise simplistic view of electoral conflict in Kenya and relate these occurrences to the wider problem that the country faces. Taking a structural view, this contribution seeks to join other studies that have emphasized the structural causes of conflict in Kenya...

  13. DOMESTIC VIOLENCE: WHO’S PROBLEM?

    OpenAIRE

    Krizsan, Andrea; Paantjens, Marjolein

    2016-01-01

    This article juxtaposes shifts in prevailing frames on domestic violence in the Netherlands, Hungary and the EU. Domestic violence, first brought on the political agenda by women’s rights proponents as a problem related to gender inequalities, has been framed and re-framed under the influence of mainstream policy makers. The analysis of these frames shows how shifts in the gender of governance, particularly the marginalization of feminist NGO voices, have led to shifts in the governance of ge...

  14. Street children and political violence: a socio-demographic analysis of street children in Rwanda.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Veale, Angela; Donà, Giorgia

    2003-03-01

    The aims were: (1) to examine the profile of African street children and to assess the link between street children in Africa and political violence; (2) to undertake a systematic examination of causal factors of street children in postgenocide Rwanda; and (3) to situate this analysis in the context of the socio-cultural and political impact of the genocide on Rwandan communities. Observational mapping examined the profile and activities of Rwandan street children. Structured interviews were carried out with 290 children in four regional towns to obtain information on socio-demographic, familial, educational background, causal factors surrounding street life involvement, psychological well-being, and relationship to the street. Focus group discussions and key informant interviews examined the relationship between street children and the broader Rwandan society. Street children in Rwanda were predominantly adolescent boys, almost half of whom were homeless (42%), with a high proportion of orphaned children or children who had lost at least one parent. Two variables predicted homelessness: child's guardian and reason for being in street. Qualitative accounts of children conveyed the impact of death of family members, repatriation, imprisonment of parents, and poverty on their lives. The analysis highlighted the need for community based support for children in alternative guardianship care and for policies to support the reintegration of male youths in postconflict welfare strategies as prevention strategies for street migration.

  15. Economic Liberalization and Political Violence

    International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

    The liberal promise has permeated international discourses and practices. In the ... Actually, many of the core principles of neoliberalism were specifically conceived of as ...... Di John, J. (2006) “The Political Economy of Taxation and Tax Reform in ...... Malaysia. Ireland. Guatemala. New Zealand. Italy. Honduras. Philippines.

  16. Psychopathic predators? Getting specific about the relation between psychopathy and violence

    Science.gov (United States)

    Camp, Jacqueline P.; Skeem, Jennifer L.; Barchard, Kimberly; Lilienfeld, Scott O.; Poythress, Norman G.

    2014-01-01

    Objective The Psychopathy Checklist-Revised (PCL-R; Hare, 1991, 2003) is often used to assess risk of violence, perhaps based on the assumption that it captures emotionally detached individuals who are driven to prey upon others. This study is designed to assess the relation between (a) core interpersonal and affective traits of psychopathy and impulsive antisociality on the one hand, and (b) the risk of future violence, and patterns of motivation for past violence, on the other. Method A research team reliably assessed a sample of 158 male offenders for psychopathy, using both the interview-based PCL-R and the self-report Psychopathic Personality Inventory (PPI: Lilienfeld & Andrews, 1996). Then, a second, independent research team assessed offenders' lifetime patterns of violence and its motivation. After these baseline assessments, offenders were followed in prison and/or the community for up to one year to assess their involvement in three different forms of violence. Baseline and follow-up assessments included both interviews and reviews of official records. Results First, the PPI manifested incremental validity in predicting future violence over the PCL-R (but not vice versa) – and most of its predictive power derived solely from impulsive antisociality. Second, impulsive antisociality – not interpersonal and affective traits specific to psychopathy – were uniquely associated with instrumental lifetime patterns of past violence. The latter psychopathic traits are narrowly associated with deficits in motivation for violence (e.g., lack of fear; lack of provocation). Conclusion These findings and their consistency with some past research advise against broad generalizations about the relation between psychopathy and violence. PMID:23316742

  17. Size, skills, and suffrage: Motivated distortions in perceived formidability of political leaders.

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Jill E P Knapen

    Full Text Available Research shows that perception of physical size and status are positively associated. The current study was developed to replicate and extend earlier research on height perceptions of political leaders, indicating that supporters perceive their leaders as taller than non-supporters do, and winners are perceived as taller after the elections, while losers are perceived as shorter after the elections (winner/loser effects. Individuals use greater height and strength as indications of greater physical formidability. We hypothesized that in-group leaders' height and strength, but not weight, would be overestimated more compared to out-group leaders', and that this status-size association is not only driven by dominance, but also by prestige. We also tested whether previously found gender effects in estimates were due to using one's own height as an anchor, and we used an improved methodological approach by relying on multiple measurements of physical formidability and a within-subject design for testing winner/loser effects. The results of a two-part longitudinal study (self-selected sample via voting advice website; NWave1 = 2,011; NWave2 = 322 suggest that estimated physical formidability of political leaders is affected by motivated perception, as prestige was positively associated with estimated formidability, and in-group leaders were estimated more formidable than out-group leaders. We conclude that distortions in judged formidability related to social status are the result of motivated social perception in order to promote group functioning and leadership. Although we did not replicate a winner-effect (greater estimations of formidability after winning the elections, we did find some evidence for a loser-effect. Earlier suggestions that men make larger estimations than women because of their own larger body size are not supported. Implications for theory and future research are discussed.

  18. Crimillegal Orders: Revisiting Organized Crime’s Political Power

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Markus Schultze-Kraft

    2016-05-01

    Full Text Available Despite its relevance to understanding political change and instability in many parts of the global South, the relationship between organized crime and political order remains understudied. This article introduces the novel concept of “crimillegality” to address this issue. Taking recourse to the conceptions of political order put forward by Weber, Fukuyama and North, Wallis and Weingast, I explain how regular patterns of social exchange and interaction - involving public and private, and state and non-state actors - that span an assumed divide between the realms of legality (“legitimate upper world” and criminality (“illegitimate underworld” influence the character, shape and evolution of political order. I suggest that it is in crimillegal orders that organized criminality acquires political power to its fullest and that oligopolies of coercion and violence are constitutive elements of such orders. The article concludes by presenting some ideas about how the concept of crimillegality could be usefully adopted in the fields of peace building and the mitigation of non-armed conflict violence in Latin America and other parts of the contemporary world.

  19. Motivated Reasoning and Political Parties: Evidence for Increased Processing in the Face of Party Cues

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Petersen, Michael Bang; Skov, Martin; Serritzlew, Søren

    2013-01-01

    . As part of the latter processes, the presence of party cues would make individuals engage in effortful motivated reasoning to produce arguments for the correctness of their party’s position. Following psychological research, we use response latency to measure processing effort and, in support......Extant research in political science has demonstrated that citizens’ opinions on policies are influenced by their attachment to the party sponsoring them. At the same time, little evidence exists illuminating the psychological processes through which such party cues are filtered. From...... the psychological literature on source cues, we derive two possible hypotheses: (1) party cues activate heuristic processing aimed at minimizing the processing effort during opinion formation, and (2) party cues activate group motivational processes that compel citizens to support the position of their party...

  20. The Contribution of Family Communication Patterns to Children's Interpretations of Television Violence.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Krcmar, Marina

    1998-01-01

    A study of 191 K-6 children who viewed three violent TV clips showing identical acts of aggression but with different motivations and punishments found that children rated higher in communications were more likely to see motivated violence as more justified, while children higher in control were likely to see punished violence as less justified.…

  1. Violence on canadian television networks.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Paquette, Guy

    2004-02-01

    Over the past twenty years, the question of the effects of violence on television has figured prominently in public opinion and hundreds of studies have been devoted to this subject. Many researchers have determined that violence has a negative impact on behavior. The public, broadcasters and political figures all support the idea of reducing the total amount of violence on television - in particular in shows for children. A thousand programs aired between 1993 and 2001 on major non-specialty television networks in Canada were analyzed: TVA, TQS, as well as CTV and Global, private French and English networks, as well as the English CBC Radio and French Radio-Canada for the public networks. The methodology consists of a classic analysis of content where an act of violence constitutes a unit of analysis. The data collected revealed that the amount of violence has increased regularly since 1993 despite the stated willingness on the part of broadcasters to produce programs with less violence. The total number of violent acts, as well as the number of violent acts per hour, is increasing. Private networks deliver three times more violence than public networks. Researchers have also noted that a high proportion of violence occurs in programs airing before 21:00 hours, thereby exposing a large number of children to this violence. Psychological violence is taking on a more significant role in Canadian Television.

  2. Political change, rape, and pornography in post-apartheid South Africa.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Maitse, T

    1998-11-01

    Women in post-apartheid South Africa face greater constitutional privileges than ever before; however, political change has been accompanied by an acceleration of direct and indirect violence against women. The legalization (on the grounds of the right to freedom of expression) of pornography represents an incitement to such violence. Moreover, political and social changes associated with the change to a new regime have exacerbated some men's sense of insecurity. Rape and violence, fueled by pornography, represent a means for men to re-establish personal control. Although South Africa passed a Domestic Violence Bill in 1998, the links between violence and pornography have not been discussed. There has been a failure to recognize that pornography degrades and disempowers women in the home, workplace, and broader society. Like prostitution, pornography contributes to the creation of an image of women as objects--a view that facilitates rape and domestic violence. The pornography industry both creates and feeds on men's need to control women. The contradiction between the Bill of Right's Freedom of Speech clause that permits pornography and commitments made in other sections of the document to gender equality must be addressed.

  3. Critical Routes: Women Facing Violence

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Stela Nazareth Meneghel

    2008-11-01

    Full Text Available This paper presents the Critical Routes International Seminar – Women Facing Violence , which took place in Porto Alegre in 2008. The seminar was promoted by the Graduate Program on Collective Health at Unisinos and by the Public Health School/RS and was supported by outstanding researchers working in the fields of collective health, and social and human sciences. Initially, we discuss some conceptual aspects about gender violence, its dimensions and its consequences for the health and the life quality of the affected women. Our understanding is that violence is one of the most effective methods of controlling women in societies scarred with gender hierarchies. The structure of the seminar focused on three main discussion themes: breaking up with the violence, mechanisms for working with gender and hearing the services. These themes were chosen aiming at looking for ways to help the women and to explore efficient mechanisms to combat, reduce and, if possible, eliminate the violence perpetrated against women. At the end of the seminar, we reiterate the political commitment on the accomplishment of the public policies to face violence and the fight against all inequality, discrimination and violence forms based on gender.

  4. Improving community mental health services for people affected by political violence in Ayacucho, Perú.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Rivera-Holguin, Miryam; Velazquez, Tesania; Custodio, Elba; Corveleyn, Jozef

    2018-01-01

    This study describes a model to intervene in communities affected by the political violence impacting the Ayacucho region of Peru since 1980s. Many community members still experience psychosocial consequences to this day due primarily to grief. Thirty-eight professionals from different sectors in the area received specialized training and implemented five community projects that were accompanied and monitored in the field by a team of community psychologists. This article is grounded on the principles of participation, building community capacity, and community strengthening. We present the analysis of five community action plans implemented over a period of 14 months. The results show a process of internal strengthening of community services and the identification of new social and community resources among the people involved in the action plans. The implications of capacity building for improving community mental health are discussed.

  5. Beyond Criminal Justice: Toward a New Paradigm for Political ...

    International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

    Beyond Criminal Justice: Toward a New Paradigm for Political Settlement in Africa. Mass violence in contemporary Africa typically occurs in cycles. Months or years after one wave of violence is brought to an end, another wave overtakes it. Peace agreements are swept away and yesterday's victims emerge as today's ...

  6. Art therapy and mindfulness with survivors of political violence: A qualitative study.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Kalmanowitz, Debra L; Ho, Rainbow T H

    2017-08-01

    This study's objective was to understand how art therapy and mindfulness meditation could be integrated together in the context of different cultures and political violence and in work with asylum seekers suffering from trauma. We conducted a qualitative phenomenological study based on the social construction paradigm. Twelve participants took part in 4 intensive full-day art therapy and mindfulness workshops. The study's setting was an art therapy and mindfulness studio ( Inhabited Studio ) in Hong Kong where participants engaged in art making and in mindfulness-meditation practice. Different aspects of the Inhabited Studio appealed to participants based on each individual's worldview, culture, religion, and coping style. Responses to the Inhabited Studio were organized into 7 thematic clusters. Five themes were categorized into 2 broad categories composed of personal elements (memory, identity) and mediating aspects (emotional/self-regulation, communication, and imagination). The final 2, resilience and worldview, spanned both areas. Participants found the Inhabited Studio culturally compatible and some of the skills they learned helpful in times of stress. This points to how this combination can contribute to building resilience. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved).

  7. Aggression, anger and violence in South Africa

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    M.J. Masango

    2004-12-01

    Full Text Available This article traces the roots of aggression, anger and violence in South Africa and the rest of the world. The paper is divided into four parts: Aggression, Anger, Catharsis and Violence. As a result of violence against other human beings, especially women and children, a profound respect for human dignity has been lost. People have become extremely aggressive. The last few decades have created a culture of violence because of the suppression or oppression of feelings. The article argues that frustration yields anger that leads to violent acts. The root cause of violence is frustration, which finally (if not attended to produces anger, anxiety, conflict and the eruption of violence. Suicide bombers in Palestine and other parts of the world demonstrate this type of aggression, anger and violence. Anger, on the one hand, is a good defense mechanism. It helps people cope with frustration. Violence, on the other hand, is used as a means of dominance, especially against women and children. In a political situation it is used as a means of changing social structures.

  8. The Politics of Purchasing: Ethical Consumerism, Civic Engagement, and Political Participation in the United States

    OpenAIRE

    Katz, Meredith Ann

    2011-01-01

    Although the United States is the worldâ s leading consumer nation, limited empirical research exists on the relationship between consumer choices and political participation. This study provides the first quantitative analysis of the demographic characteristics, motivations, and political activities of political and ethical consumers in the United States. Ethical consumers are broadly defined as socially responsible consumers including the subset of political consumers. Political consumers,...

  9. Analytical Study of Self-Motivations among a Southwest Public University Nonpolitical Science Major Students in Required Political Science Courses

    Science.gov (United States)

    Gasim, Gamal; Stevens, Tara; Zebidi, Amira

    2012-01-01

    All undergraduate students are required by state law to take six credited hours in political science. This study will help us identify if differences exist in self-determination among students enrolled in American Public Policy and American Government at a large, Southwestern public university. Because some types of motivation are associated with…

  10. Defining Political Marketing

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Ormrod, Robert P.

    ’ and ‘narrow’ interpretations of political marketing, the nature of the political marketing exchange, political relationship marketing and how one can integrate the stakeholder concept into an understanding of political marketing. Finally, we propose a definition of political marketing that differs from......The aim of this working paper is to develop a definition of political marketing that builds on the political rather than commercial marketing literature. This aim is motivated by the need to make explicit our understanding of what political marketing is, a necessary exercise when discussing theory......, concepts and empirical methods in political marketing. We first present five existing definitions of political marketing that have been selected to represent advances in research from the origins of academic research into political marketing in the mid-1970’s to the present day. After this we discuss ‘wide...

  11. Combating Political Police: An Overview of National Action’s Counterintelligence Program, 1982–1990

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Troy Whitford

    2013-06-01

    Full Text Available During the mid to late 1980s the radical nationalist group National Action was targeted by domestic intelligence agencies. Known as “Operation Odessa” it was part of Australian Security Intelligence Organisation’s (ASIO program to combat what it saw as a rise in politically motivated violence. ASIO and state police Special Branch officers placed the group under surveillance and sent agents to disrupt meetings and recruit informants. Concurrently, National Action had developed its own counterintelligence program structuring the group in an effort to preserve secrecy, educating its membership in situational awareness and designating a senior member as an intelligence officer. Ultimately National Action counterintelligence program was unable to match the highly resourced government agencies and internal discipline issues meant the group was eventually disbanded. However, National Action’s effort to develop a counterintelligence program provides some examples of what low resourced Issue Motivated Groups are capable of achieving.

  12. Dyadic violence and readiness to change among male intimate partner violence offenders.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Crane, Cory A; Schlauch, Robert C; Eckhardt, Christopher I

    2015-12-10

    Although readiness to change is associated with mandated partner violence treatment compliance and subsequent violent behaviour among male offenders (e.g. Scott and Wolfe, 2003; Eckhardt et al., 2004), our understanding of the factors associated with pretreatment change remains limited. Offender research indicates that individual and dyadic violent behaviour are highly variable and that such variability may provide insight into levels of pretreatment change (Holtzworth-Munroe and Stuart, 1994; Archer, 2002). We sought to examine the associations between indicators of change and individual as well as dyadic violence frequency in a sample of male partner violence offenders. To determine whether severity and perceived concordance in the use of violence among male offenders and their female partners influenced readiness to change at pretreatment, 82 recently adjudicated male perpetrators of intimate partner violence were recruited into the current study and administered measures of readiness to change violent behaviour (Revised Safe at Home Scale; Begun et al., 2008) as well as partner violence experiences (Revised Conflict Tactics Scale; Straus et al., 1996). Analyses revealed an interaction between offender-reported male and female violence in the prediction of pretreatment readiness to change such that greater male violence was associated with greater readiness to change among males who reported that their female partners perpetrated low, but not high, levels of violence. Consistently, greater female violence was associated with lower readiness to change only among the most violent male offenders. Results provide support for the assertion that the most violent offenders may be the most resistant to partner violence intervention efforts, particularly when they perceive themselves to be victims as well. Enhanced motivational and couples programming may facilitate treatment engagement among the high-risk group of male offenders who report concordant relationship

  13. Subverting Justice: Socio-Legal Determinants of Impunity for Violence against Women in Guatemala

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Cecilia Menjívar

    2016-07-01

    Full Text Available High levels of violence against women and impunity in Guatemala have reached crisis proportions and have received increased international attention in recent years. The phenomenon of feminicide (e.g., killings of women in the context of state impunity, is widespread in Latin America and particularly acute in Guatemala. Many (if not the majority are rooted in violence that becomes concentrated in the family. In this paper, we propose that both the structure and application of the laws in Guatemala contribute to widespread impunity. Police and judges use laws other than those created to address violence against women in order to justify lack of enforcement. For example, judges resist issuing restraining orders, and police refuse to apply them because this can violate perpetrators’ property rights. Judges also refuse to apply domestic violence laws because this violates the principle of equality under the law. Women refuse to use the legal system to seek justice because alimony laws will not be enforced and women are economically dependent. The discriminatory fashion in which these laws are applied leads to widespread impunity. Even though laws on the books could be applied otherwise, those who implement them privilege laws that conflict with violence against women laws. While much scholarship focuses on individual-level motives for violence, we instead analyze the socio-legal environment and existing legal codes that enable continued failure to respond adequately to violence against women. The legal framework and the legal code itself are deeply shaped by the context in which they are written—the structural, gender, symbolic, everyday and long arm of political violence that permeate all aspects of life in Guatemala and exacerbate women’s vulnerability, especially the poor. We argue that this broader legal context endangers the lives of women in Guatemala. We also extend the socio-legal scholarship to highlight failures for victim

  14. Terrorism and Political Parties

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Bourne, Angela

    In the paper I address the empirical puzzle arising from different responses by political authorities in Spain and the UK to the existence of political parties integrated in the terrorist groups Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Basque Homeland and Freedom) and the Irish Republican Army (IRA). More...... for realization of free speech rights and representation is also emphasized, and where proscription is seen as inimical to resolution of conflict underpinning violence. In the context of party competition, a winning coalition is required for one discourse to predominate. However, I also argued that both ideas...

  15. Defining gratuitous violence

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    special report on South Africa, released to coincide with the opening of ... difficult to answer questions about whether or not violence in South ... forward attempts to answer this question, partly because ... be due to the fact that this causes 'losses of self- esteem' .... cases other factors shape the motivations of the perpetrator ...

  16. Violence against women.

    Science.gov (United States)

    1995-04-01

    Domestic violence constitutes historical behavior in accord with patriarchal systems. Family and domestic violence includes female infanticide, higher female mortality, female genital mutilation, bride burning, rape, wife battering, and early marriage. These practices are commonly integrated into values and beliefs. Women accept domestic violence in violation of their basic human rights due to social prejudice and low self esteem. Mothers who perpetuate female genital mutilation believe that they are acting in the best interests of the child by adhering to centuries-long traditions. Women who allow female infanticide or female abortion are motivated to do so in order to maintain the security of their marriage. Women are in unequal power relationships and submit to their own detriment. Negative attitudes against women are perpetuated through incorrect interpretations of religious principles and myths. Economic self-reliance gives women the courage to stand up against domestic violence. Empowerment through education and appropriate and protective legislation also gives women the means to fight violence. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) at the national, regional, and international levels are active in creating awareness of domestic violence and influencing policy change. The NGO Working Group on Traditional Practices and the Inter-African Committee have a 10-year history of fighting against practices such as female genital mutilation. In order to bring about change, there must be cooperative and joint action among governmental and inter-governmental groups and NGOs.

  17. Theorizing Violence in Mongolia (book review

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Johan Elverskog

    2015-09-01

    Full Text Available Franck Billé, Sinophobia: Anxiety, Violence, and the Making of Mongolian Identity. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2014. 272 pp. $57 (cloth. Christopher Kaplonski, The Lama Question: Violence, Sovereignty, and Exception in Early Socialist Mongolia. Honolulu: Univeristy of Hawai'i Press., 2014 280 pp. $54 (cloth. In early 2015 an intellectual kerfuffle erupted about the state of violence in our contemporary world. On one side of this debate were scholars like Steven Pinker (2012 and Richard Bessel (2015, who argue that things are getting better; namely, the amount of violence today is at historical lows. This is an argument that others, such as John Gray and Nassim Nicholas Taleb, find preposterous. Whatever the case may be, it is certainly true that violence still exists in today’s world and that many scholars are trying to explain it. Indeed, understanding such violence is the driving force behind the excellent books under review here—two works that not only bring Mongolia into these larger intellectual debates but do so through an engagement with two distinct theoretical approaches to the question of violence: Giorgio Agamben’s political philosophy and Lacanian psychoanalysis...

  18. Climate Change and Civil Violence

    Science.gov (United States)

    van der Vink, G.; Plancherel, Y.; Hennet, C.; Jones, K. D.; Abdullah, A.; Bradshaw, J.; Dee, S.; Deprez, A.; Pasenello, M.; Plaza-Jennings, E.; Roseman, D.; Sopher, P.; Sung, E.

    2009-05-01

    The manifestations of climate change can result in humanitarian impacts that reverse progress in poverty- reduction, create shortages of food and resources, lead to migration, and ultimately result in civil violence and conflict. Within the continent of Africa, we have found that environmentally-related variables are either the cause or the confounding factor for over 80% of the civil violence events during the last 10 years. Using predictive climate models and land-use data, we are able to identify populations in Africa that are likely to experience the most severe climate-related shocks. Through geospatial analysis, we are able to overlay these areas of high risk with assessments of both the local population's resiliency and the region's capacity to respond to climate shocks should they occur. The net result of the analysis is the identification of locations that are becoming particularly vulnerable to future civil violence events (vulnerability hotspots) as a result of the manifestations of climate change. For each population group, over 600 social, economic, political, and environmental indicators are integrated statistically to measures the vulnerability of African populations to environmental change. The indicator time-series are filtered for data availability and redundancy, broadly ordered into four categories (social, political, economic and environmental), standardized and normalized. Within each category, the dominant modes of variability are isolated by principal component analysis and the loadings of each component for each variable are used to devise composite index scores. Comparisons of past vulnerability with known environmentally-related conflicts demonstrates the role that such vulnerability hotspot maps can play in evaluating both the potential for, and the significance of, environmentally-related civil violence events. Furthermore, the analysis reveals the major variables that are responsible for the population's vulnerability and therefore

  19. Atoning for Colonial Injustices: Group-Based Shame and Guilt Motivate Support for Reparation

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Winnifred R. Louis

    2010-05-01

    Full Text Available An investigation of the role of group-based shame and guilt in motivating citizens of ex-colonial countries to support restitution to former colonized groups which were the target of violence and oppression. Study 1 (N = 125 was conducted in Australia during the lead-up to the first official government apology to Aboriginal Australians. Among white Australians, guilt and shame were associated with attitudinal support for intergroup apology and victim compensation. However, only shame was associated with actual political behaviour (signing a petition in support of the apology. Study 2 (N = 181, conducted in Britain, focussed on Britain's violent mistreatment of the Kenyan population during decolonization. It tested a hypothesis that there are two forms of shame-essence shame and image shame-and demonstrated that image shame was associated with support for apology, whereas essence shame was associated with support for more substantial material and financial compensation. The findings are discussed in light of promoting restitution and reconciliation within nations with histories of colonial violence.

  20. Violence resistance in Xinjiang (China: tracking militancy, ethnic riots and “knife-wielding” terrorist (1978-2012

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Pablo Adriano Rodríguez

    2013-02-01

    Full Text Available Este artículo aborda la evolución de la resistencia violenta al régimen chino en la Región Autónoma Uigur de Xinjiang mediante una revisión y análisis de la naturaleza de los principales episodios violentos, en su mayoría con connotaciones separatistas, que han tenido lugar allí desde el comienzo de la era de reforma y apertura chinas (1978-2012. En este sentido, sostiene que la resistencia violenta, no necesariamente con motivaciones político-separatistas, ha estado presente en Xinjiang en la forma de insurgencia de baja escala, revueltas étnicas y terrorismo, y probablemente continúe en el futuro teniendo en cuenta las fricciones existentes entre la minoría étnica Uigur y las políticas llevadas a cabo por el gobierno chino.Palabras Clave: China, Xinjiang, Uyghur, violencia politica, separatismo, terrorismo._______________Abstract:This article aims to track the evolution of violent resistance to Chinese rule in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR. It does so by reviewing and analyzing the nature of the main episodes of violence which have taken place there since the reform and opening era began in the People’s Republic (1978-2012. It finds that violence resistance, not necessarily with political-separatist motivations, has been present in Xinjiang in the form of low-scale insurgency, ethnic riots and terrorism and it will probably stay in the future considering the frictions between the Uyghur ethnic minority and the policies of the Chinese government. Keywords: China, Xinjiang, Uyghur, political violence, separatism, terrorism.

  1. The scandal of manhood: 'Baby rape' and the politicization of sexual violence in post-apartheid South Africa.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Posel, Deborah

    2005-05-01

    This paper traces the genealogy of sexual violence as a public and political issue in South Africa, from its initial marginalization and minimization during the apartheid era, through to the explosion of anguish and anger which marked the post-apartheid moment, and most dramatically the years 2001 and 2002. Of particular interest is the question of how and why the problem of sexual violence came to be seen as a scandal of manhood, putting male sexuality under critical public scrutiny. The paper argues that the sudden, intense eruption of public anxiety and argument about sexual violence which marked the post-apartheid period had relatively little to do with feminist analysis and politics (influential though this has been in some other respects). Rather, the key to understanding this politicization of sexual violence lies with its resonances with wider political and ideological anxieties about the manner of the national subject and the moral community of the country's fledgling democracy.

  2. Candidate nomination, intra-party democracy, and election violence in Africa

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Seeberg, Merete Bech; Wahman, Michael; Skaaning, Svend-Erik

    2018-01-01

    . When local-level or national-level competition between parties is low, as in much of Africa, electoral politics become a matter of intra-party rather than inter-party competition. Nominations are a part of the electoral process often left to the discretion of poorly institutionalized parties, free......This article introduces a special issue on candidate nomination, intra-party democracy, and election violence in Africa. Although a burgeoning literature on African democratization has focused on the topic of electoral violence, little attention has been given to violence during party nominations...... of the involvement of electoral management bodies and external monitors, and violence often results. Rather than developing an elaborate theoretical framework on the causes of nomination violence, our ambition in this introduction is to introduce the concept of nomination violence and situate it in the literatures...

  3. Special Report: Political Violence and Democratic Uncertainty in Ethiopia

    National Research Council Canada - National Science Library

    Smith, Lahra

    2007-01-01

    The pardon and release of thirty-eight political detainees, mostly from the leadership of the main opposition party, may give impetus to political negotiations in Ethiopia after more than two years crisis and stalemate...

  4. Mercenaries of Democracy

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Christensen, Maya Mynster; Utas, Mats

    2008-01-01

    motives behind ex-combatants' choice to join the political campaigning and the alternatives (such as 'watermelon politics'), and we also examine the deep mistrust between politicians and ex-combatants. Focusing on politics as the domestication of violence, we shed light on the continuation of pre......-war and war-time mobilization of youth into politics and demonstrate how electoral moments can legitimize violence. In hindsight, the 2007 elections strengthened the democratic process in Sierra Leone, but this article shows on what fragile ground this success was built. Udgivelsesdato: 2008...

  5. Anti-Muslim Sentiments and Violence: A Major Threat to Ethnic Reconciliation and Ethnic Harmony in Post-War Sri Lanka

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Athambawa Sarjoon

    2016-10-01

    Full Text Available Following the military defeat of LTTE terrorism in May 2009, the relationship between ethnic and religious groups in Sri Lanka became seriously fragmented as a result of intensified anti-minority sentiments and violence. Consequently, the ethnic Muslims (Moors became the major target in this conflict. The major objective of this study is to critically evaluate the nature and the impact of the anti-Muslim sentiments expressed and violence committed by the extreme nationalist forces during the process of ethnic reconciliation in post-war Sri Lanka. The findings of the study reveal that, with the end of civil war, Muslims have become “another other” and also the target of ethno-religious hatred and violence from the vigilante right-wing ethno-nationalist forces that claim to be protecting the Sinhala-Buddhist nation, race, and culture in Sri Lanka. These acts are perpetrated as part of their tactics aimed to consolidate a strong Sinhala-Buddhist nation—and motivated by the state. Furthermore, the recourse deficit and lack of autonomy within the organizational hierarchy of the Buddhist clergy have motivated the nationalist monks to engage in politics and promote a radical anti-minority rhetoric. This study recommends institutional and procedural reforms to guide and monitor the activities of religious organizations, parties, and movements, together with the teaching of religious tolerance, as the preconditions for ethnic reconciliation and ethnic harmony in post-war Sri Lanka. This study has used only secondary data, which are analyzed in a descriptive and interpretive manner.

  6. Political psychology.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Stone, Susanna; Johnson, Kate M; Beall, Erica; Meindl, Peter; Smith, Benjamin; Graham, Jesse

    2014-07-01

    Political psychology is a dynamic field of research that offers a unique blend of approaches and methods in the social and cognitive sciences. Political psychologists explore the interactions between macrolevel political structures and microlevel factors such as decision-making processes, motivations, and perceptions. In this article, we provide a broad overview of the field, beginning with a brief history of political psychology research and a summary of the primary methodological approaches in the field. We then give a more detailed account of research on ideology and social justice, two topics experiencing a resurgence of interest in current political psychology. Finally, we cover research on political persuasion and voting behavior. By summarizing these major areas of political psychology research, we hope to highlight the wide variety of theoretical and methodological approaches of cognitive scientists working at the intersection of psychology and political science. WIREs Cogn Sci 2014, 5:373-385. doi: 10.1002/wcs.1293 For further resources related to this article, please visit the WIREs website. The authors have declared no conflicts of interest for this article. © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

  7. Dispelling a myth: developing world poverty, inequality, violence ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    Dispelling a myth: developing world poverty, inequality, violence and social fragmentation are not good ... African Journal of Psychiatry ... However, the reality is that significant political, social and economic ills that characterize many countries ...

  8. Expanding the TRI Network for Doctoral Researchers in the Fields of Terrorism, Political Violence and Armed Conflict to the United States of America and Russia

    OpenAIRE

    Alex P. Schmid; Gordon Clubb; Jason Rineheart; Yulia  Netesova

    2011-01-01

    In September 2011, the Terrorism Research Initiative (TRI) announced the creation of a post-graduate terrorism research network in the United Kingdom. The idea was to compile a list of post-graduates conducting research in the UK in the overlapping fields of terrorism, political violence, and armed conflict. While much research is conducted in these three overlapping fields, those involved in research are often unsure what is going on outside their own university department. They also wonder ...

  9. Macropsychology of Violence and the Modern World

    Czech Academy of Sciences Publication Activity Database

    Feierabend, I. K.; Klicperová-Baker, Martina

    2004-01-01

    Roč. 10, č. 1 (2004), s. 36-60 ISSN 1211-216X R&D Projects: GA AV ČR IAA7025303 Institutional research plan: CEZ:AV0Z7025918 Keywords : violence * aggression psychology * political science Subject RIV: AN - Psychology

  10. Blind Spot? Security Narratives and Far-Right Violence in Europe

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Arun Kundnani

    2012-06-01

    Full Text Available This Research Paper discusses the challenges of countering far-Right political violence in the wake of the terrorist attack carried out by Anders Behring Breivik in Norway in July 2011. With brief case studies of Britain, the Netherlands, Denmark and Belgium, it argues that classic neo-Nazi groups are being supplemented by new “counter-jihadist” far-Right movements, which use various modes of political action, including participation in elections, street-based activism and terrorist violence. Building on recent interest among scholars and practitioners in the role of narratives and performativity in counter-terrorism, this paper argues that official security discourses tend to hinder efforts to counter far-Right violence and can unwittingly provide opportunities for counter-jihadists to advance their own narratives. When leaders and officials of Western European governments narrate issues of multiculturalism and radical Islamism in ways that overlap with counter-jihadist ideology, it suggests a need for reflection on the unintended side-effects of their security discourse. The Research Paper concludes with a discussion of how governments can rework their security narratives to oppose far-Right violence.

  11. Psychosocial characteristics of men and women as perpetrators of domestic violence

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Rode Danuta

    2015-03-01

    Full Text Available The presented study aims to compare men and women (N = 227, perpetrators of domestic violence in terms of psychosocial characteristics, present conditions of socialization in which the perpetrator grew and the motives for committing violent act against partners. The population of violence offenders under study and its sub-groups (women and men did not differ from the norm group in terms of personality traits and temperament. The differences were noticed only in two KSP scales: secure style and avoidance style. The comparison of women and men revealed differences, in three variables: openness for experience, emotional intelligence and avoidance-ambivalence style. Moreover, study showed that despite the good relationship between the subjects’ parents, some perpetrators suffered violence from the loved ones. It should be noted that women were more affected by physical and psychological aggression in childhood. Analysis of motives to commit acts of violence indicated that they are associated with three factors: advantage over your partner, influence and control.

  12. Transformation of armed violence: specific features and trends

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    O. B. Balatska

    2016-08-01

    Full Text Available Social transformations occurring in the world today became a result of globalization, information, changes in the international balance of power, and are reflected in all aspects of political development. One of the most pressing challenges of our time, a consequence of these processes, is the evolution of forms and methods of armed violence. This publication is devoted to determining the specific and major trends transforming the forms and methods of armed violence. Instead of the traditional military conflicts, new forms and means of armed confrontation emerge. Asymmetrical conflicts taking place with the participation of non-state parties and irregular armed groups, are quite common at the moment. «Hard power» methods associated with the use of direct violence are supplemented by means of «soft power». Violent but non-traditional (non-military means of confrontation widen, with informational and psychological influence becoming particularly prominent. Infotechnological and infopsychological methods of intervention have become an integral part of modern military-political confrontation, taking form of hybrid, network and network-centric warfare. The hybrid military conflicts are typically distinguished by asymmetry, latency, priority of small-scale combat actions and dynamic use of indirect violence. Network-centric warfare focused on achieving information superiority over the enemy, complex effects on the enemy’s physical, informational and cognitive domains, strategic flexibility and adaptability, priority of horizontal ties over traditional vertical hierarchy. Horizontal network infrastructure, consisting of multiple independent, highly specialized and geographically dispersed units, determines the effectiveness of network war strategy today. Apart from qualitative changes associated with emergence and proliferation of new forms of armed violence on a global scale, there is a definite global increase in its quantitative

  13. Political Market Orientation: A Framework for Understanding Relationship Structures in Political Parties

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Ormrod, Robert P.; Savigny, Heather

    2012-01-01

    This article is motivated by the growing need to integrate the current political science and marketing literature in order to provide a deeper understanding of the behaviour of political actors and their relationships with relevant stakeholder groups. In our article, we demonstrate how Ormrod...... strive for contextual sensitivity. By adopting this approach it is hoped that the fears noted by political scientists that political marketing is solely concerned with applying standard management models to political parties with the resulting emphasis on communication tactics at election time, together......’s conceptual model of political market orientation complements political science models of party organization by drawing attention to the competing interests of stakeholders in shaping party strategy and organizational structure. We treat parties as a multitude of actors rather than as monolithic entities...

