Political Marketing Mix in Indonesia Parties

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Freddy Simbolon

2016-05-01

Full Text Available The reform era has changed the paradigm of Indonesian politics. Multiparty system has demanded a political party to be able to compete for their constituents. Article aimed to convey a political marketing concept that can helppolitical parties in planning a strategy to win the election. Research method used descriptive method analysis. The results suggest that the approach of the marketing mix that includes the product, price, place, and promotion areapproaches that are very helpful in presenting a plan to win the marketing strategy of political parties in elections.

Low Membership in Czech Political Parties: Party Strategy or Structural Determinants?

Czech Academy of Sciences Publication Activity Database

Linek, Lukáš; Pecháček, Š.

2007-01-01

Roč. 23, č. 2 (2007), s. 259-275 ISSN 1352-3279 R&D Projects: GA MPS 1J004/04-DP1 Institutional research plan: CEZ:AV0Z70280505 Keywords : political parties * party membership * antiparty sentiments * party organization Subject RIV: AD - Politology ; Political Sciences

Terrorism and Political Parties

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bourne, Angela

In the paper I address the empirical puzzle arising from different responses by political authorities in Spain and the UK to the existence of political parties integrated in the terrorist groups Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Basque Homeland and Freedom) and the Irish Republican Army (IRA). More...... for realization of free speech rights and representation is also emphasized, and where proscription is seen as inimical to resolution of conflict underpinning violence. In the context of party competition, a winning coalition is required for one discourse to predominate. However, I also argued that both ideas...

Pirate political parties: New democracy or political utopia

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Karanović Bojana

2012-01-01

Full Text Available Modern society is changing under the influence of IT technologies, more and more we talk about 'digital revolution', and political and economic developments are shaped by computer networks. Undeniably, the Internet has opened new possibilities for socio-political expansion, networking and mobilization. Besides the political establishment, many social movements found their chance in cyberspace recognizing the IT technology as a platform for the development and improvement of their internal and external communication. In this article we will focus on the Pirate Party, movement that has been seriously growing on the European political stage for last several years. Following the example of German Pirate Party we will try to explain the characteristics of the movement, its goals and communication strategies, and political dilemmas which it brings.

Political Market Orientation: A Framework for Understanding Relationship Structures in Political Parties

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ormrod, Robert P.; Savigny, Heather

2012-01-01

This article is motivated by the growing need to integrate the current political science and marketing literature in order to provide a deeper understanding of the behaviour of political actors and their relationships with relevant stakeholder groups. In our article, we demonstrate how Ormrod...... strive for contextual sensitivity. By adopting this approach it is hoped that the fears noted by political scientists that political marketing is solely concerned with applying standard management models to political parties with the resulting emphasis on communication tactics at election time, together......’s conceptual model of political market orientation complements political science models of party organization by drawing attention to the competing interests of stakeholders in shaping party strategy and organizational structure. We treat parties as a multitude of actors rather than as monolithic entities...

Party-political and electoral system of Uruguay

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Samuel Decresci

2015-06-01

Full Text Available The Oriental Republic of Uruguay is seen by many as a pioneer among Latin American nations to modernize its state and its policy. Since the late nineteenth century to the twentieth, Uruguayan political actors operate significant changes such as the separation of church and state, labor regulation, divorce law, women's vote, etc. Because of this and the progressive modernization, it was called the “Switzerland of the Americas”. Today, it still stands out in this area by regularizing abortion, homoaffective marriage, liberalization and access to marijuana. Moreover, noteworthy that such measures were achieved largely because of governance that the executive enjoys in the midst of this political system. Thus, this work aims to analyze such Uruguayan political system. In short, a political system is understood by the government system, the electoral system and the party system. That said, it will be analyzed in the political scenario of the country, their characteristics, party and election rules, political parties, party dynamics and relations between the powers.

Political parties and politics on the Internet: An analysis of the websites of Catalan political parties

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Albert Padró-Solanet

2008-02-01

Full Text Available

The article analyses the use of New Information and Communications Technologies (NICT by the political parties, going beyond approaches focusing on the potential of these technologies for political transformation and renovation. In order to do this a set of variables that characterise the strategic position of the Catalan parties is employed: ideology, organisation and position in the electoral market. The analysis shows three different forms of usage of the Internet. One group of parties (PSC, CDC-CiU uses it to promote participation and campaigning activities; a second group (ICV, Cs, to generate new resources, and finally, a third group (PSC, ERC uses it to build contact networks. The size, and to a lesser degree the type of organisation, stand out as the major explanatory variables. The major parties use the Internet to promote campaign activities and participation; in contrast, smaller parties tend to make use of the Internet to generate new sources of financing and workforce. Depending on the type of organisation, the parties of the masses seem to be more likely to use the Internet to set up and activate an extensive contact network which recreates the characteristic associative realm of these parties in cyberspace.

The role of political affiliation in employment decisions: A model and research agenda.

Science.gov (United States)

Roth, Philip L; Goldberg, Caren B; Thatcher, Jason B

2017-09-01

Organizational researchers have studied how individuals identify with groups and organizations and how this affiliation influences behavior for decades (e.g., Tajfel, 1982). Interestingly, investigation into political affiliation and political affiliation similarity in the organizational sciences is extremely rare. This is striking, given the deep political divides that exist between groups of individuals described in the political science literature. We draw from theories based on similarity, organizational identification, and person-environment fit, as well as theoretical notions related to individuating information, to develop a model, the political affiliation model (PAM), which describes the implications of political affiliation and political similarity for employment decisions. We set forth a number of propositions based on PAM, to spur future research in the organizational sciences for a timely topic which has received little attention. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved).

The Analysis Of Political Marketing Mix In Influencing Image And Reputation Of Political Party And Their Impact Toward The Competitiveness Of Political Party The Survey Of Voters In West Java Province

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Dedeh Maryani

2015-08-01

Full Text Available Abstract Recently in Indonesia public trust toward political parties has been decreasing. Most voters tend to be neutral they had better to choose to none. The Experts argued that political competitivness will be high when political parties apply the accurate marketing mix or enhance their image and reputation. The aim of this research is to show how far political marketing mix in influencing the image or the reputation of political party and their impact toward the competitivness of 10 political parties conducted in Province West Java. I use quantitative method with explanatory survey method design. The population in this research is all voters in West Java while the samples are about 400 persons with cluster random sampling. Data analysis in this research is descriptive with Parsial Least Square PLS hypothesis test. PLS describes political marketing mix toward the image and the reputation of political party and their impact toward the competitivness of political party. The result shows that independent variable X political marketing mix gives a positive and significant influence to intervening variables Y1 and Y2 the image and the reputation of political party and dependent variable Y3 political party competitivness their impact to the variable depend on it. The finding in this study is that marketing mix has high influence toward the competitiveness of political party by enhancing the image and the reputation of political party.

More Polarized but More Independent: Political Party Identification and Ideological Self-Categorization Among U.S. Adults, College Students, and Late Adolescents, 1970-2015.

Science.gov (United States)

Twenge, Jean M; Honeycutt, Nathan; Prislin, Radmila; Sherman, Ryne A

2016-10-01

In three nationally representative surveys of U.S. residents (N = 10 million) from 1970 to 2015, more Americans in the early 2010s (vs. previous decades) identified as Independent, including when age effects were controlled. More in the early 2010s (vs. previous decades) expressed polarized political views, including stronger political party affiliation or more extreme ideological self-categorization (liberal vs. conservative) with fewer identifying as moderate. The correlation between party affiliation and ideological views grew stronger over time. The overall trend since the 1970s was toward more Americans identifying as Republican or conservative. Older adults were more likely to identify as conservative and Republican. More Millennials (born 1980-1994) identify as conservative than either GenXers or Boomers did at the same age, and fewer are Democrats compared with Boomers. These trends are discussed in the context of social identification processes and their implications for the political dynamics in the United States. © 2016 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc.

Political parties in the Sverdlovsk region: stages of development

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Mukhametov Ruslan Salikhovich

2013-12-01

Full Text Available This article analyzes the processes of party building in the Russian Federation. On the example of a single region – the Sverdlovsk region – we study the evolution of political parties. The factors favoring the process of formation and functioning of regional political parties and political movements in the Middle Urals are identified and classified. Much attention is paid to such factors of development of the parties in the region as a party-electoral law and the electoral system view.

ISLAMIC PARTIES AND THE POLITICS OF CONSTITUTIONALISM IN INDONESIA

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Mukrimin Mukrimin

2012-12-01

Full Text Available This article examines the relationship between religion and the state in Indonesia by exploring how Islam is used by political parties to shape the politics. The study shows that Islamic politics is a complementary in both nationhood and statehood in Indonesia. From the early days of the new-born nation-state, Muslims in Indonesia had played significant role in shaping the nation; nonetheless, they have never dominated the political power. Fragmentation among Muslims themselves and internal political parties is among the reason why religious (Islamic parties failed in bringing religious identity to the state arena. Political subordination-inclusion-ignorance-confrontation is the circular game that features Islamic politics in Indonesia. The debatable issue on shari‘ah law, which is frequently used by Islamic parties, always becomes the core problem of the relation between Islam and the state. Even though Islam has played an important role in colouring the Indonesian politics, its existence remains complementary.

Social Networks and Political Parties in Chile

OpenAIRE

Adler Lomnitz, Larissa

2002-01-01

This paper describes the origin and evolution of two Chilean political parties (the Radical Party and the Christian Democrat Party) through the analysis of the social networks that originated and composed them. The aim of this study is to propose a model of national political cultures on the basis of the structure of social networks related to power and of the symbol system, which legitimizes it. The structure of social networks, horizontal and vertical, are based on reciprocal or redistribut...

Nationalism, territory and extremism in party politics

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bourne, Angela

In the paper I address the empirical puzzle arising from different responses by political authorities in Spain and the UK to the existence of political parties integrated in the terrorist groups Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Basque Homeland and Freedom) and the Irish Republican Army. More specifica......In the paper I address the empirical puzzle arising from different responses by political authorities in Spain and the UK to the existence of political parties integrated in the terrorist groups Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Basque Homeland and Freedom) and the Irish Republican Army. More...... for realization of free speech rights and representation is also emphasized, and where proscription is seen as inimical to resolution of conflict underpinning violence. In the context of party competition, a winning coalition is required for one discourse to predominate. However, I also argued that both ideas...

Party Political Panthers: Hegemonic Tamil Politics and the Dalit Challenge

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Hugo Gorringe

2011-12-01

Full Text Available The Viduthalai Ciruthaigal Katchi (VCK, Liberation Panther Party has successfully transformed from the largest Dalit movement in Tamil Nadu into a recognised political organisation. Social movement theorists like Gamson (1990 view political recognition and engagement as one of the main aims and successes of social mobilisation. Despite the obvious achievements of the VCK, however, activists and commentators express disappointment or disillusionment with its performance. The Panthers clearly reject the caste hierarchy, but they increasingly adopt hegemonic forms of politics which can undermine their aims. This paper, thus, engages with the questions of movement institutionalisation by tracing the political trajectory of the VCK and charting its resistance to and compliance with Dravidian hegemony. It argues that institutionalisation needs to be understood within particular socio-political contexts and notes how the hegemony of Dravidian politics partly explains the disjuncture between activist and political perceptions. It portrays how the dominant political parties have set the template for what it means to ‘do’ politics in Tamil Nadu which serves as both an opportunity and a constraint for potential challengers.

Means of discourse manipulations in political party programs in Spain

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Irina V. Smirnova

2014-01-01

Full Text Available Thanks to different mass media sources, members of any society are well aware of political developments and events and politicians. Every person has his or her own formed political beliefs and affirmations, interpreters other people's actions during political developments and evaluates events that take place. Political forces, in turn, see a person (a potential elector as an object of external information influence. This lets them use political communication when competing for the power. In the modern democratic society this competition is carried out via parliamentarian debates, politicians' speeches, examining political parties' programs, political agitation and voting. General audience-oriented political discourse implements its function of political information influence. As the goal of any political party's program (as an independent form of text in the system of political discourse is to win the elections and come to power, thus the audience influence function is one of the most fundamental and serve as the basis for the text. The text of a program itself is characterized by its persuasive orientation towards the audience, which reveal itself in such methods as convincing, argumentation, manipulation and evaluation. All the political programs pertain to parties which are at the power or which are in opposition. The main characteristic of oppositional programs is the criticism of the power, vice versa, the dominant party's programs confirm the correctness of their policy. All the political programs are multi-authored. The written form of any political program lets put into practice a detailed text analysis. This article presents the analysis of the texts of two leading Spanish political parties (the Spanish socialist worker's party and the people's party of Spain.

Inequality and anti-globalization backlash by political parties

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Burgoon, B.

2013-01-01

Does income inequality increase political backlash against European and global integration? This paper reports research suggesting that it can. The article analyses party opposition to and support for trade openness, European Union integration and general internationalism of political party

Modelling the dynamics of two political parties in the presence of switching.

Science.gov (United States)

Nyabadza, F; Alassey, Tobge Yawo; Muchatibaya, Gift

2016-01-01

This paper generalizes the model proposed by Misra, by considering switching between political parties. In the model proposed, the movements of members from political party B to political party C and vice versa, are considered but the net movement is considered by assuming that [Formula: see text] (a constant), which implies that the movement of members is either from party B to party C or from party C to party B. In this paper we remodel these movements through switching functions to capture how individuals switch between parties. The results provide a more comprehensive synopsis of the dynamics between two political parties.

Choosing memories? Russian political parties as actors of historical policy

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Anikin Daniil Alexandrovich

2017-12-01

Full Text Available The article takes an attempt to analyse the transformation of relations between the state power and political parties in Russia within the framework of implementation the politics of memory. On the basis of the content analysis, the article analyses the specifics of using the images of the past in the activities of the 7th State Duma’s political parties: mentioning the historical periods, frequency of mentions, the function of a statement containing positive, neutral or critical assessments of the past, the theme of the continuity of historical experience of the Russian statehood, ways of implementation of some elements of the politics of memory. To sum up, the stumbling block for the main parliamentary parties becomes the Soviet past concerning which there are only separate points of correlation of all political forces. Today we can talk about the process set by the parties to develop the systematic strategies for comprehending the past. The article also analyses the history of the political parties in the context of the politics of memory.

Role of political parties in the formation of civil society in Uzbekistan

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Сирожжон Насипкулович Бердикулов

2015-06-01

Full Text Available The article considers the role of political parties in the development of civil society and the rule of law, as well as issues of political parties differ from other public organizations, the concept of a multi-party system, the importance of a multi-party system in ensuring political pluralism, inter-party competition, constructive opposition, the expression of the interests of the electorate, the space of political parties in parliament and local councils (soviets

Inequality and Political Clientelism

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Markussen, Thomas

on the basis of party affiliation may arise. Operationally, party-based clientelism is defined as a bias of public policy in favour of members of the governing political party. In a sample of local governments in India, party-based clientelism is shown to exist in two out of four states and to be strongly...

THE POLITICS OF BENEVOLENCE: Political Patronage of Party-based Charitable Organizations in Contemporary Indonesian Islam

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Hilman Latief

2013-12-01

Full Text Available The rise of party-based Islamic charities has had a profound impact on the nature of philanthropic activities in contemporary Indonesia, and stimulated a new debate over the issue of the politics of benevolent acts. Over the past few years, in line with the increase of the influence of the Islamic factor in Indonesian politics, there have been a number of political parties which actively engaged with social welfare activities through the newly-established Islamic charitable organizations. The close ties between charitable organizations and political parties may lead to the new patterns of Muslim social and political activism, and to the new forms of political clientelism. This article analyzes the vibrant effort of political parties in sponsoring the inception and operation of Islamic charitable organizations in the post New Order era, and investigates how political clientelism has been established through charity practices. This paper compares the roles of charitable organizations set up by the nationalist and Islamist parties in formulating strategies to promote their political interest. Based on three political parties studied in this article, which are the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS, Golkar Party, and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P, this paper argues that the practice of charity has become a popular way used by politicians to patronize their constituents, but at the same time, this practice has weakened the Muslim perspective of development and social change.[Munculnya lembaga-lembaga amal yang dikelola oleh partai politik berpengaruh luas terhadap aktifitas filantropi di Indonesia dan memicu perdebatan seputar politik-kedermawanan. Dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, selaras dengan semakin meningkatnya pengaruh Islam dalam lanskap politik Indonesia, partai-partai politik juga berlomba-lomba untuk terlibat aktif dalam aktifitas filantropi dengan mendirikan lembaga amal. Ikatan kuat antara partai politik dan lembaga amal

Financing of Political Parties and Electoral Campaigns in Republic of Macedonia

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Farije ALIU

2016-07-01

Full Text Available Political party in the Republic of Macedonia began to operate after independence and the adoption of the Constitution in November 1991 and has since become an integral part of the political scene and the data from the Central Registry of the Republic of Macedonia registered political parties more than 50 political parties active in the current system. The electoral system in the country is set according to the proportional model where direct and free elections by secret ballot to elect members of Parliament and members of the municipal councils and the City of Skopje for four years, while according to the majority model is the selection of the President of the Republic for a term of five years and the election of mayors of municipalities and the City of Skopje for four years. The legal framework for the financing of political parties in the country is well developed. The main law governing the financing of political parties and their supervision law on financing of political parties and the amendments to the same law. The provisions contained in the law is comprehensive, addressing the financing of the regular activities of political parties and their supervision and demonstrate ensuring transparency and accountability in political financing and a ban on anonymous donations and donations from abroad and determine the rules for cap on private donations and prohibiting quid pro quo agreements. Some provisions relating to the financing of political parties included in the Law on Political Parties and certain provisions governing the various supervisory authorities, in particular the Law on Prevention of Corruption and the Law on State Audit footnote. The basic law that regulates elections is the Electoral Code. Under the provisions of the Electoral Code the political parties and election campaign organizers are required to submit financial reports to the authorities to ensure respect for the principles of transparency and accountability and are

Political Market Orientation and the Network Party Type

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ormrod, Robert P.

and Saglie (2003). This is motivated by the growing need to integrate the current political science and marketing literature in order to provide a deeper understanding of the behaviour of political actors and their relationships with relevant stakeholder groups. Whilst the underlying conceptualisation draws......The conceptualisation of a political market orientation (PMO) draws on current marketing thought by focussing on the relationships that exist between the party2 and relevant internal and external stakeholders (Ormrod 2005, 2011a). However, the specific way in which the PMO model is linked...... on the management-based ‘relationship marketing’ approach (Bannon 2005; Henneberg and O’Shaughnessy 2009), by striving for contextual sensitivity it is hoped that the fears noted by political scientists that political marketing is solely concerned with applying standard management models to political parties...

Political Party Funding in Romania - One Step Forward, Two Steps Back?

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Iulian Georgel Savenco

2015-05-01

Full Text Available Within political life, the determining role is given to political parties in their capacity as actors in the electoral campaign and in the race for political power. This is the reason for which we believe that the means of financing political parties and the electoral campaigns in which they partake is an important aspect within the electoral reform, as without an adequate funding their chances of winning the electoral race are drastically reduced. On the other hand, funding of political parties is of great interest as the lack of transparency which usually encircles this process can lead to a dangerous phenomenon, namely corruption. Throughout this article we present the current situation and critically analyze the changes which the Romanian legislature plans to apply to the political party financing law.

Imitating the newcomer. How, when and why established political parties imitate the policy positions and issue attention of new political parties in the electoral and parliamentary arena : the case of the Netherlands

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Otjes, Simon Pieter

2012-01-01

This thesis studies, how, when and why established political parties imitate new political parties. It examines new party effects on both the policy positions of established parties and the attention established political parties spend on issues. It examines this effect in both the electoral and

Intra-party policy entrepreneurship and party goals. The case of political parties’ climate policy preferences in Ireland

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Little, Conor

2017-01-01

This study contributes to the growing literature on the domestic politics of climate change by examining the climate policy preferences of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Labour Party over 20 years. Bringing the concept of ‘policy entrepreneurship’ into the study of intra-party politics, it uses...... who have engaged in policy entrepreneurship with the aim of strengthening their parties’ climate policy preferences. In instances where office-seeking incentives for climate policy have been strong, they have often contributed to changes in policy preferences, whether or not intra-party policy...... entrepreneurship has been present. Theoretically, the study argues that the concept of ‘policy entrepreneurship’ can be usefully borrowed from the public policy literature by researchers of party policy preferences and intra-party politics. Empirically, it adds to the small but growing body of research on climate...

The value of political parties to representative democracy

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Kölln, Ann-Kristin

2015-01-01

Political parties play a major role in democratic processes around the world. Recent empirical research suggests that parties are increasingly less important to citizens. Simultaneously, classic and contemporary theories of representative democracy specifically still minimally incorporate accounts

POLITICAL PARTIES AND THEIR ROLE IN SAFEGUARDING THE SUPREMACY OF THE CONSTITUTION

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Silvia-Elena, OLARU

2014-11-01

Full Text Available Nowadays, the political scene of the world is stirred by political parties. The separate fronts of the Government, on the one side, and Parliament, on the other, are now obsolete notions, while political parties dominate social life, having become genuine states in state. Therefore, within the contemporary organization of the powers in state, the issues are assessed from a different perspective: traditional structures are maintained, while their functions evolve and transform rapidly. A modern society without political parties is unconceivable. Today, more than ever, political parties deserve their qualification of "engines of political life" and "reasons of the aging of the classical theory of the separation of powers"; at the same time, they must act within the boundaries set by law, namely by observing the principles of a democratic state and the constitutional order. When dealing with the theory of the separation of powers in state, we must keep in mind that, to a large extent, it was developed in a time in which political parties did not exist yet or were not in their modern form. The main problems were of institutional nature and referred to the various bodies, their competencies and the relationships between them. Unfortunately, in societies in transition, where authentic democracy is still developing, political parties - in some countries - perceive governing as a means of obtaining ministerial portfolios at all costs, irrespective of whether they have professionals for the field concerned or not. This often creates a governmental crisis, which usually leads to changing the incumbents and obtaining more positions in the new government. In this context, some of the incumbent parties set up all kinds of obstacles in order to limit the number of parties, and if this limitation fails, they manage to create legal provisions which discriminate among parties with seats in Parliament and those which are not represented, both in local and

Contextualizing Intergroup Contact: Do Political Party Cues Enhance Contact Effects?

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Sønderskov, Kim Mannemar; Thomsen, Jens Peter Frølund

2015-01-01

This article examines intergroup contact effects in different political contexts. We expand on previous efforts of social psychologists by incorporating the messages of political parties as a contextual trigger of group membership awareness in contact situations. We argue that the focus among...... political parties on us-them categorizations heightens the awareness of group memberships. This focus in turn enhances the positive intergroup contact effect by stimulating majority members to perceive contacted persons as prototypical outgroup members. A multilevel analysis of 22 countries and almost 37......,000 individuals confirms that the ability of intergroup contact to reduce antiforeigner sentiment increases when political parties focus intensively on immigration issues and cultural differences. Specifically, both workplace contact and interethnic friendship become more effective in reducing antiforeigner...

Categorizing Two Taiwanese Major Political Parties From Their Faces: The Influence of Provincial Appearance

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Chien-Kai Chang

2018-03-01

Full Text Available People go beyond the inferences afforded by a person’s observable features to make guesses about personality traits or even social memberships such as political affiliations. The present study extended Hu et al. (2016 to further investigate the influence of provincial appearance on differentiating KMT (Kuomintang and DPP (Democratic Progressive Party candidates by headshot photos with three experiments. In Experiment 1 (Membership categorization task, participants categorized the photos from the pilot study (where the difference between the perceived age of KMT and DPP candidates was reduced and divided into four blocks by their perceived age. We found that participants were able to distinguish KMT from DPP candidates significantly better than chance, even when the perceived age difference between the two parties was minimized. In Experiment 2 (Trait rating task, we asked young and middle-aged adults to rate six traits on candidate’s photos. We found that “provincial appearance” is the core trait differentiating the two parties for both young and older participants, while “facial maturity” is another trait for older participants only. In Experiment 3 (Double categorization task, we asked participants to categorize the photos from the Exp. 1 on their membership (KMT or DPP and on provincial appearance (mainlander or native Taiwanese in two separate sessions. Results showed that young adults were likely to use the “provincial appearance” as the main characteristic cue to categorize candidates’ political membership. In sum, our study showed that Taiwanese adults could categorize the two parties by their headshot photos when age cue was eliminated. Moreover, provincial appearance was the most critical trait for differentiating between KMT and DPP candidates, which may reflect a piece of significant history during the development of the two parties.

Energy-political ideas of environmentalist parties in Western Europe

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Hrbek, R.

1990-01-01

By and large the green-alternative parties embrace the same energy policies: They reject nuclear energy, they demand a radically new approach to energy politics and they want to realise their programmes within a comprehensive restructuring of the political and economic order of the respective states. The reasons for this categorical NO to nuclear energy seen in its social and environmental compatibility. In the following we will explain how this type of party works and functions. The reasons for the formation of these parties and the profile of green-alternative parties on a national and international level are described in detail as well as the resonance in society and their chances of success in general. (orig./HSCH) [de

Golkar Party's Political Communications the New Paradigm Bakrie Leadership 2009-2013

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Khoiruddin Muchtar

2013-11-01

Full Text Available This study base on the efforts of the Golkar Party's to the process of interpretation, socialization, and implementation of the new paradigm, the paradigm guide to reformations Golkar Party's become to democratic, independent, solid, strong, foundamental, and responsive. How Golkar party's political communication about socialization and implementation of a new paradigm of Golkar Party's leadership Aburizal Bakrie-year period from 2009 to 2012.The aim of this research is to study and overview of the process of socialization and implementation new paradigm Golkar Party's of the Aburizal Bakrie’s leadership. This contect described to using constructivist paradigm through the theory of Performance of Communication and Structuration. Research using the case study method. Data obtained by participation observer, unstructured interviews, and documentary study. The data also collected from informants. The results of this research show: 1 The Golkar Party's has a very significant infrastructure, so the making easier to socialization new paradigm to internal party, but Golkar Party's can not erase stigma society as the New Order party. Socializing new paradigm Golkar Party's to be done in integrated, systematic and continuous addressed to all cadres of various levels from the center to the village. 2 the new paradigm Golkar Party's ideals as the basis and foundation values stand for the Golkar Party's, the implementation is faced with the reality of the condition of the various political considerations and the interests of power, so it can not shown the Golkar Party's political communication with the direction of the reality, Golkar Party's must be have to political communication with the role of multi faces.

Inequality and anti-globalization backlash by political parties

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Burgoon, B.

2011-01-01

Does inequality fuel anti-globalization backlash? This paper answers this question by analyzing how income inequality affects the embrace or eschew of globalization by political parties. It focuses on party opposition to and support for trade openness, European-Union integration, and general

Political Parties and Popular Representation in Myanmar’s Democratisation Process

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Kristian Stokke

2015-01-01

Full Text Available The article examines the role of political parties in Myanmar’s democratisation process. We argue that the substance of democratisation depends on popular representation through political parties but question their capacity to provide such representation. Examining capacity through the concept of party institutionalisation, we find that most parties have not been able to build effective organisational structures. However, we also find a degree of party institutionalisation in the form of rootedness in society. Political cleavages between those favouring authoritarian rule over democratic rule and Burman nationhood over ethnic notions of nationhood have produced divisions between state-centred parties associated with Myanmar’s authoritarian legacy and society-centred pro-democracy and ethnic parties. Although being less dichotomous than in the past, we argue that these cleavages continue to provide a basis for party identity and rootedness in society. We conclude that further development of political parties and popular representation will be shaped by the relations between parties, the state, and society – where individual parties are shaped according to their tendencies towards state-centred cartel parties or society-centred mass parties.

Constituents of political cognition: Race, party politics, and the alliance detection system.

Science.gov (United States)

Pietraszewski, David; Curry, Oliver Scott; Petersen, Michael Bang; Cosmides, Leda; Tooby, John

2015-07-01

Research suggests that the mind contains a set of adaptations for detecting alliances: an alliance detection system, which monitors for, encodes, and stores alliance information and then modifies the activation of stored alliance categories according to how likely they will predict behavior within a particular social interaction. Previous studies have established the activation of this system when exposed to explicit competition or cooperation between individuals. In the current studies we examine if shared political opinions produce these same effects. In particular, (1) if participants will spontaneously categorize individuals according to the parties they support, even when explicit cooperation and antagonism are absent, and (2) if party support is sufficiently powerful to decrease participants' categorization by an orthogonal but typically-diagnostic alliance cue (in this case the target's race). Evidence was found for both: Participants spontaneously and implicitly kept track of who supported which party, and when party cross-cut race-such that the race of targets was not predictive of party support-categorization by race was dramatically reduced. To verify that these results reflected the operation of a cognitive system for modifying the activation of alliance categories, and not just socially-relevant categories in general, an identical set of studies was also conducted with in which party was either crossed with sex or age (neither of which is predicted to be primarily an alliance category). As predicted, categorization by party occurred to the same degree, and there was no reduction in either categorization by sex or by age. All effects were replicated across two sets of between-subjects conditions. These studies provide the first direct empirical evidence that party politics engages the mind's systems for detecting alliances and establish two important social categorization phenomena: (1) that categorization by age is, like sex, not affected by alliance

Religious affiliation and indirect third-party conflict intervention: a hypothesis from the lebanese civil war

OpenAIRE

Shishmanian, Haig Philip

2014-01-01

Ankara : The Department of International Relations İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University, 2014. Thesis (Master's) -- Bilkent University, 2014. Includes bibliographical references leaves 148-154. Ethnically and religiously-identified groups are frequently involved in conflict. Such conflicts attract forms of third-party intervention which often favor one ethno-religious group over another by means other than direct military intervention on the part of the affiliated third-party ...