  14. Political Regimes in Central Asia: Crisis of Legitimacy, Political Violence and Uncertain Prospects

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Mohammad-Reza Djalili

    2005-10-01

    Full Text Available This article analyses the present-day transition and political context of each of the states that comprise the former Soviet region of Central Asia since their independence: the internal changes they have undergone, the creation of their own institutions and regional and international relations. This evolution, especially with regard to the deficiencies in democracy and legitimacy of the majority of the current governments, based, in many cases, on personalist, authoritarian regimes, points to an uncertain future for a region in which, too frequently, its rulers have used all the means at their disposal (persecution of political opposition, disregard for human rights, constraint of the mass media and NGOs, etc. to guarantee their continuance in power. This article also includes an analysis of the most recent events, such as the Andijan (Uzbekistan massacre, the‘revolution’ without changes in Kyrgyzstan, and the authoritarian drift of Turkmenistan, which leads to conclusions filled with uncertainties for future political scenarios.

  15. Nurses' attitudes towards the reporting of violence in the emergency department.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Hogarth, Kathryn M; Beattie, Jill; Morphet, Julia

    2016-05-01

    The incidence of workplace violence against nurses in emergency departments is underreported. Thus, the true nature and frequency of violent incidents remains unknown. It is therefore difficult to address the problem. To identify the attitudes, barriers and enablers of emergency nurses to the reporting of workplace violence. Using a phenomenological approach, two focus groups were conducted at a tertiary emergency department. The data were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim and analysed using thematic analysis. Violent incidents in this emergency department were underreported. Nurses accepted violence as part of their normal working day, and therefore were less likely to report it. Violent incidents were not defined as 'violence' if no physical injury was sustained, therefore it was not reported. Nurses were also motivated to report formally in order to protect themselves from any possible future complaints made by perpetrators. The current formal reporting system was a major barrier to reporting because it was difficult and time consuming to use. Nurses reported violence using methods other than the designated reporting system. While emergency nurses do report violence, they do not use the formal reporting system. When they did use the formal reporting system they were motivated to do so in order to protect themselves. As a consequence of underreporting, the nature and extent of workplace violence remains unknown. Copyright © 2015 College of Emergency Nursing Australasia. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

  16. Family Business or Social Problem? The Cost of Unreported Domestic Violence

    Science.gov (United States)

    Carrell, Scott E.; Hoekstra, Mark

    2012-01-01

    Social interest in problems such as domestic violence is typically motivated by concerns regarding equity, rather than efficiency. However, we document that taking steps to reduce domestic violence by reporting it yields substantial benefits to external parties. Specifically, we find that although children exposed to as-yet-unreported domestic…

  17. Injury resulting from targeted violence: An emergency department perspective.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Sivarajasingam, Vaseekaran; Read, Simon; Svobodova, Martina; Wight, Lucy; Shepherd, Jonathan

    2018-06-01

    Hate crimes - those perpetrated because of perceived difference, including disability, race, religion, sexual orientation or transgender status - have not been studied at the point of the victim's hospital emergency department (ED) use. To investigate the frequency, levels of physical harm and circumstances of targeted violence in those seeking treatment at EDs in three UK cities. In a multimethods study, face-to-face semi-structured interviews were conducted with 124 adult ED attenders with violent injuries. Victim and perpetrator socio-demographics were recorded. Patient narratives about perceived motives and circumstances were transcribed, uploaded onto NVivo for thematic analysis. Nearly a fifth (23, 18.5%) of the injured patients considered themselves to have been attacked by others motivated by hostility or prejudice to their 'difference' (targeted violence). Thematic analyses suggested these prejudices were to appearance (7 cases), racial tension (5 cases), territorial association (3 cases) and race, religious or sexual orientation (8 cases). According to victims, alcohol intoxication was particularly relevant in targeted violence (estimated reported frequency 90% and 56% for targeted and non-targeted violence, respectively). Our findings support a broader concept of hate victimisation and suggest that emergency room violence surveys could act as a community tension sensor and early warning system in this regard. Tackling alcohol misuse seems as important in this as in other forms of violence perpetration. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

  18. Cost analysis of youth violence prevention.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Sharp, Adam L; Prosser, Lisa A; Walton, Maureen; Blow, Frederic C; Chermack, Stephen T; Zimmerman, Marc A; Cunningham, Rebecca

    2014-03-01

    Effective violence interventions are not widely implemented, and there is little information about the cost of violence interventions. Our goal is to report the cost of a brief intervention delivered in the emergency department that reduces violence among 14- to 18-year-olds. Primary outcomes were total costs of implementation and the cost per violent event or violence consequence averted. We used primary and secondary data sources to derive the costs to implement a brief motivational interviewing intervention and to identify the number of self-reported violent events (eg, severe peer aggression, peer victimization) or violence consequences averted. One-way and multi-way sensitivity analyses were performed. Total fixed and variable annual costs were estimated at $71,784. If implemented, 4208 violent events or consequences could be prevented, costing $17.06 per event or consequence averted. Multi-way sensitivity analysis accounting for variable intervention efficacy and different cost estimates resulted in a range of $3.63 to $54.96 per event or consequence averted. Our estimates show that the cost to prevent an episode of youth violence or its consequences is less than the cost of placing an intravenous line and should not present a significant barrier to implementation.

  19. Youth violence prevention comes of age: research, training and future directions.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Williams, Kara; Rivera, Lourdes; Neighbours, Robert; Reznik, Vivian

    2007-01-01

    Youth violence is recognized as a major public health problem in the United States and the world. Over the past ten years, progress has been made in documenting the factors that contribute to violent behavior. Emerging research is deepening our understanding of the individual and societal influences that contribute to and protect against youth violence. However, much work still remains to be done in this field, both in examining potential causes and in designing effective intervention strategies. This chapter highlights specific dimensions of youth violence prevention selected by the authors because these dimensions are the focus of public attention, are emerging as critical issues in the study of youth violence, or have a unique place in the current political and social context. We focus on the developmental pathways to violence, factors that mediate and moderate youth violence, the role of culture and media in youth violence, school-based violence such as school shootings and bullying, and the training of health care professionals.

  20. Political Transmigrants: Rethinking Hmong Political Activism in America

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Nengher N. Vang, Ph.D

    2011-12-01

    Full Text Available Since the initial resettlement of the Hmong in the United States in the mid-1970s, they have maintained strong political and military relationships with the Lao People‘s Democratic Republic (LPDR. Yet, there is little research on that relationship and the involvement of the Hmong in the United States in political developments in Laos. Most works on Hmong political activism have focused on the electoral participation and representation of Hmong Americans in relation to American domestic politics. In this article, using archival, ethnographic, and interview data that I have collected between 2006 and 2009 in Laos, Thailand, and the United States, I describe and analyze the non-domestic or transnational form of Hmong American political expression and participation. I argue that Hmong political activism in America not only was transnational from the outset, but that their transnational involvement in political developments in Laos and their relations with the Lao PDR government also had a significant impact on their ethnic politics. Many Hmong political activists made their entry into ethnic politics through the door of transnational politics, and many were motivated by transnational political issues to participate in domestic American politics. By exploring their transnational involvement in political developments in Laos and their relations with the Lao PDR government, we get a more complete and dynamic understanding of Hmong political activism in the United States than is possible by focusing exclusively on domestic and electoral participation. Examining their transnational politics also allows us to see the transnationality of not only their culture, identity, and community but also that of their political activities and aspirations.

  1. Religion and Political Violence in Apartheid South Africa | Matheba ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    In analyzing religion and violence in apartheid South Africa, the article expresses the hope that churches and other civil society organs will reclaim their watchdog role in entrenching democracy even more deeply in a post-apartheid South African society. (The Journal of Cultural Studies: 2001 3(1): 108-123) ...

  2. Ending Violence against Women in Latin America : Feminist Norm Setting in a Multilevel Context

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Roggeband, C.

    Latin American feminists brought up the issue of violence in the 1970s under military rule or situations of armed conflict. These contexts made feminists specifically concerned with state violence against women. Women's organizations pointed to torture and rape of political prisoners and the use of

  3. What’s Political about Solar Electric Technology? The User’s Perspective

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Chelsea Schelly

    2015-11-01

    Full Text Available Scholars in science and technology studies have debated the various ways in which technologies are (or are not political. Here, I examine how users themselves understand and articulate the politics of a specific technology—residential solar electric technology—and how understandings of politics interact with motivations to adopt. Based on interviews with 48 individuals in 36 households across the state of Wisconsin who have adopted residential solar electric technology, I consider the user’s perspective on the question: “What’s political about residential solar electric technology use?” These users were asked about the politics of this technology and how their understanding of the technology’s politics shaped their own motivation for adoption. These solar electric technology adopters saw solar electric technology as both imbued with political character based on the current national political scene and as inherently, innately political. They described how solar electric technology interacts with the politics of environmentalism, challenges “politics-as-usual” and can bring about decentralization and redistribution of wealth. In short, to the users of solar electric technology, this technological artifact is, indeed, political; it both interacts with, and offers an alternative to, current American political structures. Further, their perspectives on the politics of solar technology shaped their understandings of motivations for and limitations to adoption of this alternative technology.

  4. A Computer-based Training Intervention for Work Supervisors to Respond to Intimate Partner Violence

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Nancy Glass

    2010-12-01

    Conclusion: Effective training on the impacts of IPV can improve knowledge, achieving a large effect size, and produce changes in perspective about domestic violence and motivation to address domestic violence in the workplace, based on questionnaire responses.

  5. Reform despite politics? The political economy of power sector reform in Fiji, 1996–2013

    International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

    Dornan, Matthew

    2014-01-01

    Attempts to reform the electricity sector in developing countries have achieved mixed results, despite the implementation of similar reforms in many developed countries, and concerted effort by donors to transfer reform models. In many cases, political obstacles have prevented full and effective implementation of donor-promoted reforms. This paper examines the political economy of power sector reform in Fiji from 1996 to 2013. Reform has been pursued with political motives in a context of clientelism. Policy inconsistency and reversal is explained by the political instability of ethnic-based politics in Fiji. Modest success has been achieved in recent years despite these challenges, with Fiji now considered a model of power sector reform for other Small Islands Developing States (SIDS) in the Pacific. The experience demonstrates that reform is possible within difficult political environments, but it is challenging, takes time and is not guaranteed. The way in which political motives have driven and shaped reform efforts also highlights the need for studies of power sector reform to direct greater attention toward political drivers behind reform. - Highlights: • This is the first study of power sector reform in Fiji or other Small Island Developing States (SIDS) of the Pacific. • The clientelist nature of politics in Fiji is found to have both driven and shaped reform efforts. • There has been modest success in recent years despite these obstacles, with Fiji now considered a model for other SIDS. • The experience demonstrates that reform is possible within difficult political environments, but it is challenging, takes time and is not guaranteed

  6. Neural bases of motivated reasoning: an FMRI study of emotional constraints on partisan political judgment in the 2004 U.S. Presidential election.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Westen, Drew; Blagov, Pavel S; Harenski, Keith; Kilts, Clint; Hamann, Stephan

    2006-11-01

    Research on political judgment and decision-making has converged with decades of research in clinical and social psychology suggesting the ubiquity of emotion-biased motivated reasoning. Motivated reasoning is a form of implicit emotion regulation in which the brain converges on judgments that minimize negative and maximize positive affect states associated with threat to or attainment of motives. To what extent motivated reasoning engages neural circuits involved in "cold" reasoning and conscious emotion regulation (e.g., suppression) is, however, unknown. We used functional neuroimaging to study the neural responses of 30 committed partisans during the U.S. Presidential election of 2004. We presented subjects with reasoning tasks involving judgments about information threatening to their own candidate, the opposing candidate, or neutral control targets. Motivated reasoning was associated with activations of the ventromedial prefrontal cortex, anterior cingulate cortex, posterior cingulate cortex, insular cortex, and lateral orbital cortex. As predicted, motivated reasoning was not associated with neural activity in regions previously linked to cold reasoning tasks and conscious (explicit) emotion regulation. The findings provide the first neuroimaging evidence for phenomena variously described as motivated reasoning, implicit emotion regulation, and psychological defense. They suggest that motivated reasoning is qualitatively distinct from reasoning when people do not have a strong emotional stake in the conclusions reached.

  7. War without Violence: Leveraging the Arab Spring to Win the War on Terrorism

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Pat Proctor

    2012-01-01

    Full Text Available After a decade of war, the United States has failed to eradicate the threat of salafist jihadism. No matter how hard it tries, the United States cannot kill its way to victory in the war on terrorism. Sweeping changes across the Middle East—dubbed the "Arab Spring" by the media—have presented the West with a unique opportunity to pursue an alternative approach. Rather than engaging in war (politics through violence, the United States should engage in mass politics (war without violence to compel the Arab world to reject the salafist jihadism idea. This article proposes a strategy calibrated to defeat international terrorism without unnecessarily antagonizing non-jihadist salafists and political salafists who enjoy broad-based support in the Arab world. The article goes on to identify key political figures already espousing elements of this counternarrative, and it describes the methods the United States should use to empower these and other anti–salafist jihadism activists.

  8. An Empirical Study of the Relationship between Performance Appraisal Politics and Job Satisfaction

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Azman Ismail

    2011-02-01

    Full Text Available Performance appraisal politics are viewed as a vital human resource management issuewhere it consists of two salient features: motivational motive and punishment motive. The ability ofappraisers (e.g., immediate bosses/managers to properly implement such appraisal politics inallocating performance ratings may have significant impact on job satisfaction. Although the nature ofthis relationship is important, little is known about the role of performance appraisal politics as apredicting variable in the performance appraisal models. Therefore, this study was conducted toexamine the effect of performance appraisal politics on job satisfaction using 150 usablequestionnaires gathered from employees who have worked in a national postal company in Sarawak,Malaysia. In initial data analysis, the results of exploratory factor analysis confirmed that themeasurement scales used in this study satisfactorily met the standards of validity and reliabilityanalyses. Further, in hypothesis testing, the outcomes of stepwise regression analysis showed thatperformance appraisal politics (i.e., motivational motive and punishment motive significantlycorrelated with job satisfaction. Statistically, this result confirms that performance appraisal politicsact as important predictors of job satisfaction in the studied organization. In addition, discussion,implications and conclusion are elaborated.

  9. In Search of Meaning: Are School Rampage Shootings Random and Senseless Violence?

    Science.gov (United States)

    Madfis, Eric

    2017-01-02

    This article discusses Joel Best's ( 1999 ) notion of random violence and applies his concepts of pointlessness, patternlessness, and deterioration to the reality about multiple-victim school shootings gleaned from empirical research about the phenomenon. Best describes how violence is rarely random, as scholarship reveals myriad observable patterns, lots of discernable motives and causes, and often far too much fear-mongering over how bad society is getting and how violent we are becoming. In contrast, it is vital that the media, scholars, and the public better understand crime patterns, criminal motivations, and the causes of fluctuating crime rates. As an effort toward such progress, this article reviews the academic literature on school rampage shootings and explores the extent to which these attacks are and are not random acts of violence.

  10. Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests

    National Research Council Canada - National Science Library

    Goldman, Stuart D

    2007-01-01

    .... Federal forces have suppressed large-scale military resistance in Chechnya and in 2006 succeeded in killing most of the remaining top Chechen rebel military and political leaders, although sporadic violence continues...

  11. Human rights, State Violence and Political Resistance

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Signe Larsen

    2013-11-01

    Full Text Available This article investigates Hannah Arendt’s and Giorgio Agamben’s critiques of human rights and argues that the two thinkers share a blind spot with regard to the radical potentials of human rights. The problem is that they do not break with two fixed imaginaries which still haunt liberal democracies: (1 the historical essentialist understanding of human rights and (2 nation-states and individuals as the principal loci for political rights, power, and action. Based on the work of Jacques Rancière, Costas Douzinas, and Étienne Balibar this article argues that human rights can be thought of as a constituent part of a radical political praxis and resistance movement. If human rights are thought of as a praxis of “right-ing” (Douzinas or a “dissensus” (Rancière, which both contest the current “distribution of the sensible,” a new “cosmopolitics of human rights” can be imagined where human rights are conceived as a borderline concept (Balibar.

  12. [Domestic violence: a current issue to take into account in diagnostic imaging].

    Science.gov (United States)

    Santos Corraliza, E; Larrañaga Hernando, G; Neve Lete, I; Sánchez García, A

    2014-01-01

    Domestic violence is currently an issue of great political and social importance. The real incidence of domestic violence is difficult to determine due to the environment where it takes place and the reluctance of victims to report abuse. On the other hand, all types of violence represent an important public health problem. We report the case of a young woman who presented with thromboembolic phenomena at different sites due to domestic violence. We emphasize that it is necessary for radiologists and other healthcare professionals to consider the possibility of domestic violence when establishing the diagnosis. This can be important for determining the incidence of abuse, diminishing its sequela, and help increase its reporting. Copyright © 2011 SERAM. Published by Elsevier Espana. All rights reserved.

  13. Media created violence: a social determinant of mental health.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Begum, Shamshad; Khowaja, Shaneela Sadruddin; Ali, Gulnar

    2012-12-01

    In today's high technological world, scientific discoveries contribute remarkable development to human life, but it could also have an adverse impact on mankind. Among all these advancements, media is one of the inventions which aims at capturing a countless group of viewers and transmit information via various mediums. Media violence is considered one of the hampering determinants which harms an individual psychologically. The primary goal of a health professional is to work for the maintenance of mental health. Therefore, it is imperative to create an understanding about the impact of media violence on mental health, particularly in the Pakistani context. Violence has become a major public health problem in Pakistan. The main cause of violence seems to be anger and frustration due to poverty, political conflicts, lack of education, and the overall governance approach in the country. Therefore, there is a prime need to think and work on this neglected area like conducting research and increasing public awareness, and to curb media violence.

  14. Violence Prevention, Access to Justice, and Economic ...

    International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

    Women and inequality in Latin America Women's economic empowerment and the reduction of violence against women have become urgent priorities in the political and social agendas of Latin American countries. This is particularly true given ... Equidad de Género: Ciudadanía, Trabajo y Familia, A.C.. Pays d' institution.

  15. developing world poverty, inequality, violence and social

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    (DOSMeD) or Ten-Country Study)2 and the International. Study of ... rates in relation to variables such as geographical site, urban. Dispelling a myth: ... violence and social fragmentation ... However, the reality is that significant political, social and economic ills that ... schizophrenia “is fertile ground for the generation of new.

  16. Militarised Safety: Politics of Exclusion

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ayesha Sarfraz

    2017-02-01

    Full Text Available Warfare and armed conflict have evolved radically with the advent of technology and perhaps most importantly, with globalization. Unlike the West, which has come to terms with violence through constant memorialization, multidisciplinary discourse and legislature, cities in the developing world lack audible intellectual trajectories. Therefore, studies on the merits of the non-Western conditions of conflict must take into account the complex structures of organization of society, politics, religion and ethnicities, as a result of the globalization of violence. Developing and less politically stable countries like Pakistan, on the other hand, are losing urban space through attacks from the perpetrators and yet more so from the state as the literal subtraction of the public realm gets framed as security measures Whereas international law states that during times of war, civilian rights can be legally suspended - in Pakistan that suspension has shifted into a state of temporariness without prescribed limits. This paper looks at urban space in the developing world as a dual site of the threat and the threatened while questioning the effectivity of security apparatus that have become the foundations for design of the contemporary city.

  17. From Public Outrage to the Burst of Public Violence

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Nizamani, Sarwat; Memon, Nasrullah; Galam, Serge

    2014-01-01

    This study extends classical models of spreading epidemics to describe the phenomenon of contagious public outrage, which eventually leads to the spread of violence following a disclosure of some unpopular political decisions and/or activity. Accordingly, a mathematical model is proposed...... in turn yield the dynamics of spreading of each type of agents among the population. The process is stopped with the deactivation of the associated issue. Conditions coinciding with a twofold spreading of public violence are singled out. The results shed a new light to understand terror activity...... and provides some hint on how to curb the spreading of violence within population globally sensitive to specific world issues. Recent world violent events are discussed....

  18. Greed and Grievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars | CRDI ...

    International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

    Current scholarship on civil wars and transitions from war to peace has made significant progress in understanding the political dimensions of internal conflict. However, the economic motivations spurring political violence have been comparatively neglected. This pathbreaking book identifies the economic and social factors ...

  19. Cultures of Violence and Acts of Terror: Applying a Legitimation-Habituation Model to Terrorism

    Science.gov (United States)

    Mullins, Christopher W.; Young, Joseph K.

    2012-01-01

    Although uniquely positioned to provide insight into the nature and dynamics of terrorism, overall the field of criminology has seen few empirically focused analyses of this form of political violence. This article seeks to add to the understanding of terror through an exploration of how general levels of violence within a given society influence…

  20. Discourse and Practice of Violence in the Italian Extreme Right: Frames, Symbols, and Identity-Building in CasaPound Italia

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Pietro Castelli Gattinara

    2014-09-01

    Full Text Available An investigation of the neo-Fascist organization CasaPound Italia, focusing on how political violence is framed in its public discourse, and on the role it plays as a constitutive element of the group’s collective identity. Starting from the conceptualization of violence in Italian Fascism, we focus on CasaPound’s practices, discourse, and ideology. The analysis combines findings from nineteen in-depth interviews with CasaPound members and participant observation at protest events and activities. This paper disentangles CasaPound’s relationship with political violence, differentiating its discursive, aesthetic, and identity-building dimensions. Although in the external discourse of the group, violent activities are only accepted as a tool of self-determination and self-defence, we find that a cult of violence inspired by traditional Fascism emerges from the semiotic repertoire mobilized by CasaPound, and is reiterated by means of experiences of collective socialization based on violence.

  1. Musical Manner Against Violence in Society

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Alaattin CANBAY

    2015-07-01

    Full Text Available Violence is one of the biggest social problems that present societies and humanity exposure. All kinds of discriminations performed among people, inequality, div isions of items and opportunities in a unbalanced way stir up violence factor. Children, who met games including violence in their childhood years and started to enjoy them, are constantly obligated to live with socio - cultural effects and act of violence i nterbedded in their next years. Especially in the third word, colonial countries and semi - colonized countries and social structures, violence rate is increasing gradually and the wrong methods and practices that are used underwhelm. The gradually increasin g of violence at school, home, work, in street and every social place where people live makes us think the consequence of some concepts like politeness, kindness and esthetics that are forgotten. Can the value that art and esthetics add to human's life sol ve this problem? As a communication and expression language, can music which is indispensable in human life contribute for solving this problem in every part of the life? This study existing in the axist of these questions, by using music, which is one of the most effective facility in human's life, aims to submit attitudes and proposals about providing solutions to violence with a descriptive method. In this sense, particularly in education and in every part of the life and field, the contribution of music used with the help of scientific methods and alterations are discussed and the studies done in this field are included.

  2. Analyzing the microfoundations of human violence in the DRC - intrinsic and extrinsic rewards and the prediction of appetitive aggression

    OpenAIRE

    Haer, Roos; Banholzer, Lilli; Elbert, Thomas; Weierstall, Roland

    2013-01-01

    BackgroundCivil wars are characterized by intense forms of violence, such as torture, maiming and rape. Political scientists suggest that this form of political violence is fostered through the provision of particular intrinsic and extrinsic rewards to combatants. In the field of psychology, the perpetration of this kind of cruelty is observed to be positively linked to appetitive aggression. Over time, combatants start to enjoy the fights and even the perpetration of atrocities. In this stud...

  3. Religious violence: Implications for nation building | Mgbachu ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    Religious violence in Nigeria has devaluated our national economy. Any interested observer of the Nigeria socio-political structure is all too easily aware of the multiplicity of voices and the diversity of cultures within the one nation. Nigeria has one of the highest ethnic nationalities to be found in one single nation in the ...

  4. Nationalism, territory and extremism in party politics

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Bourne, Angela

    In the paper I address the empirical puzzle arising from different responses by political authorities in Spain and the UK to the existence of political parties integrated in the terrorist groups Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Basque Homeland and Freedom) and the Irish Republican Army. More specifica......In the paper I address the empirical puzzle arising from different responses by political authorities in Spain and the UK to the existence of political parties integrated in the terrorist groups Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Basque Homeland and Freedom) and the Irish Republican Army. More...... for realization of free speech rights and representation is also emphasized, and where proscription is seen as inimical to resolution of conflict underpinning violence. In the context of party competition, a winning coalition is required for one discourse to predominate. However, I also argued that both ideas...

  5. UNDERSTANDING RELIGIOUS VIOLENCE IN INDONESIA: Theological, Structural and Cultural Analyses

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ahmad Salehudin

    2012-12-01

    Full Text Available Lately Indonesia is facing a lot of tremendous experience about religious violence. Indonesian Islam which is previously assumed as peaceful religion is suddenly changing to be frightening religion. The destruction in some places such as Bali Bombing, JW Marriot Bombing, and Sampang riot in some places Islam is the trigger of religious violence. This paper discusses the repetition of religious violence in Indonesia especially after New Order era. The writer argues that religious violence in Indonesia is as natural disaster, historical process in human evolution and as close experience that presenting and relating to human history. It may be caused by political condition and the response to economic injustice. In doing so, it is kind of social acceleration toward the process of change and also being a factor of the emergence of new agenda. This is because every disaster, including religious violence, requires an adjustment and a new formulation of the functions that have been damaged.

  6. Electoral Violence and the Crisis of Democratic Experiment in Post-Colonial Nigeria

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ehinmore Omolere Monday Ph.D

    2013-06-01

    Full Text Available  This study discusses the peculiar nature of political participation as well as the attendant violence that characterize it in post independent Nigeria. Central to discussion is identification of the various factors which influence electoral violence and the extent to which it has inhibited national cohesion and democratic values. The study concludes that, Nigeria should produce selfless and visionary leaders, educated masses as well as operating within the frame work of true federalism so as to make appreciable improvement on her development strides. The study therefore recommends discouragement of use of money and material gift during elections, reduction of remuneration of political office seekers, commensurate punishment for culprits’ as well as independence of the independent Electoral Commission should be truly granted.

  7. Electoral Violence and the Crisis of Democratic Experiment in Post-Colonial Nigeria

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ehinmore Omolere Monday Ph.D

    2013-06-01

    Full Text Available This study discusses the peculiar nature of political participation as well as the attendant violence that characterize it in post independent Nigeria. Central to discussion is identification of the various factors which influence electoral violence and the extent to which it has inhibited national cohesion and democratic values. The study concludes that, Nigeria should produce selfless and visionary leaders, educated masses as well as operating within the frame work of true federalism so as to make appreciable improvement on her development strides. The study therefore recommends discouragement of use of money and material gift during elections, reduction of remuneration of political office seekers, commensurate punishment for culprits’ as well as independence of the independent Electoral Commission should be truly granted.

  8. Militarised Safety: Politics of Exclusion

    OpenAIRE

    Ayesha Sarfraz; Arsalan Rafique

    2017-01-01

    Warfare and armed conflict have evolved radically with the advent of technology and perhaps most importantly, with globalization. Unlike the West, which has come to terms with violence through constant memorialization, multidisciplinary discourse and legislature, cities in the developing world lack audible intellectual trajectories. Therefore, studies on the merits of the non-Western conditions of conflict must take into account the complex structures of organization of society, politics, rel...

  9. A health’s view on violence

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Paula Borges Jacques

    2012-06-01

    Full Text Available Violence is the intentional use of physical strength or power, actually or under threat, against oneself, someone else, or against a group or community, which results or has a high probability of resulting in injury, death or psychological damage, bad development or deprivation(1.In Brazil and in the world, a lot is told about violence, which is present in various forms in everyday life, whether in the country or in urban area. Cities have grown without proper planning, people have migrated, generating unsatisfied social demands in the large centers, television has invaded home and modified people’s thinking in great extension, families have loosen moral principles, governments do not set good examples...Therefore, violence has spread into all aspects of life, revealing itself in economics (exploitation of man by man, state coercion, material dependence, discrimination against women’s work, child labour, unfair impositions etc., in politics (control by one or various parties, authoritarianism, exclusion of citizens from decision-making, revolution, war and armed conflict etc., in ideology (implementation of official criteria, prohibition of free thought, censorship, manipulation of public opinion, advertisements and issues of violent nature, in religion (submission to clerical interests, strict control of thought, prohibition of other beliefs and persecution of “heretics”, etc., within the family (exploitation of women and children etc.., in education (teachers and principals authoritarianism etc., in the army (unquestioning obedience to commanders etc., in the culture (excluding innovating trends, prohibiting publication of works, bureaucracies, etc.... (2It is health’s responsibility dealing with people affected by physical or psychological violence, in hospitals, ambulatory facilities or clinics... As researches in health are responsible for statistical data consolidation. In 2002, the World Health Organization (WHO released its

  10. Activism Against Domestic Violence in the People’s Republic of China

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Milwertz, Cecilia Nathansen

    2003-01-01

    This article is concerned with nongovernmental or popular activism against domestic violence in the People's Republic of China. The article focuses on how three factors—first, the political context; second, 10 years of activist experience; and finally, international exchange—have influenced...... and formed activism from the early 1990s to the present. The article addresses the following questions: (a) How and why did activism against domestic violence emerge as an issue addressed by new forms of organizing? (b) How has international interaction influenced and inspired understandings of and action...... against violence against women? (c) What forms of domestic and international constraints and support have activists encountered?...

  11. Peruvian grassroots organizations in times of violence and peace. Between economic solidarity, participatory democracy, and feminism

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    de Waardt, M.F.; Ypeij, A.

    2017-01-01

    The new millennium has meant a new start for Peruvian society. After decades of political violence, economic crisis, and an internal war, democracy was restored, and economic growth resumed. The many grassroots organizations that had been established to address the economic and political crisis seem

  12. Politics, pleasure, violence: Swedish defence propaganda in social media

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Rodrigo Ferrada Stoehrel

    2013-10-01

    Full Text Available In recent years, the Swedish Armed Forces have produced and distributed highly edited video clips on YouTube that show moving images of military activity. Alongside this development, mobile phone apps have emerged as an important channel through which the user can experience and take an interactive part in the staging of contemporary armed conflict. This article examines the way in which the aesthetic and affective experience of Swedish defence and security policy is socially and (media-culturally (co-constructed and how the official representation of Swedish military intervention (reproduces political and economic effects when these activities are distributed through traditional and social media such as YouTube and digital apps. Based on Isabela and Norman Fairclough’s thoughts on political discourse, Michel Foucault’s dialectic idea of power/knowledge, and Sara Ahmed’s concept of the affective, I discuss how the Swedish digital military aesthetic is part of a broader political and economic practice which has consequences beyond the digital, the semiotic and what might at first glance appear to be pure entertainment. 

  13. Politics, pleasure, violence: Swedish defence propaganda in social media

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Rodrigo Ferrada Stoehrel

    2013-12-01

    Full Text Available In recent years, the Swedish Armed Forces have produced and distributed highly edited video clips on YouTube that show moving images of military activity. Along- side this development, mobile phone apps have emerged as an important channel through which the user can experience and take an interactive part in the staging of contemporary armed conflict. This article examines the way in which the aes- thetic and affective experience of Swedish defence and security policy is socially and (media-culturally (co-constructed and how the official representation of Swedish military intervention (reproduces political and economic effects when these activi- ties are distributed through traditional and social media such as YouTube and digital apps. Based on Isabela and Norman Fairclough’s thoughts on political discourse, Michel Foucault’s dialectic idea of power/knowledge, and Sara Ahmed’s concept of the affective, I discuss how the Swedish digital military aesthetic is part of a broader political and economic practice that has consequences beyond the digital, the semi- otic, and what might at first glance appear to be pure entertainment.

  14. Clinicians' Need for an Ecological Approach to Violence Reduction.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Lee, Bandy X; Young, John L

    2018-01-01

    We now know that harmful social policies, such as those that deny health care to some people, can generate structural violence and be far more harmful than any type of direct violence. A health professional who engages in public health promotion must thus consider the adverse effects of structural violence generated by bad policies. On this view, the dictum, "first, do no harm," can be interpreted as a mandate to protect patients from injustice. Health care professionals' responsibilities extend to motivating policies that prevent avoidable deaths and disabilities. As we exist within an ecology, we must each recognize our responsibility to care for one another and for the larger human community. © 2018 American Medical Association. All Rights Reserved.

  15. No more Black and Blue: Women Against Violence Against Women and the Warner Communications boycott, 1976-1979.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Bronstein, Carolyn

    2008-04-01

    In the mid-1970s, Women Against Violence Against Women (WAVAW), the first national feminist organization to protest mediated sexual violence against women, pressured the music industry to cease using images of violence against women in its advertising. This article presents a case study of WAVAW's national boycott of Warner Communications, Inc. and documents the activists' successful consumer campaign. The study reveals that media violence was central to feminist organizing efforts, and that WAVAW and related organizations helped establish a climate of concern about violence that motivated scientific research on the relationship between exposure to media violence and subsequent aggression.

  16. politics of conflict oilification and petro-violence in the niger delta

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    DJFLEX

    KEY WORDS: Conflict, Oilification, Petro-violence, Niger Delta ..... state's conflict management strategy that seems to give fillip to ..... sum game of the state takes all. .... Online: http://www.njas.helsinki.fi\\pdf files\\vol. 14 num. 2\\Ikelegbe.pdf.

  17. Violence in Mental Disorders and Community Sample: an evolutionary model related with dominance in social relationships

    OpenAIRE

    Montañés Rada, Francisco; Ramirez, J. Martin; Lucas Taracena, María Teresa de

    2006-01-01

    The major risk determinants of violence are to be young and male, to have low socioeconomic status and suffering substance abuse. This is true whether it occurs in the context of a concurrent mental illness or not; i.e., mental disorders are neither necessary, nor sufficient causes for violence. Intense motivation is a facilitating factor for violence in clinical and non clinical samples. This explains why ‘normal’ people, are implicated in planned violence at higher rates than mentally il...

  18. Negotiating state and NGO politics in Bangladesh: women mobilize against acid violence.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Halim Chowdhury, Elora

    2007-08-01

    This note showcases the story of Nurun Nahar, a survivor of acid violence in Bangladesh, to demonstrate that, despite protective measures, state, medical, and legal institutions continually fail to adequately respond to violence against women systematically and deny women rights to state protection, which are affirmatively embodied in law. The failure of state institutions to ensure appropriate care has been somewhat mitigated by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), particularly women's groups, which are albeit heavily constrained because of the volume of demand yet scarcity of expertise, infrastructure, and funds. In addition, this note offers some thoughts on how nonstate actors, namely, women's NGOs, have created alternative strategies and visions for victimized women's recovery and empowerment.

  19. Real imaginaries and political reason for an intercultural hope

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Mohammed Noureddine Affaya

    2004-10-01

    Full Text Available In this text, the author attempts to clarify certain aspects of imaginaries in relation to the State and politics, but also in relation to violence and evil, in a context in which the dialectic of identity and otherness continues to be one of the structures of imaginaries. Imaginaries, beyond the exclusive sphere of representations, act on the world and on the evolution of history. But, the world also acts on imaginaries, and it is the periods of crisis that enlarge their manifestations, destined to “serve as a screen against fears.” In this sense, violence, in the face of which different attitudes can be adopted, becomes a symbolic element for interpreting our strengths. To what extent are we witnessing a new way of functioning of political and religious imaginaries? To answer this question, the author discusses intercultural hope “in a world inwhich the will of the power of the tragic interferes with communicational impulses.”