Measuring the effects of social media participation on political party communities

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Effing, Robin; van Hillegersberg, Jos; Huibers, T.; Reddick, C.; Aikins, S.K.

2012-01-01

Political parties can potentially benefit from Social Media to shape interactions between their members. This chapter presents the Social Media Participation Model (SMPM), which measures the effects of Social Media Participation on political party communities. As people and politicians increasingly

Implementing Democratic Equality in Political Parties

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bolleyer, Nicole; von Nostitz, Felix-Christopher; Little, Conor

2015-01-01

This article theorises and empirically assesses some important intra-organisational implications of maximising democratic equality in political parties both between followers and members and between members and elites. They include weak member commitment, passivity of the rank-and-file membership...

Social Networks and Political Parties in Chile

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Adler Lomnitz, Larissa

2002-09-01

Full Text Available This paper describes the origin and evolution of two Chilean political parties (the Radical Party and the Christian Democrat Party through the analysis of the social networks that originated and composed them. The aim of this study is to propose a model of national political cultures on the basis of the structure of social networks related to power and of the symbol system, which legitimizes it. The structure of social networks, horizontal and vertical, are based on reciprocal or redistributive forms of exchange, on what is being exchanged and on the articulation between networks. In every society there are symmetrical and asymmetrical exchanges, which produce horizontal and vertical networks. These networks interact among themselves to form the social fabric. The dominance of some over others and how they combine, delineate the character of the political culture (authoritarian vs. egalitarian. Chile is a multiparty country within which there are cohorts of horizontal groups of friends, who informally exercise a central control over their members and create invisible boundaries setting them apart from others, in which leadership is under constrains. The result is both a strong presidential system based on an almost fanatic legitimacy, combined with factionalism and a strong parliamentary system.

AN APPLICATION ON BRAND POSITIONING ACTIVITIES OF POLITICAL PARTIES: GAZIANTEP SAMPLE

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Bülent DEMİRAĞ

2018-01-01

Full Text Available The aim in political marketing is to be able to determine the needs and desires of the voters correctly, to form and implement the policies towards the electorate and finally to be able to sustain the electorate in the political process and to form the electoral loyalty accordingly. Particularly, regardless of the voting rate, in the elections, the second party is considered to have lost the election, and for this reason, it is very important for the political parties that are political practitioners to come to the forefront in the politically high society where competition is experienced in the ruthless dimensions. In order to create this differentiation, it is crucial that the competitors, the market and other variables are analyzed well, the segmentation of the market, the formation and application of positioning-related policies and recertification-related strategies. The aim of the work is to measure perceptions of the characteristics of voters who are thought to be influential in political party preferences. In this context, it has been investigated whether 11 different characteristics determined by voters make a meaningful difference with their demographic characteristics. The identification of these characteristics and their importance will provide significant advantages for political parties in their positioning strategies. Within this scope, face to face surveys and data were collected from the voters voting in the province of Gaziantep. The obtained data were subjected to statistical analysis. In this context, it was concluded that the factors affecting political party election differed significantly with demographic criteria.

Newcomers in Politics? The Success of New Political Parties in the Slovak and Czech Republic after 2010?

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Viera Žúborová

2015-12-01

Full Text Available The last election in the Slovak and Czech Republic was special. It not only took place before the official electoral period (pre-elections, but new political parties were “again” successful. The article focuses not only on both elections in the last two years in a comparative perspective, but it analyses the opportunity structure of success as well, including types of new political parties (according to Lucardie. The article seeks to answer the question: why are new political parties electorally successful, able to break into parliament and even become part of a coalition government? We assume that the emergence and success of new political parties in both countries relied on the ability to promote “old” ideas in a new fashion, colloquially referred to as “new suits” or “old” ideological flows in new breeze.

Shaping Political Preferences: Information Effects in Political-Administrative Systems

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Blom-Hansen, Jens; Bækgaard, Martin; Serritzlew, Søren

2016-01-01

shows that even in a setting where the information is not disclosed by a powerful sender, information may have a stronger impact on political preferences than other well-known determinants such as committee and party affiliation. Our findings speak to learning theories, knowledge perspectives...

Political parties and forestry relations in Turkey’s general elections in 2015

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Erdoğan Atmış

2016-07-01

Full Text Available Political parties have important roles in the political decision making process on identifying the demand for public goods and services. In this context, political parties have significant impacts on identification and implementation of forestry policies. Their election manifestos/declarations have statements on forests and forestry, which are important sources of information for those parties' forestry policies. In this study, election manifestos of 11 parties that participated in the general elections that took place on June 7, 2015 and November 1, 2015 in Turkey were studied. Data were analysed with “Document Analyses” and “Content Analyses”, then evaluated under eight titles. As a result of these assessments, the conclusion was that; there are significant differences between the parties' approaches to forests: some of them consider the forest not as an entity but as a source of income, developing populist discourses that are sure to appeal to the general public, through ambitious or impossible promises. It can also be said that the political parties fail to base their views on forests on reliable data.

Partisan heart and/or rational mind? Party identification, political knowledge and electoral turnout

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Pavlović Zoran

2018-01-01

Full Text Available This paper aims at analysing the relationship between positive and negative party identification and political knowledge, as well as their interplay in regard to electoral turnout. The data from the Serbian 2012 post-election public opinion survey on the nationally representative probability-based sample of voting age citizens were used (N = 1568. The data show that political knowledge is significantly and positively correlated both with positive and negative party identification. Citizens who are more knowledgeable and positively identified are also more likely to vote. However, it is shown that the influence of political knowledge on electoral turnout is moderated only by positive party identification. Political knowledge significantly predicts turnout only in the group of citizens without positive party identification. Being negatively identified with a political party does not modify the relationship between political knowledge and turnout. The results are discussed in terms of the Michigan model of party identification and cognitive mobilisation thesis. The roles of affective and cognitive motivation in electoral participation are additionally stressed and debated. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 47010

Beyond Essentialist and Functionalist Analyses of the "Politicisation of Religion": The Evolution of Religious Parties in Political Catholicism and Political Islam

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Joerg Baudner

2014-03-01

Full Text Available The debate about “politics and religion” has already rejected essentialist claims of fundamental differences in the impact of religion on politics in different cultures. This article will argue that political Islam in Turkey and political Catholicism in Italy and Germany adopted remarkably similar patterns of cross-class coalitions and policies for a “reconciliation of capitalism and democracy”. First, religious parties developed as mass integration parties which already encompassed cross-class coalitions. Second, in the aftermath of political and economic crises these parties transformed into catch-all parties with a pronounced neo-liberal agenda which was given a religious justification. Third, at the same time these parties continued to sponsor policies and organizations which cushioned and supplemented an uneven economic development. Fourth, the parties kept traditional family policies which helped attracting a significant female electorate. “Organized religion” provided religious parties with a potential electorate, ancillary organizations and ideological concepts; however, their role in this political evolution changed. The conclusion will discuss whether these findings can be generalized.

Political Culture, Values and Economic Utility: A Different Perspective on Norwegian Party-based Euroscepticism

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Marianne S. Skinner

2010-08-01

Full Text Available Drawing on a content analysis of party manifestos and a survey of Norwegian MPs, this article examines the nuances in, and the causality of, the different Norwegian parties’ Euroscepticism. The study of the comparative party politics of Euroscepticism, which focuses on ideology and strategy, falls short of accounting for the Norwegian case, where, unlike other European countries, the parties’ Euroscepticism is exceptionally stable and appears across the political spectrum. Therefore, the article tests an alternative set of theories, drawn from the literature on opinion formation on European integration, to find a more suitable framework for analysing and explaining the motivation of Norwegian Euroscepticism. The analysis shows that Norwegian party-based Euroscepticism can be divided into three types when it comes to its strength and policy opposition, with the Centre Party and the Socialist Left Party on the ‘hardest’ end of the Euroscepticism scale, followed by the Christian Democratic Party and the Liberal Party, and finally, the Labour Party and the Progress Party. Furthermore, the analysis indicates that Norwegian Eurosceptic party stances on Europe are primarily driven by political values and political culture concerns, except for the Progress Party, which base its Eurosceptic motivation on economic utilitarianism and political culture.

The Changing of Political Orientation of Masyumi Party During 1950-1959

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Alfi Hafidh Ishaqro

2017-06-01

Full Text Available Through historical method, this article studies the Shifts in Political Ideological Orientation of Masyumi Party during the Liberal Democracy Era 1950–1959. The shifted orientations of Masyumi Party included a shif of orientation in its principle, form of government and the government executive system. The establishment of Masyumi Party was the apex of the Japanese concern in trying to map the axis of the powers of various groups in Indonesia. The formations of PUTERA, which bore the nationalist inclination and MIAI, which tended to accommodate urban Muslims were not attractive enough to win the hearts and empathy from the Indonesian native communities for its occupation in Indonesia. Masyumi Party made Islam as a its struggling principle, not only as a symbol but also tha ideology and spirits in conducting the various siyasah preaches within the scope of political struggles. Numerous internal dynamics were then occuring in the body Masymi Party. The Party’s change in its orientation began to be visible, indicated by the idea suggested by M. Natsir to formulate the Constitution or Law of General Election. The formation of the General Election Law made M. Natsir and Masyumi the symbol of the establishment and growth of democracy in the Republic of Indonesia, which became more evident when M. Natsir was ousted and the subsequent working cabinet heads failed to hold a General Election. And finally, at the end of 1955 under the leadership of Burhanuddin Harahap, who was himself a Masyumi figure, a general election was held for the first time. The political attitude shown by Masyumi indicated that Masumi Party had shifted its political orientation. Masyumi Party, which originally struggled to implement Islam by employing the Syura in forming a government was helplessly compromising its principle by following and combining itself into a democracy model the initiator of which was the leader of Masyumi Party itself. Such political behavioral changes

The role of the party leadership to activization the political process of modern Ukraine

OpenAIRE

N. V. Morar

2014-01-01

This article analyzes the conceptual position of the party leadership as a factor in activation processes of political transformation in societies. The place of the party leaders in the political processes in Ukraine, which belongs to the transitional societies. It is proved that the main factor determining the place and role of party leaders in the political processes of transformation of societies dynamics. Where society is experiencing political transformation implemented constitutional...

Social media, parties, and political inequalities

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Jacobs, K.T.E.; Spierings, C.H.B.M.

2016-01-01

This book examines how social media have transformed politics in established democracies. Specifically, the authors examine the influence of the unique qualities of social media on the power balance between and within parties. They present a general theory as well as an in-depth case study of the

Assessing the Influence of Political Parties on Public Opinion: The Challenge from Pretreatment Effects

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Slothuus, Rune

2016-01-01

Despite generations of research, political scientists have trouble pinpointing the influence of political parties on public opinion. Recently, scholars have made headway in exploring whether parties in fact shape policy preferences by relying on experimental designs. Yet, the evidence from...... this work is mixed. I argue that the typical experiment faces a design problem that likely minimizes the extent to which parties apparently matter. Because parties have policy reputations, experimental participants may already know from real-world exposure to political debate where the parties stand before...... they are told in the experiment—they are “pretreated.” This study investigates how real-world political context interferes with party cue stimulus in experiments. In two experiments I show that two types of “pretreatment” from outside the experiment—exposure-based and reputation-based—dramatically moderate...

Political Party Financing and why it Matters in Tanzania | Walwa ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

Among the key recommendations is that public funding for ongoing party activities and campaigns should be allocated by a mix of proportional rules and flat subsidies to all parties that meet reasonable thresholds and flat subsidies as refers here imply providing subsidies to all political parties on equal basis. The other key ...

African Ruling Political Parties and the Making of 'Authoritarian ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

appearing to be a 'reincarnation' of the one-party system and military rule that held sway for about three to four decades in Africa (from the 1960s). In the process of this transformation, African ruling parties have been grossly destabilising opposition and perceived dissenters through clientelism, patronage politics and ...

Public funding of political parties when campaigns are informative

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ortín, Ignacio Ortuño; Schultz, Christian

dependence on vote shares induces fur- ther moderation and improves welfare. If parties are asymmetric, vote share dependent public funding bene…ts the large party and makes it moderate its candidate, while the smaller party reacts by choosing a more extremist candidate. On balance, however, if the parties......The paper considers public funding of political parties when some voters are poorly informed about parties’ candidates and campaigns are informative. For symmetric equilibria, it is shown that more pub- lic funding leads parties to chose more moderate candidates, and that an increase in the funding’s...... are not too asymmetric, an increase in vote share dependent funding improves welfare and increases the likelihood that a moderate candidate wins the election...

The Changing of Political Orientation of Masyumi Party During 1950-1959

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Alfi Hafidh Ishaqro

2017-06-01

The formation of the General Election Law made M. Natsir and Masyumi the symbol of the establishment and growth of democracy in the Republic of Indonesia, which became more evident when M. Natsir was ousted and the subsequent working cabinet heads failed to hold a General Election. And finally, at the end of 1955 under the leadership of Burhanuddin Harahap, who was himself a Masyumi figure, a general election was held for the first time. The political attitude shown by Masyumi indicated that Masumi Party had shifted its political orientation. Masyumi Party, which originally struggled to implement Islam by employing the Syura in forming a government was helplessly compromising its principle by following and combining itself into a democracy model the initiator of which was the leader of Masyumi Party itself. Such political behavioral changes were associated with the reasoning of the then leaders of Masyumi Party, who tended to accommodative and excessively compromising.

Power Versus Affiliation in Political Ideology: Robust Linguistic Evidence for Distinct Motivation-Related Signatures.

Science.gov (United States)

Fetterman, Adam K; Boyd, Ryan L; Robinson, Michael D

2015-09-01

Posited motivational differences between liberals and conservatives have historically been controversial. This motivational interface has recently been bridged, but the vast majority of studies have used self-reports of values or motivation. Instead, the present four studies investigated whether two classic social motive themes--power and affiliation--vary by political ideology in objective linguistic analysis terms. Study 1 found that posts to liberal chat rooms scored higher in standardized affiliation than power, whereas the reverse was true of posts to conservative chat rooms. Study 2 replicated this pattern in the context of materials posted to liberal versus conservative political news websites. Studies 3 and 4, finally, replicated a similar interactive (ideology by motive type) pattern in State of the State and State of the Union addresses. Differences in political ideology, these results suggest, are marked by, and likely reflective of, mind-sets favoring affiliation (liberal) or power (conservative). © 2015 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc.

Jointly they edit: examining the impact of community identification on political interaction in Wikipedia.

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Jessica J Neff

Full Text Available BACKGROUND: In their 2005 study, Adamic and Glance coined the memorable phrase 'divided they blog', referring to a trend of cyberbalkanization in the political blogosphere, with liberal and conservative blogs tending to link to other blogs with a similar political slant, and not to one another. As political discussion and activity increasingly moves online, the power of framing political discourses is shifting from mass media to social media. METHODOLOGY/PRINCIPAL FINDINGS: Continued examination of political interactions online is critical, and we extend this line of research by examining the activities of political users within the Wikipedia community. First, we examined how users in Wikipedia choose to display their political affiliation. Next, we analyzed the patterns of cross-party interaction and community participation among those users proclaiming a political affiliation. In contrast to previous analyses of other social media, we did not find strong trends indicating a preference to interact with members of the same political party within the Wikipedia community. CONCLUSIONS/SIGNIFICANCE: Our results indicate that users who proclaim their political affiliation within the community tend to proclaim their identity as a 'Wikipedian' even more loudly. It seems that the shared identity of 'being Wikipedian' may be strong enough to triumph over other potentially divisive facets of personal identity, such as political affiliation.

Jointly They Edit: Examining the Impact of Community Identification on Political Interaction in Wikipedia

Science.gov (United States)

Neff, Jessica J.; Laniado, David; Kappler, Karolin E.; Volkovich, Yana; Aragón, Pablo; Kaltenbrunner, Andreas

2013-01-01

Background In their 2005 study, Adamic and Glance coined the memorable phrase ‘divided they blog’, referring to a trend of cyberbalkanization in the political blogosphere, with liberal and conservative blogs tending to link to other blogs with a similar political slant, and not to one another. As political discussion and activity increasingly moves online, the power of framing political discourses is shifting from mass media to social media. Methodology/Principal Findings Continued examination of political interactions online is critical, and we extend this line of research by examining the activities of political users within the Wikipedia community. First, we examined how users in Wikipedia choose to display their political affiliation. Next, we analyzed the patterns of cross-party interaction and community participation among those users proclaiming a political affiliation. In contrast to previous analyses of other social media, we did not find strong trends indicating a preference to interact with members of the same political party within the Wikipedia community. Conclusions/Significance Our results indicate that users who proclaim their political affiliation within the community tend to proclaim their identity as a ‘Wikipedian’ even more loudly. It seems that the shared identity of ‘being Wikipedian’ may be strong enough to triumph over other potentially divisive facets of personal identity, such as political affiliation. PMID:23573269

Creating A Nationwide Nonpartisan Initiative for Family Caregivers in Political Party Platforms.

Science.gov (United States)

Scribner, Ben; Lynn, Joanne; Walker, Victoria; Morgan, Les; Montgomery, Anne; Blair, Elizabeth; Baird, Davis; Goldschmidt, Barbara; Kirschenbaum, Naomi

2017-06-01

Policymakers have been slow to support family caregivers, and political agendas mostly fail to address the cost burdens, impact on employment and productivity, and other challenges in taking on long-term care tasks. This project set out to raise policymakers' awareness of family caregivers through proposals to Republican and Democratic party platforms during the 2016 political season. The Family Caregiver Platform Project (FCPP) reviewed the state party platform submission process for Democratic and Republican parties in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. We built a website to make each process understandable by caregiver advocates. We designed model submissions to help volunteers tailor a proposal and recruited caregiver advocates participating in their state process. Finally, we mobilized a ground operation in many states and followed the progress of submissions in each state, as well as the formation of the national platforms. In 39 states, at least one party, Republican or Democrat, hosted a state party platform process. As of September 2016 FCPP volunteers submitted proposals to 29 state parties in 22 states. Family caregiver language was added to eight state party platforms, one state party resolution, two bipartisan legislative resolutions, and one national party platform. The FCPP generated a non-partisan grassroots effort to educate and motivate policymakers to address caregiving issues and solutions. Democratic party leaders provided more opportunities to connect with political leaders, with seven Democratic parties and one Republican party, addressing family caregiver issues in their party platforms. © 2017, Copyright the Authors Journal compilation © 2017, The American Geriatrics Society.

11 CFR 100.85 - Legal or accounting services to political party committees.

Science.gov (United States)

2010-01-01

... 11 Federal Elections 1 2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Legal or accounting services to political party committees. 100.85 Section 100.85 Federal Elections FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION GENERAL SCOPE AND DEFINITIONS (2 U.S.C. 431) Exceptions to Contributions § 100.85 Legal or accounting services to political party...

Political Legitimacy of Vietnam’s One Party-State: Challenges and Responses

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Carlyle A. Thayer

Full Text Available This article focuses on the challenges to the authority of Vietnam’s one-party state that emerged in 2009 and state responses. Three separate challenges are discussed: opposition to bauxite mining in the Central Highlands; mass protests by the Catholic Church over land ownership issues; and revived political dissent by pro-democracy activists and bloggers. The Vietnam Communist Party bases its claims to political legitimacy on multiple sources. The bauxite mining controversy challenged the state’s claim to political legitimacy on the basis of performance. The Catholic land dispute challenged the state’s claim to legitimacy on rational-legal grounds. Revived political dissent, including the linkage of demands for democracy with concerns over environmental issues and relations with China, challenged the state’s claim to legitimacy based on nationalism. Vietnam responded in a “soft authoritarian” manner. Future challenges and state responses will be debated as Vietnam moves to convene its eleventh national party congress in 2010.

The party political make-up of EU legislative bodies.

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Warntjen, Andreas; Hix, Simon; Crombez, Christophe

2008-01-01

This research note provides an overview of the party political make-up of EU legislative bodies for the period 1979-2004 (Commission: 1979-2007) in terms of the left-right and pro-/anti-Europe dimensions. The various methods of measuring political positions are discussed and compared. Measures for

Exploring the ‘ultimate’ step in the mediatization of political parties

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ørsten, Mark; Willig, Ida; Pedersen, Leif Hemming

Previous studies exploring the fourth dimension of mediatization, that is to say the extent to which political parties adjust their perceptions and behaviour to news media logic, have focused on three steps of structural change that political parties may take as a response to the increasing......, parties may begin to especially focus on candidates who are skilled in communicating with the news media (Strömbäck & Van Alest, 2013).So far, research into the fourth dimension of mediatization in Denmark has focused mostly on the first two steps (Blach-Ørsten, 2016; Elmelund-Præstekær & Hopmann, 2016...

Motivated Reasoning and Political Parties: Evidence for Increased Processing in the Face of Party Cues

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Petersen, Michael Bang; Skov, Martin; Serritzlew, Søren

2013-01-01

. As part of the latter processes, the presence of party cues would make individuals engage in effortful motivated reasoning to produce arguments for the correctness of their party’s position. Following psychological research, we use response latency to measure processing effort and, in support......Extant research in political science has demonstrated that citizens’ opinions on policies are influenced by their attachment to the party sponsoring them. At the same time, little evidence exists illuminating the psychological processes through which such party cues are filtered. From...... the psychological literature on source cues, we derive two possible hypotheses: (1) party cues activate heuristic processing aimed at minimizing the processing effort during opinion formation, and (2) party cues activate group motivational processes that compel citizens to support the position of their party...

Human infants' understanding of social imitation: Inferences of affiliation from third party observations.

Science.gov (United States)

Powell, Lindsey J; Spelke, Elizabeth S

2018-01-01

Imitation is ubiquitous in positive social interactions. For adult and child observers, it also supports inferences about the participants in such interactions and their social relationships, but the origins of these inferences are obscure. Do infants attach social significance to this form of interaction? Here we test 4- to 5.5-month-old infants' interpretation of imitation, asking if the imitative interactions they observe support inferences of social affiliation, across 10 experimental conditions that varied the modality of the imitation (movement vs. sound), the roles of specific characters (imitators vs. targets), the number of characters in the displays (3 vs. 5), and the number of parties initiating affiliative test events (1 vs. 2). These experiments, together with one experiment conducted with 12-month-old infants, yielded three main findings. First, infants expect that characters who engaged in imitation will approach and affiliate with the characters whom they imitated. Second, infants show no evidence of expecting that characters who were targets of imitation will approach and affiliate with their imitators. Third, analyzing imitative interactions is difficult for young infants, whose expectations vary in strength depending on the number of characters to be tracked and the number of affiliative actors to be compared. These findings have implications for our understanding of social imitation, and they provide methods for advancing understanding of other aspects of early social cognitive development. Copyright © 2017 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

The effect of political products on the decision to choose political party through the role of the candidates of legislative members as mediating variable

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Suwignyo Widagdo

2015-12-01

Full Text Available This study attempts to analyze; 1 the effect of political product on the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member; 2 the effect of political product on the decision to choose political party; 3 the effect of the decision to choose the candidates of legislative members on the decision to choose political party; and 4 the role of mediating variable of the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member on the affect the decision to choose political party. The data were analyzed using inferential statistical analysis of Generalized Structured Component Analysis (GeSCA. It shows that 1 the political product has an effect on the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member; 2 the mediating variable of the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member plays a very important role for the constituents in taking the decision to choose political party. However, of the existing three indicators, only personal characteristic can explain the strength of the effect of political product on the selection of political party. Yet, the second hypothesis test result shows that the path coefficient is significant and provides evidence that the second hypothesis is accepted. The decision to choose political party is increa-singly stronger as a result of the decision to choose the candidate of legislative member which is in accordance with the expectations of voters. Acquisition of the party vote will increase after the constituents know the candidates proposed. The higher the popularity and quality of the candidate is, the greater the electoral gains of a party.

[Public spheres, political crisis and the Internet: the rise of the Podemos party].

Science.gov (United States)

Jerez, Ariel; Maceiras, Sergio D'Antonio; Maestu, Enrique

2015-12-01

The rise of the political party Podemos, within the context of a crisis in political representation, can be explained from a perspective of transformative interactions between public spheres, social movements and new technologies. The emergence of the 15M movement allowed Podemos to offer a new diagnosis of politics that has been actively promoted on social media, which represent a true campaign platform for low-budget parties. An analysis of Twitter and Facebook reveals the rapid growth of Podemos, its prominence on social networks, the profile of its followers and its most influential publications in these new discourses. Lastly, we analyze the challenges for this type of party in terms of incorporating into the political panorama in Spain and in Europe.

Political party elites and the breakdown of democracy: the Turkish case,1973-1980

OpenAIRE

Demirel, Tanel

1998-01-01

Ankara : Department of Political Science and Public Administration and Institute of Economics and Social Sciences, Bilkent Univ., 1998. Thesis (Ph.D.) -- Bilkent University, 1998. Includes bibliographical references leaves 395-441 This study aims to analyze the behavior of Turkish political party elites during the 1973-1980 period. It is particularly concerned with the extent to which political party elites seemed to have contributed to the breakdown of Turkish democracy in ...

Partis politiques et médias en Grande-Bretagne : entre rivalité et complicité Political Parties and Media in Great Britain Rivals or Partners ?

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Karine Rivière De Franco

2005-01-01

Full Text Available During the weeks preceding a General Election, British political parties try to convince the electorate to vote for them, but given the limited degree of direct communication, the parties need the media to transmit their messages. Their relationships are complex and behind an apparent antagonism, a real partnership sometimes develops. Indeed, political parties endeavour to influence the media in order to benefit from positive coverage, by resorting to political marketing, by hiring advisers, by giving the media the type of news that they need and by controlling press conferences and press releases. The media do not accept this manipulation and react by making independent political choices, by finding other sources of political news or by revealing the methods used by the political parties to convince voters. In other circumstances, the political parties and the media become partners, since the media enable the parties to transmit their messages without any external modification through electoral broadcasts and advertisements and sometimes they even take an active part in the parties’ electoral campaigns. Even if the political parties and the media need each other, they use and manipulate each other. During electoral campaigns, these relationships are not to be neglected because they can either facilitate or hinder the persuasion of the electorate.

The effects of social media on political party perception and voting behavior

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Riezebos, Peter; de Vries, Sjoerd A.; de Vries, Pieter Walter; de Zeeuw, Erik

2011-01-01

This study sought to determine to what extent social media influences political party perception (PPP) and political voting behavior. Based on literature a conceptual model was developed which measures political interest, political trust, religion and the use of social media and their effects on PPP

FRAGMENTATION AND CONFLICT AMONG ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES IN INDONESIA DURING REFORMASI ERA (1998-2009: Anatomy, Factors and Implications

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Sri Yunanto

2013-12-01

Full Text Available Since independence of the Republic of Indonesia, Muslims, as the majority population, have established diverse Islamic political parties. The nature of such parties has changed from the days of the Old Order to the New Order and Reformasi eras. Despite similar anatomies between Islamic parties of the Old Order and those of Reformasi, Islamic political parties profess different ideological missions. While the beginning of Old Order saw the confederation of Islamic political parties, Masyumi, seeking to promote the establishment of an Islamic State, none of the Islamic political parties which mushroomed during Reformasi era expressly struggled for the establishment of an Islamic state. However, the Islamic political parties had to weather similar problems of internal conflict and fragmentation. Different ideological strands, policy stances and leadership styles are believed to be amongst the pivotal root causes of their domestic troubles. With their popular votes and parliamentary seats significantly reduced, they prove to be no competition to the nationalist political parties.

Matrix revolutions? An analysis of party organization and ICT use by political parties in the Republic of Ireland

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Wall, M.; Sudulich, M.L.

2010-01-01

This article investigates the characteristics of political parties' websites in the Republic of Ireland and seeks to evaluate whether parties' organizational structures influence the manner in which they present themselves online. Ireland has been chosen as a research environment because there is

Bolivia: New Presidential Electoral System and Political Parties Coordination

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Mario Torrico

2015-01-01

Full Text Available This article analyzes the incentives generated by presidential electoral systems in Bolivia. The system that was in place until 2005 led to the formation of coalition governments that aimed at giving the Executive the majority in Congress. However, these coalitions gradually lost the electorate confidence, and citizens sought alternative political options to major parties from the early nineties on, giving rise to a social dissatisfaction with democracy. This, in turn, led to the resignation of Sánchez de Lozada and, later, to the triumph of Evo Morales. The new electoral system for electing the president, included in the 2009 Constitution, increases the likelihood that the elected government does not have a majority in Congress. Similar situations in the past led to political crisis and anticipation of elections. In a more favorable context characterized by greater satisfaction with democracy and their parties, the challenge is to take decisions inclusively, something unprecedented in Bolivian politics.

Political Parties, Clientelism, and Bureaucratic Reform

OpenAIRE

Cruz, Cesi; Keefer, Philip

2015-01-01

The challenge of public administration reform is well-known: politicians often have little interest in the efficient implementation of government policy. Using new data from 439 World Bank public sector reform loans in 109 countries, we demonstrate that such reforms are significantly less likely to succeed in the presence of non-programmatic political parties. Earlier research uses evidence from a small group of countries to conclude that clientelistic politicians resist reforms that restrict...

The Analysis of Slovenian Political Party Programs Regarding Doctors and Health Workers from 1992 to 2014.

Science.gov (United States)

Maksuti, Alem; Rotar Pavlič, Danica; Deželan, Tomaž

2016-03-01

The study focuses on the programmatic bases of Slovenian political parties since independence. It presents an analysis of party programs and their preferences regarding doctors and other health workers, as well as the contents most commonly related to them. At the same time, the study also highlights the intensity of the presence of doctors on the policy agenda through time. In the study, 83 program documents of political parties have been analysed. The study includes programmes of political parties that have occurred in parliamentary elections in Slovenia between 1992 and 2014 and have exceeded the parliamentary threshold. The data were analysed using the content analysis method, which is suitable for analysing policy texts. The analysis was performed using ATLAS.ti, the premier software tool for qualitative data analysis. The results showed that doctors and other health workers are an important political topic in non-crisis periods. At that time, the parties in the context of doctors mostly dealt with efficiency and the quality of services in the health system. They often criticize doctors and expose the need for their control. In times of economic crisis, doctors and other health workers are less important in normative commitments of parties. Slovenian political parties and their platforms cannot be distinguished ideologically, but primarily on the principle of access to government. It seems reasonable to conclude that parties do not engage in dialogue with doctors, and perceive the latter aspassive recipients of government decisions-politics.

Political Ideology, Trust, and Cooperation: In-group Favoritism among Republicans and Democrats during a US National Election

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Balliet, Daniel; Tybur, Joshua M.; Wu, Junhui; Antonellis, Christian; Van Lange, Paul A.M.

2018-01-01

Theories suggest that political ideology relates to cooperation, with conservatives being more likely to pursue selfish outcomes, and liberals more likely to pursue egalitarian outcomes. In study 1, we examine how political ideology and political party affiliation (Republican vs. Democrat) predict

The transformation of the Swedish political party system in the late 20th/early 21st century

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Ryabichenko Arkady

2013-09-01

Full Text Available This article studies the process of transformation of the Swedish political party system in the 1980s. The study aims to develop a typology of the Swedish political party system before and after the transformation processes commenced. The article identifies the key prerequisites for such transformation: the crisis of social democracy and an increase in the nationalist attitudes in the society caused by the negative repercussions of the system of integration of migrants into the society based on the multiculturalism principles. The interethnic tension manifested itself in the wide support for the Swedish Democrats Party in the 2010 parliamentary election. From a political party system dominated by social democrats, the Swedish political party system turned into one with two leading parties – the centre-left Swedish Social Democratic Labour Party and the centre-right Moderate Party. The Swedish Democrats position themselves as an alternative to the two party blocs headed by the dominating parties (the Alliance and the Red-Green. The study employs an interdisciplinary approach in the framework of science synthesis. Its results can be of practical significance for politicians, social activists, and academicians.

Specifics of horizontal and vertical relations in Ukrainian political communication on the background of the party building’s process, political science theory and requirements to Ukrainian political context

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K. Y. Odarchenko

2016-10-01

Full Text Available The specifics of horizontal and vertical relations in Ukrainian political communication on the background of the party building’s process has been analysed. Aims of this article are: 1 determination of the subjectivity of political communication; 2 disclosure of the main features of internal politics and communications; 3 setting the essential features of the political parties’ status after peaceful protests in Ukraine 2013-2014 year; 4 explanation of the actual gap that has horizontal and party political communication in Ukraine. Political modernization, capacity of Ukrainian political parties has been characterized. It has been shown that Maidan didn’t influenced tools of creating political parties and their typology greatly. Maidan as a political component was weak and did not respond to the challenges, which Ukrainian political system faced to. The weakness was in the fact that leaders of the oppositional political camp would rather keep old then implement real political change of the political system , which was adapted by the old oliharcial clan. Public sector was not able to identify their environment with new political leaders, nor with a mass movement, based on the creation of new organized political force. It has been found that in a democratic society communication is effective only if it is not only technically modern, interactive, two-way, but if it is consistent to other democratic demands, such as legal and moral control of society over the media, maintenance of basic pluralism, direct contact between senders and recipients of information, feeds decentralization, respect of freedom of expression and privat opinion. Summary of the political communication in Ukraine has to move away from thinking of policy and bureaucratic political consciousness. Otherwise, the simulation is effective and efficient for countries and regions where political communication can become a daily political farce communication in public space.

Political affiliation affects adaptation to climate risks : Evidence from New York City

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Botzen, W. J Wouter; Michel-Kerjan, Erwann; Kunreuther, Howard; de Moel, Hans; Aerts, Jeroen C J H

2016-01-01

Research reveals that liberals and conservatives in the United States diverge about their beliefs regarding climate change. We show empirically that political affiliation also matters with respect to climate related risks such as flooding from hurricanes. Our study is based on a survey conducted 6

11 CFR 106.8 - Allocation of expenses for political party committee phone banks that refer to a clearly...

Science.gov (United States)

2010-01-01

..., district, or local committee or organization of a political party where— (1) The communication refers to a... 11 Federal Elections 1 2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Allocation of expenses for political party... Allocation of expenses for political party committee phone banks that refer to a clearly identified Federal...

Features of modern security policy UK political parties

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A. V. Stalovierova

2015-12-01

Full Text Available The security policy of the British coalition government of D. Cameron (2010-2015 is summarized; it’s been proved that political forces of Tory and Liberal Democrat should have compromised to carry out unanimous course in the scope of national security, and the problems of the security strategy on parliamentary elections in 2015 are analyzed, particularly the comparative analysis of the modern safety strategy of leading British parties is exercised. Under conditions of the appearance of new challenges and threats, transformation of international safety system, the questions of safety policy often become the object of attention of the British community and experts. The absence of cross-party consensus on most terms of safety strategy of the United Kingdom during the election campaign in 2015 makes the discussion about perspectives of the British safety policy still more urgent. During the election campaign there was no unity on any aspect of security subject between parties. First of all, Labourists, Liberal Democrats, Scottish National Party and Green Party made a statement about readiness to develop cooperation with the EU and the Conservatives and the UK Independence Party were on the side of the Eurosceptics. The opinions of the parties were also divided on military operations abroad, financing and force level. In terms of one-party government and presence of majority in the House of Commons, the Conservatives have opportunities to realize their own vision of British safety policy.

Weather conditions and political party vote share in Dutch national parliament elections, 1971-2010

Science.gov (United States)

Eisinga, Rob; Te Grotenhuis, Manfred; Pelzer, Ben

2012-11-01

Inclement weather on election day is widely seen to benefit certain political parties at the expense of others. Empirical evidence for this weather-vote share hypothesis is sparse however. We examine the effects of rainfall and temperature on share of the votes of eight political parties that participated in 13 national parliament elections, held in the Netherlands from 1971 to 2010. This paper merges the election results for all Dutch municipalities with election-day weather observations drawn from all official weather stations well distributed over the country. We find that the weather parameters affect the election results in a statistically and politically significant way. Whereas the Christian Democratic party benefits from substantial rain (10 mm) on voting day by gaining one extra seat in the 150-seat Dutch national parliament, the left-wing Social Democratic (Labor) and the Socialist parties are found to suffer from cold and wet conditions. Cold (5°C) and rainy (10 mm) election day weather causes the latter parties to lose one or two parliamentary seats.

Immigration politics Italian style: the paradoxical behaviour of mainstream and populist parties.

Science.gov (United States)

Perlmutter, T

1996-01-01

This article explores the role of electoral politics in managing immigration as a policy option in Italy. Italy was late in passing its first comprehensive immigration legislation (1990). A small, liberal party waged a campaign against the proposed immigration law. A party known for right-wing posturing did not mobilize against the law. These political postures were not anticipated by conventional wisdom. Conventional wisdom suggests that immigration should not be an electoral issue and that consensus solutions should be sought. It is argued that the Italian response supports the view that in a fragmented, multi-party system, minor parties will be more likely to mobilize. Two mass media studies were used as the basis for this article's analysis. The studies provide detailed evidence on party willingness to publicly discuss immigration and the ways the issues are framed. The Italian case illustrates the tendency for mainstream, pro-system parties to politicize the issue and extremist, anti-system parties to depoliticize it. The DC and PCI, as mass parties, behaved traditionally and supported moderately open immigration policies, but in closed forums. The minor parties had a stake in shifting electoral support, so the PSI took an outspoken stand and the PARI publicized its exclusion from the policy-making process and its support for more restrictive policies. It was the constituencies and the leadership structure that facilitated these strategies. The author differs from Betz's party analysis by arguing that party ideology may not be a useful guide for predicting stands on immigration, and that it is difficult to generalize about immigration.

FORUM OF POLITICAL PARTIES, THINK TANKS AND NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS OF THE BRICS GROUP

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E. Gladun

2017-01-01

Full Text Available The Joint International Forum of Political Parties, Think Tanks and NonGovernmental Organizations of the BRICS took place in Fuzhou, China on 10–12 June 2017. The event was hosted jointly by the International Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, the China Council for BRICS Think Tank Cooperation and the China NGO Network for International Exchanges.For the first time in the story of BRICS cooperation the countries’ representatives witnessed the renewed format of the BRICS Academic Forum – two traditional tracks (academic conference and civil track were supplemented by the assembly of political parties. Taking its turn in chairing the multinational BRICS association in 2017, China proposed this new Forum format and joined together three dialogues that had grown out of the BRICS Academic Forum, which took place now for the ninth time.1 Another innovation on China’s part was the outreach format – representatives of 28 countries, including Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Cambodia, Egypt, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Kenya, Argentina, Chile and Mexico among others took part.The Joint International Forum was a truly large-scale international event – 37 political parties of 26 countries, 105 think tanks, and over 400 representatives of 79 civil society organizations were in attendance.2The Forum participants engaged in separate deliberations at the BRICS Academic Forum on “Pooling Wisdom and New Ideas for Cooperation,” the BRICS Civil Society Organizations Forum on “Stronger People-to-People Bond for Better Cooperation,” and the BRICS Political Parties Dialogue on the “Guiding Role of Political Parties in Promoting Cooperation.” The Forum was a complete success with broad consensus.

Party Organizational Change: Formal Distribution of Power between National and Regional Levels in Italian Political Parties (1991-2012

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Enrico Calossi

2015-03-01

Full Text Available In the last 20 years an increasing number of scholars have centred their attention on the relationships between party national structures and party sub-national branches. A relevant part of the specialized literature has interpreted party change as the by-product of the denationalization of party politics. The aim of this contribution is to investigate to what extent eight relevant Italian parties have followed patterns of organizational change, after the reforms of the municipal, provincial and regional election sys-tems; and the process of devolution of administrative powers begun during the Nineties. By focusing on two analytical dimensions (the level of involvement and the level of autonomy of party regional units, we analyse diachronically continuity and change in party formal organization, through an in-depth analysis of the statutes adopted from 1992 to 2012

Political parties Foundations and Politicization Processes in Brazil: action domain, amalgams and ambivalences

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Eliana Tavares dos Reis

2017-12-01

Full Text Available The article analyzes the space of party foundations in Brazil. This field of action is perceived as a vehicle and a reflection of processes of politicization.The work is based on two axis: 1 the (structural and sociographic configuration of these party sectors and its relative autonomy or dependence according to the party organizations; 2 the possible intersections between political logic and domain and intellectuals from the exploitation of this specific area. It presents data on the creation and the creation chronology of party foundations, its organizational structure (websites, offices, sectors, tasks/roles divisions; requirements of various experts, products such as books, magazines, courses, incomes; etc. from information available on the internet as well as the social, political and cultural profiles of its presidents and former presidents. It was also examined the case of the Perseu Abramo Foundation of the Workers Party.

Drumul politic pentru nominalizarea lui Klaus Iohannis la Președinție (The Political road to presidential candidacy nomination of Klaus Iohannis

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Florin GRECU

2015-09-01

Full Text Available The article analyses the process which led to the nominalization of Klaus Iohannis as candidate in the presidential election campaign representing the Christian Liberal Alliance. The adhesion of the National Liberal Party to the European popular party, the retreat of PNL’s president Crin Antonescu from the presidential race and the ascent of the mayor of Sibiu on the political stage, represent the analytical aim of this study, trough statements and media articles. The causes and the stakes of the change of the political affiliation of the Liberal National Party and the reasons of the adhesion to PPE which led locally to the fusion with the Liberal Democrat Party, will be shown by analyzing the statements of the political actors involved in the negotiation and in the political compromise that named Iohannis as the candidate of the right wing, who was already convinced since fall 2014 of winning the elections. The political actors, the PPE members trough their statements and actions, they sustained their candidate during the campaign and through congratulation letters after winning the elections.

Liberal Party Politics, the South African War, and the Rhetoric of Imperial Governance.

Science.gov (United States)

Mackley, Simon

2018-03-01

This article examines the imperial rhetoric of the Liberal Party during the South African War of 1899-1902, charting its use and development across five key controversies spanning the course of the conflict. Moving beyond traditional interpretations of the Liberal split as the product of competing visions of Empire and approaches to imperialism, this article argues for the need to recognize also the continuities within the imperial rhetoric of fin-de-siècle British Liberalism. Building on recent studies of political languages, it identifies how Liberal speakers from across the party operated within a rhetorical framework that emphasized three ideals of imperial governance: good government, self-government, and pluralism. In doing so, this article seeks to advance our understanding of the South African War as an episode in British party politics, demonstrating the complexity and nuance of the Liberal Party's response to the conflict. Furthermore, by undertaking an in-depth exploration of the rhetoric of imperial governance, this article highlights the Liberal response to the South African War as a case study for the reinvention and reiteration of both party and imperial languages in early twentieth-century Britain, with the potential to offer new insights into the political and imperial cultures of the period.

Presence of Political Parties and Deputies in Internet in Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay

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Yanina Welp

2016-01-01

Full Text Available According to Latinobarómetro, political parties are the institutions which less confidence receive from Latin Americans. This is not a particularity of Latin America, but a documented problem of Western consolidated democracies.In this context, in Europe and United States, among others, the use of digital media become a tool to overcome the crisis of representation, given their capacities to renovate politics, and because they allow the offering of more publicity of public matters as well as the opening up of new channels of participation and communication between citizens and representatives. But to what extent and with which features is this adoption happening in Latin America? Based on the study of the online presence of political parties and deputies of Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay (webs, blogs, Facebook and Twitter, this article explores the levels of digital media adoption and the influence of variables such as the internet diffusion in the country, the crisis of representation and the characteristics of political parties (institutionalization, ideology, size, role of leaders explaining the extension and characteristics of this adoption. 

Constitutional reform processes and political parties : principles for practice

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Vliet, van M.; Wahiu, W.; Magolowondo, A.

2012-01-01

This publication provides a set of guiding principles for constitutional reform on the basis of practical experiences of constitutional reform processes in selected countries: Bolivia, Ghana, Indonesia, Iraq, Kenya, Malawi, Zimbabwe and South Africa. The focus is on the role of political parties in

Policy agendas and births and deaths of political parties : The Dutch Model

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Lowery, D.; van Witteloostuijn, A.; Peli, G.; Brasher, H.; Otjes, Simon; Gherghina, Sergiu

The standard model of political party density emphasizing the interaction of social cleavages and district magnitude (M) is incomplete in accounting for number of parties in cases of high values of M in an arbitrary way. We explore an alternative model for such cases emphasizing the slack in the

Parties remove Sweden's self-imposed restrictions on nuclear energy politics

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Schulz, E.

1991-01-01

Since the 1980 decision of the Swedish Imperial Diet to switch off the last nuclear reactor by the year 2010 at the latest Sweden has been an example for those who are in favour of giving up nuclear energy. In their much-noticed agreement on energy politics in Sweden on the 15th January 1991 the Social Democrats, the Liberal Party and the Center Party removed the chains with which they had bound the Swedish energy politics. The new paper does not set a date for the switching off of nuclear reactors or the giving up of nuclear energy any more. The article contains the essential points but can only be understood against the background of the former decisions and the things which are not explicitly mentioned (negatively). (orig.) [de

African Ruling Political Parties and the Making of 'Authoritarian ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

only contributed to corruption, violent conflict, poverty, human rights abuses and the throttling of social justice. The contradiction in Africa's democratisation is further shown by the increasing metamorphoses of many African ruling political parties into what can be called 'democratic authoritarianism'. The process of this met-.

How political affiliation affects adaptation to climate risks: Evidence from New York City

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Botzen, W.J.W.; Michel-Kerjan, E.; Kunreuther, H; De Moel, H; Aerts, J.C.J.H.

2016-01-01

Research reveals that liberals and conservatives in the United States diverge about their beliefs regarding climate change. We show empirically that political affiliation also matters with respect to climate related risks such as flooding from hurricanes. Our study is based on a survey conducted 6

The Party Politics of Legislative-Executive Relations in Security and Defence Policy

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Wagner, W.M.; Herranz-Surralles, A.; Kaarbo, J.; Ostermann, F.

2017-01-01

The move from territorial defence to ‘wars of choice’ has influenced the domestic politics of military interventions. This paper examines the extent to which both the substance and the procedure of military interventions are contested among political parties. Regarding the substance, our analysis of

Post-conflict affiliation by chimpanzees with aggressors: other-oriented versus selfish political strategy.

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Teresa Romero

Full Text Available Consolation, i.e., post-conflict affiliation directed from bystanders to recent victims of aggression, has recently acquired an important role in the debate about empathy in great apes. Although similar contacts have been also described for aggressors, i.e., appeasement, they have received far less attention and their function and underlying mechanisms remain largely unknown. An exceptionally large database of spontaneous conflict and post-conflict interactions in two outdoor-housed groups of chimpanzees lends support to the notion that affiliation toward aggressors reduces the latter's aggressive tendencies in that further aggression was less frequent after the occurrence of the affiliation. However, bystander affiliation toward aggressors occurred disproportionally between individuals that were socially close (i.e., affiliation partners which suggest that it did not function to protect the actor itself against redirected aggression. Contrary to consolation behavior, it was provided most often by adult males and directed toward high ranking males, whereas females engaged less often in this behavior both as actors and recipients, suggesting that affiliation with aggressors is unlikely to be a reaction to the distress of others. We propose that bystander affiliation toward aggressors may function to strengthen bonds between valuable partners, probably as part of political strategies. Our findings also suggest that this post-conflict behavior may act as an alternative to reconciliation, i.e., post-conflict affiliation between opponents, in that it is more common when opponents fail to reconcile.

The political mobilization of corporate directors: socio-economic correlates of affiliation to European pressure groups.

Science.gov (United States)

Bond, Matthew; Glouharova, Siana; Harrigan, Nicholas

2010-06-01

Business has played a central role in the debate over Britain's place in the European Union. This paper examines the socio-economic characteristics of directors of Britain's largest corporations who affiliated either to Business for Sterling or Britain in Europe. It reports associations between directors' social backgrounds and their probabilities of affiliation. Elite university education, club membership, wealth and multiple directorships were all associated with higher propensities to affiliate. The associations are consistent with the idea that directors' social resources allow them to overcome collective action problems as well as supplying them with the motivations to affiliate. They also indicated that directors form a privileged group in that they have a number of very powerful actors who can take unilateral political actions.

FINANCING DEMOCRACY OR CORRUPTION? POLITICAL PARTY FINANCING IN THE EU’ S SOUTHEASTERN AND EASTERN MEMBER STATES

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Ada-Iuliana POPESCU

2015-09-01

Full Text Available Fighting public-sector corruption has become a priority for most governments and international organizations. The public sector is the source of many benefits. Realizing improper private gains from these benefits has long been the core definition of corruption. As the public sector grows and expands its activities, the complexity of its activities also increases. The opportunities for improper private gains grow, too. Therefore, not surprisingly, the EU admits that the public sector, including political parties and public administrations, are especially vulnerable to corruption. Political parties, for instance, depend on the funding destined for their capability to win elections and otherwise to influence public policies. In turn, this dependency creates opportunities for a variety of corrupt activities. Ensuring that campaign funding promotes democracy and not corruption requires well-crafted, vigorously enforced laws. This article analyzes the legal framework of political party financing in the Eastern and South-eastern European EU member states, in order to assess how well it works in preventing political party corruption.

FROM CONVENIENT HIBERNATION TO CIRCUMSTANTIAL DESPERATION: HATE SPEECH, PARTY POLITICAL COMMUNICATION AND THE NIGERIA’S 2015 GENERAL ELECTIONS

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Mike Omilusi

2018-02-01

Full Text Available Until a few months to the 2015 general elections, many political parties that have conveniently hibernated for a better part of their existence, perhaps owing to lack of proper organizational structure or support base, uncoordinated programmes or were registered because of pecuniary gains or admittance of anticipated poor electoral outing, suddenly began to jostle for political space. The main opposition party and the ruling party were either perfecting a merger processes or engulfed in internal wrangling such that communication with the electorate on fundamental issues became inconsequential. In fact, the two dominant parties, the Peoples Democratic Party and All Progressive Congress only produced their presidential candidates less than five months to the election; and the electoral campaign assumed desperate contestation in a climate of prejudice and intolerance. Hate speeches and violence were the hallmarks of their electoral campaigns. The 2015 general elections therefore, offer a unique context to interrogate the place of party political communication in an emerging democracy and specifically how hate campaigns among political gladiators/contending parties could generate violence, and if not tamed, derail democratic consolidation. This essay affirms that hate speech is not only inspired by some social circumstances but also part of a general democratic process. It attests to the fact that Nigerian politicians have become more desperate and daring in taking and retaining political power; and more intolerant of opposition, criticism and efforts at replacing them. Relying extensively on secondary sources with the aid of descriptive and narrative tools, this essay concludes that the political culture of a country determines the behavior and attitude of the population towards the political system and that democratic transition from one administration to another, particularly in emerging democracies, has often been accompanied by violence

Political Party Songs: Analysis of the Theme in a Song Topo By ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

It was through these songs that followers of different political parties expressed their feelings of sadness, happiness or hope. This paper analyses one song titled Topo by the band named Setlamo which was said to be aligned to Basotho Congress Party. Informed by New Criticism theory, the paper analyses the lyrics in the ...

11 CFR 100.145 - Legal or accounting services to political party committees.

Science.gov (United States)

2010-01-01

... 11 Federal Elections 1 2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Legal or accounting services to political party committees. 100.145 Section 100.145 Federal Elections FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION GENERAL SCOPE AND DEFINITIONS (2 U.S.C. 431) Exceptions to Expenditures § 100.145 Legal or accounting services to political...

Institute of party leadership system of the party creation of modern Ukraine

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I. O. Lavrenyuk

2015-06-01

Full Text Available This article based on the study of the theory and practice of party­building in Ukraine examines the role of party leader in the political process and the establishment of parties, implementation of the political power, the development of political consciousness and the formation of modern political elite of our country. It is alleged that party leader – a reputable, recognized in its political environment, the person chosen to lead the party and the ability of citizens to consolidate around a common goal, most effectively represent the interests of a particular social group. It is stated that the defining feature of the phenomenon of party leadership is that under conditions of constant political development and irreversibility of democratic transformations in Ukraine part of leaders of political parties in fact is a powerful talent pool for senior government officials, local government agencies and other administrative institutions. The process of creating games as an integral part of the political process is characterized by a certain way, the mechanism of action of consciousness and culture in the public sphere, which deals with political parties. Regularities component of modern political elite of the party elite acts ­ governing the range of persons in the political party headed by its leader that are directly involved in strategic decision­making, policy formulation of this power, as well as its participation in the political process. We study the classification model of national political parties and the institutions of the party leadership. It is proposed to assess the level of correlation of the party leaders and the general dynamics of the civil society in Ukraine. It is stated that at this time a fundamental change in Ukrainian Party elite has not happened yet. However, there is a long evolution of the institute of the party leadership – a rather difficult process of internal and external, objective and subjective, economic

THE PLACE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN A DEMOCRATIC STATE, THROUGH THE GLASS OF CONSTITUTIONAL REVIEW

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Valentina BĂRBĂȚEANU

2017-05-01

Full Text Available Political parties are nowadays key actors in democratic societies, shaping social mentalities, creating and following ideologies, inducing common vision, establishing targets and ideals. Their main goal is gaining the political power by conquering the access to the highest levels of decision in the State. They are based on the freedom of association and, unlike other associations, they have a specific constitutional and legal position because they are defining and giving expression to the citizens' political will, in respect of the principles of democracy. Romanian Basic Law provides that political pluralism represents one of the supreme values of the Romanian State governed by the rule of law. In this context, the Constitutional Court has solved, over the years, various issues regarding the political parties. Authorities of constitutional jurisdiction in European countries have also been asked to express, one way or another, their opinion in connection with the activity of the political parties. Taking into consideration their importance for a healthy democratic system, the European Commission for Democracy through Law -Venice Commission has paid special attention to the complexity of aspects involved by the protection of democratic values.

The role of the party leadership to activization the political process of modern Ukraine

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

N. V. Morar

2014-01-01

The role, place and their value is determined by the influence of which is carried out on the formation of political will and public opinion, the definition of public and governmental purposes, expressing the interests of social groups, political socialization and mobilization of voters of the national elite corps and replenishment policy, a process of public administration. It is concluded that the party leader is the most optimal form of leadership political process at the present stage of modernization of Ukrainian society as well as the most effective mechanism for implementing group interests in politics. A certain person or even a few actors perform the functions of the head of the party, his supporters organized activities to achieve program goals and objectives.

Political Parties and Interest Organizations at the Crossroads : Perspectives on the Transformation of Political Organizations

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Fraussen, B.; Halpin, D.R.

2016-01-01

This article reviews the case for considering the study of parties and interest organizations together, under the umbrella of “political organizations.” While both literatures are rather disconnected at the moment, we believe that they share many commonalities. A common narrative involves the

Political Parties and Social Policy Responses to Global Economic Crises

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Starke, Peter; Kaasch, Alexandra; van Hooren, Franca

2014-01-01

Based on empirical findings froma comparative study onwelfare state responses to the four major economic shocks (the 1970s oil shocks, the early 1990s recession, the 2008 financial crisis) in four OECD countries, this article demonstrates that, in contrast to conventional wisdom, policy responses...... to global economic crises vary significantly across countries. What explains the cross-national and within-case variation in responses to crises?We discuss several potential causes of this pattern and argue that political parties and the party composition of governments can play a key role in shaping crisis...

Youth and Ethnic Movements and Their Impacts on Party Politics in ECOWAS Member States

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Taiwo A. Olaiya

2014-02-01

Full Text Available Although they historically played a pivotal role in the fight against colonial rule—as they have in recent attempts to entrench multiparty democratic processes—the role of youth in political parties in West Africa has received less than commensurate attention in studies on democratization. Unlike in advanced democracies where parties are key agents of political socialization and leadership, parties in West Africa are built on ethno-religious foundations. A peculiar character of highly marginalized youth thus becomes inevitable, both in politics and decision-making processes of the state. To assert themselves, the youth have also become agents of destabilization of the democracy they partook to build. Apart from their involvement in political violence, youths are now available as unconscientious “foot soldiers” of ethnic militias and terrorist groups that are constituting increased social problems in West Africa. In this article, we examine how parties and youth have interacted to define the emergence and character of threat to the nascent democracies in contemporary West Africa. The article interrogates how the notions of “youth” and “political participation” have continued to play out in different West African countries within the context of the opportunities and challenges of Africa’s youth bulge on the democratization process. The article observes that the marginalization of West African youths has been part and parcel of history only that their situation has further raised the stake as agent of social disorder in the absence of positive engagement in the recent times.

11 CFR 109.33 - May a political party committee assign its coordinated party expenditure authority to another...

Science.gov (United States)

2010-01-01

... Elections FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION GENERAL COORDINATED AND INDEPENDENT EXPENDITURES (2 U.S.C. 431(17... 11 Federal Elections 1 2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false May a political party committee assign its... committee includes a subordinate committee of a State committee and includes a district or local committee...