  20. Youth Violence and Organized Crime in Jamaica : Causes and ...

    International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

    The study is expected to provide insight into the links between youth violence and organized crime, and how they lead to violent political mobilization with the potential to undermine democratic governance. In light of the ... IDRC's Board of Governors congratulates Jean Lebel on his appointment as President and CEO.

  1. Mixing politics and crime

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Munksgaard, Rasmus; Demant, Jakob Johan

    2016-01-01

    Background Dread Pirate Roberts, founder of the first cryptomarket for illicit drugs named Silk Road, articulated libertarian political motives for his ventures. Previous research argues that there is a significant political component present or involved in cryptomarket drug dealing which...... is specifically libertarian. The aim of the paper is to investigate the prevalence of political discourses within discussions of cryptomarket drug dealing, and further to research the potential changes of these over the timespan of the study. Methods We develop a novel operationalization of discourse analytic...... concepts which we combine with topic modelling enabling us to study how politics are articulated on cryptomarket forums. We apply the Structural Topic Model on a corpus extracted from crawls of cryptomarket forums encompassing posts dating from 2011 to 2015. Results The topics discussed on cryptomarket...

  2. Greed and Grievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars | IDRC ...

    International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

    However, the economic motivations spurring political violence have been ... as well the economic incentives and disincentives available to international actors ... Special journal issue highlights IDRC-supported findings on women's paid work.

  3. Dating violence: outcomes following a brief motivational interviewing intervention among at-risk adolescents in an urban emergency department.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Cunningham, Rebecca M; Whiteside, Lauren K; Chermack, Stephen T; Zimmerman, Marc A; Shope, Jean T; Bingham, C Raymond; Blow, Frederic C; Walton, Maureen A

    2013-06-01

    A recent study demonstrated the efficacy of the SafERteens intervention in reducing peer violence among adolescents presenting to the emergency department (ED). The objective of this study was to determine the efficacy of this ED-based brief intervention (BI) on dating violence 1 year following the ED visit among the subsample of adolescents in the original randomized controlled trial reporting past-year dating violence. Patients (aged 14 to 18 years) at an ED were eligible for inclusion if they had past-year violence and alcohol use. Participants were randomized to one of three conditions (BI delivered by a computer [CBI], BI delivered by a therapist and a computer (T+CBI), or control) and completed follow-ups at 3, 6, and 12 months. In addition to content on alcohol misuse and peer violence, adolescents reporting dating violence received a tailored module on dating violence. The outcome of interest was frequency of moderate and severe dating violence victimization and aggression (baseline and 3, 6, and 12 months after ED visit). Among eligible adolescents, 55% (n = 397) reported dating violence and were included in these analyses. Compared to the control group (who received a resource brochure only), participants in the CBI showed reductions in moderate dating victimization at 3 months (inter-rater reliability [IRR] = 0.71; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.51 to 0.99; p dating victimization at 3 months (IRR = 0.81; 95% CI = 0.67 to 0.98; p dating violence victimization at 6 months (IRR = 0.81; 95% CI = 0.69 to 0.96; p dating violence victimization at 3 months (IRR = 0.76; 95% CI = 0.59 to 0.96; p violence, alcohol use, and dating violence) show promise for reducing moderate and severe dating victimization for up to 1 year following an ED visit. © 2013 by the Society for Academic Emergency Medicine.

  4. Representations of body and violence: the invention of "domestic violence" in East Timor

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Daniel Schroeter Simião

    2007-01-01

    Full Text Available East Timor is now faced to a strong social and political change, which implies, on gender issues, the building of a new morality about domestic physical aggression. Based on the local translation of gender equality principles ? seen as universal values ? a set of actions against domestic violence is questioning local practices and attitudes regarding representations of body, gender and sexuality, such as polygamy, the obligations to childbirth and the responsibilities on contraception. Based on one year fieldwork in the country, this paper discusses the way the knowledge of experts on the field of gender and development reflects upon political projects which contribute to the shaping of a specific way of experiencing the body, inscribing physical punishment into a new universe of meanings, many of them considerably different from those in force at the countryside. Conflicts and syntheses emerged from this process show the importance of being aware of the relationship of the building of local identities faced to broader political and symbolic disputes as well as the limits of the binding of local practices and values thought as universal ones.

  5. Personality and politics: introduction to the special issue.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Duncan, Lauren E; Peterson, Bill E; Zurbriggen, Eileen L

    2010-12-01

    This special issue of Journal of Personality brings together 10 original articles addressing the intersection of personality and politics. Articles build on classic traditions in political psychology by presenting both idiographic and nomothetic work on the motivational, cognitive, ideological, attitudinal, and identity correlates of many different aspects of political behavior. This work is used to understand political activism and leadership as well as everyday political behavior. We hope this collection of articles will inspire our readers to explore new investigations in personality and political psychology. © 2010 The Authors. Journal of Personality © 2010, Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

  6. Obstetrical violence: activism on social networkin

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Lia Hecker Luz

    2015-12-01

    Full Text Available Normal birth in contemporaneity is discussed and the three models of birth care are presented, accordingly to categorization proposed by the north-American anthropologist Davis-Floyd, pointing out the consequences of the technocratic model, which has become hegemonic in contemporary societies, naturalizing obstetrical violence. The problematic is contextualized to Brazilian reality, with the analyses of the blog Cientista que virou mãe making it evident that Brazilian women on social media are articulating themselves in order to defend and give visibility to initiatives of natural and humanized birth, acting against obstetrical violence. It is concluded that Internet tools have allowed a pioneer mobilization in respecting women’s reproductive rights in Brazil, turning blogs into a potential hegemonic alternative way to reach more democratic forms of social organization. In addition to denaturalize the obstetrical violence, the bloggers also act aiming to pave the way for the humanistic approach and to motivate planned home birth initiatives.

  7. Child justice and the little daily drops of physical violence: a case of troubled waters

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Maria del Mar Cabezas Hernandez

    2017-05-01

    Full Text Available This article addresses the debate on fuzzy cases concerning the so called ‘mild’ and sporadic instances of physical violence against children by caregivers. The end of violence toward children is a current goal in the international scenario. However, myths on the use of violence and the scope of parental rights still survive. Thus, I examine the main theoretical, ethical and political challenges regarding conceptual clear-cut boundaries and the burden of proof when justifying violence. Finally, I defend the role of a preventive approach on children’s wellbeing and family intervention as a fruitful way to surpass polarized debates on permissibility and criminalization.

  8. Young people navigating political engagement through post-war instability and mobility

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Korzenevica, Marina

    2016-01-01

    The everyday politics of rural young people who live in post-war settings in the Global South is poorly explored. In the aftermath of a recent civil war in Nepal (1996-2006), villages have been operating without elected bodies, and poorly functioning local governance has been concentrated around ......, as well as by involving themselves in disruptive events and seeking personal benefit from them. Secondly, young men and women negotiate their political motivations in community development politics primarily through household dynamics adjusted to their mobile lifestyle....... activists balance their daily lives, mobility and household obligations with involvement in party and local development politics? By exploring their motivations and engagement, I come to two conclusions. Firstly, young men navigate party politics by juggling the legacy of patronage and rejecting parties...

  9. Pattern of domestic violence among pregnant women in Jos, Nigeria

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    % had no definite timing pattern. ... overlapping variables at group and personal levels.1,2 Violence may begin or ... Keywords: abuse; intimate relationship; paucity of data; pregnancy; pattern .... of the motive for non-disclosure by the victim.

  10. Polarizing Political Participation Frames in a Nordic Gay Community

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Jakob Svensson

    2014-11-01

    Full Text Available This article is based on a research project studying political discussions in the Swedish LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bi-, Transsexual community Qruiser. These discussions were very antagonistic and rude. The aim is therefore to understand what motivated participation in these heated discussions. The focus is on Qruiser political forum threads. The research is nethnographic through online interviews, participant observations in, and content analyses of, political discussions threads during the month of November 2012. By using framing theory as an analytical tool, the paper seeks to answer which frames attracted and mobilized participation and how this was done. In the article I find that polarizing frames of the left vs the right, the xenophobic vs the political correct, together with a truth and a game frame was used to motivated participation in the Qruiser forum threads.

  11. Expanding the TRI Network for Doctoral Researchers in the Fields of Terrorism, Political Violence and Armed Conflict to the United States of America and Russia

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Alex P. Schmid

    2011-12-01

    Full Text Available In September 2011, the Terrorism Research Initiative (TRI announced the creation of a post-graduate terrorism research network in the United Kingdom. The idea was to compile a list of post-graduates conducting research in the UK in the overlapping fields of terrorism, political violence, and armed conflict. While much research is conducted in these three overlapping fields, those involved in research are often unsure what is going on outside their own university department. They also wonder how their own work relates to current research developments elsewhere. To address these concerns, TRI has been inviting UK researchers to complete a profile form

  12. Determinants of Political Trust: A Lifetime Learning Model

    Science.gov (United States)

    Schoon, Ingrid; Cheng, Helen

    2011-01-01

    This article addresses questions regarding the origins of individual variations in political trust. Using 2 prospective longitudinal studies, we examine the associations between family background, general cognitive ability (g) and school motivation at early age, educational and occupational attainment in adulthood, and political trust measured in…

  13. Dating Violence: Outcomes Following a Brief Motivational Interviewing Intervention Among At-risk Adolescents in an Urban Emergency Department

    Science.gov (United States)

    Cunningham, Rebecca M.; Whiteside, Lauren K.; Chermack, Stephen T.; Zimmerman, Marc A.; Shope, Jean T.; Bingham, C. Raymond; Blow, Frederic C.; Walton, Maureen A.

    2013-01-01

    Objectives A recent study demonstrated the efficacy of the SafERteens intervention in reducing peer violence among adolescents presenting to the emergency department (ED). The objective of this study was to determine the efficacy of this ED-based brief intervention (BI) on dating violence 1 year following the ED visit among the subsample of adolescents in the original randomized controlled trial reporting past-year dating violence. Methods Patients (aged 14 to 18 years) at an ED were eligible for inclusion if they had past-year violence and alcohol use. Participants were randomized to one of three conditions (BI delivered by a computer [CBI], BI delivered by a therapist and a computer (T+CBI), or control) and completed follow-ups at 3, 6, and 12 months. In addition to content on alcohol misuse and peer violence, adolescents reporting dating violence received a tailored module on dating violence. The outcome of interest was frequency of moderate and severe dating violence victimization and aggression (baseline and 3, 6, and 12 months after ED visit). Results Among eligible adolescents, 55% (n = 397) reported dating violence and were included in these analyses. Compared to the control group (who received a resource brochure only), participants in the CBI showed reductions in moderate dating victimization at 3 months (inter-rater reliability [IRR] = 0.71; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.51 to 0.99; p dating victimization at 3 months (IRR = 0.81; 95% CI = 0.67 to 0.98; p dating violence victimization at 6 months (IRR = 0.81; 95% CI = 0.69 to 0.96; p dating violence victimization at 3 months (IRR = 0.76; 95% CI = 0.59 to 0.96; p dating violence) show promise for reducing moderate and severe dating victimization for up to 1 year following an ED visit. PMID:23758302

  14. Interplay Between Politics and Sport in Political Science Theories

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Simona Kustec Lipicer

    2010-01-01

    Full Text Available Times when relations between politics and sports did not exist – be it in everyday practices or within scientific research – is definitely long gone, if they ever even existed. Nevertheless, it seems today that, especially within scientific research, these relations do not receive appropriate attention in the territories of former socialist sports superpowers, being a priori denied and considered as unimportant. That is why the key motive of this article is to initiate a discussion about the relevance of knowledge and research of the relations between politics and sport from two perspectives – the existing world-wide political science research experiences gained so far and already conducted researches in the territory of former Yugoslavia. In doing so, we first theoretically define the context of sports and politics, and then with the use of the literature review method analyse their mutual connectivity in the world and, more narrowly, within the work of the scientific community in the region of former Yugoslavia. Based on the gained conclusions which confirm a tight and constant, but also often abstract and flat-rate understood interplay between both analysed phenomena, a special typology for their in-depth and political-science-focused study is delivered. It is believed that distinctions between political, polity and policy approaches to sport decisively influence the mode of their future interplay.

  15. Prevention of violence against women and girls: lessons from practice.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Michau, Lori; Horn, Jessica; Bank, Amy; Dutt, Mallika; Zimmerman, Cathy

    2015-04-25

    This Series paper describes programming to prevent violence against women and girls, and emphasises the importance of systematic, sustained programming across the social ecology (ie, the delicate equilibrium of interacting social, institutional, cultural, and political contexts of people's lives) to transform gender-power inequalities. Effective prevention policy and programming is founded on five core principles: first, analysis and actions to prevent violence across the social ecology (individual, interpersonal, community, and societal); second, intervention designs based on an intersectional gender-power analysis; third, theory-informed models developed on the basis of evidence; fourth, sustained investment in multisector interventions; and finally, aspirational programming that promotes personal and collective thought, and enables activism on women's and girls' rights to violence-free lives. Prevention programming of the future will depend on all of us having a vision of, and a commitment to, gender equality to make violence-free lives for women and girls a reality. Copyright © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

  16. Violence against Women and Economic Globalization: Case Study of Ciudad Juarez, Mexico

    OpenAIRE

    Robertua, Verdinand

    2012-01-01

    This thesis will look at the international political economy of violence against women. The drastic increase of the case women murder (femicide) in Mexico since 1993 has attracted worldwide attention. It will focus on the influence of international economic institutions (e.g. IMF, World Bank, TNCs) toward the increasing cases of violence against women in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico. This thesis will use case-study research strategy. Ciudad Juarez will be chosen as the case study because it is one o...

  17. Violence in Mexico: A social or public health problem?

    Science.gov (United States)

    Casas Patiño, Donovan; Rodríguez Torres, Alejandra; Salazar Morales, Mario Rodolfo

    2016-03-08

    This article seeks to explain the importance of violence as a social phenomenon and public health, trying to envision this issue not only from a curative approach to health, but from the social determinants of health, such as economics, politics and the administration of justice. Here, the younger population lacks real opportunities with an “absent State” that fails to provide structure. These frameworks play a fundamental role in the manifestation of violence. Thus, the debate for addressing and resolving violence opens the way to new perspectives regarding social factors as part of a public health, which cannot be oblivious to the state of the collective. Thus, the analysis of this situation shows that we cannot keep overlooking the whole picture of the real problem in the social health of our world instead of focusing on its discordant parts.

  18. National campaign effects on secondary pupils’ bullying and violence

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Mooij, Ton

    2016-01-01

    Background. Research on pupils' bullying (1991) and violence (1993) motivated the Dutch Ministry of Education, Culture and Science to initiate a national campaign on school safety. The government campaign was undertaken from 1995 to 2000. Aim. To test for differences in secondary pupils' bullying

  19. Household exposure to violence and human rights violations in western Bangladesh (I: prevalence, risk factors and consequences

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Montgomery Edith

    2009-11-01

    Full Text Available Abstract Background The ruling parties in Bangladesh have systematically used violence against political opponents and criminals. It is essential to 1 determine the magnitude and burden of organised crime and political violence (OPV and human rights violations in the affected community, and to 2 identify the risk factors and key indicators for developing effective health intervention and prevention measures. Methods The population-based study consisted of two parts: a household survey and OPV screening at mobile clinics (presented in Part II. A cross-sectional, multistage cluster household survey was conducted in the Meherpur district in February-March 2008; 22 clusters with a sample size of 1,101 households (population of 4,870 were selected. Results Around 83% of households reported being exposed to at least two categories of OPV or human rights violations: 29% reported that the family members had been arrested or detained; 31% reported torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Crude mortality rate was 17.9/1,000 and under 5 mortality rate was 75/1,000. The annual injury rate was 36%, lifetime experience of violence-related injury was 50%, and pain experience within 2 weeks was reported by 57%. Over 80% of the population over 35 years old complained of pain. High prevalence of injury, lifetime experience of OPV-related injury and pain complaints are related to the level of exposure to OPV and human rights violations. A financial burden was imposed on families with an injured person. A geographical variation was revealed regarding reports of torture and lifetime experience of violence-related injury. A combination of individual, relational, community and societal factors, including variables such as political party affiliation, conflict with other families, household income and residential area, affected the risk of victimisation in the household. The odds ratio for reporting extrajudicial execution of a family

  20. Household exposure to violence and human rights violations in western Bangladesh (I): prevalence, risk factors and consequences.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Wang, Shr-Jie; Modvig, Jens; Montgomery, Edith

    2009-11-21

    The ruling parties in Bangladesh have systematically used violence against political opponents and criminals. It is essential to 1) determine the magnitude and burden of organised crime and political violence (OPV) and human rights violations in the affected community, and to 2) identify the risk factors and key indicators for developing effective health intervention and prevention measures. The population-based study consisted of two parts: a household survey and OPV screening at mobile clinics (presented in Part II). A cross-sectional, multistage cluster household survey was conducted in the Meherpur district in February-March 2008; 22 clusters with a sample size of 1,101 households (population of 4,870) were selected. Around 83% of households reported being exposed to at least two categories of OPV or human rights violations: 29% reported that the family members had been arrested or detained; 31% reported torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Crude mortality rate was 17.9/1,000 and under 5 mortality rate was 75/1,000. The annual injury rate was 36%, lifetime experience of violence-related injury was 50%, and pain experience within 2 weeks was reported by 57%. Over 80% of the population over 35 years old complained of pain. High prevalence of injury, lifetime experience of OPV-related injury and pain complaints are related to the level of exposure to OPV and human rights violations. A financial burden was imposed on families with an injured person. A geographical variation was revealed regarding reports of torture and lifetime experience of violence-related injury. A combination of individual, relational, community and societal factors, including variables such as political party affiliation, conflict with other families, household income and residential area, affected the risk of victimisation in the household. The odds ratio for reporting extrajudicial execution of a family member was 9.22 for Awami League supporters, 9.15 for

  1. The diffusion of ethnic violence in Germany: the role of social similarity

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Braun, R.; Koopmans, R.

    2010-01-01

    In this article we develop and test an encompassing theoretical framework for explaining the geographical and temporal spread of extreme right violence. This framework combines structural factors related to ethnic competition, social disintegration, and political opportunity structures, which make

  2. The deeper sources of political conflict: evidence from the psychological, cognitive, and neuro-sciences.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Hibbing, John R; Smith, Kevin B; Peterson, Johnathan C; Feher, Balazs

    2014-03-01

    Political disputes ruin family reunions, scuttle policy initiatives, and spur violence and even terrorism. We summarize recent research indicating that the source of political differences can be found in biologically instantiated and often subthreshold predispositions as reflected in physiological, cognitive, and neural patterns that incline some people toward innovation and others toward conservatism. These findings suggest the need to revise traditional views that maintain that political opinions are the product of rational, conscious, socialized thought. Copyright © 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

  3. Risk for post-traumatic stress disorder associated with different forms of interpersonal violence in South Africa.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Kaminer, Debra; Grimsrud, Anna; Myer, Landon; Stein, Dan J; Williams, David R

    2008-11-01

    The South African population is exposed to multiple forms of violence. Using nationally representative data from 4351 South African adults, this study examined the relative risk for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) associated with political, domestic, criminal, sexual and other (miscellaneous) forms of assault in the South African population. Violence exposure was assessed using the 'worst event' list from the WHO's Composite International Diagnostic Interview (CIDI) and a separate questionnaire assessing experiences of human rights abuses, and lifetime PTSD was assessed according to the APA's Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders criteria using the CIDI. Findings indicated that over a third of the South African population has been exposed to some form of violence. The most common forms of violence experienced by men were criminal and miscellaneous assaults, while physical abuse by an intimate partner, childhood physical abuse and criminal assaults were most common for women. Among men, political detention and torture were the forms of violence most strongly associated with a lifetime diagnosis of PTSD, while rape had the strongest association with PTSD among women. At a population level, criminal assault and childhood abuse were associated with the greatest number of PTSD cases among men, while intimate partner violence was associated with the greatest number of PTSD cases among women. Recommendations for mental health service provision in South Africa and for future research on the relative risk for PTSD are offered.

  4. "We must cooperate with one another against the Enemy": Agency and activism in school-aged children as protective factors against ongoing war trauma and political violence in the Gaza Strip.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Veronese, Guido; Pepe, Alessandro; Jaradah, Alaa; Murannak, Feda; Hamdouna, Housam

    2017-08-01

    This exploratory qualitative study investigated self-perceived risk and protection factors that may reinforce the ability of children living in refugee camps on the Gaza Strip to adjust to a traumatic and risky life context characterized by loss and dispossession. The sample comprised 200 Palestinian children recruited at primary schools in four refugee camps in the Gaza Strip following the Israeli military operation "Pillar of Defence" in 2012. Thematic content analysis was applied to written materials and narratives produced by the children. Environment, friends, emotions, family, play, self, sociality, health, school, and spirituality were the dimensions that emerged from the narrative texts. Palestinian children's psychological adaptability and ability to reposition themselves along the continuum between ease and disease is underpinned by constant political agency and activism - a dimension that guides sense-making activities in a traumatizing environment marked by continuous uncertainty, loss and bereavement. We therefore recommend a politically-informed focus, both when assessing children and when designing intervention for them in contexts of chronic political violence and war. Copyright © 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

  5. Digital Politics: Mobilization, Engagement, and Participation

    OpenAIRE

    Koc-Michalska, K.; Lilleker, Darren

    2017-01-01

    The article provides insights into the driving forces that underpin new forms of political participation. Digital technologies offer opportunities for engaging in a wide range of civicallyoriented activities, each of which can contribute to deeper democratic engagement. Conventional acts of political participation are argued to be driven primarily by intrinsic motivations relating to self-efficacy and empowerment with participants feeling they can have influence over decision makers. Little r...

  6. Violence against Women by Their Intimate Partners in Shahroud in Northeastern Region of Iran

    OpenAIRE

    Hajian, Sepideh; Vakilian, Katayon; Najm-abadi, Khadijeh Mirzaii; Hajian, Parastoo; Jalalian, Mehrdad

    2014-01-01

    Background: Violence against women is one of the worst consequences of cultural, political, and socio-economic inequalities between men and women. Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) has been identified as an important cause of morbidity from multiple mental, physical, sexual, and reproductive health outcomes. Nonetheless, the prevalence and related factors of this international problem have not been investigated extensively in some parts of the world. The aims of this research were to determine ...

  7. Is criminal violence a non-communicable disease? Exploring the epidemiology of violence in Jamaica.

    Science.gov (United States)

    McDavid, H A; Cowell, N; McDonald, A

    2011-07-01

    There is a high level of criminal violence that afflicts the Jamaican society. While it is certainly noncommunicable in the context of medicine and public health, the concepts of social contagion and the well-established fact of the intergenerational transfer of effects of trauma raise questions as to whether or not it is non-communicable in a social sense. Historically, scholars have linked Jamaican criminal violence to three main roots: poverty and urban decay, political patronage, garrisonisation and more recently to a fourth, the growth in transnational organized crime (TOC). Traditionally as well, policymakers have brought the three discrete perspectives of criminology, criminal justice and public health to bear on the problem. This paper applies a conceptual framework derived from a combination of epidemiology and the behavioural sciences to argue that a sustainable resolution to this looming and intractable social problem must take the form of a cocktail of policies that encompasses all three approaches at levels ranging from the community to the international.

  8. Political fragmentation and alliances among armed non-state actors in North and Western Africa (1997-2014)

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Walther, Olivier; Leuprecht, Christian; Skillicorn, David

    2018-01-01

    investigates the way the structural positions of conflicting parties affect their ability to resort to political violence. To this end, we combine two spectral embedding techniques that have previously been considered separately: one for directed graphs that takes into account the direction of relationships......Drawing on a collection of open source data, the article uses network analysis to represent alliances and conflicts among 179 organizations involved in violence in North and Western Africa between 1997 and 2014. Owing to the fundamentally relational nature of internecine violence, this article...

  9. “Go Back and Tell Them Who the Real Men Are!” Gendering Our Understanding of Kibera’s Post-election Violence

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Caroline Wanjiku Kihato

    2016-04-01

    Full Text Available Using a gendered analysis, this article examines the post election violence (PEV in Kibera, Kenya, between December 2007 and February 2008. Through indepth interviews with Kibera residents, the article interrogates how gender influenced violent mobilizations in Kenya’s most notorious slum. Most scholarly analyses have tended to understand the post-election violence as a result of politicized ethnic identities, class, and local socio-economic dynamics. Implicitly or explicitly, these frameworks assume that women are victims of violence while men are its perpetrators, and ignore the ways in which gender, which cuts across these categories, produces and shapes conflict. Kibera’s conflict is often ascribed to the mobilization of disaffected male youths by political “Big Men.” But the research findings show how men, who would ordinarily not go to war, are obliged to fight to “save face” in their communities and how women become integral to the production of violent exclusionary mobilizations. Significantly, notions of masculinity and femininity modified the character of Kibera’s conflict. Acts of gender-based violence, gang rapes, and forced circumcisions became intensely entwined with ethno-political performances to annihilate opposing groups. The battle for political power was also a battle of masculinities.

  10. Russia and Global Climate Politics

    International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

    Tynkkynen, Nina

    2014-09-01

    Russia, as the fourth largest greenhouse-gas emitter in the world, and a major supplier of fossil fuels causing these emissions, played a decisive role in the enforcement of the Kyoto Protocol, the main instrument of global climate policy so far. Domestically, serious political measures to combat climate change have yet to be taken. Thus, Russia's performance in global climate politics indicates that goals other than genuinely environmental ones, such as political or economic benefits, are the main motivation of Russia's participation. Also, Russia's national pride and its status as a great power are at stake here. This paper scrutinizes Russia's stance in global climate politics, offering an overview of Russia's engagement in international climate politics and its domestic climate policy. In the second part of the paper, Russia's engagement in global environmental politics is discussed in the context of Russia's world status and the great-power concept. Accordingly, the paper aims to shed light on how and why Russia behaves in global climate politics in the way it does. This may be of interest to actors in international environmental politics in general, and relevant to future climate negotiations in particular. (author)

  11. Curbing Electoral Violence in Nigeria: The Imperative of Political ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    User

    to choose those who will run the affairs of the state in a given period. ..... short and long term deepen our political culture and socialization processes. Therefore .... Commemoration of Shehu Yar'Adua Memorial Forum delivered on March. 19.

  12. Washing ashore: The politics of offshore oil in northern Angola

    Science.gov (United States)

    Reed, Kristin Michelle

    This dissertation examines the political ecology of Angolan oil, by exploring state and corporate political economies; historical convergences of violence and capital; and struggles over the costs and benefits of oil production from the perspective of artisanal fishing and farming communities in the extractive zones. Angola is sub-Saharan Africa's second-largest oil producer but revenues from the enclave sector in oil rarely trickle down to the impoverished populace. The Angolan government strategically invests petrodollars in patronage networks to bolster their power; and watchdog agencies claim top officials divert the balance to offshore accounts. While the enclaved nature of production facilitates the restricted distribution of oil monies by concentrating services and revenue streams, the distortions and externalities that bleed out from these enclaves increase the misery of Angolans---especially those living in the extractive zones. By focusing on the lived experience of extraction, I explore the politics of oil through the forms of violence and degradation threatening the lives and livelihoods of local people. Most of Angola's oil is produced from offshore fields, so oil spills present a considerable risk to the health of local communities and ecosystems. The fishers and fish traders suffering from oil spills demand compensation from the liable oil corporations, yet the skewed system of disbursements only reaches the most powerful claimants. Moreover, faced with a repressive and unresponsive government, communities in extractive zones have come to rely on the same corporations for schools and health posts in a system I refer to as oil-backed development. I demonstrate that local histories of violence, national political exigencies, and transnational corporate interests govern the distribution of oil-backed development projects. Furthermore, I argue that the Angolan government leverages corporate donations for development to suit its own exclusionary interests

  13. The Politics of International Terrorism in the Security Complexes in ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    sulaiman.adebowale

    2006-06-13

    Jun 13, 2006 ... International Relations and Security Studies, Department of Political Science and .... porary international relations in the Greater Horn of Africa. ..... In the case .... terrorist organisation, and all its sponsors and supporters as terrorist col- ... every act of violence to the label of terrorist, to the extent that public.

  14. A Developmental Behavioral Analysis of Dual Motives’ Role in Political Economies of Corruption

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Sara Nora Ross

    2014-03-01

    Full Text Available This paper is a developmental meta-analysis of behaviors that contribute to political economies of corruption, deploying bioneurological dual motive and behavioral development theories. Together, these systems of analysis enable a developmental perspective to illustrate and analyze a progression of dual motives’ variations as humans and their conditions change. The progression of examples indicates that there are multiple evolutions of political economies that vary in their complexity, with different behavioral features at each level. Dual motive theory helps in identifying and understanding the complex linkages and layers of socio-political and economic behaviors as they become more complex. Increasingly complex horizontal and vertical stacks of social networks, like lattice-works of dual motives, enable individuals and groups to develop and maintain sturdy yet adaptable social systems of patronage, brokerage, and clientelism. These so-often informally structured relationships underlie corruption-like transactions long before, and long after, they are regarded as the enduring institution of corruption. Three hypotheses under gird the development of that thesis. The first is that dual motive theory facilitates meta-analyses of social networks’ often hidden layers of complexity. A second hypothesis is that analyses using dual motive theory can explicate more complexity when the theory is integrated with developmental behavioral theory. The third hypothesis is that analyses made possible by that integration offer substantive contributions to understanding socio-political-economic behaviors, including multiple political economies of corruption. Three strategies are employed to develop the paper’s thesis. First, the concepts of social ties, networks, reciprocity and dual motive theory are introduced to set the context. second, a behavioral task measurement theory is introduced: the model of hierarchical complexity. Scoped for this paper to

  15. Corporate political activities, religiosity and corporate decision making

    OpenAIRE

    Low, Yik Pui

    2017-01-01

    Motivated by the recent increase in corporate political spending and the Supreme Court’s decision in allowing firms to freely use their treasury funds for political purposes (Citizens United v Federal Election Commission, 2010), this study examines the impact of corporate political activity (CPA) on its decision making. CPA is defined as the firm’s total annual lobbying expenses arising from the engagement of internal and external lobbyists while corporate decision making is measured in terms...

  16. Pathways to Police Contact for Spousal Violence Survivors: The Role of Individual and Neighborhood Factors in Survivors' Reporting Behaviors.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Barrett, Betty Jo; Peirone, Amy; Cheung, Chi Ho; Habibov, Nazim

    2017-09-01

    Rational choice theory proposes that spousal violence survivors engage in a cost-benefit analysis when determining whether to contact the police in the aftermath of violence. Feminist intersectional frameworks contend that the perceived costs and benefits of police intervention differ among survivors based on their intersecting social identities. Normative theory further posits that it is not solely individual factors but also social norms derived from one's neighborhood context that may be related to reporting practices. Consistent with these perspectives, this study assessed the association between spousal violence survivors' sociodemographic, violence, and neighborhood characteristics and (a) police contact, (b) pathways to police contact, (c) motivations for contacting the police, and (d) motivations for not contacting the police. Data were drawn from the 2009 Canadian General Social Survey-Victimization main file, and included male and female survivors ( N = 890). Survivors most commonly contacted the police to stop the violence (89.4%) and most commonly did not contact the police because they did not believe it was important enough (35.3%). Results of multivariate regression analysis indicate that survivors who were visible minority, those who feared for their lives, and those who were injured were significantly more likely to self-report violence to police. Survivors were more likely to say the violence was not important enough to report if there was a police station in their neighborhood, and were less likely to say that violence was not important enough to report if they had experienced multiple incidents of violence. Implications for policing and criminal justice system engagement with spousal violence survivors are provided.

  17. Recent advances in preventing mass violence.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Hamburg, David A

    2010-10-01

    Since his presidency of the Carnegie Corporation of New York and co-chairmanship of the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict, David Hamburg has been actively engaged in projects related to the prevention of genocide and other mass violence. In these remarks to the Association for Research in Nervous and Mental Disease, he describes the significance of preventing mass violence in the 21st century. In particular, he discusses the danger of nuclear and other highly lethal weapons, emphasizing examples of prevention drawn from the Cold War and subsequent period. He delineates practical steps that can be taken to prevent war and genocide, including restraints on weaponry, preventive diplomacy, fostering indigenous democracy, fostering equitable socioeconomic development, education for human survival, and international justice in relation to human rights. Training and support in preventive diplomacy are highlighted as crucially important, particularly in the context of the United Nations, using the novel Mediation Support Unit based out of the Department of Political Affairs as a key example. He concludes that the creation of international centers for the prevention of mass atrocities could provide a crucial resource in preventing mass violence. © 2010 Association for Research in Nervous and Mental Disease.

  18. Trauma research in the Baltic countries: from political oppression to recovery.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Kazlauskas, Evaldas; Zelviene, Paulina

    2016-01-01

    The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of traumatic stress studies from the three Baltic countries-Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia-and reveal how specific social context contributes to the topics relevant in traumatic stress field in the region. Traumatic stress studies in the Baltic countries are closely related to the complicated history of the region. It was only since the restoration of independence of the Baltic States in the 1990s when traumatic stress studies could emerge. The start of the psychotraumatology in the Baltic States was inspired by the interest of the psychological effects of political violence. Four major topics in traumatic stress literature from the Baltic countries were identified in this article: political violence studies, epidemiology of trauma and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), disaster studies, and developmental aspects of trauma. Traumatic events prevalence was reported between 70 and 75%, and PTSD prevalence range 2-7% in the Baltic countries. The interest in psychotraumatology in the Baltic countries is rising.

  19. The Criminalization of Physicians and the Delegitimization of Violence in Turkey.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Can, Başak

    2016-01-01

    In June 2013, protests that erupted in Gezi Park in Istanbul, Turkey were met with state violence, mobilizing hundreds of native physicians to deliver emergency medical care. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in makeshift clinics during these protests, interviews with Gezi physicians and analyses of recent laws restricting emergency care provision, in this article I explore the criminalization of clinical practice through legal and coercive means of the government and the delegitimization of state violence through clinical and expert witnessing practices of physicians. As I show, material, legal, and discursive articulations of the idiom of medical neutrality revolve around the tension between medical praxis as neutrality and medical praxis as political participation. I offer a reconsideration of medical humanitarian and human rights regimes in terms of their consequences for inciting, documenting and restricting state violence.

  20. Women, Demography, and Politics: How Lower Fertility Rates Lead to Democracy.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Sommer, Udi

    2018-04-01

    Where connections between demography and politics are examined in the literature, it is largely in the context of the effects of male aspects of demography on phenomena such as political violence. This project aims to place the study of demographic variables' influence on politics, particularly on democracy, squarely within the scope of political and social sciences, and to focus on the effects of woman-related demographics-namely, fertility rate. I test the hypothesis that demographic variables-female-related predictors, in particular-have an independent effect on political structure. Comparing countries over time, this study finds a growth in democracy when fertility rates decline. In the theoretical framework developed, it is family structure as well as the economic and political status of women that account for this change at the macro and micro levels. Findings based on data for more than 140 countries over three decades are robust when controlling not only for alternative effects but also for reverse causality and data limitations.