Political marketing in untraditional campaigns: The case of David Cameron's Conservative Party leadership victory

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C.; Forward, Nick

2007-01-01

This study investigates the concept of political market orientation (PMO) in an untraditional setting, namely the 2005 contest for the leadership of the British Conservative Party. Based on a collective case-study method, a content analysis of candidates' speeches and manifestos is provided. We...... and a contextspecific evaluation of the merits of alternative PMO profiles. Thus, the generic conceptual model of political market orientatation, which previously has only been used in the content of parties contesting a general election campaign, can be adapted to alternative campaign situations without a reduction...

11 CFR 110.3 - Contribution limitations for affiliated committees and political party committees; Transfers (2 U...

Science.gov (United States)

2010-01-01

... appropriate cases, a franchisee, licensee, or State or regional association. (2) Affiliated committees sharing... becomes ineligible for nomination or election to that office by operation of law; (5) Transfers of funds... operation of law; (C) The individual has filed a proper termination report with the Commission under 11 CFR...

Students as First-time Voters: The role of Voter Advice Applications in Self-reflection on Party Choice and Political Identity

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Niels Nørgaard Kristensen

2017-03-01

Full Text Available Purpose: This article analyses what characterises first time voters' self-reflections on party choice as they use voter advice applications. Method: This study is based on interviews of 28 Norwegian students (age 18-20preparing themselves for their first election. Findings: Finding a party to vote for is primarily characterized by a process of matching a party to students' political self, which we see as steps toward a political identity. Practical implications: Teaching politics should allow for students' reflections on self and their political preferences.

Consumer responses to promoted tweets sent by brands and political parties

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Boerman, S.C.; Kruikemeier, S.

2016-01-01

This study aims to understand how consumers respond to social media advertising (SMA) by focusing on promoted tweets sent by brands and political parties, and examines persuasion knowledge as underlying mechanism of these responses. Two online experiments with between-subjects designs, comparing the

Twitter-Based Analysis of the Dynamics of Collective Attention to Political Parties.

Science.gov (United States)

Eom, Young-Ho; Puliga, Michelangelo; Smailović, Jasmina; Mozetič, Igor; Caldarelli, Guido

2015-01-01

Large-scale data from social media have a significant potential to describe complex phenomena in the real world and to anticipate collective behaviors such as information spreading and social trends. One specific case of study is represented by the collective attention to the action of political parties. Not surprisingly, researchers and stakeholders tried to correlate parties' presence on social media with their performances in elections. Despite the many efforts, results are still inconclusive since this kind of data is often very noisy and significant signals could be covered by (largely unknown) statistical fluctuations. In this paper we consider the number of tweets (tweet volume) of a party as a proxy of collective attention to the party, identify the dynamics of the volume, and show that this quantity has some information on the election outcome. We find that the distribution of the tweet volume for each party follows a log-normal distribution with a positive autocorrelation of the volume over short terms, which indicates the volume has large fluctuations of the log-normal distribution yet with a short-term tendency. Furthermore, by measuring the ratio of two consecutive daily tweet volumes, we find that the evolution of the daily volume of a party can be described by means of a geometric Brownian motion (i.e., the logarithm of the volume moves randomly with a trend). Finally, we determine the optimal period of averaging tweet volume for reducing fluctuations and extracting short-term tendencies. We conclude that the tweet volume is a good indicator of parties' success in the elections when considered over an optimal time window. Our study identifies the statistical nature of collective attention to political issues and sheds light on how to model the dynamics of collective attention in social media.

Twitter-Based Analysis of the Dynamics of Collective Attention to Political Parties.

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Young-Ho Eom

Full Text Available Large-scale data from social media have a significant potential to describe complex phenomena in the real world and to anticipate collective behaviors such as information spreading and social trends. One specific case of study is represented by the collective attention to the action of political parties. Not surprisingly, researchers and stakeholders tried to correlate parties' presence on social media with their performances in elections. Despite the many efforts, results are still inconclusive since this kind of data is often very noisy and significant signals could be covered by (largely unknown statistical fluctuations. In this paper we consider the number of tweets (tweet volume of a party as a proxy of collective attention to the party, identify the dynamics of the volume, and show that this quantity has some information on the election outcome. We find that the distribution of the tweet volume for each party follows a log-normal distribution with a positive autocorrelation of the volume over short terms, which indicates the volume has large fluctuations of the log-normal distribution yet with a short-term tendency. Furthermore, by measuring the ratio of two consecutive daily tweet volumes, we find that the evolution of the daily volume of a party can be described by means of a geometric Brownian motion (i.e., the logarithm of the volume moves randomly with a trend. Finally, we determine the optimal period of averaging tweet volume for reducing fluctuations and extracting short-term tendencies. We conclude that the tweet volume is a good indicator of parties' success in the elections when considered over an optimal time window. Our study identifies the statistical nature of collective attention to political issues and sheds light on how to model the dynamics of collective attention in social media.

POLITICAL MONETARY CYCLES IN COALITION AND SINGLE PARTY GOVERNMENT PERIODS: A CASE STUDY ON TURKEY

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AHMET EMRAH TAYYAR

2017-12-01

Full Text Available According to the theory of political monetary cycles, the government manipulates monetary policy during election periods in order to be re-elected. According to the said theory, expansionary monetary policies are implemented before the elections with opportunistic objective, while the contractionary monetary policies are implemented to stabilize the economy immediately after the elections. The use of monetary policy instruments for political purposes depends on the presence of a non-autonomous central bank, flexible exchange rate regime in the country, and the coordination between fiscal and monetary policies. Thus, the changes in the monetary policy indicators in election periods during coalition and single party governments in Turkey between 1990 and 2016 were examined in the present study. The money in circulation (M0, M1 money supply, domestic loans and inflation series were analyzed with the seasonal Box-Jenkins method for the above mentioned periods. Based on the findings of the study, political monetary cycles were not observed during the 1990-2000 coalition governments. It was determined that there were political monetary cycles during the single party government period between 2000 and 2016.Furthermore, although it could be expected that the political monetary cycles would be removed with the liberalization of the Turkish central bank on 25 April 2001, the existence of political monetary cycles during the period of 2000-2016 indicates that central bank independence was not fully achieved in Turkey. Based on another finding of the present study, the lack of political monetary cycles during the coalition government periods could lead to the failure in financing the budget deficit that increase due to political reasons with monetary policies. However, due to the existence of political monetary cycles during the single party government period, it could be argued that politically induced budget deficits changed in consistence with the

Why Political Parties Colonize the Media in Indonesia: An Exploration of Mediatization

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Muhammad Thaufan Arifuddin

2017-01-01

Full Text Available Mediatization has become more relevant in exploring relations between media and politics in post-Suharto Indonesia. However, the media's roles as the fourth estate of democracy has been hijacked by wealthy politicians and political parties. As a result, most mainstream media have failed to enhance public dabates democratically. Based on existing mediatization literature, politico-economy analysis, and data collected through extensive in-depth interviews and relevant documents in the 2013-2015 period, this article theoretically aims to develop the mediatization concept and explore the degree of mediatization of politics in contemporary Indonesia.

Constitutional reform processes and political parties: principles for practice

OpenAIRE

Vliet, van, M.; Wahiu, W.; Magolowondo, A.

2012-01-01

This publication provides a set of guiding principles for constitutional reform on the basis of practical experiences of constitutional reform processes in selected countries: Bolivia, Ghana, Indonesia, Iraq, Kenya, Malawi, Zimbabwe and South Africa. The focus is on the role of political parties in constitution-building processes. The publication shows that although country-specific reform processes may be unique in terms of objectives, context, popular involvement, and achievements, they go ...

Political parties and the EU in national election campaigns: who talks about Europe, and how?

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Senninger, Roman; Wagner, Markus

2015-01-01

addressed as well as their framing. We argue that issue-based strategies and government participation may provide important reasons why parties only mobilize selectively on EU issues. We test our expectations using data from party press releases in Austrian general election campaigns in 2008 and 2013. We......This paper examines political party mobilization on European Union issues during national election campaigns. We consider which actors talk about the EU, specifically which parties and which actors within parties, as well as how these actors talk about the EU, specifically the types of EU issues...

The approach of political parties in Turkey to the membership of the European Union in the eyes of the youth

OpenAIRE

Hakan Samur

2007-01-01

Political parties are the representatives of interests and expectations in the society and the stance of political parties in relation to an issue critical for our society, such as membership of Turkey to the European Union is very important. The perceived image of political parties among people regarding that stance is also important to the same extent. Based on this understanding and moving from the results of a survey conducted among seniors from almost all of the faculties at Dice Univers...

The political parties and significant personalities of the Bessarabian Zemstvo (1869-1917

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Valentin Tomuleţ

2017-12-01

Full Text Available This article focuses on some parties and significant personalities who worked in the Bessarabian institution of local self-government – Zemstvo (created in 1869 and contributed to the development of the province. The authors found that some nobles united and formed political parties. Parties of the Zemstvo were groups of persons related to the most influential families from Bessarabia. For some of them the Zemstvo served as a platform on which the nobles could solve their problems. It can be said that the Zemstvo was the “alter ego” of the Bessarabian nobility. As a result, in the political life of Bessarabia two main parties were formed – “Young Bessarabia” (“Molodaya Bessarabiya” and “Old Greek Party” (Starogrecheskaya”, which succeeded each other at the helm of power. In the early 1880s, the “Old Greek party” finally defeated its rival and gained full power in the Bessarabian Zemstvo administration. Counselors saw in the Bessarabian Zemstvo an important and reliable instrument for committing abuses. For example, the Head of the Orhei Zemstvo Council Cozac embezzled money from the Zemstvo budget. When the fact of the theft was uncovered, and this was written about in the press, Cozac shot himself. Each group of the nobles included not only people related to certain interest in economic and political life of Bessarabia, but also people related by kinship, acting in the family interests. In 1881-1884, 18 of the 52 provincial councelors were relatives: brothers Semigradov (4 people, brothers Krupensky, brothers Sinadino, brothers Dunca, brothers Cotruta (2 people. The Krupensky family was the most influential family in the Bessarabian Zemstvo. The publicist P. Krushevan wrote in this regard that the Krupensky clan usurped all the power in Bessarabia, and the Governor S. Urusov noted their importance in economic and political life of the province. Many members of the Zemstvo left their mark in the economic, political, and

The Political Party Phenomenon as the Major Underpinning and at Times a Conduit for the Demise of Democracy&Rechtstaat

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Mik STRMECKI

2007-06-01

Full Text Available Political parties are torn between the Scylla of their over-incorporation into the State mechanism with the ensuing possible impairment of their independence from the State and the Charybdis of their under-regulation, resulting in legal and/or constitutional lacunae iuris leading to anomalies detrimental to the public interest in maintaining the survival of a viable parliamentarian democracy imbued with the principles of freedom, fairness, equality and the Rule of Law. In my article I presented a historical and comparative insight into the so-called Four-phase theory, spearheaded by Heinrich Triepel on the treatment of the political party phenomenon by the State, namely: oppression, ignorement, legalization and constitutionalisation. I also presented a survey of individual countries constitutional and legal approaches in regulating the political party phenomenon by citing definitions along with typical functions, which I then analyzed by discerning private ones from public ones. I then went on and gave an insight and description of the so-called syndrome of the political market quagmire and concluded my article by illuminating the problem of surveying legitimate legal grounds for banishment of political parties under German and Slovenian law.

Enacting Third-Party Certification: A Case Study of Science and Politics in Organic Shrimp Certification

Science.gov (United States)

Konefal, Jason; Hatanaka, Maki

2011-01-01

As third-party certification has become a prominent governance mechanism, conflicting understandings of it have emerged. Proponents advance third-party certification as a technical and objective governance mechanism, while critics argue that politics and relations of power characterize it. We reject this dichotomization both in terms of how TPC is…

The issue of Romania’s joining the First World War in the vision of the leaders of the political parties – the National Liberal Party and the Conservative Party

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Anatolie Povestca

2017-12-01

Full Text Available Romania's entry into the First World War was preceded by fierce diplomatic battles between the two warring parties – the Entente and the Triple Alliance – regarding its involvement in the conflict on one side or the other. No less dramatic was the internal struggle waged by representatives of civil society - writers, doctors, engineers, historians, leaders of political parties, both ruling and opposition. They were brought up in the spirit of nationalism and spiritual and moral values, formed on the basis of the national liberation struggle of the 19th century. Each of them motivated entry into the war, defending his own interests, trying to get as much political dividends as possible, sometimes taking unfavorable decisions, ignoring the real economic and military potential of the Romanian state. What seemed simple at first glance turned out to be in fact an equation with many unknowns. Today we know the result - the disappearance from the political map of several empires and the emergence of other political systems and regimes, more severe, which will determine the fate and history of many peoples, including Romanian.

Party member recruitment and the representativeness of party membership

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Kosiara-Pedersen, Karina

Party membership figures are in decline. However, parties are still recruiting party members. Are there any differences in the social and political characteristics of old and new party members? If there is a difference, are new party members more or less representative for party voters than old...

Public opinion about biofuels: The interplay between party identification and risk/benefit perception

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Fung, Timothy K.F.; Choi, Doo Hun; Scheufele, Dietram A.; Shaw, Bret R.

2014-01-01

Using an experiment embedded within a representative survey, this study examined the interactive effect of party identification and risk/benefit perception on public opinion about biofuels. Democrats tended to be more supportive of biofuels than Republicans. However, the effect of party identification on opinion about biofuels varied when individuals considered the risk/benefit of biofuels in different domains. Individuals who reported greater affiliation with the Democratic Party were likely to support funding biofuels research when primed with the economic risks or the social/ethical benefits of biofuels. For those who considered the social/ethical benefits of biofuels, more self-identified Democrats were likely to support biofuels production and use. However, more self-identified Democrats were less supportive of biofuels production and use when they considered the political risks of biofuels. Implications are discussed. - Highlights: • We examined public opinion about biofuels policies. • Effect of risk/benefit perception varied across respondents' party identification. • Democrats favored more research when considering economic risks or social benefits. • Democrats favored biofuels more when considering social benefits. • Democrats favored biofuels less when considering political risks

The Development of Computer Policies in Government, Political Parties, and Trade Unions in Norway 1961-1983

Science.gov (United States)

Elgsaas, Knut; Hegna, Håvard

A “Council for Government Electronic Data Processing” was established in 1961. This was the start of development of a common policy for computers and data within the public administration. In 1969-70, computers got on the agenda of political parties and the trade unions. In the course of the seventies and the beginning of the eighties the government, the political parties, and the trade unions established a more comprehensive view of data political questions that we will designate by the term data policy. This paper puts some light on the causes and forces that drove the evolvement of a data policy within these central sectors in Norway. We will also show how various actors of research, trade and industry, and political life influenced the development of data policy and present links between the actors that indicate that they mutually influenced each other.

The energy-political programmes of the parties in the State Parliament of Sachsen-Anhalt prior to the State election

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Grupe, H.

1994-01-01

This is the first in a series of articles taking a close look at the essential statements in the energy and environmental policy programmes of the politically relevant parties and comparing them with one another. The series begins with the political programmes of the parties represented in the State Parliament of Sachsen-Anhalt (where an election is forthcoming on June 26, 1994), as submitted to the editor of this journal in answer to his inquiry. The analysis is preceded by a brief summary of the most important geographical and energy-economic data and the range of political parties in this State Parliament in order to illustrate the boundary conditions. (orig./UA) [de

JUDGMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES ACCOUNTABILITY OF THE RIO GRANDE DO NORTE STATE: WHICH ASPECTS RELATE WITH APPROVAL AND DISAPPROVAL?

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Stênnia Maria Ferreira de Brito

2016-03-01

Full Text Available The aim of this study is to identify factors that relate to the judgment of political parties accountability operating in the state of Rio Grande do Norte. Twenty-four political parties with directory in the state were selected considering those who have had their accounts judged between 2006 to 2013. In order to determine which factors are related to the trial of party accounts, logistic regression were considered for the analysis. Independent variables were the total revenues received by the party (in logarithm, dummy for political parties with or without the resources of the party fund and dummy for years that there were state elections, while the trial of the accounts of parties (approval / disapproval is dependent variable. The results show that only the dummy's Party Fund positively influence the judgments of the annual accounts parties. Thus, it is understood that the parties receiving public funds are more likely to provide better information and, therefore, have its accounts approved by the Unidade Técnica do Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Rio Grande do Norte. Moreover, one can even say that the parties receiving such government help have a trend or an indication of concern with the concept of accountability, since the party fund is a public resource. It is recommended that future studies address other indicators, for example, liquidity, debt and profitability. Moreover, as also proxies related to the disclosure of financial statements, number of persons elected by party in relation to the number of candidates and party members number could become plausible indicators for future research that would use the same methodology. In addition, replicate this metodology to other states for comparative issues, and even use the same methodology at national level could be aspects of research to be worked for the future.

Political Differences in Past, Present, and Future Life Satisfaction: Republicans Are More Sensitive than Democrats to Political Climate

Science.gov (United States)

Mandel, David R.; Omorogbe, Philip

2014-01-01

Previous research finds that Republicans report being happier or more satisfied with their lives than Democrats. Using representative American samples from 2002, 2005, 2007, 2009, and 2010, we tested a Person × Situation interactionist account in which political affiliation (Democrat, Republican) and political climate (favorable when the president in office is of the same party) are proposed to affect past, present, and anticipated future life satisfaction. Meta-analyses of related tests of key hypotheses confirmed that (a) life satisfaction was greater when the political climate was favorable rather than unfavorable and (b) Republicans were more sensitive to political climate than Democrats. As predicted, Republicans also were more politically polarized than Democrats. Taken together, the findings indicate that, compared to Democrats, Republicans are more apt to self-identify in political terms, and core aspects of their subjective well-being are more easily affected by the outcome of political events. PMID:24901253

Limited evidence for third-party affiliation during development in wild chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes schweinfurthii).

Science.gov (United States)

Miller, Jordan A; Stanton, Margaret A; Lonsdorf, Elizabeth V; Wellens, Kaitlin R; Markham, A Catherine; Murray, Carson M

2017-09-01

Examining the ontogeny of conflict-mitigating behaviours in our closest living relatives is an important component of understanding the evolutionary origins of cooperation in our species. In this study, we used 26 years of data to investigate the emergence of third-party affiliation (TPA), defined as affiliative contact given to recipients of aggression by uninvolved bystanders (regardless of initiation), in wild immature eastern chimpanzees ( Pan troglodytes schweinfurthii ) of Gombe National Park, Tanzania. We also characterized TPA by mothers in the same dataset as an adult benchmark for interpreting immature TPA patterns. In summary, we found that immatures did not express TPA as measured by grooming between the ages of 1.5 and 12.0 years, and that there was limited evidence that immatures expressed TPA via play. We also found that mothers did express TPA to offspring, although mothers did not show TPA towards non-offspring. Cases of TPA by mothers to other adults were too few to analyse separately. These results contrast with findings from captive studies which found that chimpanzees as young as 6 years of age demonstrated TPA. We argue that within-species variation in the expression of TPA, both in immatures and adulthood, provides evidence that the conflict management behaviours of young chimpanzees may be heavily influenced by social, ecological and demographic factors.

Social Movements and New Forms of Political Organization: Podemos as a Hybrid Party

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Daniela Chironi

2017-05-01

Full Text Available In recent years, the restructuring of the party systems in several European countries was accompanied or preceded by massive waves of anti-austerity protests. Although the causal relation between these mobilizations and the rise of new parties has already been assessed, the organizational features remain understudied. To fill this gap, here we analyse the impact of the cycle of anti-austerity and pro-real democracy protests which emerged in 2011 with the birth and organizational development of the Spanish party Podemos. Bridging two subfields of social and political sciences—movement studies and party studies—we pay particular attention to the dichotomy between horizontality and verticality within Podemos' organization. In particular, we address the issues of social movement effects as well as party foundation and organizational development. Our main findings suggest that movement mobilization played a large role in shaping Podemos' foundational choices, particularly with reference to the fundamental principles of the party and its strategic positioning. Podemos is also experimenting new democratic methods internally. Nonetheless, empirical analysis shows that, overall, the influence of movements' organizational models on the organizational structure of the party has been limited. Yet, the result is a “hybrid” party that finds a balance between the horizontalism of social movements and the efficiency of parties.

Sructure in political beliefs. A new model for Stochastic Unfolding with Application to European Party Activists

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Schuur, Hendrik van

1984-01-01

This study investigates interrelationships among the political beliefs of more than ten thousand active members of fifty political parties in nine countries of the European Community. These interrelationships are explored in part with a newly developed model for the analysis of preferences:

Party website – instrument of political communication. Case study: www.psd.ro

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Monica Pătruţ

2012-06-01

Full Text Available Romanian political parties’ websites have developed especially after 2000 and have been used to disseminate information about candidates, campaigns and political agendas. Combining the quantitative content analysis with well-known models I will quantify the degree in which the Romanian Social Democratic Party website contributes to informing, connecting, involving, and mobilizing visitors. Another objective of the analysis is to pinpoint the place that websites occupy on the trajectory web 1.0 – web 2.0. The findings show that the political website is used more to inform and less to involve or mobilize visitors and that the SDP website is far from the web 2.0. taking account the virtual practices performed.

Political Ideology, Trust, and Cooperation

Science.gov (United States)

Balliet, Daniel; Tybur, Joshua M.; Wu, Junhui; Antonellis, Christian; Van Lange, Paul A. M.

2016-01-01

Theories suggest that political ideology relates to cooperation, with conservatives being more likely to pursue selfish outcomes, and liberals more likely to pursue egalitarian outcomes. In study 1, we examine how political ideology and political party affiliation (Republican vs. Democrat) predict cooperation with a partner who self-identifies as Republican or Democrat in two samples before (n = 362) and after (n = 366) the 2012 US presidential election. Liberals show slightly more concern for their partners’ outcomes compared to conservatives (study 1), and in study 2 this relation is supported by a meta-analysis (r = .15). However, in study 1, political ideology did not relate to cooperation in general. Both Republicans and Democrats extend more cooperation to their in-group relative to the out-group, and this is explained by expectations of cooperation from in-group versus out-group members. We discuss the relation between political ideology and cooperation within and between groups. PMID:29593363

The Early Political Web (1995-2005) :A ten-year observational research seeking evidence of eDemocracy in the information architecture of political parties web sites worldwide

OpenAIRE

Ricci, Andrea

2013-01-01

Scholarly interest for the impact of technologies on democracy has raised in parallel to the decline of political participation. Technology has often been seen as either one of the causes of the crisis of representative democracy or as a powerful remedy to heal the negative externalities generated by party oligopolies. The study of the impact of new media in party politics or presidential elections dates back the forties (with the outgrowth of radio) and has evolved in cyclical waves until to...

Danish Party Membership

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Kosiara-Pedersen, Karina

Political parties have as their main assignment the creation of linkage between citizens and government. They provide one of several channels of participation in modern democracies. Yet, the general trend across the Western world is that party membership figures decline. The purpose of this article...... is to report on the state of Danish party membership; the numbers and participation. The claim of the article is that total membership figures hide evidence of membership renewal and increases, and that mere party membership figures are insufficient when evaluating political parties as channels...... of participation. Instead, membership figures at party level as well as the participation of party members need to be taken into account in order to assess parties as channels of participation. This is supported by the analyses reported here which show that even though membership figures are declining, parties...

When I equals we: exploring the relation between social and personal identity of extreme right-wing political party members.

Science.gov (United States)

Baray, Gamze; Postmes, Tom; Jetten, Jolanda

2009-12-01

This paper introduces the concept of self-defining groups to explain how personal and social aspects of identity relate to each other among members of an extreme right-wing political party. Two studies were conducted. Study 1 examined how affiliation with a social group that has clear-cut, rigid norms and values affects the personal and social self-concept. Participants were members of a (self-defining) Turkish nationalist organisation (N=66) and a control group of Turkish university students (N=58). Paradoxically, high levels of national identification were associated with stronger personal identity. Study 2 used the same participant population (N=177) and manipulated self-focused attention by means of a mirror. Self-aware members reported the highest levels of identification with the nationalist organisation. Results suggest that members of this groups show no signs of 'vanishing individuality': although boundaries between personal and social identities are blurred, extremist group members retain a distinct and strengthened sense of personal identity. This raises some interesting questions for the concept of personal identity and how it can be informed by the content of one's social identity.

Party rules, party resources and the politics of parliamentary democracies

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Poguntke, Thomas; Scarrow, Susan; Webb, Paul

2016-01-01

, then investigate what it tells us about contemporary party organization in these countries, focusing on parties’ resources, structures and internal decision-making. We examine organizational patterns by country and party family, and where possible we make temporal comparisons with older data sets. Our analyses...... suggest a remarkable coexistence of uniformity and diversity. In terms of the major organizational resources on which parties can draw, such as members, staff and finance, the new evidence largely confirms the continuation of trends identified in previous research: that is, declining membership......, but enhanced financial resources and more paid staff. We also find remarkable uniformity regarding the core architecture of party organizations. At the same time, however, we find substantial variation between countries and party families in terms of their internal processes, with particular regard to how...

Nuclear opponents and party politics

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Tollmann, A.

1987-01-01

The question treated in this article is: what do the members of the Austrian parliament - of the different parties - against nuclear energy, in particular against nuclear installations in neighbour countries? Of special interest is the Green party, now also represented in the parliament. The conclusion is that even this party, though in principle definitely anti-nuclear, is of no help to nuclear opponents in general, and to the Working Group No to Zwentendorf in particular. (qui)

Political Parties and Interest Groups Members' Patterns of Social Network Site Usage in Kyrgyzstan

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Elira Turdubaeva

2014-11-01

Full Text Available Kyrgyzstan, with a high level of political participation and an avant-garde position regarding internet access in Central Asia, broadband and social media penetration in the population, is a critical case for studying social network sites (SNSs in relation to political participation. This study analyzes the practices and attitudes of SNS users in Kyrgyzstan. Two types of users – members of political parties and members of interest organizations – are interviewed in focus groups about their practices and attitudes towards political content in the social network site Facebook. The findings indicate that, to some extent, the political engagement is indeed occurring within the Facebook environment, suggesting that the popular social networking sites (SNSs are an avenue for young people to express and share their political views. Facebook allowed users to share their political beliefs, support specific candidates, and interact with others on political issues. Participants’ perceptions regarding the appropriateness of political activity on Facebook, as well as the specific types of political activities they engaged in and witnessed within the site, were also explored.

The German Political Economy Between Deregulation and Re-regulation: Party Discourses on Minimum Wage Policies

OpenAIRE

Dostal, Jörg Michael

2012-01-01

In the German political economy of the early 21st century, labor market policymaking has shifted toward deregulation and liberalization. In particular, the so-called Hartz labor market reforms of the Social Democratic Party and Green Party government, introduced in 2002 and 2003, pushed for employment growth in low-wage and deregulated employment sectors. This article focuses on one of the key debates triggered by Germany’s labor market deregulation after 2002, namely whethe...

Electoral institutions, parties, and the politics of class: Why some democracies redistribute more than others

OpenAIRE

Iversen, Torben; Soskice, David

2005-01-01

We develop a general model of redistribution and use it to account for the remarkable variance in government redistribution across democracies. We show that the electoral system plays a key role because it shapes the nature of political parties and the composition of governing coalitions, whether these are conceived as electoral alliances between classes or alliances between class parties. Our argument implies a) that center-left governments dominate under PR systems, while center-right gover...

Conservative Party Modernisation and David Cameron's Politics of the Family

OpenAIRE

Hayton, Richard

2010-01-01

A key feature of David Cameron's electoral appeal is his carefully cultivated image as a ‘family man’. Cameron has repeatedly stressed the importance of the family to his political views and stated his desire to see marriage rewarded through the tax system. At the same time, Cameron has presented himself as a modernising leader, keen to demonstrate that he and his party are in touch with contemporary society. Central to this effort to detoxify the Conservative brand has been an emphasis on so...

Personality and Party Ideology Among Politicians. A Closer Look at Political Elites From Canada and Belgium

Science.gov (United States)

Joly, Jeroen K.; Hofmans, Joeri; Loewen, Peter

2018-01-01

We examined the relationship between Big Five personality and the political ideology of elected politicians. To this end, we studied 303 politicians from Flanders, Wallonia, and Canada, relating their self-reported Big Five scores to a partisanship-based measure of political ideology. Our findings show that, in line with the congruency model of personality, Openness to Experience is the best and most consistent correlate of political ideology, with politicians high on Openness to Experience being more likely to be found among the more progressive left-wing political parties. PMID:29719525

Personality and Party Ideology Among Politicians. A Closer Look at Political Elites From Canada and Belgium.

Science.gov (United States)

Joly, Jeroen K; Hofmans, Joeri; Loewen, Peter

2018-01-01

We examined the relationship between Big Five personality and the political ideology of elected politicians. To this end, we studied 303 politicians from Flanders, Wallonia, and Canada, relating their self-reported Big Five scores to a partisanship-based measure of political ideology. Our findings show that, in line with the congruency model of personality, Openness to Experience is the best and most consistent correlate of political ideology, with politicians high on Openness to Experience being more likely to be found among the more progressive left-wing political parties.