  1. Predictors of emotional and physical dating violence in a sample of serious juvenile offenders.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Sweeten, Gary; Larson, Matthew; Piquero, Alex R

    2016-10-01

    We estimate group-based dating violence trajectories and identify the adolescent risk factors that explain membership in each trajectory group. Using longitudinal data from the Pathways to Desistance Study, which follows a sample of 1354 serious juvenile offenders from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania and Phoenix, Arizona between mid-adolescence and early adulthood, we estimate group-based trajectory models of both emotional dating violence and physical dating violence over a span of five years in young adulthood. We then estimate multinomial logistic regression models to identify theoretically motivated risk factors that predict membership in these groups. We identified three developmental patterns of emotional dating violence: none (33%), low-level (59%) and high-level decreasing (8%). The best-fitting model for physical dating violence also had three groups: none (73%), low-level (24%) and high-level (3%). Race/ethnicity, family and psychosocial variables were among the strongest predictors of both emotional and physical dating violence. In addition, delinquency history variables predicted emotional dating violence and relationship variables predicted physical dating violence. Dating violence is quite prevalent in young adulthood among serious juvenile offenders. Numerous predictors distinguish between chronic dating violence perpetrators and other groups. These may suggest points of intervention for reducing future violence. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

  2. War as a moral imperative (not just practical politics by other means)

    Science.gov (United States)

    Ginges, Jeremy; Atran, Scott

    2011-01-01

    We present findings from one survey and five experiments carried out in the USA, Nigeria and the Middle East showing that judgements about the use of deadly intergroup violence are strikingly insensitive to quantitative indicators of success, or to perceptions of their efficacy. By demonstrating that judgements about the use of war are bounded by rules of deontological reasoning and parochial commitment, these findings may have implications for understanding the trajectory of violent political conflicts. Further, these findings are compatible with theorizing that links the evolution of within-group altruism to intergroup violence. PMID:21325334

  3. Attitudes Toward Partner Violence and Gender Roles in Uruguayan Women.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Bucheli, Marisa; Rossi, Maximo

    2015-09-07

    The incidence of intimate partner violence (IPV) in the Latin America and Caribbean region is relatively high compared with other high-income and middle-income countries. This problem is particularly relevant in Uruguay. The empirical literature provides evidence that violence toward partners is more likely among individuals who justify, approve, or favor this type of violence. This article analyzes women's attitudes to IPV using the survey Encuesta de Situaciones Familiares carried out in 2007 by Universidad de la República, Innovation National Agency in Uruguay (ANII), and the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF). The data show that most women disagree with IPV; the indifference and justification of IPV have a very low prevalence. The analysis highlights that women's attitudes to IPV against men and against women are highly correlated and are explained by the same factors. A multivariate estimation indicates that the experience of violence in childhood, the strong identification of the woman as a mother, and the low confidence on women's abilities in political and business activities increase tolerance toward IPV. © The Author(s) 2015.

  4. Avant-garde: Making war, revolutionary politics and art

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Jeremić-Molnar Dragana

    2008-01-01

    Full Text Available In the article the authors are dealing with the militant potential of the concept of avant-garde. Emerging in the politics and art in the first half of the 19th century and designed to ruin almost the whole tradition of 'bourgeois' enlightenment, political and artistic avant-garde was never capable of emancipating itself from its roots in strategic military thinking. Its true essence was to create battlefields in every domain of public life where the chance was given to ruin civil society - its politics, its art, its way of thinking, its civilization. In the name of freedom never heard of before, it spread violence and spread totalitarian seeds on the scorched soil. And in the end it was not defeated by its numerous enemies because it became victim of its own destructiveness.

  5. Explaining British Political Stability After 1832

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Donagh Davis

    2017-12-01

    Full Text Available Though not its main focus, Goldstone's Revolution and Rebellion in the Early Modern World (1991 threw considerable new light on 19th century Europe's revolutions and near-revolutions. While Goldstone stresses the role of an expanding and industrializing economy in absorbing 19th century England's demographic shocks, we accept this analysis but argue alongside it for similar attention to the vector of emigration, settler-colonialism, and imperial state expansion into which at least some of the exhaust fumes of the population explosion were vented. Furthermore, it is important to note the crucial role of a highly interventionist state and 'big' government in the background to these dynamics—a far cry from the light-touch, laissez-faire qualities with which the 19th century British state is often associated. To make our case, this article takes advantage of secondary literature and raw data not available prior to the publication of Goldstone's book. Of crucial importance here is our unique dataset of fatality-inducing political violence events in Britain and Ireland from 1785 to 1900. This is the first research paper to utilise this dataset. We draw upon this in the following section, which seeks to establish what the real level of political instability was in 19th century Britain—thus cross-referencing Goldstone's account with more recent data—before moving on in the following section to a more detailed overview of the socio-economic conditions underlying events at the political level. This is followed by our account of the emigration-settler-colonialism-imperial state expansion vector and the interventionist state policy behind it, which we argue was crucial to making 19th century Britain relatively 'revolution-proof'—alongside the expanding economic opportunities rightly highlighted by Goldstone. Lastly come our brief concluding remarks, which lay out the implications, as we see them, of this article's findings for research on

  6. FROM CONVENIENT HIBERNATION TO CIRCUMSTANTIAL DESPERATION: HATE SPEECH, PARTY POLITICAL COMMUNICATION AND THE NIGERIA’S 2015 GENERAL ELECTIONS

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    Mike Omilusi

    2018-02-01

    Full Text Available Until a few months to the 2015 general elections, many political parties that have conveniently hibernated for a better part of their existence, perhaps owing to lack of proper organizational structure or support base, uncoordinated programmes or were registered because of pecuniary gains or admittance of anticipated poor electoral outing, suddenly began to jostle for political space. The main opposition party and the ruling party were either perfecting a merger processes or engulfed in internal wrangling such that communication with the electorate on fundamental issues became inconsequential. In fact, the two dominant parties, the Peoples Democratic Party and All Progressive Congress only produced their presidential candidates less than five months to the election; and the electoral campaign assumed desperate contestation in a climate of prejudice and intolerance. Hate speeches and violence were the hallmarks of their electoral campaigns. The 2015 general elections therefore, offer a unique context to interrogate the place of party political communication in an emerging democracy and specifically how hate campaigns among political gladiators/contending parties could generate violence, and if not tamed, derail democratic consolidation. This essay affirms that hate speech is not only inspired by some social circumstances but also part of a general democratic process. It attests to the fact that Nigerian politicians have become more desperate and daring in taking and retaining political power; and more intolerant of opposition, criticism and efforts at replacing them. Relying extensively on secondary sources with the aid of descriptive and narrative tools, this essay concludes that the political culture of a country determines the behavior and attitude of the population towards the political system and that democratic transition from one administration to another, particularly in emerging democracies, has often been accompanied by violence

  7. POLITICAL TRADITIONS: THE CONCEPT AND STRUCTURE

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Наталья Алексеевна Мамина

    2013-05-01

    Full Text Available The article refers to the theoretical aspects of the study of the political traditions phenomenon. The influence of traditional components of the political culture on the current political process is recognized in contemporary literature, but political traditions rarely become the original subject of a scientific research, which explains the vagueness of their interpretation and the need of their system understanding.The author analyzes existing interpretations of the concept "tradition", on which formulates the definition of "political traditions" as (1 a form of fixation for meaningful content of the nation’s socio-political experience and as (2 a mechanism of political-cultural continuity.The author identifies mental, behavioral and institutional levels in the structure of political traditions. Mental level consists of political symbols, myths and stereotypes, which form the image of political reality and authority, and values and norms, which affect the motivation of political behavior. Behavioral level includes models of behavior and patterns of action, such as political habits and rituals. Institutional level reflects historical features of interaction between branches of power and relations between the state and society.The author pays attention to the influence of structural elements of political traditions on the political consciousness and behavior of individuals and social groups. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2218-7405-2013-4-25

  8. The Impact of Women's Labour Force Participation on Domestic Violence in Jordan

    OpenAIRE

    Lenze, Jana; Klasen, Stephan

    2013-01-01

    Enhancing women’s participation in the labour force has been seen as a way to promote their empowerment which in turn is believed to enhance their well-being and well-being of their children. However, the empirical literature on the relationship between women’s employment status and domestic violence is less clear-cut. Motivated by this ambiguity, this study explores the effect of women’s employment measured by their participation in paid work outside the home on reported spousal violence, ba...

  9. Violence

    Science.gov (United States)

    ... gov home / Home Relationships Dealing with conflict Violence Violence Violence among young people is a serious problem. ... according to a recent national survey Types of violence top Youth violence can include: Hitting, pinching, punching, ...

  10. Motherhood, Empowerment, and Resilience within the Context of Intimate Partner Violence

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Rebecca Bach

    2013-10-01

    Full Text Available We conducted twenty in-depth interviews with residents of a domestic violence shelter in a southeastern metropolitan area to understand how low-income women experience mothering within the context of intimate partner violence (IPV. Interview questions explored the women’s feelings about motherhood, their relationships with their children, and the effects of IPV on their children. Despite the difficulties of raising children with an abusive partner, the women did not regret becoming a mother. In fact, respondents identified their children as one of few positives in their lives and mothering as central to their identity. Relationships with their children enabled the women to feel empowered in ways that their intimate partnerships did not and motivated them to escape the violence and persevere.

  11. Conceptions held by health professionals on violence against children and adolescents within the family.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Nunes, Cristina Brandt; Sarti, Cynthia Andersen; Ohara, Conceição Vieira da Silva

    2008-01-01

    The present study sought to understand the conceptions held by health professionals with regards to violence within the family against children and adolescents. Qualitative case-study methodology and techniques of participant observation, interviewing, and search in documents were used. Participants were staffed in a government-run Family Health Basic Unit in Brazil. Health professionals were found to associate violence with the economic, social, and political juncture and with cultural aspects; for some, violent acts are part of the intergenerational cycle and family dynamics. Physical punishment, considered as violence by some, is advocated as an educational measure by others. Participants also base their definition of violence on an a priori construction of subjects as either victims or aggressors, thus missing the relational dimension of the phenomenon. Health professionals were found to have difficulty in understanding violence in the context that gives it a meaning and to recognize it as consequence of a complex relational dynamics.

  12. Asylum seekers, violence and health: a systematic review of research in high-income host countries.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Kalt, Anne; Hossain, Mazeda; Kiss, Ligia; Zimmerman, Cathy

    2013-03-01

    We performed a systematic review of literature on violence and related health concerns among asylum seekers in high-income host countries. We extracted data from 23 peer-reviewed studies. Prevalence of torture, variably defined, was above 30% across all studies. Torture history in clinic populations correlated with hunger and posttraumatic stress disorder, although in small, nonrepresentative samples. One study observed that previous exposure to interpersonal violence interacted with longer immigration detention periods, resulting in higher depression scores. Limited evidence suggests that asylum seekers frequently experience violence and health problems, but large-scale studies are needed to inform policies and services for this vulnerable group often at the center of political debate.

  13. Worldviews: The Spatial Ground of Political Reasoning in Dutch Election Manifestos

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Kaal, A.R.

    2012-01-01

    A discourse approach was developed to identify explicit perspectivisation afforded by conceptual and narrative structures in political texts. The hypothesis is that the ground perspective of political rationale is packaged in ‘worldviews’ that guide ideologically motivated attitudes. This pilot

  14. Sexual violence in armed conflict: the least condemned of war crimes.

    Science.gov (United States)

    O'Connor, Mike

    2014-03-01

    Sexual violence in armed conflict has traditionally received poor attention until recent years. It has been the "least condemned of war crimes" although, with the inception of the International Criminal Court and various other international courts and tribunals, convictions of high-profile aggressors are increasing. Only recently Charles Taylor, the President of Liberia, was convicted of war crimes and crimes against humanity which included rape and sexual slavery. He was sentenced to 50 years imprisonment. Is prosecution of these crimes sufficient to minimise sexual violence in war? That seems unlikely given the potential for such violence to be a cheap and effective strategy to terrorise a civilian population and "ethnically cleanse" the newly won territory. However, there is a remarkable variation in the levels of sexual violence in armed conflicts. Some, such as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, have extremely low levels, whereas in Bosnia and many African states the prevalence of sexual violence is at epidemic levels. The reasons for such differences are many, however, some precipitating factors may be improved by strong military discipline, improved gender balance in armed forces, better political awareness by combatants of the aims of a campaign and pre-deployment ethical training.

  15. Public Sphere - Political Advertisement Relationship in Turkey: Analysing Political Advertisements of JDP in General Elections 2011

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Erdal Dağtaş

    2015-09-01

    Full Text Available Public sphere is a social space, open to active individual access and free discussion, rescued from state intervention, where communicative action free from violence and individual benefits is undertaken; and rational-critical discourse is built. Political advertisement is the type advertising which aims at directing voters or the government to a particular action, having them adopt a certain view or approach. The concept of political advertising emerged with the practice of using commercial advertising techniques to promote a party, candidate or an idea. Justice and Development Party (JDP, has been ruling Turkey since 2002. The leader of the party is Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. It is a conservative party and has carried out some practices that could be regarded as negative. Anti-secular attitudes are also among these practices. Thus, analysing the political advertisements of JDP has proved to be interesting. Public sphere studies are mostly conducted through news stories and columns in media. In that sense, it is significant to analyse political advertisements in terms of public sphere. In this study, the political advertisements of the ruling Justice and Development Party (JDP in the process of Turkish General Parliamentary Election, 2011 have been analysed. The political advertisements in question have been analysed via Sabah newspaper. The reason for choosing Sabah is that it supports JDP as an example of partisan press. The samples have been taken from 2 weeks before the elections. Accordingly, as a full-page advertisement is published every day, 14 political advertisement analyses have been conducted in total. Political advertisements have been analysed using qualitative text analysis. As the study follows the path of public place-political advertising relationship, it finds meaning in itself.

  16. Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and State Violence: Medical Documentation of Torture in Turkey.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Can, Başak

    2016-09-01

    State authorities invested in developing official expert discourses and practices to deny torture in post-1980 coup d'état Turkey. Documentation of torture was therefore crucial for the incipient human rights movement there in the 1980s. Human rights physicians used their expertise not only to treat torture victims but also to document torture and eventually found the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (HRFT) in 1990. Drawing on an ethnographic and archival research at the HRFT, this article examines the genealogy of anti-torture struggles in Turkey and argues that locally mediated intimacies and/or hostilities between victims of state violence, human rights physicians, and official forensics reveal the limitations of certain universal humanitarian and human rights principles. It also shows that locally mediated long-term humanitarian encounters around the question of political violence challenge forensic denial of violence and remake the legitimate levels of state violence. © 2015 by the American Anthropological Association.

  17. The refugee crisis in Africa and implications for health and disease: a political ecology approach.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Kalipeni, E; Oppong, J

    1998-06-01

    Political violence in civil war and ethnic conflicts has generated millions of refugees across the African continent with unbelievable pictures of suffering and unnecessary death. Using a political ecology framework, this paper examines the geographies of exile and refugee movements and the associated implications for re-emerging and newly emerging infectious diseases in great detail. It examines how the political ecologic circumstances underlying the refugee crisis influences health services delivery and the problems of disease and health in refugee camps. It has four main themes, namely, an examination of the geography of the refugee crisis: the disruption of health services due to political ecologic forces that produce refugees; the breeding of disease in refugee camps due to the prevailing desperation and destitution; and the creation of an optimal environment for emergence and spread of disease due to the chaotic nature of war and violence that produces refugees. We argue in this paper that there is great potential of something more virulent than cholera and Ebola emerging and taking a big toll before being identified and controlled. We conclude by noting that once such a disease is out in the public rapid diffusion despite political boundaries is likely, a fact that has a direct bearing on global health. The extensive evidence presented in this paper of the overriding role of political factors in the refugee health problem calls for political reform and peace accords, engagement and empowerment of Pan-African organizations, foreign policy changes by Western governments and greater vigilance of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the allocation and distribution of relief aid.

  18. MOTIVATIONAL AND VALUE-SEMANTIC DETERMINANTS OF INDIVIDUAL ASSERTIVENESS

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    Lebedeva Inga Viktorovna

    2013-04-01

    Full Text Available The paper attempts to reveal the concept of "determinants of assertiveness" of a personality, which are determined by motivational characteristics and life value and meaning orientations of the individual. The immediate driving force of human action is the motive or the system of motives. The system of motives of human behavior in different situations of activities, communication and cognition is determined by the personal world view (set of ideas, interests, and beliefs. The value orientation, influencing the direction of human activity, determines a person's behavior and is a personality determinant in the manifestations of assertive behavior and assertiveness. Therefore, the significant psychological factors that contribute to the development of assertiveness are high motivation to success, positive attitudes, and such values as compassion, tolerance, mutual understanding, sympathy, concern that oppose to violence, domination, suppression and submission. The article also presents the results of an empirical study of motivational and value-semantic characteristics of the individual.

  19. Wounding apertures: violence, affect and photography during and after apartheid

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Kylie Thomas

    2012-01-01

    Full Text Available Between March and September 2012 there have been sixteen instances of 'necklacing' in the townships just outside of Cape Town. This article argues for understanding these events in relation to the violence of apartheid. It approaches the question of the meanings of the persistence of necklacing through an analysis of photographs of people who had been subject to vigilante violence in the 1980s. The article focuses on the work of Gille de Vlieg, a photographer who, during apartheid, was a member of the Black Sash and of the Afrapix photography collective. I read de Vlieg's photographs as a series of 'wounding apertures' that open a space for affective engagements with the violence of both the past and of the present. The importance of such engagements, the article argues, lies in what political philosopher Hannah Arendt has theorised as the constitutive relation between feeling, thinking and judging.

  20. Possible psychosocial strategies for controlling violence against women

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Sapna Kumari

    2009-01-01

    Full Text Available Women, the fair sex, are considered to be the weaker sex and one of the most powerless and marginalized sections of our society. Violence against women and girls continues to be a global epidemic. It is present in every country, cutting across boundaries of culture, class, education, income, ethnicity and age. A growing body of research studies indicates that 20% to 50% (varying from country to country of women have experienced domestic violence. A multilayered strategy that addresses the structural causes of violence against women is needed. Strategies and interventions attempting to address violence against women should be guided by 5 underlying principles: Prevention, protection, early intervention, rebuilding the lives of victims/survivors and accountability. When planning interventions, there are a variety of stakeholders who should be borne in mind. Key areas for intervention include encouraging women empowerment; advocacy and awareness raising; education for building a culture of nonviolence; encouraging active participation of women in political system; resource development; direct service provision to victims, survivors and perpetrators; networking and community mobilization; direct intervention to help victims/survivors rebuild their lives; legal reform; monitoring interventions and measures; early identification of ′at risk′ families, communities, groups and individuals; and data collection and analysis.

  1. A life of refusal. Winnie Madikizela-Mandela and violence in South Africa

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Shireen Hassim

    2015-03-01

    Full Text Available Winnie Madikizela-Mandela is an iconic woman in South African resistance politics. Not only the wife of Nelson Mandela, she was also a member of the ANC’s armed wing and supported the use of political violence. In the mid-1980s, she was implicated in the kidnapping and murder of young boys in Soweto. At the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in 1997, Madikizela-Mandela denied all allegations. Her testimony highlighted a key question: can women’s political roles be explored outside of the framework of political maternalism? The article uses fragments of interviews, and a recent essay by Madikizela-Mandela in which she presents a narrative account of the impact of imprisonment and political struggle on her life, as archival sources to explore how she made sense of her political actions. The article argues that although the maternalist paradigm is most frequently used to analyse the biography of Madikizela-Mandela, she herself foregrounds her identities as soldier.

  2. Political Market Orientation and the Network Party Type

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Ormrod, Robert P.

    and Saglie (2003). This is motivated by the growing need to integrate the current political science and marketing literature in order to provide a deeper understanding of the behaviour of political actors and their relationships with relevant stakeholder groups. Whilst the underlying conceptualisation draws......The conceptualisation of a political market orientation (PMO) draws on current marketing thought by focussing on the relationships that exist between the party2 and relevant internal and external stakeholders (Ormrod 2005, 2011a). However, the specific way in which the PMO model is linked...... on the management-based ‘relationship marketing’ approach (Bannon 2005; Henneberg and O’Shaughnessy 2009), by striving for contextual sensitivity it is hoped that the fears noted by political scientists that political marketing is solely concerned with applying standard management models to political parties...

  3. An economic analysis of the political promotion system in China

    OpenAIRE

    Jiancai Pi

    2017-01-01

    This paper mainly discusses the political promotion system in China. Specifically, we develop a generalized analytical framework by introducing the contest success function. On the one hand, the central government can give the optimal political promotion benefits to local officials to incentivize them to exert desirable developmental efforts. On the other hand, the central government can undertake a further design of the political promotion system to motivate local officials vi...

  4. Motives of terrorist acts

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Krstić Marko

    2015-01-01

    Full Text Available Terrorism is a relatively new phenomenon, and data on terrorist motivations and psychological profiles of terrorists are fairly scarce and limited. In theory, there is a large number of quantitative analyses of collective violence, murder, and crime, however, none of these can be identified with terrorism. Most current studies do not consider a great heterogeneity of terrorists, and numerous practical, conceptual, and psychological barriers slow down the science of learning about terrorism. Psychology, as a science of behavior, certainly makes a great contribution to the study of terrorism as a very complex phenomenon. The aim of this paper is to analyze and synthesize social and psychological determinants which contribute to the development of terrorist motives, and to elaborate on those facts which have been discussed in scientific and professional literature so far.

  5. Examining Characteristics of Opinion Leaders in Social Media: A Motivational Approach

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Stephan Winter

    2016-08-01

    Full Text Available Social networking sites offer various opportunities to express opinions on politics and public affairs and to disseminate information to a large circle of acquaintances. The present research aims to identify the characteristics of people who consider themselves as opinion leaders on these new channels, the features they use in order to influence others, and the psychological motives they pursue. A survey ( N  = 527 among Facebook users identified political interest and personality strength as significant predictors of perceived Facebook opinion leadership, while the influence of extraversion was not significant. Those who write private messages on political debates do this in order to raise awareness of specific topics, while opinion expression in public status updates is also strongly connected to self-presentational goals (impression motivation. Moreover, the motives of presenting oneself positively and convincing others are particularly important for people with high personality strength. The present findings extend previous knowledge by redefining the concept of opinion leadership in new media environments and describing motivational links between individuals’ predispositions and their activities to influence others’ opinions. On a practical level, the pronounced role of self-presentational motives is likely to have important implications for the dynamics of public debates in social media.

  6. The Politics of Violence, Truth, and Reconciliation in the Arab Middle East

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    This book treats political and cultural attempts to create truth and reconciliation processes in the Arab Middle Eat. It contains studies of Morocco, Algeria, Sudan, Lebanon, Palestine, Iraq and Syria.......This book treats political and cultural attempts to create truth and reconciliation processes in the Arab Middle Eat. It contains studies of Morocco, Algeria, Sudan, Lebanon, Palestine, Iraq and Syria....

  7. Are Muslim countries more prone to violence?

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    Nils Petter Gleditsch

    2016-05-01

    Full Text Available In recent years, most armed conflicts have taken place in Muslim countries. Are Muslim countries more war-prone? Not necessarily, if we look at data for the whole period after World War II. But in the post-Cold War era, most wars are civil wars and Muslim countries have a disproportionate share of these. This is not mainly because conflicts among Muslims have increased, but because other conflicts have declined. Muslim countries are also overrepresented among countries with high levels of other forms of internal violence, including non-state conflict, one-sided violence, highly repressive human rights policies, and countries that practice capital punishment. They also have a higher than average participation in interstate conflicts. This is not a “clash of civilizations”—most of the victims are Muslims. We list several hypotheses, apart from religion itself, for why this pattern has emerged, including colonial history, interventions from major powers, and economic and political development. Finally, on a more optimistic note, while many Muslims are exposed to violence, four of the five countries with the largest Muslim populations do not currently experience civil war.

  8. [Social support to women in situation of domestic violence].

    Science.gov (United States)

    Pereira-Gomes, Nadirlene; Lorenzini Erdmann, Alacoque; Rebouças-Gomes, Nadjane; da Silva-Monteiro, Deise; Moreira Dos Santos, Raiane; Menezes-Couto, Telmara

    2015-12-01

    Objective To understand the meanings attributed by health professionals to the social support of women in domestic violence situations. Methods We interviewed 52 professionals from five local health units of the municipality of Santa Catarina, Brazil. Data were processed based on the Grounded Theory. Results It was shown that the demands are related to the threats of companions and economic dependence, which justifies intersectorial referrals and women's inclusion in the income and employment generation program. Discussion Given the high demand and the health promotion prerogative of Primary Health Care, a greater availability of social workers within the Health Strategy is needed. Social support to women requires political interest in combining the health care sector with other resources available to combat violence.

  9. Interpreting Community Accountability: Citizen Views of Responding to Domestic Violence (or Not)

    Science.gov (United States)

    Hess, Jacob Z.; Allen, Nicole E.; Todd, Nathan R.

    2011-01-01

    In spite of common public condemnations of domestic violence, survey research suggests that citizens aware of actual abuse often believe they cannot or should not personally respond. Through in-depth interviews with 20 local citizens across the political spectrum, we sought to explore this dynamic more carefully by better understanding community…

  10. Narraciones de Cien Años de Soledad Acerca del Conflicto Armado y la Violencia Política en Colombia (Naratives of One Hundred Years of Solitude About the Armed Conflict and Political Violence in Colombia)

    OpenAIRE

    Camilo Eduardo Umaña Hernández

    2014-01-01

    This paper intends to explore the narrations of the conflict and political violence embedded in the novel One hundred years of solitude by Gabriel Garcia Marquez. As one of the most important Colombian books of the last century, “One Hundred years of Solitude” evidences the magical narrative and imagination of the Caribbean as well as the reality of life, death, family, love, work, social conflicts and other aspects that are relevant for understanding and exploring the perceptions...

  11. Witnessing Interparental Violence and Acceptance of Dating Violence as Predictors for Teen Dating Violence Victimization.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Karlsson, Marie E; Temple, Jeff R; Weston, Rebecca; Le, Vi Donna

    2016-04-01

    We examined the association between witnessing interparental violence, attitudes about dating violence, and physical and psychological teen dating violence (TDV) victimization. Participants were 918 teens with dating experience. Witnessing interparental violence and acceptance of dating violence were significant predictors of TDV victimization. Acceptance of dating violence was also a partial mediator between witnessing interparental violence and TDV victimization. Witnessing mother-to-father violence and acceptance of female-perpetrated violence were the most consistent predictors. TDV programs aiming to prevent victimization could benefit from targeting youth exposed to father-to-mother and mother-to-father violence, targeting attitudes about violence, and tailoring interventions to gender-specific risk factors. © The Author(s) 2015.

  12. The trailing trials of humiliation: Legal, social, and medical perspectives of women facing domestic violence in India

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Kumuda Rao

    2017-01-01

    Full Text Available Globally, violence within the home is universal across culture, religion, class, and ethnicity. Despite its widespread prevalence, such violence is not customarily acknowledged and has remained invisible-a problem thought unworthy of legal or political attention. The social construction of the divide between public and private life underlies the major problem of addressing the hidden nature of domestic violence against women. Legal jurisprudence has historically considered the domain of the house to be within the control and unquestionable authority of the male head of household. Thus, acts of violence against members of the household, whether wife or child, were perceived as discipline and essential for maintaining the rule of authority within the family. Except for sensational cases, the fear of social isolation and inhibition has caused the insidious everyday violence experienced by huge numbers of women to be hidden in the private domain. In this review, we make an attempt towards briefing the legal, social, and medical perspectives of women facing domestic violence.

  13. Television Violence: Implications for Violence Prevention.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Hughes, Jan N.; Hasbrouck, Jan E.

    1996-01-01

    Reviews the scientific and public-opinion debate on the impact television violence in America has on aggression and violence. Research supports the view that television violence contributes to children's level of aggressiveness and subsequent violence and criminality. Describes attempts to improve the quality of television programming for children…

  14. Corruption, social violence and ethical culture in Nigeria

    OpenAIRE

    Johnmary, Ani Kelechi

    2014-01-01

    Corruption is the direct or indirect act of violence aimed at exploiting unmerited gain and or advantage from a person, structure, institution or environment. In Nigeria, corruption has grown to an unquantifiable level. The major causes of corruption include absence of political will, progressive suppression of the culture of accountability, geometric societal poverty and negative socio-economic conditions as well as greed and the get-rich-quick syndrome etc. The paper presents the multi-dime...

  15. Violence against Teachers in Comprehensive Schools: Reasons of Origin, Forms of Expression and Outcome

    OpenAIRE

    Valdas Pruskus

    2011-01-01

    The violence against teachers discussed in this article is a phenomenon realistically existing in schools and it reflects the processes of modern society and their outcome for the youth as well as the interpersonal value priorities and relation with the surrounding world. This article shows the significantly changed situation in schools and the changed teachers’ work conditions. Teachers working at schools do not feel safe. The pupils’ violence influences not only motivation of teacher’s work...

  16. Political Challenges in Times of the Maria da Penha Law

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Lilia Guimarães Pougy

    2010-06-01

    Full Text Available This article offers support to the debate about national policies to confront violence against women and strengthen feminine citizenship. The route adopted in treating political challenges will follow the analysis of the principal responses to the phenomena of gender violence and analyze the trends identified since the enactment of the Maria da Penha Law, including increased emphasis on the “courts,” “psychology” and “social work.” The first part of the article analyzes the conceptual and normative factors of policy concerning women. An analysis is then conducted of “judicialization” and its consequences for the theoretical debate. The article concludes by presenting current perspectives on care for women at Reference Centers.

  17. "Thank You, Black Twitter": State Violence, Digital Counterpublics, and Pedagogies of Resistance

    Science.gov (United States)

    Hill, Marc Lamont

    2018-01-01

    In this article, I examine the role of Black Twitter as a "digital counterpublic" that enables critical pedagogy, political organizing, and both symbolic and material forms of resistance to anti-Black state violence within the United States. Focusing primarily on post-Ferguson events, I spotlight the ways that Black people have used…

  18. A Self-Determination Model of Childhood Exposure, Perceived Prevalence, Justification, and Perpetration of Intimate Partner Violence

    OpenAIRE

    Neighbors, Clayton; Walker, Denise D.; Mbilinyi, Lyungai F.; Zegree, Joan; Foster, Dawn W.; Roffman, Roger A.

    2013-01-01

    The present research was designed to evaluate self-determination theory as a framework for integrating factors associated with intimate partner violence (IPV) perpetration. The proposed model suggests that childhood exposure to parental violence may influence global motivational orientations which, in turn result in greater cognitive biases (overestimating the prevalence of IPV and justification of IPV) which, in turn, contribute to an individual’s decision to use abusive behavior. Participan...

  19. The Brazilian policy for reduction of accidents and violence aligns with international perspectives?

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Karen Namie Sakata

    2014-12-01

    Full Text Available The study analyzed The Brazilian Policy for Reduction of Morbidity and Mortality from Accidents and Violence, in the socio-political perspective. We used as a base the chapter “Violence: a global public health problem” from the World Report on Violence and Health. The analysis revealed convergent and divergent elements of the Brazilian Policy in comparison with the international perspectives. We verified that the Brazilian Policy tried to converge to the international policies, however: it emphasizes the health promotion actions, but are limited to the context and behavior of individuals and individual communities; the performance of health professionals is expected without providing more structural investments, as the improvement in work conditions, the increase of financial and material resources; there are few clear definitions of the government and economical sector responsibilities.

  20. Political apathy amongst students: A case study of Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ntsikelelo B. Breakfast

    2017-09-01

    Full Text Available The primary motivation for this research, in which a qualitative method was employed, was to examine political apathy amongst students at Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University. The secondary motivation was to question whether youth political apathy threatens the consolidation of democracy. The researchers arranged four focus groups at Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University. A purposive sampling technique was utilised. All 50 participants in the study were Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University undergraduate and postgraduate black students, with ages ranging from 21 to 35 years. The researchers encouraged participants to have maximum participation in the focus group deliberations. The researchers also made use of elite interviews in the study. The findings of this study suggest that political apathy does exist amongst students at Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University. Most of the participants in the focus groups indicated that young people in post-apartheid South Africa have no interest in politics.

  1. Óscar Campo's Cinema: Memory of Violence in Colombia from the Documentary of Dissent

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Diana Kuéllar

    2018-01-01

    Full Text Available The following article discusses the existence of an Colombian documentary film which works from the aesthetics of dissent and proposes to art as a political space, understood the concept of politician as the intersection between power and resistance where the debate it generates, as proposed by Jacques Rancière. They are films that seek to create a disarticulation in the consensual order of historical narration that prevails in Colombia and are characterized by developed in marginality and pose creation from the compression of the consensus agreements to have arguments for discussion. Colombia since the mid of the last century is mired in violence coming from different fronts, media have been commissioned to disseminate and publicly support power agreements. In this environment, this research seeks to respond: how is accomplished dislocate the public consensus and build a dissenting memory that survives to the saturation of the discourses circulating around violence in Colombia? This paper will discuss the work of the Colombian director Óscar Campo as representative of this proposal. His work comprises a range of narratives which, although they are different each other, they maintain some cohesion and progression in a story that manages to create unconventional political – aesthetic criteria of Colombian violence.

  2. MOTIVATIONAL AND VALUE-SEMANTIC DETERMINANTS OF INDIVIDUAL ASSERTIVENESS

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Инга Викторовна Лебедева

    2013-04-01

    Full Text Available The paper attempts to reveal the concept of "determinants of assertiveness" of a personality, which are determined by motivational characteristics and life value and meaning orientations of the individual. The immediate driving force of human action is the motive or the system of motives. The system of motives of human behavior in different situations of activities, communication and cognition is determined by the personal world view (set of ideas, interests, and beliefs. The value orientation, influencing the direction of human activity, determines a person's behavior and is a personality determinant in the manifestations of assertive behavior and assertiveness. Therefore, the significant psychological factors that contribute to the development of assertiveness are high motivation to success, positive attitudes, and such values as compassion, tolerance, mutual understanding, sympathy, concern that oppose to violence, domination, suppression and submission.The article also presents the results of an empirical study of motivational and value-semantic characteristics of the individual.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2218-7405-2013-4-15

  3. Public attention to science and political news and support for climate change mitigation

    Science.gov (United States)

    Hart, P. Sol; Nisbet, Erik C.; Myers, Teresa A.

    2015-06-01

    We examine how attention to science and political news may influence public knowledge, perceived harm, and support for climate mitigation policies. Previous research examining these relationships has not fully accounted for how political ideology shapes the mental processes through which the public interprets media discourses about climate change. We incorporate political ideology and the concept of motivated cognition into our analysis to compare and contrast two prominent models of opinion formation, the scientific literacy model, which posits that disseminating scientific information will move public opinion towards the scientific consensus, and the motivated reasoning model, which posits that individuals will interpret information in a biased manner. Our analysis finds support for both models of opinion formation with key differences across ideological groups. Attention to science news was associated with greater perceptions of harm and knowledge for conservatives, but only additional knowledge for liberals. Supporting the literacy model, greater knowledge was associated with more support for climate mitigation for liberals. In contrast, consistent with motivated reasoning, more knowledgeable conservatives were less supportive of mitigation policy. In addition, attention to political news had a negative association with perceived harm for conservatives but not for liberals.

  4. The self-control consequences of political ideology.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Clarkson, Joshua J; Chambers, John R; Hirt, Edward R; Otto, Ashley S; Kardes, Frank R; Leone, Christopher

    2015-07-07

    Evidence from three studies reveals a critical difference in self-control as a function of political ideology. Specifically, greater endorsement of political conservatism (versus liberalism) was associated with greater attention regulation and task persistence. Moreover, this relationship is shown to stem from varying beliefs in freewill; specifically, the association between political ideology and self-control is mediated by differences in the extent to which belief in freewill is endorsed, is independent of task performance or motivation, and is reversed when freewill is perceived to impede (rather than enhance) self-control. Collectively, these findings offer insight into the self-control consequences of political ideology by detailing conditions under which conservatives and liberals are better suited to engage in self-control and outlining the role of freewill beliefs in determining these conditions.