Rights of Minors and Constitutional Politics in the German Länder. Legal Framework, Party Strategies, and Constitutional Amendments

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Lorenz Astrid

2015-11-01

Full Text Available The article analyses constitutional politics in the German Länder in the field of minors’ rights. Since this issue seems a purely legal matter dealt with at the federal, European and international level, we should expect similar, almost identically shaped policies at the Länder level. However, the analysis brings considerable variations of constitutional activities in this field to the fore: time, frequency, and contents of respective initiatives vary significantly in the period from 1999 to 2014. These variations were due to different party strategies, diverging party platforms and majority constellations in the Länder. The analysis also shows that the public arguments brought forward in favour of constitutional amendments refer only weakly and randomly to legal provisions and processes at other levels. The political debate supporting extended children's rights rather refers to general observations, to the specific regional context, and constitutional provisions in other Länder. At least with regard to this issue, the multi-level system did not systematically impact on constitutional politics in the Länder. It rather can be understood as an opportunity structure providing parties with multiple realms in which they can pursue their goals. Thus the study shows that federal and regional party strategies are key factors in explaining policy diffusion in multilevel systems.

We don't like (to) party : explaining the significance of Independents in Irish political life

OpenAIRE

Weeks, Liam

2008-01-01

The aim of this thesis is to explain the significant presence of Independents (non-party representatives) in the Irish political system. This topic was chosen because parties have a monopoly on parliamentary representation in almost all liberal democracies. Ireland is an exception to this pattern, as independents have been elected to every session of parliament since the foundation of the modern Irish state. There have been very few academic analyses of Independents carried out in relation...

Campaigning on behalf of the party? Party constraints on candidate campaign personalisation

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bøggild, Troels; Pedersen, Helene Helboe

2017-01-01

This article analyses what makes political candidates run a party-focused or personalised election campaign. Prior work shows that candidates face incentives from voters and the media to personalise their campaign rhetoric and promises at the expense of party policy. This has raised concerns about...... that party control over the candidate nomination process and campaign financing constrains most political candidates in following electoral incentives for campaign personalisation. Using candidate survey data from the 2009 EP election campaign in 27 countries, we show how candidates from parties in which...... party officials exerted greater control over the nomination process and campaign finances were less likely to engage in personalised campaigning at the expense of the party programme. The findings imply that most parties, as central gatekeepers and resource suppliers, hold important control mechanisms...

Children Draw More Affiliative Pictures Following Priming with Third-Party Ostracism

Science.gov (United States)

Song, Ruiting; Over, Harriet; Carpenter, Malinda

2015-01-01

Humans have a strong need to belong. Thus, when signs of ostracism are detected, adults often feel motivated to affiliate with others in order to reestablish their social connections. This study investigated the importance of affiliation to young children following priming with ostracism. Four- and 5-year-old children were primed with either…

The Social Composition and Main Tasks of Russian Right-Monarchist and Centrist Political Parties of the Early Twentieth Century

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Alexander S. Zabolotskikh

2016-01-01

Full Text Available This article analyzes the social composition of the political parties of the Russian Empire in the early XX century and a real reflection of interests of different social groups. The estates principle of social organization of pre-revolutionary Russia, seems, was to be decisive to formation of the party organizations. However, in practice, many public organizations (in particular, the Black Hundred Party declared their all-estates character, trying to become the spokesman of the greatest possible number of social groups. By the beginning of XXcen tury in Russia there were about 60 parties, which could be called the all-Russian. Comparing the most famous of them, the author concludes that representatives of the Black Hundreds largely managed to realize the proclaimed all-estates construction principle of political organization. As stated by the leader of the Monarchist Party V.A.Gringmut, "Black Hundred-monarchists - are thousands, millions, it's - the whole Russian Orthodox people, remaining faithful to the oath unlimited Orthodox tsar" [10, p. 156]. The ideology of the Black Hundreds, which had the universal Christian character, reflecting the traditionalist outlook of the country's population, contributed to their penetration into the masses. Contrary to popular belief, the big bourgeoisie and the landlord class were not the only groups that are members of the «Union of October 17 th». However Octobrists faced with serious problems, attracting to its ranks of workers and peasants of the Russian population, because they are more focused on employers rather than workers. For example, as the researchers note, an important role in the creation of the "Union of October 17 th " played factory owners Brusnitsyns in St. Petersburg [3, p.122]. But by 1917 Octobrists altogether lost control of the labor movement. Thus, despite the constant positioning of the political parties of the Russian Empire as all-estates, in reality, they pursued the interests

The Social Composition and Main Tasks of Russian Right-Monarchist and Centrist Political Parties of the Early Twentieth Century

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Alexander S. Zabolotskikh

2016-01-01

Full Text Available This article analyzes the social composition of the political parties of the Russian Empire in the early XX century and a real reflection of interests of different social groups. The estates principle of social organization of pre-revolutionary Russia, seems, was to be decisive to formation of the party organizations. However, in practice, many public organizations (in particular, the Black Hundred Party declared their all-estates character, trying to become the spokesman of the greatest possible number of social groups. By the beginning of XXcen tury in Russia there were about 60 parties, which could be called the all-Russian. Comparing the most famous of them, the author concludes that representatives of the Black Hundreds largely managed to realize the proclaimed all-estates construction principle of political organization. As stated by the leader of the Monarchist Party V.A.Gringmut, "Black Hundred-monarchists - are thousands, millions, it's - the whole Russian Orthodox people, remaining faithful to the oath unlimited Orthodox tsar" [10, p. 156]. The ideology of the Black Hundreds, which had the universal Christian character, reflecting the traditionalist outlook of the country's population, contributed to their penetration into the masses. Contrary to popular belief, the big bourgeoisie and the landlord class were not the only groups that are members of the «Union of October 17th». However Octobrists faced with serious problems, attracting to its ranks of workers and peasants of the Russian population, because they are more focused on employers rather than workers. For example, as the researchers note, an important role in the creation of the "Union of October 17th" played factory owners Brusnitsyns in St. Petersburg [3, p.122]. But by 1917 Octobrists altogether lost control of the labor movement. Thus, despite the constant positioning of the political parties of the Russian Empire as all-estates, in reality, they pursued the interests of

From left to right: Processing acronyms referring to names of political parties activates spatial associations

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Elk, M. van; Schie, H.T. van; Bekkering, H.

2010-01-01

In line with previous studies, showing that abstract concepts like opowero or ogodo implicitly activate spatial associations, in the present study we hypothesized that spatial associations are coactivated during the processing of acronyms referring to names of political parties as well. In four

Social praxis, party, and class relations today

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Egni Malo

2014-01-01

Full Text Available Today’s political sociologists are once again interested in the study of the crisis of mass-based parties, anti-politics and anti-parliamentarism, crisis in the authority of the political class, prevailing corporate interests within republican institutions, and populism. Political sociology however, takes the party, as a construct of political sociology alone, without consideration upon its militancy and action, as the party, which objectifies the foundation of a State, and as a result the party becomes, simply an historical category. We approach the problem of the modern state from many angles; analysing the nature of a political party as such; the ideological dangers of determinism and spontaneism which a party necessarily must struggle with; the type of non-administrative internal regime which is necessary for a party to be effective and so on. The problem we seek to elaborate is the specific character of the collective action that makes possible the passage from a sectored, corporate and subordinate role of purely negative opposition, to a leading role of conscious action towards not merely a partial adjustment within the system, but posing the issue of the State in its entirety. In developing this theme – as a study of the real relations between the political party, the classes and the State – a two-fold consideration is devoted to the study of Machiavelli and Marx: first from the angle of the real relations between the two, as thinkers of revolutionary politics, of action; and secondly from a perspective which would derive from the Marxist doctrines an articulated system of contemporary politics, as found in The Prince.

Movements in Parties: OccupyPD

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Donatella della Porta

2015-03-01

Full Text Available When the United States activists called for people to Occupy#everywhere, it is unlikely they were thinking of the headquarters of the Italian centre-left party. Parties and movements are often considered to be worlds apart. In reality, parties have been relevant players in movement politics, and movements have influenced parties, often through the double militancy of many of their members. OccupyPD testifies to a continuous fluidity at the movement-party border, but also to a blockage in the party’s interactions with society that started long before the economic crisis but drastically accelerated with it. In this paper we present the OccupyPD Movement as a case of interaction between party politics and social movement politics, and in particular between the base membership of a centre-left party and the broader anti-austerity movement that diffused from the US to Europe adopting similar forms of actions and claims. Second, by locating it within the context of the economic and democratic crisis that erupted in 2007, we understand its emergence as a reaction towards politics in times of crisis of responsibility, by which we mean a drastic drop in the capacity of the government to respond to citizens’ requests. To fulfil this double aim, we bridge social movement studies with research on party change, institutional trust and democratic theory, looking at some political effects of the economic crisis in terms of a specific form of legitimacy crisis, as well as citizens’ responses to it, with a particular focus on the political meaning of recent anti-austerity protests. In this analysis, we refer to both quantitative and qualitative data from secondary liter-ature and original in-depth interviews carried out with a sample of OccupyPD activists.

Transformacija partijno-politicheskoj sistemy Shvecii v konce XX — nachale XXI veka [The transformation of the Swedish political party system in the late 20th/early 21st century

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Ryabichenko Arkady

2013-01-01

Full Text Available This article studies the process of transformation of the Swedish political party system in the 1980s. The study aims to develop a typology of the Swedish political party system before and after the transformation processes commenced. The article identifies the key prerequisites for such transformation: the crisis of social democracy and an increase in the nationalist attitudes in the society caused by the negative repercussions of the system of integration of migrants into the society based on the multiculturalism principles. The interethnic tension manifested itself in the wide support for the Swedish Democrats Party in the 2010 parliamentary election. From a political party system dominated by social democrats, the Swedish political party system turned into one with two leading parties – the centre-left Swedish Social Democratic Labour Party and the centre-right Moderate Party. The Swedish Democrats position themselves as an alternative to the two party blocs headed by the dominating parties (the Alliance and the Red-Green. The study employs an interdisciplinary approach in the framework of science synthesis. Its results can be of practical significance for politicians, social activists, and academicians.

MODEL PENYELESAIAN PERSELISIHAN PARTAI POLITIK SECARA INTERNAL MAUPUN EKSTERNAL (The Model of Political Party Dispute Settlement Internally and Externally

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Tri Cahya Indra Permana

2016-03-01

Full Text Available Undang-Undang Parpol mengatur bahwa perselisihan Parpol diselesaikan secara internal oleh Mahkamah Partai atau sebutan lain daripada itu dan secara eksternal oleh Pengadilan Negeri dan Mahkamah Agung. Substansi perselisihan yang final dan mengikat di Mahkamah Partai adalah perselisihan kepengurusan, selebihnya dapat diajukan upaya hukum ke Pengadilan Negeri dan Mahkamah Agung. Di dalam praktek, pengaturan tersebut telah menjauhkan dari rasa keadilan, kepastian hukum dan kemanfaatan, oleh karenanya sebaiknya direvisi yang mana perselisihan PAW, pelanggaran terhadap hak anggota partai politik, penyalahgunaan wewenang,  pertanggungjawaban keuangan, dan atau keberatan terhadap keputusan partai politik (termasuk keputusan untuk tidak memutuskan terhadap sesuatu hal final dan mengikat dengan Putusan MPP. Sedangkan perselisihan kepengurusan dapat diajukan upaya hukum ke Mahkamah Konstitusi. Political parties act stipulates that a political party dispute resolved internally by the Mahkamah Partai or other designation of that and externally resolved by the District Court and the Supreme Court. The dispute substance in Mahkamah Partai which is final and binding is about organization dispute, the other can be settled in District Court and the Supreme Court. In practice, that arrangement makes the decision apart from the sense of justice, legal certainty and utility. Therefore, these rules should be revised so that the regulation of PAW, violations of the rights of members of political parties, abuse of authority, financial liability, or an objection to the decision of political parties (including the decision not to decide on something is final and binding through Mahkamah Partai decision. While the organization disputes can be submitted to the Constitutional Court for legal action.

On the precipice of a "majority-minority" America: perceived status threat from the racial demographic shift affects White Americans' political ideology.

Science.gov (United States)

Craig, Maureen A; Richeson, Jennifer A

2014-06-01

The U.S. Census Bureau projects that racial minority groups will make up a majority of the U.S. national population in 2042, effectively creating a so-called majority-minority nation. In four experiments, we explored how salience of such racial demographic shifts affects White Americans' political-party leanings and expressed political ideology. Study 1 revealed that making California's majority-minority shift salient led politically unaffiliated White Americans to lean more toward the Republican Party and express greater political conservatism. Studies 2, 3a, and 3b revealed that making the changing national racial demographics salient led White Americans (regardless of political affiliation) to endorse conservative policy positions more strongly. Moreover, the results implicate group-status threat as the mechanism underlying these effects. Taken together, this work suggests that the increasing diversity of the nation may engender a widening partisan divide. © The Author(s) 2014.

Politically-focused intrusive thoughts and associated ritualistic behaviors in a community sample.

Science.gov (United States)

Cepeda, Sandra L; McKay, Dean; Schneider, Sophie C; La Buissonnière-Ariza, Valérie; Egberts, Jolenthe T N E; McIngvale, Elizabeth; Goodman, Wayne K; Storch, Eric A

2018-05-01

A significant proportion of the U.S. population report increased stress attributed to the political climate following the controversial 2016 United States (U.S.) Presidential election. The political stressors paired with the growth in news consumption and social media-use could be a potential trigger for obsessive-compulsive-like symptoms specific to politics in some individuals. This study aimed to elucidate the rate of Politically-focused Intrusive Thoughts and associated Ritualistic Behaviors (PITRB), their demographic and clinical correlates, and the degree of association with political ideology. Survey data were collected using the crowdsourcing platform Mechanical Turk. A total of N = 484 individuals completed the survey. Measures of politically-focused intrusive thoughts and ritualistic behaviors, general obsessive-compulsive symptoms, depression, anxiety, anxiety control, worry, and disability were administered, as well as a measure of social and economic conservative affiliation. Results showed that a quarter of the sample (25.2%) had at least one PITRB more than once a day. PITRB was associated with all measures of psychopathology and disability. Finally, anxiety control moderated the relationship between PITRB and both anxiety and depression. No differences in psychopathology were found between major party affiliations. The findings suggest that politically-focused intrusive thoughts and ritualistic behaviors are associated with psychopathology domains in a manner comparable to general obsessive-compulsive symptoms. Copyright © 2018 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Dealing with correlated choices: how a spin-glass model can help political parties select their policies.

Science.gov (United States)

Moore, M A; Katzgraber, Helmut G

2014-10-01

Starting from preferences on N proposed policies obtained via questionnaires from a sample of the electorate, an Ising spin-glass model in a field can be constructed from which a political party could find the subset of the proposed policies which would maximize its appeal, form a coherent choice in the eyes of the electorate, and have maximum overlap with the party's existing policies. We illustrate the application of the procedure by simulations of a spin glass in a random field on scale-free networks.

Anti-intellectualism and political ideology in a sample of undergraduate and graduate students.

Science.gov (United States)

Laverghetta, Antonio; Stewart, Juliana; Weinstein, Lawrence

2007-12-01

To estimate correlations for scores on a student anti-intellectualism scale with scores on a measure of political conservatism, 235 students were given a survey containing a student anti-intellectualism scale, a political conservatism scale, and a demographics questionnaire identifying the participants' sex, college classification, ethnicity, political party affiliation, and self-described political ideology. The political conservatism scale contained two factors, Religiosity and Economic Conservatism, both of which were scored separately in addition to an overall Conservatism score. Students' Anti-intellectualism scores were correlated with Political Conservatism scores (r = .37, p < .01), with Religiosity scores (r = .42, p < .01), and with Economic Conservatism scores (r = .17, p < .05). An analysis of variance indicated a significant difference in students' Anti-intellectualism scores based on college classification (F4,233 = 2.27, p < .04). Specifically, freshman had significantly higher scores than graduate students.

Electoral system and political parties in Mexico (1994-2000 Sistema electoral y sistema de partidos en México (1994-2000

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Ernesto HERNÁNDEZ NORZAGARAY

2010-10-01

Full Text Available The article explores the consequences of the electoral formula and the effective threshold, the size of electoral circumscriptions and the number of congressional representatives on the levels of disproportional representation that exists in the legislature since the federal elections of 1994 in Mexico. Following this, and through the use of a number of political indices the article assesses the impact of these factors on the political party system. In particular the study examines levels of concentration and competition, of political party fragmentation, and levels of electoral polarisation and volatility. The main objective is to determine the institutional impact of the «period of reforms» on the configuration of a new political party system in Mexico.Key words: México, electoral system, political party system, fragmetation, volatility.En este trabajo sobre el sistema electoral y el sistema de partidos políticos en México, exploramos las consecuencias que han tenido la fórmula electoral y el umbral efectivo, la magnitud de las circunscripciones y el tamaño del Congreso legislativo, en los niveles de desproporcionalidad existente en el poder legislativo desde las elecciones federales de 1994. Así mismo, como extensión de ese esfuerzo, mediante diversos índices politológicos profundizamos en los efectos que ha tenido en el sistema de partidos. En particular, interesa estudiar los niveles de concentración y competitividad, la fragmentación y número efectivo de partidos, la polarización y volatilidad del voto. En suma, pretendemos determinar cuál es el impacto institucional del llamado «periodo de reformas» en la conformación de un nuevo sistema de partidos políticos mexicanos.

The Ideal Concept of Presidential Threshold Arrangement to Achieve Constitutional Rights of New Political Parties in a simultaneous general election in Indonesia

OpenAIRE

Muhammad Mukhtarrija; I gusti Ayu Ketut Rachmi Handayani; Agus Riwanto

2018-01-01

This study raises the legal issue against the enactment of Law No. 7 of 2017 on General Elections in Indonesia. The law has violated the constitutional rights of new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants that began in 2017. The injustice is seen in article 222 which requires the provision of presidential threshold for political parties nominating the president and vice-presidential pairs based on the results of general elections in 2014. If this provision is appl...

Transitions From Violence to Politics: Conditions for the Politicization of Violent Non-State Actors

Science.gov (United States)

2015-12-01

premier Shi’a militant organization in Lebanon, and the then fledgling Hizbollah over the kidnapping of U.S. Marine LTC Higgins .74 An Amal...affiliated group sympathetic to the more militant Hizbollah kidnapped Higgins threatening Amal’s cooperative relationship with United Nations International...and enemies: Pro-Kurdish parties in Turkish politics, 1990–94,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 31, no. 04 (1999): 631. 193 Chris

Crescent and Electoral Strength: Islamic Party Portrait of Reform Era In Indonesia

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LILI ROMLI

2013-12-01

Full Text Available The establishment of Islamic political parties in the reform era in Indonesia after the fall of Suharto (1998, considered as resurgence of political stream. There are several factors that led to the revival of Islamic parties after the New Order, the theological factor, historical, sociological, and reform factor. The presence of Islamic political parties after the New Order was apparently diverse and fragmented. In the political elite of Islam itself in establishing a political party based on Islam and there is also based on nationality, and in establishing political party was using substantially approach and there is also that use formalistic approach. In the reform era elections, political Islam has failed, in which Islamic parties do not receive optimal support from voters Islam. The failure of Islamic parties in election of reform era is caused of factor among Muslims has been change the orientation of political views. Islamic parties in the reform era stuck in a political myth quantity, and Islamic parties are also fragmented and fractured in to small forces.

12 CFR 7.2014 - Indemnification of institution-affiliated parties.

Science.gov (United States)

2010-01-01

... BANK ACTIVITIES AND OPERATIONS Corporate Practices § 7.2014 Indemnification of institution-affiliated... the advancement of expenses and legal fees, in accordance with the law of the state in which the main office of the bank is located, the law of the state in which the bank's holding company is incorporated...

Parties heed (with caution): Public knowledge of and attitudes towards party finance in Britain.

Science.gov (United States)

vanHeerde-Hudson, Jennifer; Fisher, Justin

2013-01-01

Despite comprehensive reform ( Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act ) and recent review (Phillips Review in 2007) of party finance in Britain, public opinion of party finance remains plagued by perceptions of corruption, undue influence from wealthy donors, carefree and wasteful spending and, more generally, from the perception that there is just 'too much money' in politics. In this article we argue that knowledge of and attitudes to party finance matter, not least because advocates of reform have cited public opinion as evidence for reform. However, because attitudes to party finance are part of a broader attitudinal structure, opinion-led reforms are unlikely to succeed in increasing public confidence. Using data generated from YouGov's online panel (N=2,008), we demonstrate that the public know little of the key provisions regulating party finance and attitudes to party finance can be explained along two underlying dimensions - Anti-Party Finance and Reformers . As such, we consider whether parties and politicians should be freed from the constraints of public opinion in reforming party finance.

Intra-party democracy beyond aggregation

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Wolkenstein, Fabio

2016-01-01

, discussing several functions intra-party deliberation is said to serve in the democratic theory literature. It then goes on to explore the deliberative credentials of political discussion between party members, drawing on group interviews with party members in two Social Democratic parties in Germany...

Public Funding of Political Parties

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ortuno-Ortin, Ignacio; Schultz, Christian

This paper concerns public funding of parties. Parteis receive public funds depending on their vote share. Funds finance electoral campaigns. Two cases are investigated. In the first, some voters are policy motivated and some are ?impressionable? ? their vote depends directly on campaign...... expenditures. In the second, campaigning is informative and all voters are policy motivated. Public funds increase policy convergence in both cases. The effect is larger, the more funding depends on vote shares. When campaigns are informative, there may be multiple euqilibria. Intuitively, a large party can...

11 CFR 109.37 - What is a “party coordinated communication”?

Science.gov (United States)

2010-01-01

... Provisions for Political Party Committees § 109.37 What is a “party coordinated communication”? (a) Definition. A political party communication is coordinated with a candidate, a candidate's authorized... paragraphs (a)(1), (a)(2), and (a)(3) of this section. (1) The communication is paid for by a political party...

Organizational Loyalty and Organizational Commitment: An Analysis in Terms of Political Party Organizations

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Akyay Uygur

2010-12-01

Full Text Available Sense of belonging is a psychological condition in which loyalties are divided into two. Organizational commitment, the value of the individual within the organization to accept and hear the desire to remain in the organization as it is defined. Identify a specific individual's loyalty to the organizational integration organizations, in the form of sincere commitment and dedication has been defined. This study aimed to determine the level of organizational loyalty to Turkey's third largest political party (AKP, CHP, MHP, feeling of belonging to the organization aims to determine the level of loyalty of the individual. Organizational loyalty created in accordance with this scale in city information was collected from 674 people. Accordingly, the highest level of organizational loyalty to the party MHP, the second CHP and third place in the AKP has emerged.

Simulating political stability and change in the Netherlands (1998-2002). An agent-based model of party competition with media effects empirically tested.

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Muis, J.C.

2010-01-01

Agent-based models of political party competition in a multidimensional policy space have been developed in order to reflect adaptive learning by party leaders with very limited information feedback. The key assumption is that two categories of actors continually make decisions: voters choose which

Picturing the Party: Instagram and Party Campaigning in the 2014 Swedish Elections

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Kirill Filimonov

2016-08-01

Full Text Available This article explores Swedish parties’ activities on Instagram during the 2014 elections. Understanding party campaign communication as highly strategic, that is, communication to persuade and mobilize voters in order to win the elections, we ask whether Instagram was used to (1 broadcast campaign messages, (2 mobilize supporters, (3 manage the party’s image, and (4 amplify and complement other campaign material (i.e., hybrid campaign use. With this study, we follow previous studies on the use of digital communication platforms in the hands of campaigning political actors, but we direct our attention to a new platform. We conducted a content analysis of 220 party postings on Instagram, collected during the hot phase of the campaign. The result shows that the platform was mainly used for broadcasting rather than for mobilization. The image the parties were presenting leaned toward personalization with a strong presence of top candidates in their postings. Top candidates were primarily displayed in a political/professional context. Finally, half of the analyzed postings showed signs of hybridized campaign practices. The presented findings give a first glimpse on how political parties use and perform on Instagram.

Competing Claims: Religious Affiliation and African Americans' Intolerance of Homosexuals.

Science.gov (United States)

Ledet, Richard

2017-01-01

Literature on religion and political intolerance indicates competing expectations about how Black Protestant church affiliation affects African Americans' attitudes about civil liberties. On the one hand, Black Protestant theology emphasizes personal freedom and social justice, factors generally linked to more tolerant attitudes. On the other hand, Black Protestants tend to be conservative on family and social issues, factors often linked to intolerance of gays and lesbians. Data from the General Social Survey are used to examine the influence of religious group identification, as well as other relevant aspects of religiosity, on political intolerance among African Americans. Results indicate that although other aspects of religion (beliefs and behaviors) help explain variation in political intolerance, Black Protestant church affiliation has no relationship with attitudes about the civil liberties of homosexuals. However, additional tests show that Black Protestant church affiliation significantly predicts intolerance of other target groups (atheists and racists).

Usage of marketing in politics

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Marić Ivana

2014-01-01

Full Text Available Multi-party political system led to competition between political parties which caused the need for marketing in politics that improves political reputation. Politics, based on rich experience of political practice, used existing, developed methods and techniques of commercial marketing. Political marketing openly admits that politics and politicians are simply goods that are being sold on a political market. Political marketing is a whole way of operation by political parties which ask these questions: how do the voters choose; what affects their preference and how that preference can be influenced. Usage of political marketing in Bosnia and Herzegovina is still not on a satisfactory level but the knowledge about the importance of political marketing is increasing.

The Political Economy of Regulatory Risk

OpenAIRE

Strausz, Roland

2009-01-01

I investigate the argument that, in a two–party system with different regulatory objectives, political uncertainty generates regulatory risk. I show that this risk has a fluctuation effect that hurts both parties and an output–expansion effect that benefits one party. Consequently, at least one party dislikes regulatory risk. Moreover, both political parties gain from eliminating regulatory risk when political divergence is small or the winning probability of the regulatory–risk–averse party ...

Democracy, the Party, and Self-Emancipation

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Raekstad, P.

2017-01-01

The Party is once again the subject of sustained discussion among academics and popular movements. Jodi Dean’s most recent book, Crowds and Party, is an attempt to re-think the party form for contemporary politics after the experiences and lessons of Occupy. Crowds and Party is engaging and

Perceiving political polarization in the United States: party identity strength and attitude extremity exacerbate the perceived partisan divide.

Science.gov (United States)

Westfall, Jacob; Van Boven, Leaf; Chambers, John R; Judd, Charles M

2015-03-01

An important component of political polarization in the United States is the degree to which ordinary people perceive political polarization. We used over 30 years of national survey data from the American National Election Study to examine how the public perceives political polarization between the Democratic and Republican parties and between Democratic and Republican presidential candidates. People in the United States consistently overestimate polarization between the attitudes of Democrats and Republicans. People who perceive the greatest political polarization are most likely to report having been politically active, including voting, trying to sway others' political beliefs, and making campaign contributions. We present a 3-factor framework to understand ordinary people's perceptions of political polarization. We suggest that people perceive greater political polarization when they (a) estimate the attitudes of those categorized as being in the "opposing group"; (b) identify strongly as either Democrat or Republican; and (c) hold relatively extreme partisan attitudes-particularly when those partisan attitudes align with their own partisan political identity. These patterns of polarization perception occur among both Democrats and Republicans. © The Author(s) 2015.

Single Party Cabinets and Presidential Democracies: insights from the Argentinean case

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Marcelo CAMERLO

2013-07-01

Full Text Available The study of presidential cabinets has mainly focused on coalitional formations, distinguishing individual ministers in terms of their party affiliation particularly at cabinet instauration and termination. This article moves the focus to single-party cabinets to study minister appointment in situations where the legislative support is less relevant. A model of analysis that observes extra-partisan affiliations, individual technical skills and personal liaison with the president is proposed and exploratory applied to the Argentinean case. The results suggest that well positioned presidents tend to apply closer strategies of portfolio distribution, with levels of institutionalization that depends on the president’s party organization and the president’s style of leadership.

How Irish Political Parties are Using Social Networking Sites to Reach Generation Z: an Insight into a New Online Social Network in a Small Democracy

OpenAIRE

Lynch, Kevin; Hogan, John

2016-01-01

This study, using in-depth interviews and focus groups, examines perceptions of social networking sites as a means of communicating with Generation Z, from the perspectives of the major Irish political parties using these online resources and the perspective of their young target audience. There are two research questions: (1) How do political parties perceive social networking sites’ role in communicating with Generation Z? and (2) How do members of Generation Z perceive social networking si...