  5. Violence Research from North Africa to South Asia: A Historical and Structural Overview

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Jochen Hippler

    2011-07-01

    Full Text Available

    This is a historical and sociological overview of violence and violence research in and on North Africa, West Asia, and South Asia, considering only studies for a global audience. The main focus is on political violence, with a brief look at religious and communal violence, youth violence, and domestic and gendered violence. These regions have been consistently affected by political violence for many decades, the main source of which seems to be the ongoing state formation process, as well as social transformation in general. The literature on violence is dominated by international debates, at

  6. Why Do Students Bully? An Analysis of Motives behind Violence in Schools

    Science.gov (United States)

    Fluck, Julia

    2017-01-01

    Research on school bullying and violence has always been working with taxonomies of bullying to categorize aggressive acts. Researchers distinguish between direct and indirect or between physical, verbal, and relational bullying. Cyberbullying is categorized either by type of action or by type of medium. In this article, we propose another kind of…

  7. TEACHER’S POLITENESS IN EFL CLASS

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ayfer Sülü

    2015-10-01

    Full Text Available Politeness is considered to promote effective interaction between people. In the context of language teaching, it is believed to enhance learning by providing a lively and friendly atmosphere in classroom (Jiang, 2010. This study investigates an EFL classroom in terms of interaction between English learners and a native English speaking teacher. The aim of the study is to see whether the effects of politeness strategies differ when students and teacher do not share the same culture and native language. Two hours of classes were observed and taperecorded by the researcher. The recordings were transcribed and analyzed by making use of related politeness strategies and functions of speech. Also, three randomly chosen students were interviewed after the class. The findings showed that politeness existed in that EFL classroom and it helped students to have positive feelings towards the lesson and motivated them to participate more in classes.

  8. The symphony of the damned: racial discourse, complex political emergencies and humanitarian aid.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Duffield, M

    1996-09-01

    This paper concerns the manner in which the West is responding to protracted political crises beyond its borders. It examines the conceptual world-view that aid agencies bring to complex emergencies and which shapes action. The paper provides an analysis of developmentalism. That is, the currently dominant idea of development which is an adapted form of multiculturalism. It is based on the empowerment of cultural differences and the relativisation of progress. As a variant of multiculturalism, developmentalism is part of Western racial discourse. In terms of understanding conflict, it establishes a mirror-image relationship with new rascist ideas premised on cultural pluralism inevitably leading to social breakdown, violence and anarchy. To the contrary, with its functional view of social harmony, libertine developmentalism claims that even unresolved political crisis constitutes a development opportunity. Developmentalism, like culturalism generally, is incapable of analysing power. It therefore cannot understand the effects and significance of its own organisational forms. Moreover, since the absence of power translates into operational neutrality in a war zone, it is also unable to analyse the nature of new political formations emerging in the global periphery. That is, the so-called weak or failed states, warlords and so on. This functional ignorance has allowed a widespread incorporation of humanitarian aid into the fabric of political violence. Developmentalism is an essential underpinning for the growing organisational accommodation to ongoing conflict and eroding standards of justice and accountability.

  9. Reframing political violence and mental health outcomes: outlining a research and action agenda for Latin America and the Caribbean region Reformulando a violência política e efeitos na saúde mental: esboçando uma agenda de pesquisa e ação para a América Latina e região do Caribe

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Duncan Pedersen

    2006-06-01

    Full Text Available In recent decades, the number of people exposed to traumatic events has significantly increased as various forms of violence, including war and political upheaval, engulf civilian populations worldwide. In spite of widespread armed conflict, guerrilla warfare and political violence in the Latin American and Caribbean region, insufficient attention had been paid in assessing the medium and long-term psychological impact and additional burden of disease, death, and disability caused by violence and wars amongst civilian populations. Following a review of the literature, a few central questions are raised: What is the short, medium and long-term health impact of extreme and sustained forms of violence in a given population? How political violence is linked to poor mental health outcomes at the individual and collective levels? Are trauma-related disorders, universal outcomes of extreme and sustained violence? These questions lead us to reframe the analysis of political violence and mental health outcomes, and reexamine the notions of trauma, after which a research and action agenda for the region is outlined. In the concluding sections, some basic principles that may prove useful when designing psychosocial interventions in post-conflict situations are reviewed.Em décadas recentes, o número de pessoas expostas a eventos traumáticos tem aumentado significativamente, bem como formas de violência como guerras e revoluções políticas, que subjugam populações civis em todo o mundo. Apesar da dispersão dos conflitos armados, guerrilhas e violência política na América Latina e Caribe, atenção insuficiente tem sido dada para avaliar o impacto psicológico a médio e longo prazo e o peso das doenças, mortes, e invalidez provocadas pela violência e guerra contra populações civis. Algumas perguntas centrais são levantadas, a partir de revisão da literatura: qual o impacto na saúde da população, a curto, médio e longo prazo, ao

  10. Reformulando a violência política e efeitos na saúde mental: esboçando uma agenda de pesquisa e ação para a América Latina e região do Caribe Reframing political violence and mental health outcomes: outlining a research and action agenda for Latin America and the Caribbean region

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Duncan Pedersen

    2006-01-01

    Full Text Available Em décadas recentes, o número de pessoas expostas a eventos traumáticos tem aumentado significativamente, bem como formas de violência como guerras e revoluções políticas, que subjugam populações civis em todo o mundo. Apesar da disseminação dos conflitos armados, guerrilhas e violência política na América Latina e Caribe, atenção insuficiente tem sido dada para avaliar o impacto psicológico a médio e longo prazo e o peso das doenças, mortes, e invalidez provocadas pela violência e guerra contra populações civis. Algumas perguntas centrais são levantadas, a partir de revisão da literatura: qual o impacto na saúde da população, a curto, médio e longo prazo, por vivenciar violências extremas e continuadas? Como a violência política se relaciona com pobre saúde mental individual e coletiva? As desordens relacionadas aos traumas são conseqüências universais da violência extrema e continuada? Essas perguntas nos levam a reformular a análise da violência política e de suas conseqüências sobre a saúde mental e a reexaminar as noções de trauma e a agenda da pesquisa e ação para a região. Ao fim, são apresentados alguns princípios básicos que podem ser úteis ao se projetar intervenções psicosociais.In recent decades, the number of people exposed to traumatic events has significantly increased as various forms of violence, including war and political upheaval, engulf civilian populations worldwide. In spite of widespread armed conflict, guerrilla warfare and political violence in the Latin American and Caribbean region, insufficient attention had been paid in assessing the medium and long-term psychological impact and additional burden of disease, death, and disability caused by violence and wars amongst civilian populations. Following a review of the literature, a few central questions are raised: What is the short, medium and long-term health impact of extreme and sustained forms of violence in a

  11. Barriers and Facilitators to the Implementation of Interventions to Prevent Youth Violence in Latin America: A Systematic Review and Qualitative Evidence Synthesis.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Atienzo, Erika E; Kaltenthaler, Eva; Baxter, Susan K

    2016-08-12

    Youth violence in Latin America is an important public health problem. However, the evidence from preventive programs within the region to address this problem is limited. Identifying context-specific factors that facilitate or hinder the success of interventions is necessary to guarantee the successful implementation of new preventive strategies. We present a systematic review and synthesis of qualitative studies to identify factors affecting the implementation of programs to prevent youth violence in Latin America. We searched 10 electronic databases and websites of international institutions. The quality of the studies was assessed using the critical appraisal skills program checklist, while the certainty of the findings of the synthesis was assessed using the certainty of the qualitative evidence approach. We included eight papers describing five programs in Argentina, Venezuela, Peru, El Salvador, and Mexico. Most of the factors affecting the implementation of programs were aspects related to features of the programs and social/political constraints. The synthesis suggests that future programs can benefit from having a multidisciplinary and/or multisectoral approach involving different key players. At the same time, potential strategies for avoiding problems related to such active engagement should be planned via promoting effective channels for communication and supervision. The review also suggests the importance of increasing awareness and motivation toward the problem of youth violence among relevant agencies and stakeholders. While the limited volume and quality of the literature impact on the ability to draw conclusions, the results could be useful for new programs being designed and the ones seeking to be adapted from other contexts. © The Author(s) 2016.

  12. "When the skies fight": HIV, violence and pathways of precarity in South Africa.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Mills, Elizabeth

    2016-05-01

    Based on multi-sited ethnographic fieldwork in South Africa, this article explores the skies that fight, the proverbial lightning strikes that bring HIV into women's lives and bodies. Departing from earlier studies on ARV programmes in and beyond South Africa, and broadening out to explore the chronic struggle for life in a context of entrenched socio-economic inequality, this article presents findings on women's embodiment of and strategic resistance to structural and interpersonal violence. These linked forms of violence are discussed in light of the concept of precarity. Across two sections, the findings trace the pathways through which precarity entered women's lives, drawing on verbal, visual and written accounts collected through participant observation, participatory photography and film, and journey mapping. In doing so, the ethnography articulates the intersection of structural and interpersonal violence in women's lives. It also reveals the extent to which women exert a 'constrained agency', on the one hand, to resist structural violence and reconfigure their political relationship with the state through health activism; and, on the other hand, to shift the gender dynamics that fuel interpersonal violence through a careful navigation of intimacy and independence. Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

  13. Motivating young people for education

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Cort, Pia

    2013-01-01

    The article explores the issue of motivation in policy and practice. The argument is that the folk high schools and the tradition of liberal education offer a learning environment where a number of psychological needs are satisfied among the young people leading to a motivation for learning whereas...... policy is based primarily on controlling forms of regulation counterproductive to the political objective of making 95% of a youth cohort complete upper secondary education. Liberal education may in other words be a case of good practice worth emulating in youth education policy....

  14. Why Irregulars Win: Asymmetry of Motivations and the Outcomes of Irregular Warfare

    Science.gov (United States)

    2016-12-01

    Political Science, 64. 69 Xiaoyan Xu et al., “ Motivation and Social Contexts: A Cross national Pilot Study of Achievement, Power, and Affiliation Motives ...by religion, nationalism, and social and economic inequalities. The Palestinians have stayed fully committed and motivated since they were displaced...militarily despite an asymmetry of motivations . The Russians accomplished this in part, by restricting and censoring the media to isolate the Russian

  15. Electoral Violence in Putin´s Russia: Modern Authoritarianism in Practice

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Michal Mochtak

    2017-06-01

    Full Text Available The paper identifies and analyses the acts of electoral violence that occurred during the 2011 parliamentary and 2012 presidential elections in the Russian Federation, and connects them with the practices of modern authoritarian regimes. The analytical tool employed is based on an electoral violence research framework, which provides insight into the negative dynamics of an electoral competition and its outcomes. The authors argue that electoral violence is used to advance the Russian authoritarian regime, which is a modern form of authoritarian rule. By analysing the post-electoral turmoil and the response of authorities to public demonstrations, we depict the regime's ability to adapt its position to maximise outcomes in the political conflict and opportunistically select the best tool to achieve its goals. We further argue that Russia, with its authoritarian tendencies, utilises confrontation dynamics during elections in order to allow the politicisation of various latent conflicts (interest- or value-oriented that are impossible to solve in the everyday depoliticised routine of the undemocratic system.

  16. Intolerance and Violence Against Doctors.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Singh, Meharban

    2017-10-01

    Intolerance and grouse against doctors is a global phenomenon but India seems to lead the world in violence against doctors. According to World Health Organization, about 8-38% healthcare workers suffer physical violence at some point in their careers. Many more are verbally abused or threatened. Public is almost behaving like health sector terrorists. The spate of increasing attacks on doctors by damaging their property and causing physical injury is not acceptable by any civilized society. The public is becoming increasingly intolerant to a large number of social issues because of poor governance and vote bank politics. There is a need to arrest the development of further distrust between doctors and their patients/relatives, otherwise it will compromise all achievements of medical science and adversely affect healing capabilities of doctors. Rude and aggressive behavior of the patients or their family members, and arrogant and lackadaisical approach of the doctor, adversely affects the doctor-patient relationship and the outcome of the patient. The doctors, hospital administration and government must exercise "zero tolerance" with respect to acts of violence against healthcare professionals. It is possible to reduce the incidence of intolerance against doctors but difficult to eliminate it completely. The healthcare providers should demonstrate greater compassion and empathy with improved communication skills. The hospitals must have adequate infrastructure, facilities and staff to handle emergencies without delay and with due confidence and skills. The security of healthcare providers, especially in sensitive areas, should be improved by having adequate number of security guards, frisking facilities, extensive CCTV network and availability of "Quick response team" to handle unruly mob. In case of any grievances for alleged mismanagement, the public should handle the situation in a civilized manner and seek redressal through Medical Protection Act and legal

  17. The Clones of 'Mr Kurtz': Violence, War and Plunder in the DRC ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    The Clones of 'Mr Kurtz': Violence, War and Plunder in the DRC. Mwesiga Baregu. Abstract. (Af. J. Political Science: 2002 7(2): 11-38). Full Text: EMAIL FULL TEXT EMAIL FULL TEXT · DOWNLOAD FULL TEXT DOWNLOAD FULL TEXT · http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ajps.v7i2.27329 · AJOL African Journals Online. HOW TO ...

  18. Violence and the crisis of conciliation : Suri, Dizi and the State in south-west Ethiopia

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Abbink, J.

    2000-01-01

    This article examines the social and political background of escalating violence between ethnic groups in southwestern Ethiopia who until recently had customary and ritually sanctioned ways of resolving conflict. It focuses on the Maji area, a frontier region inhabited by two indigenous groups - the

  19. Re-interpreting Genesis 34 in the Light of Religious Violence in ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    Religion plays significant roles in social harmony, yet it also serves as a motivation for violence. In Nigeria, religion has been at the centre of most violent conflicts, thereby gaining notoriety as one of the prime security challenges confronting the country. Genesis 34 is an important chapter in the Old Testament Bible.

  20. Violence against children in South Africa: the cost of inaction to society and the economy.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Hsiao, Celia; Fry, Deborah; Ward, Catherine L; Ganz, Gary; Casey, Tabitha; Zheng, Xiaodong; Fang, Xiangming

    2018-01-01

    Despite the extent and magnitude of violence against children in South Africa, political and financial investments to prevent violence against children remain low. A recent costing study investigating the social burden and economic impact of violence against children in South Africa found notable reductions to mental and physical health outcomes in the population if children were prevented from experiencing violence, neglect and witnessing family violence. The results showed, among others, that drug abuse in the entire population could be reduced by up to 14% if sexual violence against children could be prevented, self-harm could be reduced by 23% in the population if children did not experience physical violence, anxiety could be reduced by 10% if children were not emotionally abused, alcohol abuse could be reduced by 14% in women if they did not experience neglect as children, and lastly, interpersonal violence in the population could be reduced by 16% if children did not witness family violence. The study further estimated that the cost of inaction in 2015 amounted to nearly 5% of the country's gross domestic product. These findings show that preventing children from experiencing and witnessing violence can help to strengthen the health of a nation by ensuring children reach their full potential and drive the country's economy and growth. The paper further discusses ways in which preventing and ending violence against children may be prioritised in South Africa through, for instance, intersectoral collaboration and improving routine monitoring data, such as through the sustainable development goals.

  1. Nuclear power. Protest and violence

    International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

    Stockton, B.; Janke, P.

    1978-01-01

    Following an introductory survey of the anti-nuclear movement, its activities in the following countries are discussed in detail: USA, West Germany, France, United Kingdom. Motives, methods and organization - including international organization - are considered. The interaction of environmental and political motives, and the contrast between peaceful and violent approaches are analyzed. Appendices cover the following: brief description of the nuclear fuel cycle; chronology of 40 anti-nuclear incidents in the above and other countries between February 1975 and September 1978; brief statement on the 'neutron bomb' controversy. In the course of the document reference is made to anti-nuclear activities in 18 countries in all. (U.K.)

  2. The Effects of Violence and Internal Displacement on Rural-Agrarian Change in Turkey

    Science.gov (United States)

    Sonmez, Abdulkerim

    2008-01-01

    This paper addresses two interrelated issues that have assumed major political significance in the handling of the Kurdish question in Turkey. The first is the impact of violence and resulting internal displacement in Eastern and Southeastern Turkey on rural-agrarian change. The second concerns the implications of the structural change and social…

  3. Children's exposure to violent political conflict stimulates aggression at peers by increasing emotional distress, aggressive script rehearsal, and normative beliefs favoring aggression.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Huesmann, L Rowell; Dubow, Eric F; Boxer, Paul; Landau, Simha F; Gvirsman, Shira Dvir; Shikaki, Khalil

    2017-02-01

    We examine the hypothesis that children's exposure to ethnic-political conflict and violence over the course of a year stimulates their increased aggression toward their own in-group peers in subsequent years. In addition, we examine what social cognitive and emotional processes mediate these effects and how these effects are moderated by gender, age, and ethnic group. To accomplish these aims, we collected three waves of data from 901 Israeli and 600 Palestinian youths (three age cohorts: 8, 11, and 14 years old) and their parents at 1-year intervals. Exposure to ethnic-political violence was correlated with aggression at in-group peers among all age cohorts. Using a cross-lagged structural equation model from Year 1 to Year 3, we found that the relation between exposure and aggression is more plausibly due to exposure to ethnic-political violence stimulating later aggression at peers than vice versa, and this effect was not moderated significantly by gender, age cohort, or ethnic group. Using three-wave structural equation models, we then showed that this effect was significantly mediated by changes in normative beliefs about aggression, aggressive script rehearsal, and emotional distress produced by the exposure. Again the best fitting model did not allow for moderation by gender, age cohort, or ethnic group. The findings are consistent with recent theorizing that exposure to violence leads to changes both in emotional processes promoting aggression and in the acquisition through observational learning of social cognitions promoting aggression.

  4. Political Corruption, Democratic Theory, and Democracy

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Doron Navot

    2014-09-01

    Full Text Available According to recent conceptual proposals, institutional corruption should be understood within the boundaries of the institution and its purpose. Political corruption in democracies, prominent scholars suggest, is characterized by the violation of institutional ideals or behaviors that tend to harm democratic processes and institutions. This paper rejects the idea that compromises, preferences, political agreements, or consent can be the baseline of conceptualization of political corruption. In order to improve the identification of abuse of power, the concept of political corruption should not be related directly to democratic institutions and processes; rather, it should be related to ideals whose content is independent of citizens’ preferences, institutions and processes. More specifically, I articulate the relations between political corruption and the notion of subjection, and include powerful citizens in the category of political corruption. Yet, I also suggest redefining under what conditions agents are culpable for their motivations in promoting private gain. By doing this, we better realize how democratic institutions can be the source of corruption and not just its victims. Such a redefinition, I propose finally, is the basis for the distinction between individual and institutional corruption.

  5. Violencia social y discurso político presidencial Venezolano: un estudio psicosocial Violência social e discurso político presidencial Venezuelano: um estudo psicossocial Social violence and Venezuelan political presidential discourse: a psychosocial study

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Luis Alberto d'Aubeterre Alvarado

    2009-12-01

    elementos fundamentais para construir identidades sociais irreconciliáveis.The daily growth of violence and social insecurity in Venezuela are perceived as the most serious problems of this decade and a critical public health matter. The World Health Organization (WHO classified Brazil, Mexico and Venezuela among the countries with the highest rates of violence in the world. Nevertheless, there is a less notorious aspect: symbolical violence. The aim of this study was to approach social violence as a psycho-socio-political-historical complex process, from a psychosocial discursive perspective. The starting point was the analysis of President Hugo Chávez's official political discourse. This is a documental exploratory and hermeneutical research: discourse analysis was the method applied on a corpus composed by two selected presidential allocutions published in the Internet. The results suggest that President Chavez's political discourse could reinforce and legitimize national social violence and provide fundamental elements to build emergent antagonist social identities.

  6. Trivializing violence

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Henriksen, Ann-Karina Eske; Bengtsson, Tea Torbenfeldt

    2018-01-01

    This article analyzes narratives of violence based on interviews with 43 marginalized young Danish people. Their narratives reveal that violence is not only experienced as singular, dramatic encounters; violence is also trivialized in their everyday lives. By drawing on anthropological perspectives...... on everyday violence, we propose a sensitizing framework that enables the exploration of trivialized violence. This framework integrates three perspectives on the process of trivialization: the accumulation of violence; the embodiment of violence; and the temporal and spatial entanglement of violence....... This analysis shows how multiple experiences of violence—as victim, witness, or perpetrator—intersect and mutually inform each other, thereby shaping the everyday lives and dispositions of the marginalized youth. The concept of trivialized violence is a theoretical contribution to cultural and narrative...

  7. Do political budget cycles really exist?

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Klomp, J.G.; Haan, de J.

    2013-01-01

    Most recent cross-country studies on election-motivated fiscal policy assume that the data can be pooled. As various tests suggest that our data for some 70 democratic countries for the period 1970–2007 cannot be pooled, we use the Pooled Mean Group (PMG) estimator to test whether Political Budget

  8. 'That thing of human rights': discourse, emergency assistance, and sexual violence in South Sudan's current civil war.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Luedke, Alicia Elaine; Logan, Hannah Faye

    2018-01-01

    One of the most widely covered aspects of the current conflict in South Sudan has been the use sexual violence by rival factions of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) and other armed groups. While this has had the positive effect of ensuring that sexual violence is an integral component of intervention strategies in the country, it has also had a number of unintended consequences. This paper demonstrates how the narrow focus on sexual violence as a 'weapon of war', and the broader emergency lens through which the plight of civilians, especially women, has been viewed, are overly simplistic, often neglecting the root causes of such violence. More specifically, it highlights how dominant discourses on sexual violence in South Sudan's conflict have disregarded the historically violent civil-military relations that have typified the SPLM/A's leadership, and the structural violence connected with the local political economy of bride wealth and the associated commodification of feminine identities and bodies. © 2018 The Author(s). Disasters © Overseas Development Institute, 2018.

  9. Panorama de la violencia contra actores políticos en Guerrero, 2008-2015 / Overview of Violence against Political Actors in Guerrero (2008-2015

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Gabino Solano Ramírez

    2016-07-01

    Full Text Available En este trabajo se describe la violencia que afecta a quienes participan en los procesos políticos o institucionales del estado de Guerrero: candidatos, alcaldes y exalcaldes, legisladores, funcionarios de gobierno, líderes partidistas. Los indicadores que se presentan son homicidios, amenazas y secuestros. La investigación es de carácter exploratorio y descriptivo; se señalan algunas relaciones de causalidad para un estudio de mayor profundidad. Cada caso se integró a partir de información hemerográfica. / This article describes the violence affecting participants in political or institutional processes in the state of Guerrero: candidates, mayors and former mayors, legislators, government officials, and party leaders. The indicators presented are homicides, threats, and kidnappings. The research is exploratory and descriptive, and the author points out certain causal relationships for a more thorough study. Each case was built based on information from magazines, journals, and newspapers.

  10. Russian consumers' motives for food choice.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Honkanen, Pirjo; Frewer, Lynn

    2009-04-01

    Knowledge about food choice motives which have potential to influence consumer consumption decisions is important when designing food and health policies, as well as marketing strategies. Russian consumers' food choice motives were studied in a survey (1081 respondents across four cities), with the purpose of identifying consumer segments based on these motives. These segments were then profiled using consumption, attitudinal and demographic variables. Face-to-face interviews were used to sample the data, which were analysed with two-step cluster analysis (SPSS). Three clusters emerged, representing 21.5%, 45.8% and 32.7% of the sample. The clusters were similar in terms of the order of motivations, but differed in motivational level. Sensory factors and availability were the most important motives for food choice in all three clusters, followed by price. This may reflect the turbulence which Russia has recently experienced politically and economically. Cluster profiles differed in relation to socio-demographic factors, consumption patterns and attitudes towards health and healthy food.

  11. "Killed Out of Love": A Frame Analysis of Domestic Violence Coverage in Hong Kong.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Hernández, Miriam

    2017-11-01

    A frame analysis was conducted on a Hong Kong newspaper to determine whether news coverage of female fatalities at the hands of their intimate partners was reported in conventional domestic violence ways or if there were culture-specific explanations. Overall, most coverage supported known views of domestic violence, justifying the perpetrator and categorizing the issue as isolated crime. However, a few stories highlighted the historical subordination of women under patriarchy in Confucianism as an important cultural factor. Findings have implications for the lack of generalization of the social problem, and the understanding of cultural and political power in Hong Kong society.

  12. Legal protection of victims of domestic violence in Republika Srpska

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Marković Ivanka

    2008-01-01

    Full Text Available Legal protection of victims of domestic violence in Republika Srpska is analyzed in this work. With regard to the above, the author highlights that in Republika Srpska there are two forms of legal protection from domestic violence they fall within the remit of criminal law and misdemeanor law. Introduction of such protection model was intended for the protection of victims from this form of violent behavior, which is, by its characteristics a specific form of criminal behavior and as such demands special measures of lawful reaction by the state. Protection of victims of domestic violence falling within the remit of criminal law, which is very important since it attaches the same gravity to this and the other forms of criminality giving it a certain degree of criminal-political weight, has not produced expected results. For that reason was adopted a special Law on Protection from Domestic Violence defining the notion of domestic violence, persons considered to be a family members, methods of their protection, as well as the kind and purpose of misdemeanor law related norms with emphasizing the fact that all the proceedings initiated under this law are of an urgent nature. The main driving force leading to the adoption of this Law is to obtain a complete and systematic regulation of domestic violence to enable faster, more efficient and durable protection of the endangered persons. The most important thing about this Law on Protection from Domestic Violence is introduction of protective measures, which could be sentenced against the perpetrator and which, in fact, allow for the protection of victims to family violence. Method of its concrete implementation regulated is by the relevant by-laws. Adoption of law sanctioning domestic violence, either as a criminal act or as a misdemeanor, together with the adoption of by-laws for the implementation of particular protective measures, represent a step forward in combat and prevention of domestic

  13. A cycle of violence? Examining family-of-origin violence, attitudes, and intimate partner violence perpetration.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Eriksson, Li; Mazerolle, Paul

    2015-03-01

    Exposure to violence in the family-of-origin has consistently been linked to intimate partner violence (IPV) perpetration in adulthood. However, whether the transmission of violence across generations is role- and gender-specific still remains unclear. The current study examined the effects of experiencing child abuse and observing parental violence on IPV perpetration among a sample of male arrestees (N = 303). The differential effects of observing violence perpetrated by same-sex (father to mother), opposite-sex (mother to father), and both parents on subsequent IPV perpetration were examined. Logistic regression analyses showed that while observing father-only violence and bidirectional interparental violence was predictive of IPV perpetration, observing mother-only violence and direct experiences of child abuse was not. These findings suggest that the transmission of violence across generations is both role- and gender-specific and highlight the importance of examining unique dimensions of partner violence to assess influences on children. The study further examined whether attitudes justifying wife beating mediate the effect of exposure to violence and subsequent IPV perpetration. Results showed that although attitudes were predictive of perpetration, these attitudes did not mediate the relationship. © The Author(s) 2014.

  14. Simulation Games on the European Union in Civics: Effects on Secondary School Pupils' Political Competence

    Science.gov (United States)

    Oberle, Monika; Leunig, Johanna

    2016-01-01

    Civics courses strive to promote students' political competencies, which according to the model of Detjen et al. incorporate content knowledge, abilities to make political judgements and take political action, as well as motivational skills and attitudes. For achieving these goals, high hopes are placed on active learning tools such as political…

  15. Violence, insecurity, and the risk of polio: A systematic analysis

    Science.gov (United States)

    Gasteen, Maxime; Stewart, Donte; Wenger, Jay

    2017-01-01

    Background Since the introduction of polio vaccines in the 1950’s and 60’s, eradication of poliovirus from the world has been technically feasible. Progress towards this goal, however, has been uneven and influenced by social and political factors that challenge the implementation of robust immunization programs. While violence and insecurity are often cited as barriers to eradication, current global risk models are largely based on virologic and immunologic indicators measured at national levels. In this manuscript, we quantify the relevance of indicators of violence and insecurity on the risk of polio spread. Methods and findings Using logistic regression models and public data sources, we evaluate the relationship between measures of violence and instability and the location of poliomyelitis cases between 2006 and 2015 at the country-level, both individually and after controlling for more proximal determinants of disease, such as nearby circulating poliovirus and vaccination rates. We found that increases in a country’s Fragile States Index (FSI) and Global Peace Index (GPI), aggregate indicators of violence and instability, were associated with the occurrence of poliovirus cases in the subsequent year (ppolio eradication and other global health initiatives, and the policy implications of the need to reach vulnerable populations in conflict zones. PMID:29020086

  16. Women's responses to intimate partner violence in Rwanda: Rethinking agency in constrained social contexts.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Mannell, Jenevieve; Jackson, Sharon; Umutoni, Aline

    2016-01-01

    This paper explores instances of agency in women's responses to intimate partner violence (IPV) in Rwanda. The literature on women's responses to IPV conceptualises agency primarily as an individual's capacity to take action by reporting violence or leaving a relationship, obscuring other ways women may respond to violence in contexts where reporting or leaving are unlikely. We aim to replace this narrow conceptualisation of agency with a social constructivist focus on the meanings women attribute to possible IPV responses. We draw on data from a study of IPV in Rwanda, which includes semi-structured interviews with women experiencing violence and four focus group discussions with women community members (n = 39). Our findings highlight sociocultural, economic, political-legal and historical constraints that shape women's actions in this context. In relation to these constraints, women describe four possible responses to IPV: reporting the violence; seeking emotional support; 'fighting back' against violence; or remaining silent. While reporting and leaving violent relationships are identified, women also discuss the social constraints that make these actions extremely difficult. In designing effective strategies, we conclude that public health strategies need to consider women's understandings of their own actions, particularly in social contexts where certain actions may be constrained.

  17. Counselling Sexual-Violence Survivors: The Evolution of Female Counsellors' Critical Political Consciousness and the Effects on Their Intimate Relationships

    Science.gov (United States)

    Garrity, Mary Kate

    2011-01-01

    This social constructivist/constructionist research explores changes in female therapists' intimate relationships after they began working with survivors of female sexual violence. Discourse analysis found that working with survivors shifted participants' initially naive understanding of female sexual violence, as they developed a critical…

  18. Dialogue, Eurocentrism, and Comparative Political Theory: A View from Cross-Cultural Intellectual History.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Shogimen, Takashi

    2016-01-01

    Comparative political theory is an emerging sub-field of political theory; it is a response to the dissatisfaction with the prevalent Eurocentric mode of political theorizing in the age of globalization. A methodological characteristic of comparative political theory is cross-cultural engagement through dialogue with foreign political ideas. The present paper argues that the dialogical mode of cross-cultural engagement is distinctively European. While the dialogical engagement with foreign worldviews constitutes a mainstream of the European literary tradition, it is largely absent, for example, from the Japanese counterpart. Despite its anti-Eurocentric motivations, comparative political theory is methodologically rooted in the European tradition.

  19. Cumulative Effects of Exposure to Violence on Posttraumatic Stress in Palestinian and Israeli Youth

    Science.gov (United States)

    Dubow, Eric F.; Boxer, Paul; Huesmann, L. Rowell; Landau, Simha; Dvir, Shira; Shikaki, Khalil; Ginges, Jeremy

    2012-01-01

    We examine cumulative and prospective effects of exposure to conflict and violence across four contexts (ethnic-political, community, family, school) on posttraumatic stress (PTS) symptoms in Palestinian and Israeli youth. Interviews were conducted with 600 Palestinian and 901 Israeli (Jewish and Arab) children (ages 8, 11, and 14) and their…

  20. From public outrage to the burst of public violence: An epidemic-like model

    Science.gov (United States)

    Nizamani, Sarwat; Memon, Nasrullah; Galam, Serge

    2014-12-01

    This study extends classical models of spreading epidemics to describe the phenomenon of contagious public outrage, which eventually leads to the spread of violence following a disclosure of some unpopular political decisions and/or activity. Accordingly, a mathematical model is proposed to simulate from the start, the internal dynamics by which an external event is turned into internal violence within a population. Five kinds of agents are considered: “Upset” (U), “Violent” (V), “Sensitive” (S), “Immune” (I), and “Relaxed” (R), leading to a set of ordinary differential equations, which in turn yield the dynamics of spreading of each type of agents among the population. The process is stopped with the deactivation of the associated issue. Conditions coinciding with a twofold spreading of public violence are singled out. The results shed new light to understand terror activity and provides some hint on how to curb the spreading of violence within population globally sensitive to specific world issues. Recent violent events in the world are discussed.

  1. Radicalismos, violências e integração política na Turquia Radicalisms, violence and political integration in Turkey

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Hamit Bozarsian

    2001-05-01

    Full Text Available Este artigo analisa os principais obstáculos a serem enfrentados para a integração política na Turquia. Mostra que o radicalismo e a violência originam-se em três fontes: a oposição curdo-turca; a oposição alevita-sunita e o avanço do islamismo político, com sua recusa de abandonar a referência religiosa. Contribuíram para a atual fragmentação política as contradições da doutrina kemalista, na qual ainda se assenta a legitimidade do Estado turco; os sucessivos golpes militares de Estado, que obrigam a constantes realinhamentos das formações partidárias; e a militarização de vastas regiões da Turquia em resposta às sucessivas ondas curdas e alevitas de contestação violenta, conduzindo à autonomização dos grupos armados que tendem a perpetuar a contestação e a repressão violentas. Diante desse quadro, o futuro da Turquia depende, por um lado, da integração social das identificações e convicções (curdas, alevitas e islamitas pelo reconhecimento das culturas regionais e, por outro lado, da adoção do princípio de não-politização das convicções religiosas e do abandono do conservadorismo social por oposição à ocidentalidade.This article analyses the main obstacles to be faced for the political integration in Turkey. It shows that radicalism and violence spring from three sources; the Turkish-Kurd opposition; the Sunite-Alevite opposition and the rise of political Islamism, with its refusal to abandon religious reference.What has contributed to the present political fragmentation are the contradictions of the Kemalist doctrine, on which the legitimacy of the Turkish State is based; the successive military coups d'etat that cause constant party realignements; and the militarization of vast regions of Turkey to hold back the successive waves of Kurdish and Alevite violent uprisings, which, in turn, give autonomy to armed groups that tend to perpetuate the violent contends and repression. From this

  2. Exploring the Relationship Between Gender Violence and State Failure: A Cross-National Comparison.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Gould, Laurie A; Agnich, Laura E

    2016-10-01

    The concept of state failure has only recently emerged in the political science and legal literature. Although state failure has been used to predict violent conflicts, and all citizens are affected by violence in failed/fragile states, women are especially at risk. Using data from the WomanStats project, this study's findings reveal that the physical security of women is lower in failed/fragile states compared with more sustainable nations. The characteristics of failed states that increase the likelihood of various forms of violence against women are identified, including high levels of militarization, countries with neighboring states at war, and massive movement of refugees. © The Author(s) 2016.

  3. Current status and future challenges of programs for men convicted of gender violence in Spain

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Pablo Carbajosa

    2013-08-01

    Full Text Available Programmes involving men convicted of intimate partner violence are subject to a wide range of discussions these days. There are numerous international debates regarding programmes aimed at men convicted of intimate partner violence. Some of the most controversial issues are: a intervention approaches, b the possibility of performing specific treatments according to the offender's characteristics, or c the need to take account of external factors such as institutional coordination or the specifics of the therapeutical process (context, therapeutical alliance, motivation of the convict, and the therapist. The aim of this article is to review the main themes that are the focus of this international debate and weigh their impact on the research and the principal programmes that exist in Spain for men convicted of gender violence. The conclusions show that research in Spain is gradually incorporating the topics identified internationally such as the efficacy of programmes in different contexts, the existence of typologies, motivational aspects, analysis of dropouts, risk factors, cultural aspects, or offenders' addictions problems. Nevertheless, it appears necessary to more closely align the programmes with the characteristics of the aggressor.