Feeding Revolution: The Black Panther Party and the Politics of Food

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Mary Potorti

2014-02-01

Full Text Available This chapter examines the role of food in the symbolic politics and practical agenda of the Black Panther Party (BPP, founded in the late 1960s in Oakland, California.  Situating hunger and the politics of food at the center of drives for racial justice, it argues that the BPP’s anti-hunger efforts and food-centered campaigns were driven by an implicit understanding of the power of food in battles over racialized definitions of personhood, a forum for both enforcing and resisting hegemonic authority.  From this vantage, the Panthers and their allies in the East Bay community utilized the Party’s popular food programs, specifically its Free Breakfast for School Children Program, as staging grounds to prepare for a revolutionary overthrow of the socio-economic order.  In addition to strengthening the physical bodies of African Americans to ensure their “survival pending revolution,” the food programs served a deeper organizing function by encouraging community members to come together to meet an immediate, practical need and, in doing so, to visualize themselves as part of a larger movement for change.  The Panthers’ subsequent demands for consumer rights and calls for conscientious consumption (both as purchasers and eaters of food highlighted the role of food politics in perpetuating racial injustice while demonstrating the capacity for food-related protest to challenge structures of hunger and patterns of widespread malnourishment.

Politically Induced Regulatory Risk and Independent Regulatory Agencies

OpenAIRE

Strausz, Roland

2015-01-01

Uncertainty in election outcomes generates politically induced regulatory risk. Political parties' risk attitudes towards such risk depend on a fluctuation effect that hurts both parties and an output--expansion effect that benefits at least one party. Notwithstanding the parties' risk attitudes, political parties have incentives to negotiate away all regulatory risk by pre-electoral bargaining. Efficient pre-electoral bargaining outcomes fully eliminate politically induced regulatory risk. P...

Election of candidates to municipal presidency of political parties in Ciudad Juarez and as practice and internal democracy strengthening

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Cecilia Sarabia Ríos

2011-07-01

Full Text Available The internal democratic of political parties are one of the numerous analyses that can be performed on an electoral process. In this regard, this document aims to understand the logic of development of internal democracy in the party organizations in Ciudad Juarez, focusing on one aspect of it: the selection of candidates. The observation of the selection of candidates for municipal office in the last decade in Ciudad Juarez allowed to comment the advantages and disadvantages for the internal democratic life of party, to understand its development level and the logic that motivates their evolution or turn to be attractive only for external voting and not for the militants.

Tracing the territorial dynamics of party fragmentation in Mexico (1991-2015

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Willibald SONNLEITNER

2017-06-01

Full Text Available Over the past decades, Mexican politics evolved from a closed, corporative and hegemonic-party authoritarianism, towards a more plural and competitive multi-party system. In the nineties, three relevant parties structured electoral politics. But this system soon fragmented and reached an average of 5.6 effective parties in 2015. What causes and drives political and partisan fragmentation in Mexico? Which have been the main temporal and territorial dynamics? How did they reshape Mexico’s electoral geography?

Lives and Political Field. An Analysis of the Power Structure of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD

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Max Reinhardt

2011-05-01

Full Text Available This article discusses methods and results of an explorative study of two generations of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD: the two generations comprise, on the one hand, older and younger members of the postwar generation who witnessed the Second World War as young soldiers or as children, and on the other hand, the generation that was born in the 1950s and has mainly been responsible for shaping policy for some years. The aim of my dissertation was to analyze the ability of the social democratic leadership to represent the full range of party members and (base voters by comparing two generations, using a sample of political leaders and the habitus/field-analysis inspired by Pierre BOURDIEU. The basis of the analysis were partly biographical, partly theme-focused interviews, as well as a range of sources and already published literature regarding the biographies of these political leaders. The following article is based on my dissertation and is focused on a description of selected theoretical implications, on the description of the essential criteria for selecting the sample and on some of the methods used. These are an analysis of the life, life and field effects, the factions and the development of types of political leaders. I will present some results to exemplify the methods used. They show that the ability of the SPD to represent the full range of party members and (base voters and the power structure of the SPD have changed, thus threatening the party’s status as a "Volkspartei." URN: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs1102197

The gender of party leadership and its impact on voter's asessment

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Kosiara-Pedersen, Karina

Even though most political parties are still male dominated, an increasing number of women reach the top position of party leader. Furthermore, party leadership is increasingly regarded as an important part of party images due to the personalization of politics. Does the gender of the party leader...... leader characteristics appreciated by men and women. If this holds, the gender of party leadership matters to women because they value woman party leaders higher, not because they value other characteristics than men....

A Week Is a Long Time in Politics: The Health Implications of Jeremy Corbyn's UK Labour Party Leadership Victory.

Science.gov (United States)

Scott-Samuel, Alex; Bambra, Clare

2016-01-01

For more than 30 years, socialism within the UK Labour Party - which was in government from 1997 to 2010 and is currently the main UK parliamentary opposition - has been in decline. Despite its origins as a party of and for the working class, Labour has become at best a social democratic party with strong neoliberal leanings. However, in the recent leadership election that followed Labour's general election defeat in May 2015, the socialist Jeremy Corbyn confounded all expectations by winning Labour's leadership with a substantial majority. We describe the political context of Corbyn's controversial victory and discuss its potential short- and medium-term impact on England's troubled National Health Service and on the public health. © The Author(s) 2015.

Positioning as a Part of Political Marketing

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Natalia Liutko

2015-11-01

Full Text Available The political subject is defined as the consumer of goods in the form of political power, political ideas, political leaders, and parties. Political marketing is understood as the identification of political relations and processes with different forms of market exchange and the process of electoral choice as a specific market (the act of purchase and sale. The concept of political positioning appeared as the result of relevant categories of commercial research in the political sphere. Political positioning should be considered as the process of political communication aimed at acquiring by political actor his position in political marketing. It is the most difficult type of political and communication strategic campaigns. This approach allows the candidate (party to compare his image with electorate’s views of desired (acceptable candidate, political party; compare his image with the image of an opponent; explore the pros and cons of alternative positions; and choose those the most advantageous position for a candidate (party.

An investigation into the relationship between political activity levels and political market orientation

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C.

2010-01-01

Purpose - The key objective of this research is to investigate the relationship between party member activity-levels and perceptions of their party's political market orientation. Specifically, it aims to scrutinise the differences in the interplay of attitudinal and behavioural aspects of politi......Purpose - The key objective of this research is to investigate the relationship between party member activity-levels and perceptions of their party's political market orientation. Specifically, it aims to scrutinise the differences in the interplay of attitudinal and behavioural aspects...... of political market orientation. Design/methodology/approach - Using a wide variety of respondent groups within the party, the research draws on an existing conceptualisation of political market orientation and empirically test its relationship with party member activity levels. Three models, plus a baseline...... model, are developed and data from 1,156 questionnaires are used to investigate a structural equation model using the partial least square method. Findings - While the baseline model exhibits a robust pattern of positive relationships between the attitudinal and behavioural constructs, the comparative...

Western Political Consulting Techniques and Post-Soviet Political Technology in Political Campaigns in Latvia

OpenAIRE

Bērziņa, Ieva

2012-01-01

Western Political Consulting Techniques and Post-Soviet Political Technology in Political Campaigns in Latvia Ieva Dmitričenko Keywords: political campaignsm political consulting, political technology, parties, marketing, media Political campaigning is an international phenomenon, because there is a free flow of information, knowledge and human resource among practitioners of political campaigning in various countries. As a result political campaigning techniques that have proven to ...

The German Environmentalist Party - The Greens

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Mettke, J.R.

1982-01-01

The Greens are winning supporters throughout the FRG, quite a few of them are already members of the parliament of various lands. Will they cooperate with the established political parties in Bonn. Will they take over from the Free Democrats the role of holding the balance of power. In this book, Spiegel editors present their analyses of the changing concepts of the new political movement. The most outstanding members of the Environmentalist Party - the so-called Greens - define their position and state their opinions on the problems of coalition forming, and prominent members of the parties of the German Bundestag answer these statements. (orig.) [de

Between Party, Parents and Peers

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bregnbæk, Susanne

2012-01-01

This article explores the lived contradictions entailed in being a young member of the Chinese Communist Party (ccp) today. The focus is on how political and existential issues intersect. It explores party membership as a strategy for personal mobility among Beijing elite university students by p...

CHINESE BUSINESSMEN AND “LEADERS” IN MADRID: POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC PRACTICES

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Débora Betrisey Nadali

2010-12-01

Full Text Available This article analyses the emergence of “leaders” of the Chinese community in Madrid, based on a study of a conflict that was brief but significant; specifically, the social protests carried out by shopkeepers and workers in the central district of Lavapiés in 2005 and 2006, and who were protesting against a controversial municipal regulations on trade. What is interesting about this study is the way that it analyses – through this experience of the mobilisation and representation of their community – the way in which these “leaders” were constituted as political entities, with links to the main relevant social actors (associationist movements, political parties and economic groups in Madrid and how they co-opted a certain ability to represent the collective by incorporating such complex, symbolic elements as “being Chinese”, social class, affiliation to local parties and discourses on belonging to the welcoming country. The analysis shows, furthermore, that the various expressions of ethnicity do not represent a fixed, inert reality, but rather a dynamic process which, in addition to the actual paths of the main characters, takes shape based on the context in which it is immersed.

Flawed Political Party Primaries In Nigeria's Fourth Republic: The ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

African Journal for the Psychological Study of Social Issues ... However, through an assessment of extant secondary data, this paper submits that the experience in the Peoples Democratic Party; the ruling party, during the 2007 General Elections was a case of deliberate imposition of candidates by powerful party leaders.

The Institutionalisation of the Romanian Party System

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Clara Volintiru

2012-12-01

Full Text Available This paper explores the level of institutionalisation achieved by the Romanian political system since transitioning to democracy. Following through the key components of an institutionalised party system, the inquiry looks at the stability of interparty competition in Romania and the depth of its parties’ roots in society. These components are measured through such indicators as electoral volatility or the cohesiveness of the ideological preferences. Their levels suggest that the Romanian party system isn’t fully instituionalised, with fluctuating volatility and a rather incohesive ideological positioning of both voters and parties. This paper argues that in response to the double challenge of poor institutionalisation of the political parties and the party system as a whole, informal remedies, such as patronage of public jobs, or proprietary use of state resources, become highly attractive solutions for electoral success.

From Protest to Political Parties: Online Deliberation in New Parties in Spain

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Rosa Borge Bravo

2016-12-01

Full Text Available The new parties that emerged following the 15-M movement and against the austerity measures in Spain want to build parties open to the participation and deliberation for all the citizenry. To what extent are these ideals being fulfilled? The aim of this article is to describe and assess some of the main online deliberative processes of the two most important parties, Podemos and Barcelona En Comú, following commonly accepted criteria in the literature for measuring online deliberation. Specifically, we have examined the two most-voted proposals from the online platform Plaza Podemos and the online development of the electoral programme of Barcelona En Comú. Thus, we have conducted a content analysis of 713 (Plaza Podemos and 563 (Barcelona En Comú posts. Both platforms meet the structural and technical criteria for fostering deliberation, but the external impact is high only in the case of Barcelona En Comú. The deliberative quality of the communication is good but not the criteria of reflexivity, inclusion and plurality.

Perceptions of political leaders.

Science.gov (United States)

David Schmitz, J; Murray, Gregg R

2017-01-01

Partisan identification is a fundamental force in individual and mass political behavior around the world. Informed by scholarship on human sociality, coalitional psychology, and group behavior, this research argues that partisan identification, like many other group-based behaviors, is influenced by forces of evolution. If correct, then party identifiers should exhibit adaptive behaviors when making group-related political decisions. The authors test this assertion with citizen assessments of the relative physical formidability of competing leaders, an important adaptive factor in leader evaluations. Using original and novel data collected during the contextually different 2008 and 2012 U.S. presidential elections, as well as two distinct measures obtained during both elections, this article presents evidence that partisans overestimate the physical stature of the presidential candidate of their own party compared with the stature of the candidate of the opposition party. These findings suggest that the power of party identification on political behavior may be attributable to the fact that modern political parties address problems similar to the problems groups faced in human ancestral times.

Latin American intra-party democracy

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Aldo Adrián Martínez Hernández

2017-12-01

Full Text Available Research proposes to determine the level of internal democracy of political parties in Latin America from perception of its members, allowing the creation of an index that has parameters for the measurement and comparison of the parties according to its democratic features. At the same time, research supports designing a profile of the parties by subjecting to analysis the relationship between ideology and internal democracy, stressing that despite the differences between left and right, parties in Latin America do not have dichotomous democratic features, while maintaining low levels despite their ideological location.

Political Ideology, Trust, and Cooperation: In-group Favoritism among Republicans and Democrats during a US National Election.

Science.gov (United States)

Balliet, Daniel; Tybur, Joshua M; Wu, Junhui; Antonellis, Christian; Van Lange, Paul A M

2018-04-01

Theories suggest that political ideology relates to cooperation, with conservatives being more likely to pursue selfish outcomes, and liberals more likely to pursue egalitarian outcomes. In study 1, we examine how political ideology and political party affiliation (Republican vs. Democrat) predict cooperation with a partner who self-identifies as Republican or Democrat in two samples before ( n = 362) and after ( n = 366) the 2012 US presidential election. Liberals show slightly more concern for their partners' outcomes compared to conservatives (study 1), and in study 2 this relation is supported by a meta-analysis ( r = .15). However, in study 1, political ideology did not relate to cooperation in general. Both Republicans and Democrats extend more cooperation to their in-group relative to the out-group, and this is explained by expectations of cooperation from in-group versus out-group members. We discuss the relation between political ideology and cooperation within and between groups.

Changing the Rules of the Game : the development and reform of party law in Latin America

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Molenaar, F.F.

2017-01-01

Party law, or the legal regulation of political parties, has become a prominent feature of party systems. Some party laws are designed to have a much larger political impact than others. It remains unknown why some countries adopt party laws that have substantial implications for party

The Differentiation of Parties through the Lens of an Electoral Campaign

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Rossana Sampugnaro

2015-03-01

Full Text Available Parties restructure their organizations to prepare themselves for new challenges. In many cases, the changes involve a reduction of the subsystems structure, dropping the number of territorial units or finding leaner solutions and outsourcing of activities which were once fulfilled within the boundaries of the party organization. Specifically, the phenomenon of outsourcing concerns, on the one hand, aggregation of interests and policymaking and, on the other, electoral mobilization and management of political communication. Looking for new solutions – flexible, without a unique centre – can lead to a process of de-differentiation that characterizes organization in postmodern society: a new definition of levels of hierarchy and "transgression of boundaries", through a continuous exchange of resources with the environment, which is unpredictable and constantly changing. As in other organizations, parties en-courage the formation of horizontal links with new external actors - associations, informal groups, indi-viduals and influencers - in order to build networks that cooperate to exchange essential resources for the party itself. In this framework, the study aims to interpret de-differentiation in political parties from a specific point of view: the analysis of political campaigns as indicators of this process. The “outside campaign”, created by a set of non-party actors, is growing: the sector of organized interests, that, unlike in the past, is "de-aligned" from the political parties and does not respond to traditional socio-political cleavage, is present in parties and candidates’ campaigns with greater resources than was the case formerly.

The Populism of the Political Discourse. Metamorphoses of Political Rhetoric and Populism

OpenAIRE

Veton LATIFI

2014-01-01

While historically populism has been tended to be an attribute of the right oriented political parties, since the ideological shifting of ideological orientation of the parties and its disrupted relevance in the last few decades across Europe, today at some segments populism is more and more present in the political discourse of parties attempting to achieve their goals regardless of their ideological orientation or heritage. Populism seems to be a new-old means for the conquest of hearts of ...

The Romanian Social Democratic Party versus the authoritarian monarchy

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Florin Grecu

2014-09-01

Full Text Available The article approaches the Romanian social-democratic collaboration during 1938-1940 with the authoritarian monarch regime. Even though the party leaders had diverging political views, regards to the acceptance or the non-acceptance of the authoritarian regime, the influential PSDR members held leading positions within the single party and the corporate parliament and within the union structures. The positions were offered by the regime, so that the union leaders would stop instigating workers to go on strike, and to accept the governmental policies. The freedom of speech and the political actions were ceded to the monarch, who governed at the place of the political parties and he controlled the unions, by using the guilds.

Expectations about Expectations of the Public. Political Elections and the Segmentation of the Political Public

OpenAIRE

Kusche, Isabel

2012-01-01

This article analyzes the role that expectations about particularistic expectations of the political public play in the relationship between political actors and voters. It questions the systems-theoretical assumption that political elections and public communication about politics create an unknown public and that parties therefore can attract voters only with the help of relatively universalistic programs. Beyond the universalism induced by the mass media parties and politicians utilize opp...

A SPANISH “YES, WE CAN!” AGAINST THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM: THE DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTY PODEMOS

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Guillermo López García

2016-01-01

Full Text Available This article develops an analysis of the internal functioning of the Spanish party Podemos and its structural make-up. The used methodology consists of: 1 a descriptive analysis of the development of Podemos, based on the available information in the media; 2 an analysis centered on the presence of Podemos in social networks and the mainstream media, in addition to electoral results and polls. The analysis attempts to determine the following: the party’s decision-making process, along with the type of relationships established between leaders and supporters; to what extent the Internet is used as a primary tool for organization, mobilization and political propaganda; and the extent of the clash or harmony within the interparty’s dynamics: on one hand, the bottom-up structure of the citizen assemblies and, on the other, the top-down structure inferred from Pablo Iglesias’s hyper-leadership and the media presence of the party’s principal leaders.

Specialty, political affiliation, and perceived social responsibility are associated with U.S. physician reactions to health care reform legislation.

Science.gov (United States)

Antiel, Ryan M; James, Katherine M; Egginton, Jason S; Sheeler, Robert D; Liebow, Mark; Goold, Susan Dorr; Tilburt, Jon C

2014-02-01

Little is known about how U.S. physicians’ political affiliations, specialties, or sense of social responsibility relate to their reactions to health care reform legislation. To assess U.S. physicians’ impressions about the direction of U.S. health care under the Affordable Care Act (ACA), whether that legislation will make reimbursement more or less fair, and examine how those judgments relate to political affiliation and perceived social responsibility. A cross-sectional, mailed, self-reported survey. Simple random sample of 3,897 U.S.physicians. Views on the ACA in general, reimbursement under the ACA in particular, and perceived social responsibility. Among 2,556 physicians who responded (RR2: 65 %), approximately two out of five (41 %) believed that the ACA will turn U.S. health care in the right direction and make physician reimbursement less fair (44 %). Seventy-two percent of physicians endorsed a general professional obligation to address societal health policy issues, 65 % agreed that every physician is professionally obligated to care for the uninsured or underinsured, and half (55 %) were willing to accept limits on coverage for expensive drugs and procedures for the sake of expanding access to basic health care. In multivariable analyses, liberals and independents were both substantially more likely to endorse the ACA (OR 33.0 [95 % CI, 23.6–46.2]; OR 5.0 [95 % CI, 3.7–6.8], respectively), as were physicians reporting a salary (OR 1.7 [95 % CI, 1.2–2.5])or salary plus bonus (OR 1.4 [95 % CI, 1.1–1.9)compensation type. In the same multivariate models, those who agreed that addressing societal health policy issues are within the scope of their professional obligations (OR 1.5 [95 % CI, 1.0–2.0]), who believe physicians are professionally obligated to care for the uninsured / under-insured (OR 1.7 [95 % CI,1.3–2.4]), and who agreed with limiting coverage for expensive drugs and procedures to expand insurance coverage (OR 2.3 [95 % CI, 1.8�

E-PR technologies in political party activities

OpenAIRE

Tereshchuk Vitaliy Ivanovych

2016-01-01

The article discusses the role of the Internet as an important communicative tool in the field of political PR. The article reviews the characteristics of PR-activities on the Internet and the features of e-PR in the political sphere. Particular attention is paid to the system of political party’s e-PR tools.

Relative deprivation and political protest

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R. M. Kliuchnyk

2017-03-01

Examples of anti-system political parties and movements have been given. Many of them have changed the political disposition in Europe. Lega Nord (Italy, PEGIDA (Germany, Movimento 5 Stelle (Italy, Front National (France, Ataka (Bulgaria, etc are between them. These parties and movements influence increasingly on the European political process. Nativism and populism are marked as main peculiarities of such right parties. According to the author, Anti-Trump protests in the USA are the examples of the relative deprivation of numerous groups of people that feel their rights and freedoms being threatened.

The niche party concept and its measurement

OpenAIRE

Meyer, Thomas M; Miller, Bernhard

2015-01-01

The concept of the niche party has become increasingly popular in analyses of party competition. Yet, existing approaches vary in their definitions and their measurement approaches. We propose using a minimal definition that allows us to compare political parties in terms of their ?nicheness?. We argue that the conceptual core of the niche party concept is based on issue emphasis and that a niche party emphasizes policy areas neglected by its rivals. Based on this definition, we propose a con...

The Hobby Horse of the Party for the Animals

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Otjes, Simon

2016-01-01

Can a small, new political party increase the attention to nonhuman animal welfare? This paper traces the effect of the Party for the Animals on the Dutch parliament. This was the first animal advocacy party to enter parliament.

The Finns Party: Euroscepticism, Euro Crisis, Populism and the Media

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Juha Herkman

2017-03-01

Full Text Available In many European countries, populist right-wing parties have been most noticeable representatives of Euroscepticism. In Finland, the Finns Party (Perussuomalaiset has been a constant promoter of organisational Euroscepticism through its leader, Timo Soini. The party broke through in Finland’s ‘big bang elections’ of 2011, when the most debated issue was the European economic crisis, which was dominated by Eurosceptic Soini. Research concerning the relationship between the media, populism and Euroscepticism usually focus on national or European Parliament elections. This study analyses the media portrayal of the Eurosceptic Finns Party during times other than elections, focusing on the Finland’s overall Euro crisis press coverage in 2010–2012. The analysis shows that the populist Finns Party has been a minor player in that coverage, which was dominated by the Euro positive political and economic elites. Differences between newspapers indicate that journalistic routines and political context direct media coverage toward particular framings, even when the media proclaims itself politically independent and neutral.

Inheritance and the Dynamics of Party Identification

OpenAIRE

Kroh, Martin; Selb, Peter

2009-01-01

Extensive research efforts notwithstanding, scholars continue to disagree on the nature and meaning of party identification. Traditionalists conceive of partisanship as a largely affective attachment to a political party that emerges in childhood through parental influences and tends to persist throughout life. The revisionist conception of partisanship is that of a running tally of party utilities that is updated based on current party performance. We attempt to reconcile both schools of tho...

Printings, Political Parties and Public Opinion at the Province of Popayán, 1832-1853

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Willian Alfredo Chapman Quevedo

2017-01-01

Full Text Available This article analyzes the incidences caused by printings and written texts during the public’s opinion creation between 1832 and 1853 at Popayan province. Thus, the public opinion was linked to the newspaper’s circulation, rags, scandal sheets and printed images. Likewise, it evidences that these printings and images were not exclusively design for a qualified audience but, the intention also was to reach the common people who were illiterate most of them. But, through orality and images, these people constructed an idea about the politic reality at that time. Hence, we conclude that writing and printed images, along with orality, were essential items to the intention of building a different reality. This last idea does not suggest that this experience was not mediated by comments but, it did influence the society of Popayan, and also interceding on the individual’s perception, a politic party and even the State.

We don’t like (to) party. A typology of Independents in Irish political life, 1922–2007

OpenAIRE

Weeks, Liam

2009-01-01

This article examines the phenomenon of Independents, or non-party candidates, in Irish political life. It has two main aims: the first is to disaggregate Independents from ‘others’ to provide a definitive dataset of their electoral performance, and to enable more reliable and valid analysis about this actor. The second, and primary, aim is to use this disaggregation to construct a typology of Independents. The background of every Independent candidate contesting a general election between 19...

Women's participation in parliament: 'Glass ceiling' syndrome and party selection

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Čičkarić Lilijana

2014-01-01

Full Text Available The impact of 'glass ceiling' syndrome and party selection on participation of women in parliament and other political institutions are examined in this article. 'Glass ceiling' syndrome, which means invisible, but almost impenetrable border that women face in professional life, keeping them away from positions of influence and progress in career, is the main reason for the small number of women involved in politics. According to the focus of the research, there are three groups of barriers to women's political participation. Most researchers examine the influence of the political system, institutional and legal mechanisms, the question of their transparency and functional improvement. Significantly less frequent approach came from authors who are concentrated on the social and economic barriers, financial conditions and the broader social context. The third group consists of those who are considering the ideological and psychological barriers, patriarchal cultural patterns, traditional gender roles, self-confidence, ambition and women's desire to be involved in politics. Political parties are key actors in the process of discrimination against women, because they do not allow them to be selected in a number of political functions. There are many factors that determine that the issue of gender equality is variously interpreted in political parties. The most present are contextual and ideological factors, referring to a different definition of the status of women on the political agenda, the social climate in terms of gender equality and respect for human rights, the level of social development and political freedom. Then come organizational factors pertaining to the structure of parties, the manner in which the leadership is elected, whether there are internal women's pressure groups and lobbying, and are women leaders are visible on high positions in decision-making process. Finally, there are institutional-legal factors, which include the type

Coalitions and Competition in Malaysia – Incremental Transformation of a Strong-party System

OpenAIRE

Meredith L. WEISS

2013-01-01

"The seeming entrenchment of a two-coalition system in Malaysia solidifies the centrality of strongly institutionalised parties in the polity. The primary parties in Malaysia reach deeply into society and nest within dense networks of both intra-party and external organisations. Given this order - which differentiates Malaysia from its neighbours in the region - political liberalisation, if it happens, should be expected largely via electoral politics, and, specifically, through inter-party c...

Affective Media, Cyberlibertarianism and the New Zealand Internet Party

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Olivier Jutel

2017-03-01

Full Text Available The New Zealand Internet Party tested key notions of affective media politics. Embracing techno-solutionism and the hacker politics of disruption, Kim Dotcom’s party attempted to mobilize the digital natives through an irreverent politics of lulz. While an electoral failure the party’s political discourse offers insights into affective media ontology. The social character of affective media creates the political conditions for an antagonistic political discourse. In this case affective identification in the master signifier “The Internet” creates a community of enjoyment threatened by the enemy of state surveillance as an agent of rapacious jouissance. The Internet Party’s politics of lulz was cast as a left-wing techno-fix to democracy, but this rhetoric belied a politics of cyberlibertarianism. Dotcom’s political intervention attempted to conflate his private interests as a battle that elevates him to the status of cyberlibertarian super-hero in the mold of Edward Snowden or Julian Assange.

Is It Possible to Buy Political Stability

Czech Academy of Sciences Publication Activity Database

Linek, Lukáš; Outlý, J.

2007-01-01

Roč. 5, č. 8 (2007), s. 10-14 ISSN 1214-1720 R&D Projects: GA MPS 1J004/04-DP1 Institutional research plan: CEZ:AV0Z70280505 Keywords : political parties * party finance * party system Subject RIV: AD - Politology ; Political Sciences http://www.socioweb.cz

Straníci, bezpartijní a nezávislí zastupitelé na českých radnicích

OpenAIRE

Ryšavý, Dan; Šaradín, Pavel

2010-01-01

In the Czech Republic, associations of independent candidates play an exceptional role in local politics; in fact, members of such associations are the most common type of politician in the country. Even the large political parties do have enough members to put together candidate lists in most municipalities without the help of candidates not affiliated to any political party. This article demonstrates the cogency of distinguishing between two types of non-party politicians. First, there are ...

From NGO activism to party politics : the prospects for the emergence of an Indonesian Green Political Party.

OpenAIRE

Nerbråten, Gisle

2005-01-01

Politically, 2004 was an important year for Indonesia, the world s third largest, at least nominal, democracy. Faced with elections for the national Peoples Representative Assembly (DPR), the national Regional Representative Council (DPD), the Provincial and Regency/City Peoples Representative Assemblies (DPRDs), as well as two rounds of direct presidential elections, the country has in many ways shown political maturity. They have accomplished these challenges and avoided some of the pitfa...

All projects related to morocco | Page 4 | IDRC - International ...

International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

Topic: NONGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS, POLITICAL AFFILIATION, POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES, POLITICAL CONFLICTS, RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS. Region: Morocco, North of Sahara, South of Sahara, Iraq. Program: Foundations for Innovation. Total Funding: CA$ 138,350.00. Islamist Parties and Democratization ...

Nazi Education: A Case of Political Socialization.

Science.gov (United States)

Hirsch, Herbert

1988-01-01

Discusses how the German Nazi party arranged for the political socialization of German children through public education in the 1930s. Topics include philosophy of the Nazi party, political socialization of teachers, and teaching materials for Nazi education. Implications for education's role in politics are explored. (CH)

From Party Systems to Party Organizations: The Adaptation of Latin American Parties to Changing Environments De sistemas partidarios a la organización partidaria. La adaptación de partidos latinoamericanos a ambientes cambiantes

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Laura Wills-Otero

2009-04-01

Full Text Available Review Article:Alcántara Sáez, Manuel (ed. (2008, Politicians and Politics in Latin America, Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers. Greene, Kenneth F. (2007, Why Dominant Parties Lose. Mexico’s Democratization in Comparative Perspective, New York: Cambridge University Press. Levitsky, Steven (2003, Transforming Labor-based Parties in Latin America: Argentine Peronism in Comparative Perspective, New York: Cambridge University Press. The study of party systems and political parties is one of the largest subfields in political science. Classic studies in advanced democracies focused primarily on party systems and developed theories about the causes and consequences of different types of systems. In recent years, new academic work begun to differentiate parties within systems by understanding their organizational structure, their internal dynamics, the different ways in which they interact with their constituencies, and the strategies that they use to attract voters. Studies show that parties within the same system behave and react differently given their internal conditions. This article reviews three scholarly books that deal with this issue. The works analyze the internal dynamics of Latin American political parties and their capacity to respond and adapt their structures when environmental challenges take place. Review Article:Alcántara Sáez, Manuel (ed. (2008, Politicians and Politics in Latin America, Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers. Greene, Kenneth F. (2007, Why Dominant Parties Lose. Mexico���s Democratization in Comparative Perspective, New York: Cambridge University Press. Levitsky, Steven (2003, Transforming Labor-based Parties in Latin America: Argentine Peronism in Comparative Perspective, New York: Cambridge University Press. El estudio de los sistemas de partidos y partidos políticos es una de las áreas más amplias en la ciencia política. Trabajos clásicos llevados a cabo en democracias avanzadas, enfocaron su atenci

The {open_quotes}Command and Control{close_quotes} philosophy of the Communist party of China

Energy Technology Data Exchange (ETDEWEB)

Kominiak, G.J.; Eisenberger, J.C.; Menaul, K.L. [and others

1996-01-01

China`s central political authorities have constructed a system which is designed to enable them to exert their personal influence and control over each level of every organization in the country -- both civil and military. The Communist Party of China (CPC) is represented at all levels of each and every organization, including the People`s Liberation Army (PLA). These Party entities are intended to both provide oversight and to ensure that Party policies, directives and orders are obeyed. This penchant for political control, which may have its roots in China`s imperial past, appears to have been reinforced by the early developmental path chosen by the Party`s leadership. Current attempts aimed at maintaining political control of its resources, especially the military, are embodied in the formal system of {open_quotes}Political Work.{close_quotes} In the PLA, this system of political control results in the involvement of political organs in day-to-day military matters to an extent unheard of in the West. Further work is needed in order to understand, more fully, both the system of {open_quotes}Political Work{close_quotes} and its contributions to the overall military (and civil) command and control philosophic of the Communist Party of China.

Mladí konzervativci

OpenAIRE

Jarinová, Michaela

2012-01-01

As a reason for creating this work is to introduce the youth organizations of political parties. In this work they are the Young Conservatives, cooperating with the Civic democratic party. Further its structure, purpose of organization, statutes and a cooperation with affiliated political party. Relations formal and unformal are very important, because of influence at youth organizations. The membership in youth organizations became mostly basic reason for young people to enter this party. It...

Social democracy : A comparative account of the left-wing party family

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Keman, Hans

2017-01-01

The Social Democratic party family is a central part of political life in the West. This book focuses on this party family as well as a unique political force in the industrialised world. It provides a critical comparative survey of when, where, how and why Social Democracy developed within

Informal politics and inequity of access to health care in Lebanon.

Science.gov (United States)

Chen, Bradley; Cammett, Melani

2012-05-09

Despite the importance of political institutions in shaping the social environment, the causal impact of politics on health care access and inequalities has been understudied. Even when considered, research tends to focus on the effects of formal macro-political institutions such as the welfare state. We investigate how micro-politics and informal institutions affect access to care. This study uses a mixed-methods approach, combining findings from a household survey (n = 1789) and qualitative interviews (n = 310) in Lebanon. Multivariate logistic regression was employed in the analysis of the survey to examine the effect of political activism on access to health care while controlling for age, sex, socioeconomic status, religious commitment and piety. We note a significantly positive association between political activism and the probability of receiving health aid (p political activity to those least active in our sample. Interviews with key informants also reveal that, although a form of "universal coverage" exists in Lebanon whereby any citizen is eligible for coverage of hospitalization fees and treatments, in practice, access to health services is used by political parties and politicians as a deliberate strategy to gain and reward political support from individuals and their families. Individuals with higher political activism have better access to health services than others. Informal, micro-level political institutions can have an important impact on health care access and utilization, with potentially detrimental effects on the least politically connected. A truly universal health care system that provides access based on medical need rather than political affiliation is needed to help to alleviate growing health disparities in the Lebanese population.

Did the Tea Party Movement Fuel the Trump-Train? The Role of Social Media in Activist Persistence and Political Change in the 21st Century

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Deana A. Rohlinger

2017-05-01

Full Text Available Arguably, the Tea Party movement played a role in Trump’s rise to power. Indeed, it is difficult to ignore the similarities in the populist claims made by Tea Partiers and those made by Trump throughout his campaign. Yet, we know very little about the potential connections between the Tea Party Movement and the “Trump-train” that crashed through the White House doors in 2017. We take a first step at tracing the connection between the two by examining who stayed involved in the Tea Party Movement at the local level and why. Drawing on interview and participant observation data with supporters of the Florida Tea Party Movement (FTPM over a 2-year time period, we use qualitative comparative analysis (QCA to assess the factors that determine whether individuals stay with or leave the movement and how the structure of the movement, which relied heavily on social media, contributed to this decision. We find that individuals who identified as libertarian left the FTPM, while those who identified as “fiscal conservatives” stayed. The FTPM’s reliance on social media further explains these results. Individuals who left the movement blamed the “openness” of social media, which, in their view, enabled the Republican Party to “hijack” the FTPM for its own purposes. Individuals who stayed in the movement attributed social media’s “openness” with the movement’s successes. We find that social media helped politically like-minded people locate one another and cultivate political communities that likely sustained activist commitment to changing the Republican Party over time.

Policy Responsiveness and Political Accountability in City Politics

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Anthony M. Sayers

2017-03-01

Full Text Available Peculiar patterns have emerged in municipal politics in Canada. Unlike at federal and provincial levels of government, party politics is weak or absent in cities. But looking at the entire history of municipal elections of three Western Canadian cities — Calgary, Edmonton and Vancouver — also finds that, again unlike politicians at higher levels, municipal representatives are increasingly more likely to win repeated re-elections, facing a much lower threat from any competitive challenge. In addition, the careers of municipal politicians are growing steadily longer, leading to relatively stable, almost static, city governments that tend to see change most commonly when councillors choose to step down, rather than being forced out. Such patterns, of course, run counter to the general presumption in lively democracies, including this one, that the responsiveness of government leaders (that is, following the wishes of their constituents and their accountability for the actions they take are best served by frequent turnovers in government: The need to throw politicians out every now and again to let new ones try and do things better. Whether the remarkable levels of stability and incumbency on city councils actually do serve the best interests of voters is unclear. More clear is that the lack of a party system at the city level seems to have contributed to this peculiar dynamic, and that city politicians have an interest in keeping it that way. While party affiliations provide a candidate some benefits in the form of campaign co-ordination, they also provide voters with increased clarity about what each candidate stands for policy-wise. That might be helpful to voters, but city politicians might find it more useful to blur their positions, leaving voters uncertain of exactly how to define a specific councillor’s stand, overall. The amount of information required to root through a councillor’s voting record, and the relatively light media

Is supporting populist political parties a mental disorder?

OpenAIRE

McGowan, J.

2015-01-01

It’s just over a month until the UK general election and many Brits seem to have lost trust in their traditional politicos. Whether it’s the UK Independence Party (UKIP) scapegoating the European Union and immigrants, a rise in nationalism (the Scottish National party), or Russell Brand’s teenage anarchism, faith in facile, and sometimes ugly, solutions is on the march. It’s a huge relief, therefore, to hear that the editors of the DSM (the main reference book for psychiatric classification),...

Ecologies of ideologies: Explaining party entry and exit in West-European parliaments, 1945-2013.

Science.gov (United States)

van de Wardt, Marc; Berkhout, Joost; Vermeulen, Floris

2017-06-01

This study introduces a population-ecological approach to the entry and exit of political parties. A primary proposition of population ecology is that organizational entry and exit depends on the number of organizations already present: that is, density. We propose that political parties mainly experience competition from parties in the same ideological niche (left, centre, right). Pooled time-series analyses of 410 parties, 263 elections and 18 West-European countries largely support our expectations. We find that political parties are more likely to exit when density within their niche increases. Also there is competition between adjacent ideological niches, i.e. between centrist and right-wing niches. In contrast to our expectations, neither density nor institutional rules impact party entry. This raises important questions about the rationale of prospective entrants.

A contextual analysis of party system formation in Nigeria, 1960-2011

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Aliyu Mukhtar Katsina

2013-12-01

Full Text Available This article investigates the parties and party systems in Nigeria since independence. The article argues that the country has witnessed four different types of party systems corresponding to the four democratisation attempts that saw the emergence of constitutional governments since 1960. Special focus is awarded to the transformations of the four party systems and developments in their various institutional designs including regulating the number of parties that participate in the electoral politics of the country. In trying to achieve its objective, the article adopts chronological and thematic approaches. Chronologically, the paper investigates these party systems in successive order beginning with the First Republic when the elements of party politics were first adopted in Nigeria. Thematically, the article focuses on those issues that influenced the formation and transformation of the party systems from the First Republic in 1960 to the present Fourth Republic.

Race, ideology, and the tea party: a longitudinal study.

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Eric D Knowles

Full Text Available The Tea Party movement, which rose to prominence in the United States after the election of President Barack Obama, provides an ideal context in which to examine the roles of racial concerns and ideology in politics. A three-wave longitudinal study tracked changes in White Americans' self-identification with the Tea Party, racial concerns (prejudice and racial identification, and ideologies (libertarianism and social conservatism over nine months. Latent Growth Modeling (LGM was used to evaluate potential causal relationships between Tea Party identification and these factors. Across time points, racial prejudice was indirectly associated with movement identification through Whites' assertions of national decline. Although initial levels of White identity did not predict change in Tea Party identification, initial levels of Tea Party identification predicted increases in White identity over the study period. Across the three assessments, support for the Tea Party fell among libertarians, but rose among social conservatives. Results are discussed in terms of legitimation theories of prejudice, the "racializing" power of political judgments, and the ideological dynamics of the Tea Party.

Race, Ideology, and the Tea Party: A Longitudinal Study

Science.gov (United States)

Knowles, Eric D.; Lowery, Brian S.; Shulman, Elizabeth P.; Schaumberg, Rebecca L.

2013-01-01

The Tea Party movement, which rose to prominence in the United States after the election of President Barack Obama, provides an ideal context in which to examine the roles of racial concerns and ideology in politics. A three-wave longitudinal study tracked changes in White Americans’ self-identification with the Tea Party, racial concerns (prejudice and racial identification), and ideologies (libertarianism and social conservatism) over nine months. Latent Growth Modeling (LGM) was used to evaluate potential causal relationships between Tea Party identification and these factors. Across time points, racial prejudice was indirectly associated with movement identification through Whites’ assertions of national decline. Although initial levels of White identity did not predict change in Tea Party identification, initial levels of Tea Party identification predicted increases in White identity over the study period. Across the three assessments, support for the Tea Party fell among libertarians, but rose among social conservatives. Results are discussed in terms of legitimation theories of prejudice, the “racializing” power of political judgments, and the ideological dynamics of the Tea Party. PMID:23825630

Political Culture and the Nature of Political Participation in Egypt.

Science.gov (United States)

1980-06-01

political socialization . Political-cultural values are gradually internalized within the society and political behavior is largely reflective of...the extent to which the regime used education as a means of political socialization : Socialism is articulated as a Muslim theory of socialism. The head... political socialization except for a brief period during the mobilization program of Ali Sabri. Egypt’s party system has been more relevant for

Women’s Role in the Spanish Politics: The PSOE Case

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Gema Sánchez Medero

2008-05-01

Full Text Available This article analyzes women incorporation in different levels of political life, namely in the political parties and representative institutions. The aspects it focused on were the actions taken by the PSOE (Spanish Labour Socialist Party in relation to the paritary democracy, so as to properly evaluate the consequences produced on the organization party itself and on those institutional areas where they have obtained representation (General Spanish Parliament, Autonomous Parliaments, and City Halls, to observe whether women are actually committed to political life or such integration only obeys to political party interests.

Public Sphere - Political Advertisement Relationship in Turkey: Analysing Political Advertisements of JDP in General Elections 2011

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Erdal Dağtaş

2015-09-01

Full Text Available Public sphere is a social space, open to active individual access and free discussion, rescued from state intervention, where communicative action free from violence and individual benefits is undertaken; and rational-critical discourse is built. Political advertisement is the type advertising which aims at directing voters or the government to a particular action, having them adopt a certain view or approach. The concept of political advertising emerged with the practice of using commercial advertising techniques to promote a party, candidate or an idea. Justice and Development Party (JDP, has been ruling Turkey since 2002. The leader of the party is Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. It is a conservative party and has carried out some practices that could be regarded as negative. Anti-secular attitudes are also among these practices. Thus, analysing the political advertisements of JDP has proved to be interesting. Public sphere studies are mostly conducted through news stories and columns in media. In that sense, it is significant to analyse political advertisements in terms of public sphere. In this study, the political advertisements of the ruling Justice and Development Party (JDP in the process of Turkish General Parliamentary Election, 2011 have been analysed. The political advertisements in question have been analysed via Sabah newspaper. The reason for choosing Sabah is that it supports JDP as an example of partisan press. The samples have been taken from 2 weeks before the elections. Accordingly, as a full-page advertisement is published every day, 14 political advertisement analyses have been conducted in total. Political advertisements have been analysed using qualitative text analysis. As the study follows the path of public place-political advertising relationship, it finds meaning in itself.

Economic Growth and the Rise of Political Extremism

OpenAIRE

Markus Bruckner; Hans Peter Gruner

2011-01-01

In many western democracies, political parties with extreme platforms challenge more moderate incumbents. This paper analyses the impact of economic growth on the support for extreme political platforms. We provide a theoretical argument in favor of growth effects (as opposed to level effects) on the support for extreme political parties and we empirically investigate the relationship between growth and extremist votes. Lower growth rates benefit right-wing and nationalist parties, but do not...

Ecologies of Ideologies: Explaining Party Entry and Exit in West-European Parliaments, 1945-2013

OpenAIRE

van de Wardt, M.; Berkhout, J.; Vermeulen, F.

2017-01-01

This study introduces a population-ecological approach to the entry and exit of political parties. A primary proposition of population ecology is that organizational entry and exit depends on the number of organizations already present: that is, density. We propose that political parties mainly experience competition from parties in the same ideological niche (left, centre, right). Pooled time-series analyses of 410 parties, 263 elections and 18 West-European countries largely support our exp...

The Labour Party and British Republicanism

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Kenneth O. MORGAN

2003-10-01

Full Text Available The famous detective, Sherlock Holmes, once solved a case by referring to “the dog that did not bark.” In the past 250 years of British history, republicanism is another dog that did not bark. This is particularly true of supposedly our most radical major political party, the Labour Party. Over the monarchy, as over constitutional matters generally, Labour’s instincts have been conservative. Even after 1997, when the party, led by Lord Irvine, has indeed embarked upon major constitutional ref...

Individualism, conservatism, and radicalism as criteria for processing political beliefs: a parametric fMRI study.

Science.gov (United States)

Zamboni, Giovanna; Gozzi, Marta; Krueger, Frank; Duhamel, Jean-René; Sirigu, Angela; Grafman, Jordan

2009-01-01

Politics is a manifestation of the uniquely human ability to debate, decide, and reach consensus on decisions affecting large groups over long durations of time. Recent neuroimaging studies on politics have focused on the association between brain regions and specific political behaviors by adopting party or ideological affiliation as a criterion to classify either experimental stimuli or subjects. However, it is unlikely that complex political beliefs (i.e., "the government should protect freedom of speech") are evaluated only on a liberal-to-conservative criterion. Here we used multidimensional scaling and parametric functional magnetic resonance imaging to identify which criteria/dimensions people use to structure complex political beliefs and which brain regions are concurrently activated. We found that three independent dimensions explained the variability of a set of statements expressing political beliefs and that each dimension was reflected in a distinctive pattern of neural activation: individualism (medial prefrontal cortex and temporoparietal junction), conservatism (dorsolateral prefrontal cortex), and radicalism (ventral striatum and posterior cingulate). The structures we identified are also known to be important in self-other processing, social decision-making in ambivalent situations, and reward prediction. Our results extend current knowledge on the neural correlates of the structure of political beliefs, a fundamental aspect of the human ability to coalesce into social entities.

Ecologies of ideologies: Explaining party entry and exit in West-European parliaments, 1945–2013

Science.gov (United States)

Berkhout, Joost; Vermeulen, Floris

2016-01-01

This study introduces a population-ecological approach to the entry and exit of political parties. A primary proposition of population ecology is that organizational entry and exit depends on the number of organizations already present: that is, density. We propose that political parties mainly experience competition from parties in the same ideological niche (left, centre, right). Pooled time-series analyses of 410 parties, 263 elections and 18 West-European countries largely support our expectations. We find that political parties are more likely to exit when density within their niche increases. Also there is competition between adjacent ideological niches, i.e. between centrist and right-wing niches. In contrast to our expectations, neither density nor institutional rules impact party entry. This raises important questions about the rationale of prospective entrants. PMID:29046613

The organization of political parties and the politics of bureaucratic reform

OpenAIRE

Cruz, Cesi; Keefer, Philip

2013-01-01

Bureaucratic reform is a priority of donor organizations, including the World Bank, but is notoriously difficult to implement. In many countries, politicians have little interest in the basic financial and personnel management systems that are essential to political oversight of bureaucratic performance. To explain this, this paper presents a new perspective on the political economy of bur...

Ecologies of ideologies : Explaining party entry and exit in European parliaments, 1945-2013

NARCIS (Netherlands)

van de Wardt, Marc; Berkhout, Joost; Vermeulen, Floris

This study introduces a population-ecological approach to the entry and exit of political parties. A primary proposition of population ecology is that organizational entry and exit depends on the number of organizations already present: that is, density. We propose that political parties mainly

Informal politics and inequity of access to health care in Lebanon

Science.gov (United States)

2012-01-01

Introduction Despite the importance of political institutions in shaping the social environment, the causal impact of politics on health care access and inequalities has been understudied. Even when considered, research tends to focus on the effects of formal macro-political institutions such as the welfare state. We investigate how micro-politics and informal institutions affect access to care. Methods This study uses a mixed-methods approach, combining findings from a household survey (n = 1789) and qualitative interviews (n = 310) in Lebanon. Multivariate logistic regression was employed in the analysis of the survey to examine the effect of political activism on access to health care while controlling for age, sex, socioeconomic status, religious commitment and piety. Results We note a significantly positive association between political activism and the probability of receiving health aid (p political activity to those least active in our sample. Interviews with key informants also reveal that, although a form of “universal coverage” exists in Lebanon whereby any citizen is eligible for coverage of hospitalization fees and treatments, in practice, access to health services is used by political parties and politicians as a deliberate strategy to gain and reward political support from individuals and their families. Conclusions Individuals with higher political activism have better access to health services than others. Informal, micro-level political institutions can have an important impact on health care access and utilization, with potentially detrimental effects on the least politically connected. A truly universal health care system that provides access based on medical need rather than political affiliation is needed to help to alleviate growing health disparities in the Lebanese population. PMID:22571591

Online politics: a cross-national explanatory analysis of political websites

NARCIS (Netherlands)

van Noort, G.; Kruikemeier, S.; Aparaschivei, A.; Boomgaarden, H.; Vliegenthart, R.

2013-01-01

This study provides a systematic investigation of party and candidate websites in five European countries: Germany, Romania, Hungary, The Netherlands and Great Britain. It examines three features of online political communication that are presented on political websites (interactivity,

Presentation of political Alliances in the Romanian audiovisual media

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Flaviu Calin RUS

2011-01-01

Full Text Available This material wishes to highlight the way in which the main political alliances have been formed in Romania in the last 20 years, as well as the way they have been reflected in the media. Moreover, we have tried to analyze the involvement of journalists and political analysts in explaining these political events. The study will focus on four political alliances, namely: CDR (the Romanian Democratic Convention, D.A. (Y.E.S. - Justice and Truth between PNL – the National Liberal Party and PD - the Democratic Party, ACD (the Centre-Right Alliance between PNL and PC – the Conservative Party and USL (the Social-Liberal Union between PSD – the Social Democrat Party, PNL and PC.

The Spaces of Open-Source Politics

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Husted, Emil; Plesner, Ursula

The recent proliferation of Web 2.0 technologies and their role in contemporary political life has inspired the coining of the term ‘open-source politics’. This article analyzes how open-source politics is organized in the case of a young radical political party called The Alternative. Inspired...... processes, but may provide both closure and disconnection between the party’s universal body and its particular body. In conclusion, we propose that such a disconnection might be a precondition for success when institutionalizing radical politics, as it allows parties like The Alternative to maintain...

Coalitions and Competition in Malaysia – Incremental Transformation of a Strong-party System

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Meredith L. Weiss

2013-01-01

Full Text Available The seeming entrenchment of a two-coalition system in Malaysia solidifies the centrality of strongly institutionalised parties in the polity. The primary parties in Malaysia reach deeply into society and nest within dense networks of both intra-party and external organisations. Given this order – which differentiates Malaysia from its neighbours in the region – political liberalisation, if it happens, should be expected largely via electoral politics, and, specifically, through inter-party challenges. Indeed, the ideological and material premises of the emergent Pakatan Rakyat (People’s Alliance differ substantially from those of the long-standing Barisan Nasional (National Front, even as both pursue the same broad swathe of voters. This distinction reflects and furthers transformation in Malaysian politics, including not just a shift in the salience of communal identities and in policy proposals and issues, but also in patterns of political engagement both within and outside of parties, regardless of which coalition controls parliament.

Implications of Counter-Attitudinal Information Exposure in Further Information- Seeking and Attitude Change

Science.gov (United States)

Lee, Sangwon

2017-01-01

Introduction: Given that people rely heavily on their party affiliation to make their political decisions, an interesting dilemma occurs when people are exposed to counter-attitudinal information from the party they identify with. This paper examines how exposure to counter-attitudinal messages from the party an individual identifies with…

The niche party concept and its measurement.

Science.gov (United States)

Meyer, Thomas M; Miller, Bernhard

2015-03-01

The concept of the niche party has become increasingly popular in analyses of party competition. Yet, existing approaches vary in their definitions and their measurement approaches. We propose using a minimal definition that allows us to compare political parties in terms of their 'nicheness'. We argue that the conceptual core of the niche party concept is based on issue emphasis and that a niche party emphasizes policy areas neglected by its rivals. Based on this definition, we propose a continuous measure that allows for more fine-grained measurement of a party's 'nicheness' than the dominant, dichotomous approaches and thereby limits the risk of measurement error. Drawing on data collected by the Comparative Manifesto Project, we show that (1) our measure has high face validity and (2) exposes differences among parties that are not captured by alternative, static or dichotomous measures.

The Body Politic in Pain.

Science.gov (United States)

Linker, Beth

2017-01-01

In his 2015 book Pain: A Political History, Keith Wailoo demonstrates how a medicalized condition became central to defining party politics in the United States from World War II down to the present. Drawing on sources ranging from postwar Congressional hearings concerning the veteran welfare state to debates surrounding Rush Limbaugh's OxyContin addiction, Wailoo offers a fresh analysis of both U.S. political history and medical history, showing how today's highly polarized party system emerged in part from debates surrounding the existence and worth of pain, as well as its management.

Tea Party Health Narratives and Belief Polarization: the Journey to Killing Grandma

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Kristin Haltinner

2017-11-01

Full Text Available In the past decade the U.S. public has expressed varying degrees of skepticism about certain factual claims, and of “expertise” more broadly. Ideological and partisan belief polarization seems to have elevated public anxiety about topics ranging from climate change and vaccines to immigration and healthcare policy. Furthermore, polarized narratives about scientific, medical, and political topics have encouraged “directionally motivated cognition”, leading to a decline in institutional trust among some fractions of the U.S. political spectrum. Our case study of the Tea Party Patriots (TPP (i.e. a political organization that promotes the Tea Party goals uses data from 45 interviews, 80 hours of participant observation, and content analysis of movement literature, to examine the nature and nuance of health narratives employed by the Tea Party. Specifically, we explain a central narrative in TPP organizing that features “a villainous Left covertly seeking to harm U.S. citizens” as the root of three key TPP health care narratives: (1 Democratic health initiatives enslaving youth; (2 the political left profiting from covertly making Americans dependent on state’s health care programs; and (3 the left clandestinely seeking to violate the constitution as represented by their efforts to “kill grandma”. These narratives reflect the increased polarization of attitudes towards healthcare, as well as a broader distrust of the political left who, activists believe, are advancing a political agenda of social control. Ultimately, we argue that culturally driven healthcare narratives of the Tea Party have had a significant impact on right-wing public opinion and Republican politics regarding U.S. healthcare policy. Many Tea Party concerns are reflected in the Republican policy positions, including those related to the Affordable Care Act of 2010.

Ecologies of Ideologies : Explaining Party Entry and Exit in West-European Parliaments, 1945-2013

NARCIS (Netherlands)

van de Wardt, M.; Berkhout, J.; Vermeulen, F.

2017-01-01

This study introduces a population-ecological approach to the entry and exit of political parties. A primary proposition of population ecology is that organizational entry and exit depends on the number of organizations already present: that is, density. We propose that political parties mainly

The Party-state Order

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Grünberg, Nis

society through its legacy as a socialist work unit (danwei). Using Polanyi’s concept of embeddedness, the paper reveals how SOEs are split into two tiers each tasked with the respective objectives of economic development and political stability, and thus as Party-state organizations are used to flexibly...

Governator vs. Hunter and Aggregator: A simulation of party competition with vote-seeking and office-seeking rules.

Science.gov (United States)

Lehrer, Roni; Schumacher, Gijs

2018-01-01

The policy positions parties choose are central to both attracting voters and forming coalition governments. How then should parties choose positions to best represent voters? Laver and Sergenti show that in an agent-based model with boundedly rational actors a decision rule (Aggregator) that takes the mean policy position of its supporters is the best rule to achieve high congruence between voter preferences and party positions. But this result only pertains to representation by the legislature, not representation by the government. To evaluate this we add a coalition formation procedure with boundedly rational parties to the Laver and Sergenti model of party competition. We also add two new decision rules that are sensitive to government formation outcomes rather than voter positions. We develop two simulations: a single-rule one in which parties with the same rule compete and an evolutionary simulation in which parties with different rules compete. In these simulations we analyze party behavior under a large number of different parameters that describe real-world variance in political parties' motives and party system characteristics. Our most important conclusion is that Aggregators also produce the best match between government policy and voter preferences. Moreover, even though citizens often frown upon politicians' interest in the prestige and rents that come with winning political office (office pay-offs), we find that citizens actually receive better representation by the government if politicians are motivated by these office pay-offs in contrast to politicians with ideological motivations (policy pay-offs). Finally, we show that while more parties are linked to better political representation, how parties choose policy positions affects political representation as well. Overall, we conclude that to understand variation in the quality of political representation scholars should look beyond electoral systems and take into account variation in party

Sexual Disgust Trumps Pathogen Disgust in Predicting Voter Behavior During the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election.

Science.gov (United States)

Billingsley, Joseph; Lieberman, Debra; Tybur, Joshua M

2018-01-01

Why is disgust sensitivity associated with socially conservative political views? Is it because socially conservative ideologies mitigate the risks of infectious disease, whether by promoting out-group avoidance or by reinforcing norms that sustain antipathogenic practices? Or might it be because socially conservative ideologies promote moral standards that advance a long-term, as opposed to a short-term, sexual strategy? Recent attempts to test these two explanations have yielded differing results and conflicting interpretations. Here, we contribute to the literature by examining the relationship between disgust sensitivity and political orientation, political party affiliation, and an often overlooked outcome-actual voter behavior. We focus on voter behavior and affiliation for the 2016 U.S. presidential election to determine whether pathogen or sexual disgust better predicts socially conservative ideology. Although many prominent aspects of Donald Trump's campaign-particularly his anti-foreign message-align with the pathogen-avoidance model of conservatism, we found that pathogen-related disgust sensitivity exerted no influence on political ideology, political party affiliation, or voter behavior, after controlling for sexual disgust sensitivity. In contrast, sexual disgust sensitivity was associated with increased odds of voting for Donald Trump versus each other major presidential candidate, as well as with increased odds of affiliating with the Republican versus the Democratic or Libertarian parties. In fact, for every unit increase in sexual disgust sensitivity, the odds of a participant voting for Trump versus Clinton increased by approximately 30%. It seems, then, that sexual disgust trumps pathogen disgust in predicting socially conservative voting behavior.