  4. Negotiating place and gendered violence in Canada's largest open drug scene.

    Science.gov (United States)

    McNeil, Ryan; Shannon, Kate; Shaver, Laura; Kerr, Thomas; Small, Will

    2014-05-01

    Vancouver's Downtown Eastside is home to Canada's largest street-based drug scene and only supervised injection facility (Insite). High levels of violence among men and women have been documented in this neighbourhood. This study was undertaken to explore the role of violence in shaping the socio-spatial relations of women and 'marginal men' (i.e., those occupying subordinate positions within the drug scene) in the Downtown Eastside, including access to Insite. Semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted with 23 people who inject drugs (PWID) recruited through the Vancouver Area Network of Drug Users, a local drug user organization. Interviews included a mapping exercise. Interview transcripts and maps were analyzed thematically, with an emphasis on how gendered violence shaped participants' spatial practices. Hegemonic forms of masculinity operating within the Downtown Eastside framed the everyday violence experienced by women and marginal men. This violence shaped the spatial practices of women and marginal men, in that they avoided drug scene milieus where they had experienced violence or that they perceived to be dangerous. Some men linked their spatial restrictions to the perceived 'dope quality' of neighbourhood drug dealers to maintain claims to dominant masculinities while enacting spatial strategies to promote safety. Environmental supports provided by health and social care agencies were critical in enabling women and marginal men to negotiate place and survival within the context of drug scene violence. Access to Insite did not motivate participants to enter into "dangerous" drug scene milieus but they did venture into these areas if necessary to obtain drugs or generate income. Gendered violence is critical in restricting the geographies of men and marginal men within the street-based drug scene. There is a need to scale up existing environmental interventions, including supervised injection services, to minimize violence and potential drug

  5. Domestic violence and violence against children in Ghana 2015

    OpenAIRE

    Mueller, Catherine; Tranchant, Jean-Pierre; Oosterhoff, Pauline

    2016-01-01

    This paper investigates how domestic violence relates to violence against children, including severe corporal punishment. The literature suggests a link between intimate partner violence in the household and child abuse and maltreatment. Studies are, however, limited by the use of narrowly defined measures of violence against children, data availability, and a lack of characterization of domestic violence. In this paper we use original data on domestic violence and child disciplining methods ...

  6. From the Cause of the Other to Minoritarian Strategy: The Politics and Clinic of Included Alterity

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Guillaume Sibertin-Blanc

    2015-01-01

    Full Text Available This article examines certain problems related to the “antinomical” distinction, proposed by Étienne Balibar, between a majority strategy and a minority strategy. Orientated by the deleuzo-guattarian theory of “becoming-minor”, and confronting it with three different political scenes taken from Frantz Fanon, Jacques Rancière and Judith Butler, we seek to distinguish different manners of thinking the inclusion of a “cause of the other”, or of a minority point of view, in the construction of emancipatory political identities. These are different ways of problematizing a minority strategy by relating it to practices of disidentification as the very content of political subjectivation. But the hypothesis that will crystalize in the course of this confrontation is that of an internal antinomy in the idea of minority strategy itself, that intensifies when the dominant identities loose the assurance of their own “majority”, or when the difference between the majoritarian and the minoritarian becomes tendencially unassignable at the same time as it becomes more difficult to differentiate the violence of the exclusion of minorities to the violence of their inclusion.

  7. What we do | Page 45 | IDRC - International Development Research ...

    International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

    Amnesties for Peace in the Niger Delta: A Critical Assessment of Whether Forgiving Crimes of the Past Contributes to Lasting Peace. The idea that a government would pardon a group or a class of persons involved in politically motivated violence is not new. Nigeria, Niger, South Africa. PROJECT ...

  8. Domestic violence

    Science.gov (United States)

    ... violence; Spousal abuse; Elder abuse; Child abuse; Sexual abuse - domestic violence ... 2016. National Domestic Violence Hotline website. What is domestic violence? www.thehotline.org/is-this-abuse/abuse-defined . Accessed July 10, 2016.

  9. Cross-Cultural Evaluation of Politeness in Tactics for Pedagogical Agents

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Johnson, Lewis; Mayer, Richard E.; André, Elisabeth

    2005-01-01

    Politeness may play a role in tutorial interaction, including promoting learner motivation and avoiding negative affect. Politeness theory can account for this as a means of mitigating the face threats arising in tutorial situations. It further provides a way of accounting for differences...... were translated into German, in two versions: a polite version, using the formal pronoun Sie, and a familiar version, using the informal pronoun Du. German students were asked to rate these messages. Ratings of the German students were highly consistent with the ratings given by the American subjects...

  10. Rationality, Motivation, Effectiveness: Bureaucracy's Triple Legacy.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Foster, William

    1984-01-01

    The United States has inherited an ideology concerning politics, culture, and the state that values the democratic distribution by the schools of rationality and of social motivation. Unfortunately, the bureaucratic organization of schools discourages this distribution, and the incentives for changing either the organization or the distribution…

  11. Fear, the other, the end. Legal violences, deadly violences

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Patxi Lanceros

    2017-01-01

    Full Text Available This paper aims to give an account of the difficulties that western democracies are going through in this globalization’s time, undergoing the stress that causes the double pressure of two factors: a growing fear which causes lie on the confluence of financial capitalism and liberal hegemony (with the output of insecurity they both cause, and the confrontation, that increasingly adopts more worrying forms, with diverse kind and grades or otherness: human masses of displaced persons or expulsed of their residences and hounded by economic, cultural or political motivations, that do not find refuge nowhere and becoming hostility and disdain.

  12. "Injuries are beyond love": physical violence in young South Africans' sexual relationships.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Wood, Kate; Lambert, Helen; Jewkes, Rachel

    2008-01-01

    South Africa's complex social and political history has produced conditions for interpersonal violence of multiple kinds to flourish. Violence experienced by girls and young women, including within their sexual relationships, has become an area of intense research and policy interest since the end of apartheid. Drawing on a long-term ethnographic study of young people in an urban township, this article explores how violent practices are variously construed, differentiated, and legitimated, in particular through the assignment of blame and the significance accorded to bodily marking. Pointing to the cultural embeddedness of disciplining techniques in this setting, the article examines local understandings of gender hierarchy and power, young men's vulnerabilities in relation to their partners' actions, and the links between disciplining action and notions of anger, love, and shame. Violence is shown to configure lives and subjectivities and to be productive of relationships, in particular playing a part in the organization of inequality within sexual relationships.

  13. The Legitimation of Violence

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Geraldo Miniuci

    2012-09-01

    Full Text Available This text is oriented by the following questions: What is terrorism? How does it differ from other legitimized violent acts committed during war or in the course of a revolution? In order to answer them, this article discusses, first, the legitimacy of violence and the moral judgment of it; second, it will address the distinction between terrorist acts, acts of war, common crimes and revolutionary action, on the one hand, and the concept of innocent victim and the legitimacy of the target, on the other. In short, a new classification for terrorism will be seen, which will appear as a tactic used by political groups, as well as by public authorities, in the course of a revolution or during a war.

  14. POLITICAL ISLAM IN THE 21ST CENTURY

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ferran Izquierdo Brichs

    2011-04-01

    Full Text Available Since the 1980s, political Islam or Islamism has created enormous concern both in the political media and the news media. The revolution in Iran in the late 1970s and the election victory by FIS in Algeria in the late 1980s represented two decisive points in the popular and ideological mobilisation by Islamist groups. Immediately after that, the civil war in Algeria and terrorist violence left their mark on the 1990s. The perception of Islamism today is still associated, in many cases, with the dynamics of the end of the past century, and with the jihadism of a few fundamentalist groups, without taking into account the fact that the majority of Islamist groups have undergone an enormous evolution, and that the context in which they are operating is also very different. As we will see, instead of the jihadism or the ideological radicalness of the past century, today’s political Islam is much better represented by the moderation (both ideological and in terms of political activity of Turkey’s AKP party, the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Morocco’s PJD, Tunisia’s al-Nahdah and most of the parties and large groups. Central factors in this dynamic of moderation are, on one hand, the link between Islamist groups with regimes and, on the other, the claims for and acceptance of liberal democracy as a strategy in their political struggle.

  15. Violence in relation to (immigrating women in Europe

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Anne Van Der Troost

    2008-11-01

    Full Text Available This text characterizes the situation of (immigrating women in the European Union. In Europe, in 2006, there was a contingent of 18.5 million (immigrants coming from Developing Countries, 54% of which were women. (ImMigrating women suffer vulnerabilities linked to work, to lower political and social participation, higher exposition to violence and sexism. The authors present the current legislation concerned to (immigration in the 2000-2007 period, showing some integration programs and policies and highlighting the respect to basic human rights. 

  16. Manipulation Impact through Metaphors in Political Discourse

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Руслан Ирикович Зарипов

    2014-12-01

    Full Text Available The article covers the metaphorical modeling in a political discourse as one of linguistic manipulation impact means. Political speech exercising a motivation function use symbols in order to link concepts which are not often even adjoined. And it’s a metaphor that plays one of leading roles in this process. Communication needs stable metaphors. It’s very important to use this linguistic means in a political discourse as it’s able to form a positive stock phrase and a negative figure. The summation of metaphors in a definitive conceptual domaine of a political discourse form part of a metaphorical model that is an universal epistemological category expressing a general discourse semantics and organizing special mentality stereotypes for a message recipient. The article is designed for students and post-graduate students specialized in philology, lecturers and professors of linguistics and foreign languages, scientists and amateurs.

  17. Democracy, political participation and good governance in Nigeria

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Dare E. Arowolo

    2012-12-01

    Full Text Available The practice of democracy in Nigeria over a decade ago has not yielded much needed good governance. This is because democracy is practiced in such a way that responsible and competent people are scared away. Scholars and keen observers have attempted at unraveling the factors militating against translating democracy into good governance. The paper revealed that democratisation in Nigeria is pervaded by electoral violence, manipulation of election results and political participation constraints. These identified challenges have made it impossible to attain consolidated democracy that can, in turn, facilitate good governance. Democracy is a catalyst for accountability, transparency and responsive government which brings about good governance. The paper insisted that governance collapse in Nigeria is reflexive of the perfunctory role of the political actors and it adopted elite theory to reinforce this argument. The paper adopted content analysis as a means of data gathering. It dwelt extensively on the synergy between democracy, political participation and good governance but queried the artificial gulf between them in Nigeria. It concluded by putting forth viable and pragmatic way forward.

  18. Media violence.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Cantor, J

    2000-08-01

    Research on the effects of media violence is not well understood by the general public. Despite this fact, there is an overwhelming consensus in the scientific literature about the unhealthy effects of media violence. Meta-analyses show that media-violence viewing consistently is associated with higher levels of antisocial behavior, ranging from the trivial (imitative violence directed against toys) to the serious (criminal violence), with many consequential outcomes in between (acceptance of violence as a solution to problems, increased feelings of hostility, and the apparent delivery of painful stimulation to another person). Desensitization is another well-documented effect of viewing violence, which is observable in reduced arousal and emotional disturbance while witnessing violence, the reduced tendency to intervene in a fight, and less sympathy for the victims of violence. Although there is evidence that youth who are already violent are more likely to seek out violent entertainment, there is strong evidence that the relationship between violence viewing and antisocial behavior is bidirectional. There is growing evidence that media violence also engenders intense fear in children which often lasts days, months, and even years. The media's potential role in solutions to these problems is only beginning to be explored, in investigations examining the uses and effects of movie ratings, television ratings, and the V-chip, and the effects of media literacy programs and public education efforts. Future research should explore important individual differences in responses to media violence and effective ways to intervene in the negative effects.

  19. Polite Web-Based Intelligent Tutors: Can They Improve Learning in Classrooms?

    Science.gov (United States)

    McLaren, Bruce M.; DeLeeuw, Krista E.; Mayer, Richard E.

    2011-01-01

    Should an intelligent software tutor be polite, in an effort to motivate and cajole students to learn, or should it use more direct language? If it should be polite, under what conditions? In a series of studies in different contexts (e.g., lab versus classroom) with a variety of students (e.g., low prior knowledge versus high prior knowledge),…

  20. Violence exposure and teen dating violence among African American youth.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Black, Beverly M; Chido, Lisa M; Preble, Kathleen M; Weisz, Arlene N; Yoon, Jina S; Delaney-Black, Virginia; Kernsmith, Poco; Lewandowski, Linda

    2015-07-01

    This study examines the relationships between exposure to violence in the community, school, and family with dating violence attitudes and behaviors among 175 urban African American youth. Age, gender, state support and experiences with neglect, school violence, and community violence were the most significant predictors of acceptance of dating violence. Experiences with community violence and age were important predictors of dating violence perpetration and victimization. Findings highlight the importance of planning prevention programs that address variables affecting attitudes and behaviors of high-risk youth who have already been exposed to multiple types of violence. © The Author(s) 2014.

  1. Situating Poligen Studies: Between Moral Enquiry and Political Theory

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Réal Fillion

    2017-12-01

    Full Text Available In this article, I argue that we can best appreciate those works that appeal to the notion of “political genealogy” as distinct forms of study by situating them between moral enquiry and political theory. They draw from moral enquiry the concern with how we ought to live but are not themselves prescriptive. They address the political constitution of our social lives but not as a theoretical object. Reversing the relation between enquiry and truth, political genealogies are historiographical studies motivated by forms of resistance that expose the will to truth of the present ordering of discourses, thereby releasing the hold such orderings have on what we think, say, and do to their on-going agonistic relations.

  2. Late photography, military landscapes, and the politics of memory

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Simon Faulkner

    2014-10-01

    Full Text Available This essay considers the photographic genre of ‘late photography’ that has emerged roughly over the last two decades. Late photographs picture material remains left in the aftermath of events that often involve forms of violence. These photographs are usually high in detail, but formally simple, framing aftermath sites in ways that suggest the reservation of judgement and commentary upon the things they picture. This gives the impression that such photographs are intended to distance the spectator from the political meanings of the events or situations to which they refer. The discussion presented in the essay suggests that it is this apparent distancing from the political that opens up possibilities for the imaginative rethinking of how the past might function in relation to the politics of the present. The essay explores these concerns through the discussion of photographs by Simon Norfolk, Angus Boulton, Gilad Ophir and Roi Kuper, in relation to two historical and political contexts: the Cold War, considered briefly in relation to Boulton’s work and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, considered more extensively in relation to the work of Norfolk, Ophir, and Kuper.

  3. “New Weapons” of Ideological and Political Education in Universities—WeChat

    OpenAIRE

    Wei He; Ke Liang

    2014-01-01

    WeChat, a new instant messaging software, has been popularized nowadays. In order for WeChat to have the maximum impact on the ideological and political education areas, we need to have a deep understanding of the characteristics and regulars which attract students in the communication process, and combine WeChat platform with ideological and political education to attract students motivated to learn the content of ideological politics. This article, starting with college students, aims to un...

  4. There's always a villain to punish: group processes contributing to violence and its remediation.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Thomas, Nina K

    2015-01-01

    This paper considers the widespread use of violent metaphors, such as "combat" and "war," to represent the current social, psychological, and political problems within the United States. I apply Lakoff and Johnson's (1980) thesis that metaphor shapes thought, policy, and behavior. I examine how use of such metaphors inclines the national consciousness toward violence and punishment for it. In addition, I discuss shame and humiliation as psychological precursors of violence, particularly as these play out in the exclusion and extrusion via group scapegoating of individuals and whole groups from active participation in an esteemed or powerful other group. Included within the concept of "violence" are those harmful social policies that invalidate the experiences of disempowered people within the United States. I consider the role of group processes in resolving the injuries wrought by violence, particularly as these operate within such restorative justice projects as the Glencree Ex-Combatants Programme in Northern Ireland. Lessons emerge from restorative justice projects installed internationally for ameliorating conflict within and between "victim" groups in the United States.

  5. The effect of inmates' self-reported childhood and adolescent animal cruelty: motivations on the number of convictions for adult violent interpersonal crimes.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Hensley, Christopher; Tallichet, Suzanne E

    2008-04-01

    Few researchers have investigated the potentially predictive power of motives for childhood and adolescent animal cruelty as it is associated with interpersonal violence in adulthood. Based on a sample of 261 inmates at medium- and maximum-security prisons in a southern state, the present study examines the relationship among several retrospectively reported motives (anger, fun, dislike, and imitation) for animal cruelty and violent crime convictions (assault, rape, and murder). Almost half reported abusing animals out of anger, whereas more than one third did so for fun. Dislike for the animal and imitation were less frequently occurring motives. Participants who abused animals at an earlier age and those who did so out of anger or for fun were more likely to repeat the offense. Regression analyses revealed that abusing an animal out of fun in their youth was the most statistically salient motive for predicting later interpersonal violence as adults.

  6. Correlation not Causation: The Relationship between Personality Traits and Political Ideologies

    Science.gov (United States)

    Verhulst, Brad; Eaves, Lindon J.; Hatemi, Peter K.

    2013-01-01

    The assumption in the personality and politics literature is that a person's personality motivates them to develop certain political attitudes later in life. This assumption is founded on the simple correlation between the two constructs and the observation that personality traits are genetically influenced and develop in infancy, whereas political preferences develop later in life. Work in psychology, behavioral genetics, and recently political science, however, has demonstrated that political preferences also develop in childhood and are equally influenced by genetic factors. These findings cast doubt on the assumed causal relationship between personality and politics. Here we test the causal relationship between personality traits and political attitudes using a direction of causation structural model on a genetically informative sample. The results suggest that personality traits do not cause people to develop political attitudes; rather, the correlation between the two is a function of an innate common underlying genetic factor. PMID:22400142

  7. Correlation not causation: the relationship between personality traits and political ideologies.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Verhulst, Brad; Eaves, Lindon J; Hatemi, Peter K

    2012-01-01

    The assumption in the personality and politics literature is that a person's personality motivates them to develop certain political attitudes later in life. This assumption is founded on the simple correlation between the two constructs and the observation that personality traits are genetically influenced and develop in infancy, whereas political preferences develop later in life. Work in psychology, behavioral genetics, and recently political science, however, has demonstrated that political preferences also develop in childhood and are equally influenced by genetic factors. These findings cast doubt on the assumed causal relationship between personality and politics. Here we test the causal relationship between personality traits and political attitudes using a direction of causation structural model on a genetically informative sample. The results suggest that personality traits do not cause people to develop political attitudes; rather, the correlation between the two is a function of an innate common underlying genetic factor.

  8. Applying Sociology through Social Marketing: Student Reflections on an Intimate Violence Awareness Project

    Science.gov (United States)

    Hertzog, Jodie; Williams, Renee

    2007-01-01

    Introducing students to sensitive social issues like intimate violence in lower level courses can spark their sociological imaginations motivating them to do further research in order to gain reflective knowledge about such topics. In order to promote two course objectives: (1) recognizing and applying sociological concepts and theories, and (2)…

  9. [Manifestatations of violence in adolescents in public schools in the municipality of Jaboatão dos Guararapes].

    Science.gov (United States)

    Melo, Monica Cristina Batista de; Barros, Erika Neves de; Almeida, Andréa Maria Lages Gomes de

    2011-10-01

    Adolescence is a period in human development characterized by profound biological, psychological and social modifications affecting both adolescents and their entire social and family environment. This stage, which has good character forming opportunities, is also permeated by various risks, including violence. Nowadays, violence is the main cause of death among adolescents and is considered a public health concern. This research sought to investigate manifestations of violence in adolescents from public schools of the municipality of Jaboatão dos Guararapes. This is a qualitative study, in which the data obtained from a questionnaire was analyzed using the content analysis technique. The results show that the main manifestations of violence involve harm to others. Drug usage was revealed as the main motive behind physical violence. The deployment of more policemen was the strategy most cited and strengthening the family unit was the most commented preventative measure. In conclusion, the importance of further discussion about disguised manifestations of violence is clear as this would contribute to reflections on new prevention proposals and greater visibility of the phenomenon.

  10. J. M. Coetzee and the Politics of Selfhood | Smuts | English in Africa

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    J. M. Coetzee's most recent publication in the field of autobiographical fiction, Summertime (2009), opens with a description of a politically motivated murder of South African citizens in Botswana. This murder, we are told, is one in a long chain of political crimes, reported “week after week” (4) by the press, along with denials ...

  11. Between control and hacker activism: the political actions of Anonymous Brasil.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Machado, Murilo Bansi

    2015-12-01

    This paper addresses the political actions of Anonymous, the principal expression of current hacker activism, arguing that hacktivism is a form of political resistance in control societies. To this end, it focuses on studying the Brazilian, hacktivist facet of the collective. In order to stress its political character, it scrutinizes the principal expressions of hacking in the literature. It describes motivations, methods and the ethics of its political actions, based on a comparative analysis of two operations carried out by Brazilian Anonymous adherents in 2012: #OpWeeksPayment and #OpGlobo. And it finishes by identifying four of its main forms of political engagement: promotion of anonymity; "evangelization;" the formation of distributed networks; and the fact that the collective carries out and facilitates several types of political actions.

  12. Exploring the Political Economy of Violence in the Border Regions of ...

    International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

    This project will propose concrete recommendations, based on applied research ... political economy of illicit activity in eight Latin American countries: Argentina, Brazil, ... the geography, nature, scale, and impact of transnational organized crime. ... activity (drug trafficking, small arms, chemical precursors, human trafficking, ...

  13. Risk Factors for Physical Domestic Violence in a High-Prevalence HIV Setting: Findings from Project Accept Baseline Data (HPTN-043).

    Science.gov (United States)

    Kevany, Sebastian; Woelk, Godfrey; Shade, Starley B; Kulich, Michal; Turan, Janet M; Chingono, Alfred; Morin, Stephen F

    2013-06-25

    Zimbabwe faces an acute generalized HIV/AIDS epidemic combined with rapidly deteriorating economic and political conditions, under which levels of domestic violence are on the rise. We aimed to determine possible demographic and behavioral factors associated with physical domestic violence in a rural setting in order to better inform both national and local domestic violence and HIV prevention policies. Using the Project Accept baseline data set, we selected demographic, socio-economic, and behavioral variables that might be associated with physical domestic violence based on a review of the literature. Univariate and multivariate analyses were carried out, and odds ratios (OR) were computed using logistic regression. Women reporting physical domestic violence were significantly more likely to report (i) a history of childhood domestic violence (OR=2.96, Peconomic status as measured by type of homestead (OR=1.4, P=0.04) than women who reported no experience of physical domestic violence. Married women were less likely to experience physical domestic violence than unmarried women (OR=0.65, P=0.011). Women at greatest risk of domestic violence include those with a personal history of violence or sexual abuse, multiple lifetime partners, and low or medium socio-economic status. Risk assessments and joint interventions for both domestic violence reduction and HIV prevention should target these population groups, which are effective both on the public health and global heath diplomacy levels.

  14. Gender's Role in Exposure to Interparental Violence, Acceptance of Violence, Self-Efficacy, and Physical Teen Dating Violence Among Quebec Adolescents.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Ruel, Catherine; Lavoie, Francine; Hébert, Martine; Blais, Martin

    2017-05-01

    Despite efforts to prevent physical teen dating violence, it remains a major public health issue with multiple negative consequences. This study aims to investigate gender differences in the relationships between exposure to interparental violence (mother-to-father violence, father-to-mother violence), acceptance of dating violence (perpetrated by boys, perpetrated by girls), and self-efficacy to disclose teen dating violence. Data were drawn from Waves 1 and 2 of the Quebec Youth Romantic Relationships Project, conducted with a representative sample of Quebec high school students. Analyses were conducted on a subsample of 2,564 teenagers who had been in a dating relationship in the past 6 months (63.8% girls, mean age of 15.3 years). Path analyses were conducted to investigate the links among exposure to interparental violence, acceptance of violence, self-efficacy to disclose teen dating violence (measured at Wave 1), and physical teen dating violence (measured at Wave 2). General exposure to interparental violence was linked, through acceptance of girl-perpetrated violence, to victimization among both genders and to girls' perpetration of physical teen dating violence. No significant difference was identified in the impact of the gender of the perpetrating parent when considering exposure to interparental violence. Self-efficacy to disclose personal experiences of violence was not linked to exposure to interparental violence or to experiences of physical teen dating violence. The findings support the intergenerational transmission of violence. Moreover, the findings underline the importance of targeting acceptance of violence, especially girl-perpetrated violence, in prevention programs and of intervening with children and adolescents who have witnessed interparental violence.

  15. State Violence and Oppositional Protest in High-Capacity Authoritarian Regimes

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Hank Johnston

    2012-05-01

    Full Text Available This examination of the mobilization-repression nexus in high-capacity authoritarian regimes draws on examples from China, Russia, Iran, and several Middle Eastern states to develop a framework for analyzing state violence and how political oppositions are organized. The study examines middle and low levels of state violence, the provincial and municipal organization of party and regime, and the police, private militias, and thugs as low-level enforcers, and focuses on: (1 the complexity of the state’s apparatus of repression and control and how different levels exercise different forms of violence against activists; (2 the creativity of the opposition’s actions to voice its demands and avoid repression and surveillance; and (3 the recursive relationship between the two, a dark dance between state and opposition with high stakes for both. Hierarchical analysis at national, provincial, and local levels, and lateral analysis across these levels, where elite interests frequently diverge, show that intersections and gaps on both axes can create lapses in social control and openings the opposition. These free spaces of speech and innovative action give rise to novel ways to keep oppositional sentiments in the public forum. The article offers several propositions for analyzing repression and state violence at various levels, and, similarly, the various ways that these free spaces occur.

  16. Generations of decay: the political geography of decommissioning

    International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

    Blowers, A.

    1990-01-01

    Energy is politics. We rarely find it where we need it, it imposes upon other areas when we move it, and the less control we have over its development and use, the more politically insecure we feel. Nuclear power appears to avoid the traditional politics of energy supply by geographically internalizing much of the fuel cycle. But the problem of waste disposal, including decommissioning, is a major source of political conflict and uncertainty affecting the whole future of the nuclear industry. One of the most politically motivated decisions of the decommissioning era will be in choosing whether the process will be immediate or deferred. Deferred decommissioning is the most likely strategy, and that geographical inertia is the likely outcome. Such inertia is a feature of industrial decline, with each industrial epoch leaving the detritus of past decisions for future generations to discover and deal with. The political basis of the nuclear fuel cycle is its links with considerations of wastes, hazards, longevity, and equity, all matters of public interest and concern. As part of the nuclear fuel cycle, decommissioning will include these considerations too, and it is for this reason that, wherever decommissioning takes place, political questions arise. (author)

  17. Neurobiological, Psychosocial and Environmental Causes of Violence and Aggression

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ozhan Yalcin

    2013-08-01

    Full Text Available In psychiatric practice psychotic disorders, mania, substance and alcohol related disorders, antisocial and borderline personality disorders, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, conduct disorder, mental retardation, organic brain syndrome, delirium, stereotypical movement disorders, trichotillomania, eating disorders and other obsessive-compulsive spectrum disorders, pervasive developmental disorders, major depressive disorder, mixt episodes are closely related with agression towards surrounding and other people and towards self. Although as in suicide agression and violence are not always related to prominent psychopatology, violence and agression are closely associated with crime. In some societies, especially ritualistic agressive behaviours towards self are perceived as culturally normative. Sex, temperamental and cognitive patterns, medical factors also neurobiological and neuropsychiatric causes like neurotransmitters and hormonal factors and their metabolism, glucocorticoid and cholesterol metabolism, genetic factors and also ecological, toxical, nutritional factors, psychosocial and psychodynamic factors can be related with development and severity of agression and violence towards surrounding, other people and towards self. Although it is accepted that there isn’t single explanation of the individual differences about the tendency to violence, there are contradicting points of view among researchers about the most significant risc factor. Probably development or alleveation of violent behavior is influenced by the reciprocal interaction between psychosocial, psychodynamic, temperamental, neuropsychiatric, enviromental, genetic factors, parenting styles, quality of nurturition and education and school mental health interventions. Positive psychosocial, familial, educational factors, psychiatric interventions, protective mental health quality and positive government political attitudes can restorate negative genetic

  18. Moral Panic over Youth Violence: Wilding and the Manufacture of Menace in the Media.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Welch, Michael; Price, Eric A.; Yankey, Nana

    2002-01-01

    Describes moral panic over wilding (sexual violence committed by a group of urban teens), examining elements of race, class, and fear of crime, especially as manifested in the media. Suggests that wilding is a distinctive form of moral panic that symbolizes a threat to society at large and to a political economy that reproduces racial and social…

  19. Cultural Norms for Adult Corporal Punishment of Children and Societal Rates of Endorsement and Use of Violence.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Lansford, Jennifer E; Dodge, Kenneth A

    2008-07-01

    OBJECTIVE: To test the hypothesis that societal rates of corporal punishment of children predict societal levels of violence, using "culture" as the unit of analysis. DESIGN: Data were retrieved from the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample of anthropological records, which includes 186 cultural groups, to represent the world's 200 provinces based on diversity of language, economy, political organization, descent, and historical time. Independent coders rated the frequency and harshness of corporal punishment of children, inculcation of aggression in children, warfare, interpersonal violence among adults, and demographic, socioeconomic, and parenting covariates. RESULTS: More frequent use of corporal punishment was related to higher rates of inculcation of aggression in children, warfare, and interpersonal violence. These relations held for inculcation of aggression in children and warfare after controlling for demographic, socioeconomic, and parenting confounds. CONCLUSION: More frequent use of corporal punishment is related to higher prevalence of violence and endorsement of violence at a societal level. The findings are consistent with theories that adult violence becomes more prevalent in contexts in which corporal punishment is frequent, that the use of corporal punishment increases the probability that children will engage in violent behaviors during adulthood, and that violence in one social domain tends to influence behavior in other domains. If corporal punishment leads to higher levels of societal violence, then reducing parents' use of corporal punishment should lead to reductions in societal violence manifested in other ways.

  20. The relationship between severity of violence in the home and dating violence.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Sims, Eva Nowakowski; Dodd, Virginia J Noland; Tejeda, Manuel J

    2008-01-01

    This study used propositions from the social learning theory to explore the effects of the combined influences of child maltreatment, childhood witness to parental violence, sibling violence, and gender on dating violence perpetration using a modified version of the Conflict Tactics Scale 2 (CTS2). A weighted scoring method was utilized to determine how severity of violence in the home impacts dating violence perpetration. Bivariate correlations and linear regression models indicate significant associations between child maltreatment, sibling violence perpetration, childhood witness to parental violence, gender, and subsequent dating violence perpetration. Multiple regression analyses indicate that for men, history of severe violence victimization (i.e., child maltreatment and childhood witness to parental violence) and severe perpetration (sibling violence) significantly predict dating violence perpetration.

  1. Of pandillas, pirucas, and Pablo Escobar in the barrio : Historical change and continuity in Nicaraguan gang violence

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Rodgers, D.; Huhn, S.; Warnecke-Berger, H.

    2017-01-01

    The putatively unprecedented rise to prominence of Central American youth gangs during the past two decades and a half is widely seen to epitomize the critical transformation that the region’s post-Cold War political economy of violence has undergone, moving from being predominantly related to

  2. Structural Sexual Violence in the Peruvian Military : An Empirical Study of Discrimination against Women and its consequences in the Peruvian Armed Forces

    OpenAIRE

    Cornejo, Leiry

    2010-01-01

    The aim of this thesis is the better understanding of structural sexual violence against women. Through a human rights approach, the author examines the link between the gendered discriminatory policies against women and the occurrences of sexual violence against female soldiers within the Peruvian Armed Forces. This empirical study demonstrates that whereas civil and political rights must be respected and enforced, the satisfaction of socio-economic rights is also a key element for the preve...

  3. Notes on the sublime: aspects of political violence in urban Pakistan

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Verkaaik, O.

    2013-01-01

    Years before the so-called ‘War of Terror’ in which Pakistan has played a significant role, representations of terrorism and sacrifice already influenced political conflict in the country, particularly in Karachi and other parts of urban Sindh. This article focuses on the process of representation

  4. News Media Consumption and Political Behavior in Latin America

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ryan Salzman

    2015-01-01

    Full Text Available News media are an important factor in any democratic society. Research focused on developed democracies has paved the way for analysis in the context of less well-developed democracies. The project endeavors to continue that investigation into whether and how news media consumption affects democratic behavior among individuals in a region comprised of developing democracies: Latin America. Employing rich survey data available from the 2008 Latin American Public Opinion Project, traditional analyses are used to test one of the most basic questions for political communication researchers: Does news media consumption motivate or depress political participation? The results indicate that, on average, news media mobilize political participation, albeit to different degrees per medium and participation type. This seems to happen because those media socialize Latin Americans to value political participation.

  5. Violence, insecurity, and the risk of polio: A systematic analysis.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Guarino, Kia; Voorman, Arend; Gasteen, Maxime; Stewart, Donte; Wenger, Jay

    2017-01-01

    Since the introduction of polio vaccines in the 1950's and 60's, eradication of poliovirus from the world has been technically feasible. Progress towards this goal, however, has been uneven and influenced by social and political factors that challenge the implementation of robust immunization programs. While violence and insecurity are often cited as barriers to eradication, current global risk models are largely based on virologic and immunologic indicators measured at national levels. In this manuscript, we quantify the relevance of indicators of violence and insecurity on the risk of polio spread. Using logistic regression models and public data sources, we evaluate the relationship between measures of violence and instability and the location of poliomyelitis cases between 2006 and 2015 at the country-level, both individually and after controlling for more proximal determinants of disease, such as nearby circulating poliovirus and vaccination rates. We found that increases in a country's Fragile States Index (FSI) and Global Peace Index (GPI), aggregate indicators of violence and instability, were associated with the occurrence of poliovirus cases in the subsequent year (pinsecurity must be mediated through immunity and exposure to poliovirus, coarse measures of which are included in our model. This also implies that in our study, and in risk models in general, the interpretation depends on the quality and granularity of available data. National virologic and immunologic indicators understate the risk of poliovirus spread in areas with violence and insecurity, and the inclusion of such factors improves precision. In addition, the link between violence and incidence of disease highlights the broader challenge of implementing health interventions in conflict areas. We discuss practical implications of this work in understanding and measuring the risks to polio eradication and other global health initiatives, and the policy implications of the need to reach

  6. Zora’s Politics: A Brief Introduction

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ernest Julius Mitchell II

    2013-09-01

    Full Text Available In his introduction to reading Zora Neale Hurston’s politics, Mitchell argues that contemporary scholarship has misread Hurston in significant ways, distorting Hurston’s work and reputation to serve contesting political agendas; thus, in recent years, she has been associated with “a bewildering array of affiliations: republican, libertarian, radical democrat, reactionary conservative, black cultural nationalist, anti-authoritarian feminist, and woman-hating protofascist.” Recuperating Hurston from this impossible political melee of labels, Mitchell argues, requires a careful reading of Hurston’s work dating from her earliest pieces in the late 1920s, as well as surveying her many yet to be published manuscripts and letters; it requires recognition of the transnational and comparative lens through which she reported on political maneuvers and military histories, as well as reading not only her strong criticisms but also her silences, ironic phrasings, and nuanced critiques in her writings on global colonial enterprises. Mitchell’s introduction to the two Hurston essays here reprinted, “I Saw Negro Votes Peddled” (1950 and “Why the Negro Won’t Buy Communism” (1951—courtesy of the American Legion Magazine—is set in the larger frame of his assertion that Hurston’s work should be read with a deep appreciation of her staunch anticolonialism. Tracing her political philosophy through her views of how race and religion are used to valorize an international culture of violence that serves imperialistic and colonial ends, Mitchell takes his reader on a tour of Hurston’s transnational commentary—from the US occupation of Haiti, to the Spanish and British on the Florida peninsula; from Communist Russia and China, to election practices in the US—to set the stage for our encounters with these rarely read Hurston essays. Reading Mitchell’s “Zora’s Politics: A Brief Introduction” provides a firm foundation for a more

  7. Engaging and Disengaging with Political News

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Ørmen, Jacob; Linaa Jensen, Jakob

    (most notably by Prior, 2007; Stromback, Djerf-Pierre, & Shehata, 2012) that this development also can lead to an increase in the number of people who utilize this enhanced media choice to skip news altogether. One area that merits special attention in this context is political news. Critical engagement......, 1992) and 'performance of identity' (Madianou, 2009) that take place throughout people's everyday life. To further understand these processes it is important to attend to how users engage – or disengage – with political news. To do this we present a typology of news users based on an exploratory...... and conversing face-to-face) that users engage in for political discussion, and compare these across demographics as well as relevant media use patterns. The findings from the survey will be supplemented by results from a series of qualitative interviews that shed light on the motivations users have for engaging...

  8. Understanding political radicalization: The two-pyramids model.

    Science.gov (United States)

    McCauley, Clark; Moskalenko, Sophia

    2017-04-01

    This article reviews some of the milestones of thinking about political radicalization, as scholars and security officials struggled after 9/11 to discern the precursors of terrorist violence. Recent criticism of the concept of radicalization has been recognized, leading to a 2-pyramids model that responds to the criticism by separating radicalization of opinion from radicalization of action. Security and research implications of the 2-pyramids model are briefly described, ending with a call for more attention to emotional experience in understanding both radicalization of opinion and radicalization of action. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved).

  9. Alteration of political belief by non- invasive brain stimulation

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Caroline eChawke

    2016-01-01

    Full Text Available People generally have imperfect introspective access to the mechanisms underlying their political beliefs, yet can confidently communicate the reasoning that goes into their decision making process. An innate desire for certainty and security in ones beliefs may play an important and somewhat automatic role in motivating the maintenance or rejection of partisan support. The aim of the current study was to clarify the role of the DLPFC in the alteration of political beliefs. Recent neuroimaging studies have focused on the association between the DLPFC (a region involved in the regulation of cognitive conflict and error feedback processing and reduced affiliation with opposing political candidates. As such, this study used a method of non- invasive brain simulation (tRNS to enhance activity of the bilateral DLPFC during the incorporation of political campaign information. These findings indicate a crucial role for this region in political belief formation. However, enhanced activation of DLPFC does not necessarily result in the specific rejection of political beliefs. In contrast to the hypothesis the results appear to indicate a significant increase in conservative values regardless of participant’s initial political orientation and the political campaign advertisement they were exposed to.

  10. Alteration of Political Belief by Non-invasive Brain Stimulation

    Science.gov (United States)

    Chawke, Caroline; Kanai, Ryota

    2016-01-01

    People generally have imperfect introspective access to the mechanisms underlying their political beliefs, yet can confidently communicate the reasoning that goes into their decision making process. An innate desire for certainty and security in ones beliefs may play an important and somewhat automatic role in motivating the maintenance or rejection of partisan support. The aim of the current study was to clarify the role of the DLPFC in the alteration of political beliefs. Recent neuroimaging studies have focused on the association between the DLPFC (a region involved in the regulation of cognitive conflict and error feedback processing) and reduced affiliation with opposing political candidates. As such, this study used a method of non-invasive brain simulation (tRNS) to enhance activity of the bilateral DLPFC during the incorporation of political campaign information. These findings indicate a crucial role for this region in political belief formation. However, enhanced activation of DLPFC does not necessarily result in the specific rejection of political beliefs. In contrast to the hypothesis the results appear to indicate a significant increase in conservative values regardless of participant's initial political orientation and the political campaign advertisement they were exposed to. PMID:26834603

  11. Violence in the Street, Violence of the Street

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Heinskou, Marie Bruvik; Liebst, Lasse Suonperä

    While in his early and general theory of interaction rituals Randall Collins emphasised that social situations are both ’symbolic’ and ’material’, the latter dimension is largely absent from Collins’ theory of violence(Collins 2004; 1993: 214). Compared with criminology’s more recent situational...... studies of violence, it is noticeable that the analytical success of these studies is closely linked with understanding street violence as a spatial-situational phenomenon (Clarke 1997; Eck & Weisburd 1995; Bragand & Weisburd; 2010; Wikström et al. 2012; Sampson et al. 1997). In light of evidence...... for the spatial concentration of street violence, this paper takes its point of departure in a large study of Street Violence among youth in Copenhagen, Denmark (combining quantitative data from filed police reports (N = 501), data from CCTV (N=100) and qualitative analysis of selected cases of street violence...

  12. Democratization and Political Change as Threats to Collective Sentiments: Testing Durkheim in Russia.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Pridemore, William Alex; Kim, Sang-Weon

    2006-05-01

    Durkheim argued that acute political crises result in increased homicide rates because they pose a threat to sentiments about the collective. Though crucial to Durkheim's work on homicide, this idea remains untested. The authors took advantage of the natural experiment of the collapse of the Soviet Union to examine this hypothesis. Using data from Russian regions (N = 78) and controlling for measures of anomie and other covariates, the authors estimated the association between political change and change in homicide rates between 1991 and 2000. Results indicated that regions exhibiting less support for the Communist Party in 2000 (and thus greater change in political ideals because the Party had previously exercised complete control) were regions with greater increases in homicide rates. Thus, while democratization may be a positive development relative to the Communist juggernaut of the past, it appears that the swift political change in Russia is partially responsible for the higher rates of violence there following the collapse of the Soviet Union.

  13. A Self-Determination Model of Childhood Exposure, Perceived Prevalence, Justification, and Perpetration of Intimate Partner Violence.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Neighbors, Clayton; Walker, Denise D; Mbilinyi, Lyungai F; Zegree, Joan; Foster, Dawn W; Roffman, Roger A

    2013-02-01

    The present research was designed to evaluate self-determination theory as a framework for integrating factors associated with intimate partner violence (IPV) perpetration. The proposed model suggests that childhood exposure to parental violence may influence global motivational orientations which, in turn result in greater cognitive biases (overestimating the prevalence of IPV and justification of IPV) which, in turn, contribute to an individual's decision to use abusive behavior. Participants included 124 men who had engaged in abusive behavior toward an intimate partner. Results provided reasonable support for the proposed model and stronger support for a revised model suggesting that controlled orientation, rather than autonomy orientation, appears to play a stronger role in the association between childhood exposure to parental violence and cognitive biases associated with abusive behavior.

  14. The problem of defining contemporary right-wing extremism in political theory

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Đorić Marija

    2016-01-01

    Full Text Available The subject matter of research in this paper is theoretical controversy related to the definition of right-wing extremism. Given the fact that extremism is a variable, amorphous and insufficiently researched phenomenon, largely conditioned by time, space, political and cultural differences, there is a great confusion in the field of political science when defining right-wing extremism. The problem of researching right-wing extremism is additionally complicated by various terms that are being used in the contemporary literature as its synonyms, such as right-wing radicalism, neo-Fascism, ultra-radicalism, etc. In order to provide the most valid theoretical determination of right-wing extremism, the author provides a detailed analysis of all the components constituting this phenomenon and examines their causality. In the political praxis, the term extremism is extensively abused, which additionally complicates its determination. Videlicet, politicians often use term 'extremist' in order to discredit their political opponents. While during the French revolution aristocracy saw the bourgeoisie as extremists, the members of the working class later stated that the bourgeoisie were extremists. The problem lies in the fact that, in politics, extremists are not only the ones who use violence as modus operandi; indeed, it is also used by political opponents who do not belong to the extreme political option. Another aggravating factor in defining right-wing extremism is that many administrative and academic definitions do not make a clear distinction between extremism and related phenomena, such as terrorism, radicalism and populism. Extremism is most often equaled with terrorism, which gives rise to another problem in defining this phenomenon. The relation between extremism and terrorism is the relation of general and specific. Namely, every act of terrorism is concurrently considered to be an act of extremism, but not vice versa, given the fact that

  15. The motivation to express prejudice.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Forscher, Patrick S; Cox, William T L; Graetz, Nicholas; Devine, Patricia G

    2015-11-01

    Contemporary prejudice research focuses primarily on people who are motivated to respond without prejudice and the ways in which unintentional bias can cause these people to act in a manner inconsistent with this motivation. However, some real-world phenomena (e.g., hate speech, hate crimes) and experimental findings (e.g., Plant & Devine, 2001, 2009) suggest that some prejudice is intentional. These phenomena and findings are difficult to explain solely from the motivations to respond without prejudice. We argue that some people are motivated to express prejudice, and we develop the Motivation to Express Prejudice Scale (MP) to measure this motivation. In 7 studies involving more than 6,000 participants, we demonstrate that, across scale versions targeted at Black people and gay men, the MP has good reliability and convergent, discriminant, and predictive validity. In normative climates that prohibit prejudice, the internal and external motivations to express prejudice are functionally nonindependent, but they become more independent when normative climates permit more prejudice toward a target group. People high in the motivation to express prejudice are relatively likely to resist pressure to support programs promoting intergroup contact and to vote for political candidates who support oppressive policies. The motivation to express prejudice predicted these outcomes even when controlling for attitudes and the motivations to respond without prejudice. This work encourages contemporary prejudice researchers to give greater consideration to the intentional aspects of negative intergroup behavior and to broaden the range of phenomena, target groups, and samples that they study. (c) 2015 APA, all rights reserved).

  16. The motivation to express prejudice

    Science.gov (United States)

    Forscher, Patrick S.; Cox, William T. L.; Graetz, Nicholas; Devine, Patricia G.

    2015-01-01

    Contemporary prejudice research focuses primarily on people who are motivated to respond without prejudice and the ways in which unintentional bias can cause these people to act inconsistent with this motivation. However, some real-world phenomena (e.g., hate speech, hate crimes) and experimental findings (e.g., Plant & Devine, 2001; 2009) suggest that some expressions of prejudice are intentional. These phenomena and findings are difficult to explain solely from the motivations to respond without prejudice. We argue that some people are motivated to express prejudice, and we develop the motivation to express prejudice (MP) scale to measure this motivation. In seven studies involving more than 6,000 participants, we demonstrate that, across scale versions targeted at Black people and gay men, the MP scale has good reliability and convergent, discriminant, and predictive validity. In normative climates that prohibit prejudice, the internal and external motivations to express prejudice are functionally non-independent, but they become more independent when normative climates permit more prejudice toward a target group. People high in the motivation to express prejudice are relatively likely to resist pressure to support programs promoting intergroup contact and vote for political candidates who support oppressive policies. The motivation to express prejudice predicted these outcomes even when controlling for attitudes and the motivations to respond without prejudice. This work encourages contemporary prejudice researchers to broaden the range of samples, target groups, and phenomena that they study, and more generally to consider the intentional aspects of negative intergroup behavior. PMID:26479365

  17. Violence, insecurity, and the risk of polio: A systematic analysis.

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Kia Guarino

    Full Text Available Since the introduction of polio vaccines in the 1950's and 60's, eradication of poliovirus from the world has been technically feasible. Progress towards this goal, however, has been uneven and influenced by social and political factors that challenge the implementation of robust immunization programs. While violence and insecurity are often cited as barriers to eradication, current global risk models are largely based on virologic and immunologic indicators measured at national levels. In this manuscript, we quantify the relevance of indicators of violence and insecurity on the risk of polio spread.Using logistic regression models and public data sources, we evaluate the relationship between measures of violence and instability and the location of poliomyelitis cases between 2006 and 2015 at the country-level, both individually and after controlling for more proximal determinants of disease, such as nearby circulating poliovirus and vaccination rates. We found that increases in a country's Fragile States Index (FSI and Global Peace Index (GPI, aggregate indicators of violence and instability, were associated with the occurrence of poliovirus cases in the subsequent year (p< 0.01, even after controlling for established risk factors. These effects of violence and insecurity must be mediated through immunity and exposure to poliovirus, coarse measures of which are included in our model. This also implies that in our study, and in risk models in general, the interpretation depends on the quality and granularity of available data.National virologic and immunologic indicators understate the risk of poliovirus spread in areas with violence and insecurity, and the inclusion of such factors improves precision. In addition, the link between violence and incidence of disease highlights the broader challenge of implementing health interventions in conflict areas. We discuss practical implications of this work in understanding and measuring the risks to

  18. Previous experience of family violence and intimate partner violence in pregnancy.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Ludermir, Ana Bernarda; Araújo, Thália Velho Barreto de; Valongueiro, Sandra Alves; Muniz, Maria Luísa Corrêa; Silva, Elisabete Pereira

    2017-01-01

    To estimate differential associations between the exposure to violence in the family of origin and victimization and perpetration of intimate partner violence in pregnancy. A nested case-control study was carried out within a cohort study with 1,120 pregnant women aged 18-49 years old, who were registered in the Family Health Strategy of the city of Recife, State of Pernambuco, Brazil, between 2005 and 2006. The cases were the 233 women who reported intimate partner violence in pregnancy and the controls were the 499 women who did not report it. Partner violence in pregnancy and previous experiences of violence committed by parents or other family members were assessed with a standardized questionnaire. Multivariate logistic regression analyses were modeled to identify differential associations between the exposure to violence in the family of origin and victimization and perpetration of intimate partner violence in pregnancy. Having seen the mother suffer intimate partner violence was associated with physical violence in childhood (OR = 2.62; 95%CI 1.89-3.63) and in adolescence (OR = 1.47; 95%CI 1.01-2.13), sexual violence in childhood (OR = 3.28; 95%CI 1.68-6.38) and intimate partner violence during pregnancy (OR = 1.47; 95% CI 1.01 - 2.12). The intimate partner violence during pregnancy was frequent in women who reported more episodes of physical violence in childhood (OR = 2.08; 95%CI 1.43-3.02) and adolescence (OR = 1.63; 95%CI 1.07-2.47), who suffered sexual violence in childhood (OR = 3.92; 95%CI 1.86-8.27), and who perpetrated violence against the partner (OR = 8.67; 95%CI 4.57-16.45). Experiences of violence committed by parents or other family members emerge as strong risk factors for intimate partner violence in pregnancy. Identifying and understanding protective and risk factors for the emergence of intimate partner violence in pregnancy and its maintenance may help policymakers and health service managers to develop intervention strategies.

  19. Reaction to and Coping With Domestic Violence by Iranian Women Victims: A Qualitative Approach.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Bahrami, Masoud; Shokrollahi, Paymaneh; Kohan, Shahnaz; Momeni, Ghodratollah; Rivaz, Mozhgan

    2015-11-18

    Domestic violence is a continual stressor that motivates its victim to react. The way a woman deals with her husband's violence determine the consequence of the violent relationship. In the present study, a qualitative approach was employed to investigate women's reactions to and ways of coping with domestic violence. Semi-structured interviews were conducted in 2014 with 18 women who experienced domestic violence in an attempt to explain how women deal with domestic violence. After the interviews were transcribed word by word, they were explored in the form of meaningful units and encoded as subcategories and categories through inductive content analysis. The reliability and validity of the interviews were measured by an external supervisor. Two categories of reaction and coping were identified through content analysis: passive and non-normative measures and active measures. Passive and non-normative measures included the subcategories of harmful behaviors, retaliation, tolerance, and silence. Active measures included seeking help and advice, legal measures, leaving the spouse, positive and health promoting measures. In the present study, ways of coping with a husband's violence among women experiencing domestic violence were divided into two categories: passive and non-normative measures and active measures. These categories confirmed the models of coping with stress in previous studies. Adopting an appropriate approach to dealing with domestic violence is affected by a woman's capacity and beliefs, the dominant culture, intensity of the violence, available social and legal supports, and effectiveness of evaluation measures. To generalize service provision to victimized women, the type of coping and the reason for adopting the chosen approach need to be taken into account.

  20. Dating Violence

    Science.gov (United States)

    ... for Teens / Dating Violence Bulletins for Teens: Dating Violence What is it? If you are a victim ... often. If You Are a Victim of Dating Violence, You Might… Think it's your fault. Feel angry, ...

  1. [Family violence].

    Science.gov (United States)

    Manoudi, F; Chagh, R; Es-soussi, M; Asri, F; Tazi, I

    2013-09-01

    Family violence is a serious public health problem, the scale of which is seriously increasing in Morocco. Although it has existed for a long time, we ignore the real characteristics of this plague in our country; our work consisted in an epidemiological approach of family violence in Marrakech during 2006. After elaborating a questionnaire, which allows the study of the demographic and social profile of the families, the study of violence exercised in the family and the evaluation of the depression in the women, we led an inquiry amongst 265 women. Analysis of the results obtained has allowed us to underline the following characteristics: 16.6% of the women in our sample had been physically beaten; the young age is a risk factor; the age range most affected by violence is in women between the ages of 30 and 40 and which represent 39% of the battered women; domestic violence touches all the social, economic and cultural classes: in our study, 63% of the women having undergone violence were housewives, 25% were managers and 3% senior executives; family problems were the most important cause of violence in our study, representing 32.32%. Requests for money was the cause in 11.3% of the cases, and imposed sexual relations were found in 6.8% of the cases; alcoholism is an aggravating factor of family violence; 27.3% of the spouses who assaulted their wives were drunk; 52% of the assaulted women were victims of violence in childhood and 36% had been witness to their father's violence; in 63.6% of the cases of violence, the children were witnesses, and in 25% of the cases the children were victims of violence at the same time as their mothers; 50% of the women victims of violence did not react, while 38.6% left home, and 9.1 filed for divorce. Thirty-two percent of the assaulted woman had been traumatised by the aggression; the association of depression and violence was very high, 343% of the battered women in our study suffered from severe depression. This work

  2. “New Weapons” of Ideological and Political Education in Universities—WeChat

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Wei He

    2014-04-01

    Full Text Available WeChat, a new instant messaging software, has been popularized nowadays. In order for WeChat to have the maximum impact on the ideological and political education areas, we need to have a deep understanding of the characteristics and regulars which attract students in the communication process, and combine WeChat platform with ideological and political education to attract students motivated to learn the content of ideological politics. This article, starting with college students, aims to understand their thinking and use of WeChat, and pertinently use WeChat platform to enhance the attractiveness and effectiveness of ideological and political education.

  3. Domestic Violence

    Science.gov (United States)

    Domestic violence is a type of abuse. It usually involves a spouse or partner, but it can also ... a child, elderly relative, or other family member. Domestic violence may include Physical violence that can lead to ...

  4. Domestic violence, deportation, and women's resistance: notes on managing inter-sectionality.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Sen, P

    1999-02-01

    This article describes the work of Southall Black Sisters (SBS), a small women's group in London that engages in political lobbying, activism, and case work, largely with Asian women immigrants seeking an escape from domestic violence. The strategies that SBS uses include: maintaining a strong link between its case work and the larger policy and social practices that make it difficult for women to counter domestic violence effectively; challenging multiple forms of oppression (based on gender, race, ethnicity, and the patriarchy) simultaneously; and networking with a range of other organizations to accomplish specific tasks. Thus, SBS's work for social change challenges the following: the prevailing culture that permits violence against women to be endemic; the construction and delivery of services to abused women that fail to meet the needs of Asian immigrants with little command of English; and the overriding legal and policy context. In particular, SBS clients face difficulties because the UK's immigration rules require incoming spouses to remain married for a year in order to stay in the country. During this period, incoming spouses are denied the very welfare benefits that provide funding for abused women in shelters. SBS case work includes counseling, arranging accommodations, finding legal counsel, and supporting clients through legal processes. SBS draws on its case work to inform its lobbying and to give a voice to victims of domestic violence.

  5. Mixing politics and crime - The prevalence and decline of political discourse on the cryptomarket.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Munksgaard, Rasmus; Demant, Jakob

    2016-09-01

    Dread Pirate Roberts, founder of the first cryptomarket for illicit drugs named Silk Road, articulated libertarian political motives for his ventures. Previous research argues that there is a significant political component present or involved in cryptomarket drug dealing which is specifically libertarian. The aim of the paper is to investigate the prevalence of political discourses within discussions of cryptomarket drug dealing, and further to research the potential changes of these over the timespan of the study. We develop a novel operationalization of discourse analytic concepts which we combine with topic modelling enabling us to study how politics are articulated on cryptomarket forums. We apply the Structural Topic Model on a corpus extracted from crawls of cryptomarket forums encompassing posts dating from 2011 to 2015. The topics discussed on cryptomarket forums are primarily centered around the distribution of drugs including discussions of shipping and receiving, product advertisements, and reviews as well as aspects of drug consumption such as testing and consumption. However, on forums whose primary function is aiding operations on a black market, we still observe political matter. We identified one topic which expresses a libertarian discourse that emphasizes the individual's right to non-interference. Over time we observe an increasing prevalence of the libertarian discourse from 2011 to the end of 2013. In the end of 2013 - when Silk Road was seized - we observe an abrupt change in the prevalence of the libertarian discourse. The libertarian political discourse has historically been prevalent on cryptomarket forums. The closure of Silk Road has affected the prevalence of libertarian discourse suggesting that while the closure did not succeed in curtailing the cryptomarket economy, it dampened political sentiments. Copyright © 2016 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

  6. Experiences of Power and Violence in Mexican Men Attending Mutual-Aid Residential Centers for Addiction Treatment.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Lozano-Verduzco, Ignacio; Marín-Navarrete, Rodrigo; Romero-Mendoza, Martha; Tena-Suck, Antonio

    2016-05-01

    Fundamental elements of hegemonic masculinity such as power and violence are analyzed through characteristics of 12-step programs and philosophy immersed in Mutual-Aid Residential Centers for Addiction Treatment (CRAMAAs). CRAMAAs are a culturally specific form of substance abuse treatment in Mexico that are characterized by control and violence. Fifteen interviews were carried out with men of varied sociodemographic characteristics, and who resided in at least two of these centers. Results identify that power is expressed through drug abuse and leads them to subsequent biopsychosocial degradation. Residency in CRAMAAs is motivated by women, but men do not seek the residency and are usually admitted unwillingly. Power through violence is carried out inside CRAMAAs where men are victims of abuse. From a 12-step philosophy, this violence is believed to lead them to a path of recovery but instead produces feelings of anger and frustration. The implications of these centers on Mexican public health are discussed. © The Author(s) 2015.

  7. Sexual Violence Prevention

    Science.gov (United States)

    ... Submit What's this? Submit Button Past Emails Sexual Violence Prevention Recommend on Facebook Tweet Share Compartir April ... stop sexual violence before it begins. Understanding Sexual Violence Sexual violence is any sexual activity where consent ...

  8. Teen Dating Violence

    Science.gov (United States)

    ... Room Social Media Publications Injury Center Teen Dating Violence Recommend on Facebook Tweet Share Compartir On This ... serious forms of violence. What is teen dating violence? Teen Dating Violence [550 KB, 2 Pages, 508] ...

  9. Previous experience of family violence and intimate partner violence in pregnancy

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ana Bernarda Ludermir

    2017-09-01

    Full Text Available ABSTRACT OBJECTIVE To estimate differential associations between the exposure to violence in the family of origin and victimization and perpetration of intimate partner violence in pregnancy. METHODS A nested case-control study was carried out within a cohort study with 1,120 pregnant women aged 18–49 years old, who were registered in the Family Health Strategy of the city of Recife, State of Pernambuco, Brazil, between 2005 and 2006. The cases were the 233 women who reported intimate partner violence in pregnancy and the controls were the 499 women who did not report it. Partner violence in pregnancy and previous experiences of violence committed by parents or other family members were assessed with a standardized questionnaire. Multivariate logistic regression analyses were modeled to identify differential associations between the exposure to violence in the family of origin and victimization and perpetration of intimate partner violence in pregnancy. RESULTS Having seen the mother suffer intimate partner violence was associated with physical violence in childhood (OR = 2.62; 95%CI 1.89–3.63 and in adolescence (OR = 1.47; 95%CI 1.01–2.13, sexual violence in childhood (OR = 3.28; 95%CI 1.68–6.38 and intimate partner violence during pregnancy (OR = 1.47; 95% CI 1.01 – 2.12. The intimate partner violence during pregnancy was frequent in women who reported more episodes of physical violence in childhood (OR = 2.08; 95%CI 1.43–3.02 and adolescence (OR = 1.63; 95%CI 1.07–2.47, who suffered sexual violence in childhood (OR = 3.92; 95%CI 1.86–8.27, and who perpetrated violence against the partner (OR = 8.67; 95%CI 4.57–16.45. CONCLUSIONS Experiences of violence committed by parents or other family members emerge as strong risk factors for intimate partner violence in pregnancy. Identifying and understanding protective and risk factors for the emergence of intimate partner violence in pregnancy and its maintenance may help

  10. La foule révolutionnaire, l’imaginaire du complot et la violence fondatrice : aux origines de la nation française (1789 At the Origins of the French Nation (1789: The Revolutionary Crowd, Conspiracy Imaginations and Founding Violence

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Philippe Münch

    2010-09-01

    Full Text Available Dans Les origines de la France contemporaine, Taine assimile la prise de la Bastille à l'anarchie. La foule est représentée comme un « animal primitif », affranchi de la raison et livré à ses instincts. L'historiographie jacobine de la Révolution française a depuis longtemps remis en question cette représentation animalière de la foule, en montrant que derrière les violences populaires, il existe des logiques politiques, sociales et économiques qui supposent une part de rationalité des acteurs. La violence est donc complexe, étant à la fois destructrice et fondatrice, comme le montrent les journées de juillet 1789.Cet article entend expliquer le processus par lequel la violence populaire a contribué in fine à la naissance de la nation française. L'imaginaire du complot a joué ici un rôle fondamental, qu'il s'agira de mettre en lumière en faisant une lecture croisée des historiographies jacobine et critique. L'imaginaire du complot entretient en fait un double rapport à la violence en constituant, d'une part, un moteur d'action et, de l'autre, une source de justification et de mythification nécessaire pour masquer le déferlement des furies. Ce processus de légitimation fournira les éléments constitutifs du premier récit national.In his Origins of Contemporary France, Hyppolyte Taine assimilates the storming of the Bastille to a descent into anarchy. The crowd is portrayed as a ‘primitive animal’, irrational and left to its instincts. The Jacobin historiography of the French Revolution has since criticized this depiction of the crowd as animals by highlighting political, social and economic rationales behind the people’s acts of violence. The events of July 1789 actually show how violence can be complex phenomenon that is destructive and founding at the same time. This article will explain the processes by which popular violence contributed in fine to the birth of the France nation. The conspiracy imaginations

  11. Home Truths: Promises and Challenges in Linking Mortgages and Political Influence

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Deniz Igan

    2016-11-01

    Full Text Available What can “big data” tell us about the dynamics shaping the regulation of and activities in housing and mortgage markets? This paper describes a detailed database of the lobbying activities, campaign contributions, political connections, and mortgage lending activities of the financial industry. A review of the findings of recent research that has utilized this data set suggests that the political influence of the financial industry may have a bearing on the regulation of mortgage markets and, in turn, on risk-taking by lenders. A key challenge is deciphering the motivations behind the politically targeted activities of the financial industry.

  12. Understanding sexual violence as a form of caste violence

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Prachi Patil

    2016-07-01

    Full Text Available The paper attempts to understand narratives of sexual violence anchored within the dynamics of social location of caste and gender. Apparent caste-patriarchy and gender hierarchies which are at play in cases of sexual violence against lower-caste and dalit women speak about differential experiences of rape and sexual abuse that women have in India. The paper endeavours to establish that sexual violence is also a form of caste violence by rereading the unfortunate cases of Bhanwari Devi, Khairlanji, Lalasa Devi and Delta Meghwal Keywords: caste-patriarchy, Dalit women, POA Act, rape, sexual violence

  13. Moderating attitudes in times of violence through paradoxical thinking intervention.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Hameiri, Boaz; Porat, Roni; Bar-Tal, Daniel; Halperin, Eran

    2016-10-25

    In the current paper, we report a large-scale randomized field experiment, conducted among Jewish Israelis during widespread violence. The study examines the effectiveness of a "real world," multichanneled paradoxical thinking intervention, with messages disseminated through various means of communication (i.e., online, billboards, flyers). Over the course of 6 wk, we targeted a small city in the center of Israel whose population is largely rightwing and religious. Based on the paradoxical thinking principles, the intervention involved transmission of messages that are extreme but congruent with the shared Israeli ethos of conflict. To examine the intervention's effectiveness, we conducted a large-scale field experiment (prepost design) in which we sampled participants from the city population (n = 215) and compared them to a control condition (from different places of residence) with similar demographic and political characteristics (n = 320). Importantly, participants were not aware that the intervention was related to the questionnaires they answered. Results showed that even in the midst of a cycle of ongoing violence within the context of one of the most intractable conflicts in the world, the intervention led hawkish participants to decrease their adherence to conflict-supporting attitudes across time. Furthermore, compared with the control condition, hawkish participants that were exposed to the paradoxical thinking intervention expressed less support for aggressive policies that the government should consider as a result of the escalation in violence and more support for conciliatory policies to end the violence and promote a long-lasting agreement.

  14. "Why Israel?" Re-Viewing Israel Education through the Lenses of Civic and Political Engagement

    Science.gov (United States)

    Pomson, Alex; Held, Daniel

    2012-01-01

    This article takes up categories from literature on political and civic engagement to help make sense of data collected from interviews with 40 American Jewish day high school students about what they think and feel about Israel. Viewed through a set of lenses that distinguish between the manifestations and motivations of political and civic…

  15. Values, Attitudes Toward Interpersonal Violence, and Interpersonal Violent Behavior.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Seddig, Daniel; Davidov, Eldad

    2018-01-01

    The relevance of human values for the study of the motivational sources of interpersonal violent behavior was investigated in various fields of the social sciences. However, several past studies mixed up values with other dimensions like attitudes, norms, or beliefs, and only a few systematically assessed the effect of values on violent behavior relying on a value theory. Furthermore, in other studies, violence was often analyzed as a composite index of different forms of delinquent behavior rather than as violence per se . In the current study we address these gaps in the literature by building upon Schwartz' theory of basic human values. We use it to explain attitudes toward interpersonal violence and interpersonal violent behavior. We analyze data of young people ( n = 1,810) drawn from a German study in Duisburg, Germany, which assessed various types of self-reported violent behavior as well as values and attitudes toward violence. We test structural equation models in which we explain interpersonal violent behavior with basic human values, and where attitudes toward interpersonal violent behavior mediate this relation. Results show that self-transcendence and conservation values are associated negatively and power and stimulation values positively with interpersonal violent behavior. In addition, attitudes operate as a partial mediator for the former and as a full mediator for the latter in the relation between values and violent behavior. Despite a dominant association between attitudes and behavior, values themselves can significantly contribute to the explanation of violent behavior.

  16. Values, Attitudes Toward Interpersonal Violence, and Interpersonal Violent Behavior

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Daniel Seddig

    2018-05-01

    Full Text Available The relevance of human values for the study of the motivational sources of interpersonal violent behavior was investigated in various fields of the social sciences. However, several past studies mixed up values with other dimensions like attitudes, norms, or beliefs, and only a few systematically assessed the effect of values on violent behavior relying on a value theory. Furthermore, in other studies, violence was often analyzed as a composite index of different forms of delinquent behavior rather than as violence per se. In the current study we address these gaps in the literature by building upon Schwartz’ theory of basic human values. We use it to explain attitudes toward interpersonal violence and interpersonal violent behavior. We analyze data of young people (n = 1,810 drawn from a German study in Duisburg, Germany, which assessed various types of self-reported violent behavior as well as values and attitudes toward violence. We test structural equation models in which we explain interpersonal violent behavior with basic human values, and where attitudes toward interpersonal violent behavior mediate this relation. Results show that self-transcendence and conservation values are associated negatively and power and stimulation values positively with interpersonal violent behavior. In addition, attitudes operate as a partial mediator for the former and as a full mediator for the latter in the relation between values and violent behavior. Despite a dominant association between attitudes and behavior, values themselves can significantly contribute to the explanation of violent behavior.

  17. HOW MULTINATIONAL CORPORATIONS USE LOBBYING AND ADVOCACY TO MITIGATE POLITICAL RISKS

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Violeta Iftinchi

    2018-05-01

    Full Text Available In their international activities multinational corporations (MNCs face various risks. Political risk is one of them. Expropriations, transfer and convertibility restrictions, breach of contracts, acts of terrorism, domestic political violence or other adverse regulatory changes and/or negative government action represent forms of political risks. Incorporating political risk in their risk management strategies becomes a necessity for MNCs in their search for profits and new markets. This article presents how MNCs use lobbying and advocacy as means to engage with governments and politicians in the country of origin (home country, in the country where a MNC has operations (host country or at international level (by creating ties with international organisations in order to mitigate political risks. The case of Repsol and its investment in Argentina is used to demonstrate the application of such tools. The article presents two limitations that might determine the success or failure of MNCs’ lobbying and advocacy activities: governments' unpredictable views towards MNCs and reputational risks. The article has also identified a main difficulty in identifying and examining MNCs way of using lobbying and advocacy to engage with government officials and politicians. This difficulty comes from the informal character of such contacts which makes lobbying and advocacy almost impossible to identify.

  18. Medical Humanitarianism Under Atmospheric Violence: Health Professionals in the 2013 Gezi Protests in Turkey.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Aciksoz, Salih Can

    2016-06-01

    During the 2013 Gezi protests in Turkey, volunteering health professionals provided on-site medical assistance to protesters faced with police violence characterized by the extensive use of riot control agents. This led to a government crackdown on the medical community and the criminalization of "unauthorized" first aid amidst international criticisms over violations of medical neutrality. Drawing from ethnographic observations, in-depth interviews with health care professionals, and archival research, this article ethnographically analyzes the polarized encounter between the Turkish government and medical professionals aligned with social protest. I demonstrate how the context of "atmospheric violence"-the extensive use of riot control agents like tear gas-brings about new politico-ethical spaces and dilemmas for healthcare professionals. I then analyze how Turkish health professionals framed their provision of health services to protestors in the language of medical humanitarianism, and how the state dismissed their claims to humanitarian neutrality by criminalizing emergency care. Exploring the vexed role that health workers and medical organizations played in the Gezi protests and the consequent political contestations over doctors' ethical, professional, and political responsibilities, this article examines challenges to medical humanitarianism and neutrality at times of social protest in and beyond the Middle East.

  19. The Lure of Authority: Motivation and Incentive Effects of Power

    OpenAIRE

    Fehr, Ernst; Herz, Holger; Wilkening, Tom

    2012-01-01

    Authority and power permeate political, social, and economic life, but empirical knowledge about the motivational origins and consequences of authority is limited. We study the motivation and incentive effects of authority experimentally in an authority delegation game. Individuals often retain authority even when its delegation is in their material interest—suggesting that authority has nonpecuniary consequences for utility. Authority also leads to over provision of effort by the controlling...

  20. A Framework for Violence: Clarifying the Role of Motivation in Lone-Actor Terrorism

    Science.gov (United States)

    2017-03-01

    percent), personal crises that might make a person receptive to violent thought or action (98 percent for school attackers and around 50 percent for...likely to verbalize intent to commit violence to friends/family/wider audience , have others aware of their grievance, express a desire to hurt others...Unabomber (Theodore Kaczynski) or Jared Loughner, is likely not receptive to moderate narratives that do not address the unique combination of personal

  1. Domestic violence

    OpenAIRE

    Tačík, Michal

    2015-01-01

    Domestic violence The present thesis deals with the phenomenon of domestic violence, from the substantive, procedural and criminological aspects. The first part defines the specifics of domestic violence, its signs and forms. It shows a typology of victims and perpetrators. It analyzes in detail the basic facts of the crimes that are the most commonly perpetrated forms of domestic violence. It also describes the sanctions and some of the treatment programs that are available for perpetrators ...

  2. The prevalence of violence investigated in a pregnant population in Sweden.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Stenson, K; Heimer, G; Lundh, C; Nordström, M L; Saarinen, H; Wenker, A

    2001-12-01

    All women registered for antenatal care within a Swedish municipality during a 6-month period were assessed regarding acts of violence. The Abuse Assessment Screen was used on two occasions during pregnancy, and once between 4 and 20 weeks after delivery. The efficacy of repeated interviews was investigated, and characteristics of abused and non-abused women were compared. The participation rate was 93% (1038 women). Physical abuse by a close acquaintance or relative during or shortly after pregnancy was reported by 1.3%, and by 2.8% when the year preceding pregnancy was included. The lifetime prevalence of emotional, physical or sexual abuse was 19.4%. Repeated questioning increased the detection of abuse. Women abused during pregnancy reported more preceding ill-health and more elective abortions than non-abused women. Intervention against sexual violence has been on the political agenda in Sweden for several decades. Even so, physical abuse is a risk factor comparable in frequency to obstetric complications such as gestational diabetes and pre-eclampsia. Routines need to be established to make questioning about violence an integral part of the standardized screening for risk factors during pregnancy.

  3. Patron-Client Politics, Democracy and Governance in Nigeria, 1999 ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    Its evidence abounds in older democracies, emerging democracies and even authoritarian regimes. In Nigeria, its evidence abounds in the pre-colonial political system through the colonial era to the previous civil administrations in the country since independence. The paper revealed that pecuniary motivation and the ...

  4. NEGOTIATING PLACE AND GENDERED VIOLENCE IN CANADA’S LARGEST OPEN DRUG SCENE

    Science.gov (United States)

    McNeil, Ryan; Shannon, Kate; Shaver, Laura; Kerr, Thomas; Small, Will

    2014-01-01

    Background Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside is home to Canada’s largest street-based drug scene and only supervised injection facility (Insite). High levels of violence among men and women have been documented in this neighbourhood. This study was undertaken to explore the role of violence in shaping the socio-spatial relations of women and ‘marginal men’ (i.e., those occupying subordinate positions within the drug scene) in the Downtown Eastside, including access to Insite. Methods Semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted with 23 people who inject drugs (PWID) recruited through the Vancouver Area Network of Drug Users, a local drug user organization. Interviews included a mapping exercise. Interview transcripts and maps were analyzed thematically, with an emphasis on how gendered violence shaped participants’ spatial practices. Results Hegemonic forms of masculinity operating within the Downtown Eastside framed the everyday violence experienced by women and marginal men. This violence shaped the spatial practices of women and marginal men, in that they avoided drug scene milieus where they had experienced violence or that they perceived to be dangerous. Some men linked their spatial restrictions to the perceived 'dope quality' of neighbourhood drug dealers to maintain claims to dominant masculinities while enacting spatial strategies to promote safety. Environmental supports provided by health and social care agencies were critical in enabling women and marginal men to negotiate place and survival within the context of drug scene violence. Access to Insite did not motivate participants to enter into “dangerous” drug scene milieus but they did venture into these areas if necessary to obtain drugs or generate income. Conclusion Gendered violence is critical in restricting the geographies of men and marginal men within the street-based drug scene. There is a need to scale up existing environmental interventions, including supervised injection

  5. The Anarchic and Violent Influence of the Memes in Brazilian Politics

    OpenAIRE

    de Rezende, Heitor Pinheiro; de Farias, Luiz Alberto

    2018-01-01

    This article reproduces an investigation about the types of violence present in memes that portrayed the candidates for the Presidency of Brazil in 2014, theese which came from a questionable digital anarchy that occurred in that period. The main hypothesis of this study is that memes have induced netizens to negatively ideas about candidates and that these representations, were partly, elaborated by political groups that benefited from the secrecy generated by the digital enviroment to depre...

  6. Association between Domestic Violence and School Violence: a preliminary analysis

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Lúcia Cavalcanti de Albuquerque Williams

    2008-07-01

    Full Text Available Usually, one investigates marital violence, children victimization, and school violence in an isolated way. The aim of this paper is to highlight the relationship between domestic violence and school violence, suggesting actions to deal with these serious issues. With this goal in mind, two studies are described in this paper. The first one evaluates if boys who behave aggressively in school, in comparison with their non-aggressive peers, have more incidence of domestic violence exposure and victimization. The second study investigates if exposure to domestic violence and child victimization are factors associated with bullying. These studies indicated that there is a relation between the violence experienced in these two contexts; however they emphasize the need for further investigations with more participant and longitudinal studies. Teacher in-service training is suggested, aimed at: identifying students living in families with a history of domestic violence; supporting teachers and principals in case of disclosures in the school setting; social skills training for students; class discussions about healthy and non-violent family relationships and, psychotherapy referral to students who are victimized.

  7. Relationship Factors and Condom Use among Women with a History of Intimate Partner Violence

    Science.gov (United States)

    McGrane Minton, Heather A.; Mittal, Mona; Elder, Heather; Carey, Michael P.

    2016-01-01

    Women who experience intimate partner violence (IPV) are at increased risk for HIV infection. To further the understanding of the dyadic factors that impact condom use among women, we investigated the impact of three relationship factors (i.e., power, fear, and dependence) on the association between HIV-related information, motivation, and behavioral skills [constructs from the Information-Motivation-Behavioral Skills (IMB) model] and condom use among abused women. Data from 133 urban, low-income women recruited from several community-based agencies (e.g., domestic violence agencies, women’s health organizations, hospitals, Department of Health and Human Services, and Family Court) showed that these women experienced high levels of IPV and that relationship power, fear of abuse, and partner dependence were all associated with condom use. Multivariable models revealed that fear of abuse and partner dependence moderated that association between IMB constructs and condom use but relationship power did not. Results highlight the critical need to incorporate strategies to address relationship factors in HIV prevention programs with abused women. PMID:26354519

  8. Violence in childhood, attitudes about partner violence, and partner violence perpetration among men in Vietnam

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Yount, K.M.; Huyen, T.P.; Tran, H.M.; Krause, K.H.; Schuler, S.R.; Hoang, T.A.; VanderEnde, K.; Kramer, M.R.

    2014-01-01

    Purpose: We assess the association of men’s exposure to violence in childhood—witnessing physical violence against one’s mother and being hit or beaten by a parent or adult relative—with their attitudes about intimate partner violence (IPV) against women. We explore whether men’s perpetration of IPV

  9. Neither Medicine Nor Health Care Staff Members Are Violent By Nature: Obstetric Violence From an Interactionist Perspective.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Briceño Morales, Ximena; Enciso Chaves, Laura Victoria; Yepes Delgado, Carlos Enrique

    2018-05-01

    This study sought to understand the meaning that women place on the health care practices carried out during labor. We used techniques from Grounded Theory such as coding, categorization, and constant comparison. A total of 18 interviews were conducted with 16 women who had given birth at least once in Colombia. Based on our results, we argue that obstetric violence is an expression of violence during the provision of health care, which occurs in a social environment favoring the development of power relationships between patients and health care staff. Its origin might lie in a health care system whose political and economic foundations encourage inequality on the basis of the patients' purchasing power. We conclude that rethinking and redefining the concept of obstetric violence is essential for understanding its nature and having an impact on it.

  10. THE ACADEMIC PERSONNEL MOTIVATION - A FACTOR FOR HIGH QUALITY EDUCATIONAL PRODUCT

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Viara Slavianska

    2014-06-01

    Full Text Available The present paper consecutively puts an accent on 1 the quality of higher education as a national priority, 2 the qualification and motivation of the academic staff as factors for offering an educational product of high quality, 3 the strategies, policies and practices for motivating the academic personnel. The necessity of education improvement is adduced, the strategies and politics in the field of academic personnel training are presented, and the possible effects from a wrong approach to employees’ motivation in academic environment are commented.

  11. Are Drinking Motives Universal? Characteristics of Motive Types in Alcohol-Dependent Men from Two Diverse Populations

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Verena Ertl

    2018-02-01

    Full Text Available Background and AimsSince alcohol use disorders are among the most prevalent and destructive mental disorders, it is critical to address factors contributing to their development and maintenance. Drinking motives are relevant driving factors for consumption. Identifying groups of drinkers with similar motivations may help to specialize intervention components and make treatment more effective and efficient. We aimed to identify and describe distinct motive types of drinkers in dependent males from two diverse cultures (Uganda and Germany and to explore potential differences and similarities in addiction-related measures. Moreover, we investigated specific links between motive types and childhood maltreatment, traumatic experiences, and symptoms of comorbid psychopathologies.MethodsTo determine distinct drinking motive types, we conducted latent class analyses concerning drinking motives (Drinking Motive Scale in samples of treatment-seeking alcohol-dependent men (N = 75. Subsequently we compared the identified motive types concerning their alcohol consumption and alcohol-related symptoms (Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test, history of childhood maltreatment (Childhood Trauma Questionnaire, trauma exposure (Violence, War and Abduction Exposure Scale, psychopathology (Posttraumatic Stress Diagnostic Scale, Depression-section of the Hopkins Symptom Checklist, and Brief Symptom Inventory and deficits in emotion regulation (Difficulties in Emotion Regulation Scale.ResultsWe found two congruent drinking motive types in both contexts. Reward-oriented drinking motives like the generation of positive feelings and enhancing performance were endorsed almost equally by both motive types, whereas high relief motive endorsement characterized one group, but not the other. The relief motive type drank to overcome aversive feelings, withdrawal, and daily hassles and was characterized by higher adversity in general. Emotional maltreatment in childhood

  12. Reducing Structural Violence through Entrepreneurial Tourism: Case Study in Hambantota District, Sri Lanka

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    Shammika DLAH

    2014-01-01

    Full Text Available Tourism is increasingly recognized as an effective means of achieving peace in world. In this paper tourism’s contribution for peace will be discussed in a broader sense with identification of structural violence as the main cause of Sri Lankan conflict. Structural violence is the process of deprivation of needs. It is characterized politically as repression, and economically by exploitation. The methodology used in this paper to identify ‘how entrepreneurial tourism can contribute to alleviate structural violence’ was basically qualitative. The methodology was based on the grounded theory which portrays the world as being complex and organized by both overt and hidden power structures. It was revealed during the process of data collection that the structural violence was functioning by means of polarization of the social structures such as caste, ethnicity, economic status, nobility, educational status into different strata together with grouping of people into the consequential ends leading to social uneasiness. People engaged in entrepreneurial activities are entrapped in a viscous system of unfair resource allocation and production exploitation operating through intermediaries. The paper suggests that it is necessary to seek remedies to increase the capacity of entrepreneurs to overcome the destructive force of the structural violence.

  13. Comparing corporal punishment and children's exposure to violence between caregivers: Towards better diagnosis and prevention of intrafamilial physical abuse of children.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Ribeiro, Cristina Silveira; Coelho, Luís; Magalhães, Teresa

    2016-02-01

    Any intervention involving child victims of intrafamilial abuse must take the alleged underlying motives for the abuse into account. The aim of this study is to further our understanding of intrafamilial physical abuse of children, by comparing its various aspects while considering the alleged underlying motives. A preliminary sample of 1656 cases of alleged physical abuse in the northern region of Portugal was analysed, with two main motives being identified: corporal punishment (CP) (G1 = 927) and exposure to violence between caregivers (EVC) (G2 = 308). Statistically significant differences were found between the two motives (p < 0.05) for the following variables: (1) age of the alleged victims, (2) sex of the alleged abuser, (3) risk factors affecting the alleged abuser, (4) abuser/victim relationship, (5) injury-producing mechanism, (6) time between last abuse and forensic medical examination and (7) location of injuries. Evidence-based knowledge of these differences may help in accurate diagnosis by doctors (particularly forensic physicians) and prevention of this type of violence through support strategies (including tertiary prevention strategies). Copyright © 2015 Elsevier Ltd and Faculty of Forensic and Legal Medicine. All rights reserved.

  14. Domestic violence

    OpenAIRE

    Kiurski Jasmina

    2003-01-01

    Since the 1960s, there has been growing awareness regarding the issue of domestic violence as a form of violence against women, which has been largely influenced by the work of feminist activist and scholars in North America and Europe (Dobash and Dobash 1992). Other terms have been used to describe the same phenomenon, including domestic abuse, spousal abuse, wife battering, marital violence, intimate partner violence. Though there is no doubt that this problem has existed for much more than...

  15. The Rise of the Crime Victim and Punitive Policies? Changes to the Legal Regulation of Intimate Partner Violence in Finland.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Kotanen, Riikka

    2017-10-01

    This article examines intimate partnership violence as a question of criminal justice policy in Finland, and contributes to criminological discussions regarding oft-stated connections between the politicization of the victim, the treatment of offenders, and repressive criminal justice policies. In this discussion, legislation aiming to regulate and prevent violence against women has often been utilized as an example of such punitive policies. Although criminal policies in Nordic countries differ significantly from more punitive Anglophone policies, punitive tendencies, it has been argued, have increased in the former, too. This article analyzes the change in legal regulations and the criminal political status of intimate partner violence in Finland between 1990 and 2004, while examining the juxtaposition of victims and offenders alongside repressive demands.

  16. Understanding sexual violence as a form of caste violence

    OpenAIRE

    Prachi Patil

    2016-01-01

    The paper attempts to understand narratives of sexual violence anchored within the dynamics of social location of caste and gender. Apparent caste-patriarchy and gender hierarchies which are at play in cases of sexual violence against lower-caste and dalit women speak about differential experiences of rape and sexual abuse that women have in India. The paper endeavours to establish that sexual violence is also a form of caste violence by rereading the unfortunate cases of Bhanwari Devi, Khair...

  17. Violence against women by their intimate partners in Shahroud in northeastern region of Iran.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Hajian, Sepideh; Vakilian, Katayon; Mirzaii Najm-abadi, Khadijeh; Hajian, Parastoo; Jalalian, Mehrdad

    2014-02-27

    Violence against women is one of the worst consequences of cultural, political, and socio-economic inequalities between men and women. Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) has been identified as an important cause of morbidity from multiple mental, physical, sexual, and reproductive health outcomes. Nonetheless, the prevalence and related factors of this international problem have not been investigated extensively in some parts of the world. The aims of this research were to determine the prevalence of physical and mental violence perpetrated by men against their intimate partners and to assess the associated factors of partner violence among women in Shahroud in northeastern region of Iran in 2010. This Cross-Sectional study was conducted in Shahroud, in northeast of Iran in 2010. Cluster sampling was done from primary health service institutions, universities, public schools and governmental organizations throughout the city and six hundred married women completed the study. A structured questionnaire with 34 items was designed in three parts to assess the physically (10 items) and mentally (15 items) violent acts by a current intimate male partner and identify collative behaviors (9 items) of victims. The Logistic regression analysis was applied to determine the net effect of background variables on the IPV occurrence within the past year. About 20% of the participants experienced at least one type of physical violence. Increased risk of physical violence was positively associated with the younger age of the couple (OR=3.08, Pharassment within the past twelve months. Logistic Regression Analysis found that lower education (OR=3.06, Punreported, healthcare providers should be aware of the risk factors associated with domestic violence to be able to design preventive measures against its negative health outcomes in women.

  18. FAMILY VIOLENCE – MARRIAGE VIOLENCE WITH A FATAL OUTCOME

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Lidija Kostic-Banovic

    2006-04-01

    Full Text Available Family violence represents an especially dangerous social form of violence by means of which the rights of an individual – a member of a family – to live, to have psychic, physical and sexual integrity, freedom, security and human dignity, have been violated. The term marriage violence entails every form of physical, sexual, psychic and economic abuse of women by husbands or illegitimate partner. The family violence represents a widespread form of crime, and since it has become dramatic and dynamic during the recent years, the need for a direct forensic processing of the violence consequences within this specific and sensitive social group has arisen. In accordance with what has been outlined above, three cases of extreme, systematic and continuous marriage violence with fatal consequences of the abused women, whose bodies have been abducted at the Forensics Institute in Nis, have been presented in this paper.

  19. Mainstreaming domestic and gender-based violence into sociology and the criminology of violence.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Walby, Sylvia; Towers, Jude; Francis, Brian

    2014-12-01

    Sociological and criminological views of domestic and gender-based violence generally either dismiss it as not worthy of consideration, or focus on specific groups of offenders and victims (male youth gangs, partner violence victims). In this paper, we take a holistic approach to violence, extending the definition from that commonly in use to encompass domestic violence and sexual violence. We operationalize that definition by using data from the latest sweep of the Crime Survey for England and Wales. By so doing, we identify that violence is currently under-measured and ubiquitous; that it is gendered, and that other forms of violence (family violence, acquaintance violence against women) are equally of concern. We argue that violence studies are an important form of activity for sociologists.

  20. Mainstreaming domestic and gender-based violence into sociology and the criminology of violence

    Science.gov (United States)

    Walby, Sylvia; Towers, Jude; Francis, Brian

    2014-01-01

    Sociological and criminological views of domestic and gender-based violence generally either dismiss it as not worthy of consideration, or focus on specific groups of offenders and victims (male youth gangs, partner violence victims). In this paper, we take a holistic approach to violence, extending the definition from that commonly in use to encompass domestic violence and sexual violence. We operationalize that definition by using data from the latest sweep of the Crime Survey for England and Wales. By so doing, we identify that violence is currently under-measured and ubiquitous; that it is gendered, and that other forms of violence (family violence, acquaintance violence against women) are equally of concern. We argue that violence studies are an important form of activity for sociologists. PMID:25641992

  1. An Analysis of the Factors Influencing the Political Culture of the Students of Parsabad Islamic Azad University

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    Mohammadreza Hatami

    2013-03-01

    Full Text Available Political culture is one of the most important phenomena of social life in modem era, with an undeniable influence on the political conduct of the members of the society. It is also one of the main pillars and principles of the growth and development of society. Belief in political equality, trust, feeling of security, and national and ethnic loyalty, are among significant elements closely related to political culture and society development pattern. The present study aims to analyze the factors influencing the political culture of the students of Parsabad Islamic Azad University. The main question addressed in this study concerns the factors which influence the political culture of the students of Parsabad Islamic Azad University. The hypotheses of the study suggest that variables such as ethnicism, religiousness, political motivation, personality and socioeconomic status have a significant relationship with political culture. The survey methodology - correlation between variables - and interview, as the means for collecting data to answer the questions, are utilized in this study. Also the statistical method and the SPPS software are used to analyze the data. The results of the study indicate that none of the hypotheses of the research was confirmed except for the relationship between the political motivation and the political culture. This shows that the temporal and spatial condition of Parsabad and, consequently, that of the students are different from the temporal and spatial conditions of the theories presented in this study.

  2. Le dévéloppement à l'ombre de la violence: un programme de ...

    International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

    ebishop

    Une logique similaire s'applique aux facteurs politiques ou de justice. .... Si la discrimination politique ou ethnique a motivé les violences, .... 28 Simonsen 2005 ; Samuels et von Einsiedel 2004 ; Horowitz 1985 ; d'un avis contraire, Lopez-Pintor 2006. ...... confiance dans les institutions, les perceptions de la légitimité, etc.

  3. Feminist Solidarity? Women's Engagement in Politics and the Implications for Water Management in the Darjeeling Himalaya

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Joshi, D.

    2014-01-01

    This article explores the motivations of a diverse group of women in the Himalayan region of Darjeeling district in India to engage (or not) in politics, and discusses how women, like men, are vulnerable to power and politics. In Darjeeling, class, ethnicity, and other divides are accentuated by

  4. The Moral Economy of Violence in the US Inner City

    Science.gov (United States)

    Karandinos, George; Hart, Laurie Kain; Castrillo, Fernando Montero; Bourgois, Philippe

    2014-01-01

    In an 8-week period, there were 16 shootings with three fatalities, three stabbings, and 14 additional “aggravated assaults” in the four square blocks surrounding our field site in the Puerto Rican corner of North Philadelphia. In the aftermath of the shoot-outs, the drug sellers operating on our block were forced to close down their operations by several mothers who repeatedly called the police. Drawing on the concept of moral economy (Thompson, Scott, Taussig), Mauss’s interpretation of gift exchange, and a political economy critique of hypercarceralization in the United States, we understand the high levels of US inner-city violence as operating within a moral logic framed by economic scarcity and hostile state relations. Residents seek security, self-respect, and profit in social networks that compel them to participate in solidary exchanges of assistive violence dynamized by kinship and gender obligations. A hierarchical, extractive drug economy fills the void left by deindustrialization, resulting in a dynamic of embodied primitive accumulation at the expense of addicted customers and chronically incarcerated just-in-time street sellers at high risk of assault. Nevertheless, the mobilization of violence organizing the illegal drug economy also follows ethical norms and obligations that are recognized as legitimate by many local residents. PMID:25067849

  5. High School Students’ Perceptions of Motivations for Cyberbullying: An Exploratory Study

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    Cutts, Hayley

    2010-08-01

    Full Text Available Objectives: Internet usage has increased in recent years resulting in a growing number of documented reports of cyberbullying. Despite the rise in cyberbullying incidents, there is a dearth of research regarding high school students’ motivations for cyberbullying. The purpose of this study was to investigate high school students' perceptions of the motivations for cyberbullying.Method: We undertook an exploratory qualitative study with 20 high school students, conducting individual interviews using a semi-structured interview protocol. Data were analyzed using Grounded Theory.Results: The developed coding hierarchy provides a framework to conceptualize motivations, which can be used to facilitate future research about motivations and to develop preventive interventions designed to thwart the negative effects of cyberbullying. The findings revealed that high school students more often identified internally motivated reasons for cyberbullying (e.g., redirect feelings than externally motivated (no consequences, non-confrontational, target was different.Conclusion: Uncovering the motivations for cyberbullying should promote greater understanding of this phenomenon and potentially reduce the interpersonal violence that can result from it. By providing a framework that begins to clarify the internal and external factors motivating the behavior, there is enhanced potential to develop effective preventive interventions to prevent cyberbullying and its negative effects. [West J Emerg Med. 2010; 11(3: 270-274.

  6. FAMILY VIOLENCE – MARRIAGE VIOLENCE WITH A FATAL OUTCOME

    OpenAIRE

    Lidija Kostic-Banovic; Ljubisa Milosavljevic; Radovan Karadzic; Aleksandra Antovic

    2006-01-01

    Family violence represents an especially dangerous social form of violence by means of which the rights of an individual – a member of a family – to live, to have psychic, physical and sexual integrity, freedom, security and human dignity, have been violated. The term marriage violence entails every form of physical, sexual, psychic and economic abuse of women by husbands or illegitimate partner. The family violence represents a widespread form of crime, and since it has become dramatic and d...

  7. Dividing and Ruling the World? A Statistical Test of the Effects of Colonialism on Postcolonial Civil Violence

    Science.gov (United States)

    Lange, Matthew; Dawson, Andrew

    2009-01-01

    To test claims that postcolonial civil violence is a common legacy of colonialism, we create a dataset on the colonial heritage of 160 countries and explore whether a history of colonialism is related to indicators of inter-communal conflict, political rebellion and civil war in the years 1960-1999. The analysis provides evidence against sweeping…

  8. Performances and Deficiencies of the Regulation of the Phenomenon of Family Violence in the Republic of Moldova

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Diana Ionita

    2012-05-01

    Full Text Available The family protection and support, the development and consolidation of family solidarity, basedon friendship, affection, moral and material encouragement of family members is a national goal. The acts ofviolence among members of one family can seriously affect the very existence of the family, frequentlycausing the dismemberment of it. The deeply harmful effects of violence among members of one family, bothfor them and for society, as well as the recrudescence of such violent acts imposed as a major priority theprevention and combating of this form of the violence. Family violence is a social problem and, at the sametime, a serious violation of human rights, being exercised in different forms: the punishment of minors, therestriction of the woman’s (man’s independence, the non-respect of the rights, feelings, opinions,expectations of the woman (man, violence among brothers, abuse against elderly family members etc.. It isalso a social relation whose consequences cannot be ignored at the level of political decision, from theperspective of accession to the European Union’s structures of our country.

  9. Political Culture, Values and Economic Utility: A Different Perspective on Norwegian Party-based Euroscepticism

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    Marianne S. Skinner

    2010-08-01

    Full Text Available Drawing on a content analysis of party manifestos and a survey of Norwegian MPs, this article examines the nuances in, and the causality of, the different Norwegian parties’ Euroscepticism. The study of the comparative party politics of Euroscepticism, which focuses on ideology and strategy, falls short of accounting for the Norwegian case, where, unlike other European countries, the parties’ Euroscepticism is exceptionally stable and appears across the political spectrum. Therefore, the article tests an alternative set of theories, drawn from the literature on opinion formation on European integration, to find a more suitable framework for analysing and explaining the motivation of Norwegian Euroscepticism. The analysis shows that Norwegian party-based Euroscepticism can be divided into three types when it comes to its strength and policy opposition, with the Centre Party and the Socialist Left Party on the ‘hardest’ end of the Euroscepticism scale, followed by the Christian Democratic Party and the Liberal Party, and finally, the Labour Party and the Progress Party. Furthermore, the analysis indicates that Norwegian Eurosceptic party stances on Europe are primarily driven by political values and political culture concerns, except for the Progress Party, which base its Eurosceptic motivation on economic utilitarianism and political culture.

  10. Co-benefits of addressing climate change can motivate action around the world

    Science.gov (United States)

    Bain, Paul G.; Milfont, Taciano L.; Kashima, Yoshihisa; Bilewicz, Michał; Doron, Guy; Garðarsdóttir, Ragna B.; Gouveia, Valdiney V.; Guan, Yanjun; Johansson, Lars-Olof; Pasquali, Carlota; Corral-Verdugo, Victor; Aragones, Juan Ignacio; Utsugi, Akira; Demarque, Christophe; Otto, Siegmar; Park, Joonha; Soland, Martin; Steg, Linda; González, Roberto; Lebedeva, Nadezhda; Madsen, Ole Jacob; Wagner, Claire; Akotia, Charity S.; Kurz, Tim; Saiz, José L.; Schultz, P. Wesley; Einarsdóttir, Gró; Saviolidis, Nina M.

    2016-02-01

    Personal and political action on climate change is traditionally thought to be motivated by people accepting its reality and importance. However, convincing the public that climate change is real faces powerful ideological obstacles, and climate change is slipping in public importance in many countries. Here we investigate a different approach, identifying whether potential co-benefits of addressing climate change could motivate pro-environmental behaviour around the world for both those convinced and unconvinced that climate change is real. We describe an integrated framework for assessing beliefs about co-benefits, distinguishing social conditions (for example, economic development, reduced pollution or disease) and community character (for example, benevolence, competence). Data from all inhabited continents (24 countries; 6,196 participants) showed that two co-benefit types, Development (economic and scientific advancement) and Benevolence (a more moral and caring community), motivated public, private and financial actions to address climate change to a similar degree as believing climate change is important. Critically, relationships were similar for both convinced and unconvinced participants, showing that co-benefits can motivate action across ideological divides. These relationships were also independent of perceived climate change importance, and could not be explained by political ideology, age, or gender. Communicating co-benefits could motivate action on climate change where traditional approaches have stalled.

  11. Student Youth: Dynamics of Political Interests (Regional Aspect

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    Morozova Galina Viktorovna

    2015-12-01

    Full Text Available The article presents the main results of the research of interests and political orientations of student youth which was carried out in 2014 at the Kazan federal university and its branches in the territory of the Republic of Tatarstan. The choice of student youth as a reference group is caused by a number of factors, among which we should name the status of intellectual elite, social and political mobility that allows to consider students as the potential actors of socio-political transformations in the country. The data obtained during poll compared with the results of last research allow defining the dynamics of development of student youth’s political sentiment in the region. The study of political attitudes, preferences of students was based on the identification of a number of indicators (degree of interest in politics, the level of personal involvement in political life and on the study of factors that determine the motivation of political behavior of students. Empirical studies make it possible to rank the problems that dominate the political consciousness of students in the region. These include a high level of corruption in the government, inflation, rising prices, the state of health and education systems and the growing income inequality. Particular attention is accented on the problems associated with the foreign policy aspects, threats, aggression from abroad. The study showed that most young people’s interest in politics is limited primarily by informational level, rarely they have desire to express their own position or judgments in political situations. The level of real political participation, socio-political activity of students is low. Obtained results let us notice the increasing trend of demonstration of protest behavior among certain part of the students.

  12. Heterogeneity, politics of ethnicity, and multiculturalism What is a viable framework for Indonesia?

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    Thung Ju Lan

    2011-10-01

    Full Text Available Indonesia is a plural society that consists of several hundred ethnic and sub-ethnic groups. One of its generic characteristics is heterogeneity. In the last ten years after the implementation of regional autonomy, we have witnessed the emergence of strong ethnic and religiously flavoured local identity politics in various places in Indonesia that created open and vicious conflicts. This periodical violence exploded especially during the election of district and provincial heads. The intimate relation multiculturalism, with the actual political praxis of everyday life as an alternative to the existing paradigm of the “homogenization” of nationhood, has not been discussed. I believe it is time to discuss the strategic junctures between heterogeneity, politics of ethnicity (and religion and multiculturalism as well as their possible realization at the local and national levels in order to find a viable framework for a future Indonesia.

  13. The Unreasonable Destructiveness of Political Correctness in Philosophy

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    Manuel Doria

    2017-08-01

    Full Text Available I submit that epistemic progress in key areas of contemporary academic philosophy has been compromised by politically correct (“PC” ideology. First, guided by an evolutionary account of ideology, results from social and cognitive psychology and formal philosophical methods, I expose evidence for political bias in contemporary Western academia and sketch a formalization for the contents of beliefs from the PC worldview taken to be of core importance, the theory of social oppression and the thesis of anthropological mental egalitarianism. Then, aided by discussions from contemporary epistemology on epistemic values, I model the problem of epistemic appraisal using the frameworks of multi-objective optimization theory and multi-criteria decision analysis and apply it to politically correct philosophy. I conclude that philosophy guided by politically correct values is bound to produce constructs that are less truth-conducive and that spurious values which are ideologically motivated should be abandoned. Objections to my framework stemming from contextual empiricism, the feminine voice in ethics and political philosophy are considered. I conclude by prescribing the epistemic value of epistemic adequacy, the contextual value of political diversity and the moral virtue of moral courage to reverse unwarranted trends in academic philosophy due to PC ideology.

  14. Parables of the East in Edward Bond’s Political Drama

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    Loretta Visomirskis

    2016-04-01

    Full Text Available The themes of ancient and modern, of East and West, and of “journeys of discovery” form the ideological fabric of the work of Edward Bond (b. 1935, one of Britain’s most established contemporary playwrights. In his plays "Narrow Road to the Deep North" (1968 and "The Bundle" (1978, set in Japan in vaguely historicized seventeenth to nineteenth centuries, Bond uses history as a prism of looking at the present and of deconstructing the political myths of the past. He introduces the character of the great seventeenth-century Japanese poet Matsuo Basho. In both plays, Basho becomes the Brechtian narrator, the “alienating factor,” as well as the medium for Bond’s philosophical dilemma of human choice and its political implications in society. In questioning the artist’s role and the individual’s responsibility in society, Bond creates political parables that oppose the “ivory tower” intellectualism and abstract meditation to active resistance to evil. Both plays signify Bond’s own evolution from the pacifism of the Tolstoyan philosophy of “non-resistance to violence by force” ("Narrow Road to the Deep North" to the revolutionary theory of Brecht’s Epic Theatre and its social and political activism ("The Bundle".

  15. Power games: The political use of solar technology in northern Thailand

    Science.gov (United States)

    Green, Donna Lisa

    This dissertation politicises and historically situates the transfer of an environmental technology to a less developed country, a transfer that has occurred under the rubric of sustainable development. The case study explores the social and political context of two solar battery charging station programmes selected to provide electrification in rural Northern Thailand beginning in the 1980s. It places these rural electrification programmes in the context of previous rural electrification policies in northern Thailand in the 1960s and 1970s which were driven by an explicitly state-serving agenda: an agenda that aimed to expand the centralised state's ability to pacify and control remote areas of the country. However, it is clear that the technology and implementation strategies selected for the new electrification programmes could not fulfil their community-serving objectives; furthermore, these systems could not meet the actual energy needs of the programmes' intended beneficiaries. I argue that we need to consider whether the objectives that motivated previous rural electrification programmes may be continuing to play a role in the promotion of these new rural electrification programmes, a motivation that would contradict the philosophy behind the choice of the solar battery charging stations. Specifically, I show how the new rural electrification strategy has been de-politicised through its framing within the sustainable development discourses. This thesis highlights how the rush to promote environmental technologies through the rubric of sustainable development may limit a proper consideration of the social and political dynamics that motivated these decisions, resulting in the uncritical justification of technology selection. Scholars have critiqued the social ramifications of, and the political motivations behind, earlier technocentric rural development strategies, showing how they can exacerbate social inequalities. I argue that in this situation, the

  16. O novo paradigma da violência The new paradigm of violence

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    Michel Wieviorka

    1997-05-01

    Full Text Available O autor procura redimensionar o conceito de violência dentro do atual estado de globalização mundial. Crise internacional, narcotráfico, derrocada do bloco socialista no leste europeu, políticas assistenciais de organismos internacionais, conceitos de desenvolvimento e de subdesenvolvimento, terrorismo, sectarismo político e religioso, novas conceituações culturais e sociais são temas trabalhados pelo autor com vistas ao estabelecimento de um novo paradigma da violência.The author tries to requalify the concept of violence under the influences of a context of world globalization. International crisis, drug traffic, collapse of the socialist governments, concepts of development and under-development, terrorism, political and religious sectarisms, new culture and social conceptualizations, these are some of the themes which are discussed by the author with the objective to propose a new pardigm for violence.

  17. Does Sacrifice Avert Violence? Reflections from Nepal and the People’s War

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    Marie Lecomte-Tilouine

    2013-10-01

    Full Text Available This article attempts to address the link between sacrifice and violence by exploring the settings in which they are to be found in the ritual order governing socio-political organization. It is based on extensive ethnographic work in Nepal, a country that was regarded as a safe haven until it was swept up in a revolutionary movement that combined Maoist ideology with a sacrificial impetus. If warlike movements generate an ideology of legitimization that borrows religious imagery, those supported by a revolutionary ideal tend to spiritualize violence to the point of developing a genuine mysticism. This was the case of the People’s War in Nepal, which was presented as an apocalypse, led by warriors rejoicing in their own suffering and glorifying martyrdom as the supreme means of achieving the ideal goal of a classless society.

  18. Judging Political Hearts and Minds: How Political Dynamics Drive Social Judgments.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Cornwell, James F M; Bajger, Allison T; Higgins, E Tory

    2015-08-01

    We investigated how judgments of political messengers depend upon what would benefit one's preferred candidate. In Study 1a, participants were asked to evaluate the warmth and competence of the writer of a pro- or anti-Obama political message for the 2012 presidential election (Obama/warm; Romney/competent). When judging the messages, warmth was emphasized by Democrats and competence by Republicans. Study 1b replicated these effects for messages about Romney as well. Study 2 examined the 2004 presidential election where perceptions of the party candidates' warmth and competence reversed (Bush/warm; Kerry/competent). There competence was emphasized by Democrats and warmth by Republicans. Study 3 showed that varying the warmth and competence of each party's prospective candidates for the 2016 election influences whether warmth or competence is emphasized by Democrats or Republicans. Thus, differences between Republicans and Democrats in emphasizing warmth or competence reflect a dynamic motivated cognition that is tailored to benefit their preferred candidate. © 2015 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc.

  19. Modeling the Role of Networks and Individual Differences in Inter-Group Violence.

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Alexander Isakov

    Full Text Available There is significant heterogeneity within and between populations in their propensity to engage in conflict. Most research has neglected the role of within-group effects in social networks in contributing to between-group violence and focused instead on the precursors and consequences of violence, or on the role of between-group ties. Here, we explore the role of individual variation and of network structure within a population in promoting and inhibiting group violence towards other populations. Motivated by ethnographic observations of collective behavior in a small-scale society, we describe a model with differentiated roles for individuals embedded within friendship networks. Using a simple model based on voting-like dynamics, we explore several strategies for influencing group-level behavior. When we consider changing population level attitude changes and introducing control nodes separately, we find that a particularly effective control strategy relies on exploiting network degree. We also suggest refinements to our model such as tracking fine-grained information spread dynamics that can lead to further enrichment in using evolutionary game theory models for sociological phenomena.

  20. Learning Political Science with Prediction Markets: An Experimental Study

    Science.gov (United States)

    Ellis, Cali Mortenson; Sami, Rahul

    2012-01-01

    Prediction markets are designed to aggregate the information of many individuals to forecast future events. These markets provide participants with an incentive to seek information and a forum for interaction, making markets a promising tool to motivate student learning. We carried out a quasi-experiment in an introductory political science class…