Peoples Democratic Party in the Fourth Republic of Nigeria

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Aliyu Mukhtar Katsina

2016-06-01

Full Text Available Their nature and functions make political parties central to democratic governance especially in the new democracies of Africa that face the challenge of building strong and enduring democratic institutions. It is accepted that the existing trend in most of these democracies of one big party dominating the political space weakens democracy and undermines its prospects for consolidation. Big parties—usually the ruling ones—exhibit tendencies such as absence of internal democracy that are antithetical to democratic governance. While observations such as these are incontestable, there is little understanding into the nature, character, ideology, and internal structure of big parties generally. In this article, I attempt to address this concern. Specifically, I examine the nature, structure, and ideology of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP, Nigeria’s ruling party at the federal level with considerable strength at local level between 1999 and 2015. Relying on data obtained from multiple sources, I investigate the process of its formation, the nature of its ideology, internal organization, its electoral strength, and how absence of internal democracy contributed significantly to its defeat in 2015 general elections.

“Canto porque la guitarra / tiene sentido y razón”: folklore and politics in the music of Víctor Jara (1966-1973

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NATÁLIA AYO SCHMIEDECKE

2013-01-01

Full Text Available The present paper is dedicated to analyze the political and cultural discourse identified to the Chilean New Song Movement through the musical work of the singer, composer and theater director Víctor Jara (1932-73. Despite his premature death - due to the coup of 1973 - Jara left a varied artistic legacy which constitutes a privileged source for thinking about the Chilean context of the 1960s and 1970s, a period marked by the strong presence of social movements that had as background the growing of the political polarization. Affiliated to the Communist Party, the musician used the communicative and expressive potential of music to defend the need to promote structural political changes in the country, which necessarily pass through the sphere of culture. Asking for the presence of identity elements in his musical work, we will analyze the dialogue established by the artist with the national political context, indicating the heterogeneity of the repertoire enclosed under the term Chilean New Song Movement.

On the position of the Democratic Party of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes on the Agrarian Reform

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Drakić Gordana

2012-01-01

Full Text Available One of the most important issues in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was the process of the agrarian reform. The agrarian reform was a complex state measure with an economic, social and political aspect. All political parties, due to political reasons, spoke in favor of the resolution of the agrarian issue through agrarian reform. Political parties kept in mind the large number of those individuals interested in the agrarian reform, as well as the fact that majority of the voters were farmers, when they formulated their position towards the reform. The Democratic Party was one of the most influential political party in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The paper presents the basic concepts related to the agrarian reform and agricultural policy in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes that represented the Democratic Party.

Political Campaigns

OpenAIRE

Lilleker, Darren

2017-01-01

Political campaigns are orchestrated attempts by political organizations to garner public support through persuasive communication in order to influence public policy in their favor. This broad definition encapsulates all forms of campaigns from those of neighborhood organizations seeking to influence local politicians to the campaigns of political parties and candidates who seek election to office in order to shape policy themselves. In pluralist democracies, campaigns are crucial for repres...

Internal party democracy as a factor of transitional societiy consolidation

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O. L. Tupitzya

2016-08-01

The possibility of intra-party democracy appearance as a sustainable and well played phenomena can only be based on the formation of political parties as a competitive and dynamic structures that have a high degree of internal relationships and a clear understanding of a common goal that is shared by both the governing parties and the basis of parties and ordinary party members. Distribution of party members in top management, middle functional rank and ordinary members is an obvious consequence of the organizational functioning of any extensive and systematic organization.

A Big Social Media Data Study of the 2017 German Federal Election Based on Social Set Analysis of Political Party Facebook Pages with SoSeVi

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Flesch, Benjamin; Vatrapu, Ravi; Mukkamala, Raghava Rao

2017-01-01

We present a big social media data study that comprises of 1 million individuals who interact with Facebook pages of the seven major political parties CDU, CSU, SPD, FDP, Greens, Die Linke and AfD during the 2017 German federal election. Our study uses the Social Set Analysis (SSA) approach, which...... is based on the sociology of associations, mathematics of set theory, and advanced visual analytics of event studies. We illustrate the capabilities of SSA through the most recent version of our Social Set Analysis (SoSeVi) tool, which enables us to deep dive into Facebook activity concerning the election....... We explore a significant gender-based difference between female and male interactions with political party Facebook pages. Furthermore, we perform a multi-faceted analysis of social media interactions using gender detection, user segmentation and retention analysis, and visualize our findings...

Political knowledge and awareness in adolescents.

Science.gov (United States)

Furnham, A; Gunter, B

1983-12-01

Although some work has been done on adolescents' political attitudes, very little work has been done on their political knowledge. This study aimed to replicate a large study carried out eight years ago (Stradling, 1977) to see whether recent political changes altered adolescents' political knowledge and secondly to investigate the determinants (demographic, media usage, interest) of this knowledge. The results were strikingly similar to those of Stradling despite the smaller sample and the changes over time. The subjects appeared to know most about responsibility for public services and party political leaders and least about party political or parliamentary procedure. The canonical variable that best predicted overall knowledge was interest in politics and current affairs and to a lesser extent TV news watching and discussions with adults. The results are discussed in terms of political socialization and limitations of this work are considered.

Informal politics and inequity of access to health care in Lebanon

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Chen Bradley

2012-05-01

Full Text Available Abstract Introduction Despite the importance of political institutions in shaping the social environment, the causal impact of politics on health care access and inequalities has been understudied. Even when considered, research tends to focus on the effects of formal macro-political institutions such as the welfare state. We investigate how micro-politics and informal institutions affect access to care. Methods This study uses a mixed-methods approach, combining findings from a household survey (n = 1789 and qualitative interviews (n = 310 in Lebanon. Multivariate logistic regression was employed in the analysis of the survey to examine the effect of political activism on access to health care while controlling for age, sex, socioeconomic status, religious commitment and piety. Results We note a significantly positive association between political activism and the probability of receiving health aid (p , with an OR of 4.0 when comparing individuals with the highest political activity to those least active in our sample. Interviews with key informants also reveal that, although a form of “universal coverage” exists in Lebanon whereby any citizen is eligible for coverage of hospitalization fees and treatments, in practice, access to health services is used by political parties and politicians as a deliberate strategy to gain and reward political support from individuals and their families. Conclusions Individuals with higher political activism have better access to health services than others. Informal, micro-level political institutions can have an important impact on health care access and utilization, with potentially detrimental effects on the least politically connected. A truly universal health care system that provides access based on medical need rather than political affiliation is needed to help to alleviate growing health disparities in the Lebanese population.

Normalization of Racism through the Language of Democracy: the Case of the Slovenian Democratic Party

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Ana Frank

2015-06-01

Full Text Available The article addresses the question of what kind of discursive strategies enable political parties the proliferation of racist and xenophobic ideas, in terms of a democratic society and within established politics. Theoretically, it is based on studies of racism, populism and the radical right. In the empirical part, elements of racism and (radical-right populism in the discourse of the Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS are analysed, with particular focus on the othering discourse. The discourse analysis includes interviews of party representatives and texts published on party’s websites. The SDS discourse analysis shows that the party articulates social problems through the use of nationalist, nativist and essentialist arguments, and proliferates and normalizes xenophobic and racist ideas by reproducing minorities and political opponents as threats to the Slovenian culture, values and lifestyle, as well as threats to the party itself.

Political Party Development in the Arab World | Page 2 | CRDI ...

International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

Iraqi Communist Party [Arabic language]. Documents. í€ l'épreuve du gouvernement urbain, les transformations du Parti de la Justice et du développement au Maroc. Documents. Rassemblement yéménite pour la réforme (al-Islâh) : la difficile construction d'un projet d'alternance. Documents. Socialist Union of Popular ...

Measuring party nationalisation: A new Gini-based indicator that corrects for the number of units

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bochsler, Daniel

2010-01-01

The study of the territorial distribution of votes in elections has become an important field of the political party research in recent years. Quantitative studies on the homogeneity of votes and turnout employ different indicators of territorial variance, but despite important progresses...... in measurement, many of them are sensitive to size and number of political parties or electoral districts. This article proposes a new 'standardised party nationalisation score', which is based on the Gini coefficient of inequalities in distribution. Different from previous indicators, the standardised party...

Ideological Cooperation versus Cold War Realpolitik - The SED and the Icelandic Socialist Party

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Valur Ingimundarson

2007-01-01

Full Text Available The article deals with the relationship between the East German Socialist Unity Party (SED and the Icelandic Socialist Party (SEI during the Cold War. It details the structural limitations of ideological cooperation between the two parties – Iceland’s NATO membership and the U.S. military presence – as well as its possibilities, especially in the 1950s, through the governmental participation of the SEI. Special attention is devoted to the role played by Einar Olgeirsson, the chairman of the SEI 1939–1968, who was instrumental in forging and developing political, economic, and cultural ties with the SED and the German Democratic Republic. The article argues that this experiment in transnational solidarity between socialist parties from two radically different political systems failed in the end due to several factors, including ideological differences and the political and economic development in Iceland.

Political Parties and the Institutionalization of Education: A Comparative Analysis of Party Manifestos

Science.gov (United States)

Jakobi, Anja P.

2011-01-01

Education has been featured prominently in recent election campaigns in different countries. This article explains this observation by the idea of a world culture and the global institutionalization of education. It compares party manifestors of 25 OECD countries from 1946 onward, analyzing how education developed in election campaigns over time…

Political Activism: Post-communist Challenges and Opportunities in East Central Europe

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Alexandra Iancu

2016-04-01

Full Text Available Contrary to standard narratives on the declining function of parties in fostering political participation, this article argues that far from abandoning the cause of participation, post-communist political parties diversified the understanding of the party as a mobilizing agency by adapting their internal organizations. On the basis of a mid-range number of cases (e.g. Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia the study identified different patterns of evolution within a complex interaction effect between participation and organizational development. The peculiarity of the parties’ organization and functions has shaped political participation both as an opportunity structure (legitimizing the political system and increasing citizens’ involvement in politics and as a democratic challenge (increasing the pro-pensity of parties towards populism, ‘seasonal’ membership, corruption and clientelism.

Bewitched - The Tea Party Movement

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ashbee, Edward

2011-01-01

This article considers the development of the Tea Party movement, the character of its thinking and the nature of the interests and constituencies to which it is tied. The article suggests that despite the importance of ideas and interests, and the process of interaction between them, the movement....... The political friction that this creates has contributed to the anger that has characterised the movement. While the Tea Party movement may, as such, have only an ephemeral existence, independent conservatives are likely to remain a significant and potent constituency and will, within the institutional...

Partisan Optimism and Political Bargaining

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Jensen, Thomas; Madum, Andreas

Partisan voters are optimistic about electoral outcomes: their estimates of the probability of electoral success for their party or candidate are substantially higher than the average among the electorate. This has large potential implications for political bargaining. Optimism about future...... electoral outcomes can make costly bargaining delay look more favorable, which may induce partisans to punish their party for agreeing to a compromise rather than waiting, for example by not turning out to vote. Therefore, party decision makers should take optimism among partisans into account when...... bargaining. In this paper we use game theoretic modeling to explore the implications of partisan optimism for political bargaining. We show that increased optimism among a partisan group leads to a stronger bargaining position for their party, but may hurt its electoral prospects. Another main finding...

Maintaining Identity Political Culture In Indonesia

Science.gov (United States)

Fauzi, AM; Sudrajat, A.; Affandi, A.; Raditya, A.

2018-01-01

This study investigates the portrayal of traditional political cultures in West Kalimantan Province, a growing of election process. Results showed that Political life in Indonesia leads to modern political culture after experiencing a change of paradigm of political life. Political life in Indonesia leads to modern political culture after experiencing a change of paradigm of political life. Beginning Indonesia’s independence in the Old Order Phase, the politics used using the ideological paradigm, subsequent to the New Order Period used the political paradigm of unification and simplification of political parties but in practice it became the strategy of the State’s rulers to facilitate subjugating its citizens. After entering the reform era, several phenomena of political culture are displayed, some are using modern paradigm by giving women the widest possible role in political parties, and so on. Besides that there is the opposite of displaying and practicing traditional political culture, this is as it runs in West Borneo Province. The change of political culture in the modern direction is different from the political culture of the citizens in terms of who will be chosen, most West Borneo Province residents determine their political choice by using traditional patterns.

Islamist echoes in the context of the Tunisian Islamist Party's 10th congress

OpenAIRE

LEMIERE, Sophie

2017-01-01

Since the uprising in 2011, Tunisia is seen as a political lab whose experiences impact the entire region. The return to the political scene of the Islamists of the Ennahdha Party, and their democratic ascension to power, came as a surprise, if not a shock, to many international and local observers. The party became a key actor beyond national borders and took a step further by marking its 10th Congress with the announcement of the separation of its political and religious activities. The Tun...

Gender differences in Assessments of Party Leaders

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Kosiara-Pedersen, Karina; Hansen, Kasper Møller

2015-01-01

Is there a relationship between party leader gender and voters' assessments? Yes, according to theses on gender identity and stereotyping. A voter survey during the 2011 Danish general election allows for a comprehensive analysis of a less likely case with four male and four female party leaders...... of gender does not increase with age, actually, the opposite is the case among men since younger male voters have smaller sympathy for female party leaders. Furthermore, there is no support for the expectation that voters with more education or with higher levels of political interest and knowledge are more....... Female party leaders are assessed more positively by female voters than male voters both in regard to general party leader sympathy and assessment of specific characteristics, whereas it is not the case that male party leaders are assessed more positively by male voters than female voters. The impact...

Political and Professional Participation of Women in Nigeria: Its ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

Women's participation is insignificant in various professional and political activities in Nigeria. Studies identified several hindrances to women's participation, little empirical study on women's roles in professions and parties' structures. This paper examines women's activities in professional and political parties in Nigeria.

Judicial Review and Political Partisanship

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Garoupaa, Nuno; Grembi, Veronica

2015-01-01

Due to the collapse of the party system during the mid-nineties, Italy represents an interesting case study to test the effects of a transition from a consensual to a majoritarian model of democracy on judicial behavior at the level of the Constitutional Court. Using a dataset of 972 cases...... of substantive judicial review (ricorsi in via principale) from 1985 to 2005, and proposing new measures of political alignment within constitutional review, we analyze the effect of a change in the political party system on judicial behavior. Our results show that political alignment is a stronger predictor...... of judicial decision making under majoritarian than consensual model of democracy....

Demographic and social factors associated with homophobia and fear of AIDS in a community sample.

Science.gov (United States)

Walch, Susan E; Orlosky, Paula M; Sinkkanen, Kimberly A; Stevens, Heather R

2010-01-01

Examinations of demographic and social factors associated with homophobia and fear of AIDS are limited by the frequent use of homogeneous, college student samples and limited examination of interrelationships among variables. The present study examined community attitudes toward homosexuality and fear of HIV/AIDS as a function of age, education, race/ethnicity, religious affiliation, political party affiliation, and personal contact with homosexual individuals and persons living with HIV/AIDS. A community sample of 463 adults completed standardized measures of homophobia and fear of AIDS as well as demographic and social background items. When examined separately, each demographic and social factor assessed, with the exception of race/ethnicity, was associated with homophobia and all but race/ethnicity and political party affiliation were associated with fear of AIDS. However, when entered into multiple regression analyses, 24% of the variance in homophobia was predicted by a single variable, including only personal contact with homosexual individuals, while 18% of the variance in fear of AIDS was accounted for by five variables, including personal contact with homosexual individuals, religious affiliation, political affiliation, education, and personal contact with someone living with HIV/AIDS. Findings suggest that it is important to consider intercorrelations among social and demographic factors, particularly when considering homophobia.

The Impact of Theory of Optimal Currency Areas on Discursus of Political Parties ČSSD and ODS about the Entry to the Eurozone Between the Years 2010 - 2012

OpenAIRE

Müller, Lukáš

2012-01-01

This essay is about the theory of optimal currency areas (OCA) and its reflection in public discussion of two biggest political parties in Czech Republic - ODS and ČSSD, about Czech Republic entering the European Monetary Union (EMU). Although EMU hadn't met the criteria of OCA before the examined period, both parties entered the elections in May 2010 with more or less pro-european program despite decreasing support of eurozone in Czech public opinion. While ČSSD only limitedly mentioned the ...

Cultural democratization and the politics of recognition: notes on the trajectory of the workers´ party (PT

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Paulo J. Krischke

2005-01-01

Full Text Available These research notes raise the hypothesis that the Worker´s Party (PT actively participates in the cultural democratization of the country - for instance, through its initiatives for the recognition of the citizen´s sociopolitical and cultural diversity. First, there is a need to distinguish between the policies of socioeconomic redistribution and those policies geared to sociopolitical and cultural recognition. Second, it is also necessary to focus on the relations between participatory policies and changes in the political culture. Such relations may show that the increasing support to democracy accompanies the recognition of pluralism and of the right to difference, among the youth, and in the locations administered by the PT during the last decade.

Belief in Food Addiction and Obesity-Related Policy Support

Science.gov (United States)

2016-01-01

Objectives This study examines whether belief in the food addiction construct is associated with support for obesity-related policies (e.g., restrictions on foods served in schools and workplace cafeterias, subsidies on fruits and vegetables), while simultaneously examining other factors associated with policy support (e.g., political party affiliation). Design Cross-sectional. Setting Online Community. Participants 200 individuals were recruited through Amazon Mechanical Turk. Measurements Participants (n = 193) responded to three questions about belief in food addiction and a measure evaluating support for 13 obesity-related policy initiatives. Individuals also completed the modified Yale Food Addiction Scale (mYFAS), self-reported height and weight, and provided demographic information (age, gender, race, political party affiliation). Results Belief in food addiction was significantly associated with greater support for obesity-related initiatives, even when accounting for the significant associations of age, gender, and political party. Belief in food addiction and political party both had moderate effect sizes for predicting support for obesity-related policy. There was an interaction between age and belief in food addiction, with significant associations with policy support for both younger and older individuals, though the effect was larger for younger participants. Conclusion The current study provides evidence that belief in food addiction is associated with increased obesity-related policy support, comparable to the influence of one’s political party. Growing evidence for the role of an addictive process in obesity may have important implications for public support of obesity-related policy initiatives. PMID:26808427

The Party and State Politics in the Field of Fine Arts in USSR (1920’s — the Early 1930’s

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A. Sokyrko

2016-02-01

Full Text Available The article analyzes the evolution of the Bolshevik politics in the field of fine arts, from demonstrative non-interference in the creative process in the 1920’s to direct guidance of the party in the artistic life in the early 1930’s. Bolshevik Party used the fine art primarily as a means of propaganda, communist ideology and policy implementation tools in forming of «new» Soviet man. Declared in 1920’s the desire to create a new culture, a variety of art forms and trends, demonstrative non-interference of the power in the creative process, at the beginning of 1930’s was replaced by a direct party guidance of the artistic life and work of artists. Government order to the artists finally resulted in the elimination of Art Associations in 1932 and combining them into Orgburo Union of Soviet Artists of Ukraine. The only creative method — socialist realism, designated by CPSU(b put an end of the versatility of the Ukrainian art.

REFLECTIONS ON WAGAR ' S WORLD PARTY

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Albert Bergesen

2015-08-01

Full Text Available Our task is to reflect upon Wagar's idea of a world party. In case such reflections are affected by the recent historical situation of the collapse of communism/existing socialism in 1989 and the implications this has for visions of progressive politics going into the 21st century. This event colors most political thinking, although for many the response has been that existing socialism was not real socialism, or that existing socialism was but the Stalinist deformation that, if avoided in the future, the 1917 project could again be resumed and human history and social relations remade anew. I don't see it that way. What existing socialism stood for in terms of the role of a vanguard party taking state power for the larger good is, now after the fall, I think off the board as a realistic program that can be sold to anyone.

Affiliate marketing

OpenAIRE

Ureš, Michal

2012-01-01

This bachelor's thesis focuses on the topic of online affiliate marketing from the perspective of an internet entrepreneur. In the first, theoretical part, it characterizes the affiliate marketing, describes different, significant affiliate solutions in the Czech market and opportunities for their implementations. In the second, practical part, it concentrates mainly on an affiliate program of a company called GameLeader, s.r.o. It analyses expectations of the business from the implementation...

Politisk markedsføring - Politiske partier på Instagram: Political Marketing - Political Parties on Instagram

OpenAIRE

Hansen, Simone Maigaard; Rahbek, Simone Rebekka; Petersen, Kevin Bøje; Westen, Vickie Isabella

2014-01-01

This study will examine the various trends within political marketing on social medias; where our main focus is on the application Instagram. We will through theories and analysis examine how political marketing is being used, as a part of the political strategies, and how Instagram works as a political marketing tool. Furthermore, we will analyse the Instagram profiles of Det Radikale Venstre and Det Konservative Folkeparti. We will through these analyses, supplemented with interviews from e...

The Puzzle of Democratic Monopolies: Single Party Dominance and Decline in India

OpenAIRE

Dasgupta, Aditya

2016-01-01

How to explain political monopolies in democratic institutional settings? Dominant parties in countries with robust formal democratic institutions are surprisingly frequent, yet poorly understood. Existing theories explain away the puzzle by characterizing dominant parties as `catch-all' parties that survive on the basis of historically imbued mass voter legitimacy. This dissertation develops a theory of how dominant parties in fact routinely win free and fair elections despite counter-majori...

Online network organization of Barcelona en Comú, an emergent movement-party.

Science.gov (United States)

Aragón, Pablo; Gallego, Helena; Laniado, David; Volkovich, Yana; Kaltenbrunner, Andreas

2017-01-01

The emerging grassroots party Barcelona en Comú won the 2015 Barcelona City Council election. This candidacy was devised by activists involved in the Spanish 15M movement to transform citizen outrage into political change. On the one hand, the 15M movement was based on a decentralized structure. On the other hand, political science literature postulates that parties develop oligarchical leadership structures. This tension motivates to examine whether Barcelona en Comú preserved a decentralized structure or adopted a conventional centralized organization. In this study we develop a computational methodology to characterize the online network organization of every party in the election campaign on Twitter. Results on the network of retweets reveal that, while traditional parties are organized in a single cluster, for Barcelona en Comú two well-defined groups co-exist: a centralized cluster led by the candidate and party accounts, and a decentralized cluster with the movement activists. Furthermore, results on the network of replies also shows a dual structure: a cluster around the candidate receiving the largest attention from other parties, and another with the movement activists exhibiting a higher predisposition to dialogue with other parties.

Getting the message across: perceived effectiveness of political campaign communication

NARCIS (Netherlands)

van Spanje, J.; Boomgaarden, H.G.; Elenbaas, M.; Vliegenthart, R.; Azrout, R.; Schuck, A.R.T.; de Vreese, C.H.

2013-01-01

Do political actors communicate effectively during electoral campaigns? We introduce a novel concept in electoral research, the "perceived effectiveness of political parties' election campaigns." This evaluation concentrates on the extent to which a party is seen as getting its message across to the

Student politics at Makerere University in the Lens of Schmitter and ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

While the influence of political parties on student politics has been a topic of investigation for a long time, little research has been done in relation to Africa's young democracies and the re-emergence of multi-party politics in these countries. It is with this understanding that this study assesses a theoretical framework adapted ...

Rationalism and Future Political Islam in Indonesia

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Nurus Shalihin

2013-02-01

Full Text Available This paper aims to examine the Muslim rationality in legislative and executive election, and also to understand the reason why they choose national party, or Islamic party based on the alkali data of legislative and executive election in West Sumatera from 2004-2009 periods. The paradigm of research is a rational choice theory. This paradigm helps to understand the political behavior of Muslim in West Sumatera in legislative and executive election of 2004-2009 period. Finally, the research finds out that Muslim in West Sumatera always make a political choice rationale, and ignore the primordial consideration to choose the party. This fact is crucial factor why the Islamic party was lost in West Sumatera, and other places in Indonesia.

Similarity in husbands and wives party family preference in the Netherlands

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Coffé, Hilde R.; Need, Ariana

2010-01-01

Using insights from theories on marital homogamy and political behaviour, this research examines the tendency of husbands and wives to vote for the same party family. It disentangles the extent to which similarity in party family preference can be explained by (1) partners choosing one another

The Internal Causes of Political Instability in the Republic of Turkey

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Sergey Borisovich Druzhilovsky

2016-01-01

Full Text Available The article examines the causes of the permanent political instability in the Turkish Republic, which leads to frequent change of governments, degradation of political parties and changing of policies. On the example of the activities of different cabinets it is showen that the basis of their instability is the frequent creation of coalition governments consisting of parties that stand on different ideological positions. Inter-party antagonism, in its turn, is a consequence of the split of the Turkish society along civilizational, ethnic and religious grounds, which determines the different political orientation of the various layers of the Turkish society. At the same time the article shows the examples of the undoubted efficiency of one-party governments, however they never get support from the opposition parties, and eventually also fail to effectively and consistently implement their proposed policies. The author also deals with a policy of the ruling today in Turkey, the Islamist Party of Justice and Development, which after several years of successful political and economic reforms to date entered the period of deep crisis and is increasingly losing its authority and influence both in Turkey and in neighboring countries.

Ethno-Regionalist Parties and Political Representation: The Case of Union Valdotaine

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Giulia Sandri

2008-06-01

Full Text Available Cet article examine les effets de la représentation politique sur les partis ethno-régionalistes, sur les objectifs politiques qu’ils poursuivent et sur les stratégies qu'ils adoptent pour les réaliser. On analyse ici un cas d’étude spécifique, celui de l’Union Valdôtaine, parti ethno-régionaliste actif en Italie. Premièrement, cette contribution vise à décrire les modèles selon lesquels ce parti a évolué dans ses arènes politiques respectives. Deuxièmement, l'étude examine les modalités selon lesquelles l’évolution des destins électoraux et politiques du parti a affecté son organisation interne et les objectifs poursuivis dans les arènes politiques régionale, étatique et européenne. Le but est de vérifier le succès de l’UV dans la mise en œuvre d’une réorganisation territoriale de l'état dont l’objectif est d’accroître l'autonomie de la minorité linguistique représentée.

Young people navigating political engagement through post-war instability and mobility

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Korzenevica, Marina

2016-01-01

The everyday politics of rural young people who live in post-war settings in the Global South is poorly explored. In the aftermath of a recent civil war in Nepal (1996-2006), villages have been operating without elected bodies, and poorly functioning local governance has been concentrated around ......, as well as by involving themselves in disruptive events and seeking personal benefit from them. Secondly, young men and women negotiate their political motivations in community development politics primarily through household dynamics adjusted to their mobile lifestyle....... activists balance their daily lives, mobility and household obligations with involvement in party and local development politics? By exploring their motivations and engagement, I come to two conclusions. Firstly, young men navigate party politics by juggling the legacy of patronage and rejecting parties...

Nuclear power in British politics

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Pocock, R.F.

1987-01-01

The paper concerns the subject of nuclear power in British politics in 1986. The policies of the major political parties towards nuclear power are briefly outlined, along with public attitudes to nuclear energy, Chernobyl, and the rise of the anti-nuclear campaigners. (UK)

"Ladlad" and Parrhesiastic Pedagogy: Unfurling LGBT Politics and Education in the Global South

Science.gov (United States)

Coloma, Roland Sintos

2013-01-01

This article examines the political and educational activism of "Ladlad," the first lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) political party in the Philippines and the only existing LGBT political party in the world. Founded in 2003, "Ladlad" fielded candidates for the 2010 national election in the Philippines, amidst…

7 CFR 7.27 - Political activity.

Science.gov (United States)

2010-01-01

... (including the sale of tickets) for political party organizations or for a candidate for political office or..., delegate, or alternate to any such office or employee. (2) Use official authority or influence to discharge... money, pledges, gifts, or anything of value (including the sale of tickets) made for: (1) Political...

Les spots politiques télévisés britanniques : de l’anecdote télévisuelle à la mémoire collective British Party Political Broadcasts: From television anecdote to collective memory

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

David Haigron

2005-01-01

Full Text Available At the beginning of the 1950s the Party Election and Political Broadcasts (PEBs and PPBs first started as a mere anecdote. They are now the parties’ major medium to address the voters directly and political communication has entered a “television era”. As a matter of fact, this evolution implies certain consequences and constitutes a new step in the chronology of Britain’s political history. The first expression of this evolution is a shift of the space of political representation towards television. In this respect, PEBs and PPBs can be regarded as a prism through which it is possible to assess the different histories that they are part of, i.e. that of the British media , that of political communication and that of society and its changes. Yet Party Broadcasts have a bipolar relation to History. On the one hand, their message is meant to be circumstantial and linked to an election. On the other, their linguistic and iconic discourse aims at leaving a lasting print in collective memory.

5 CFR 734.205 - Participation in political campaigns.

Science.gov (United States)

2010-01-01

... 5 Administrative Personnel 2 2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Participation in political campaigns. 734... in political campaigns. Subject to the prohibitions in § 734.306, an employee may: (a) Display... candidate or a candidate for political party office in a political advertisement, broadcast, campaign...

Un discours sur prescription : les « argumentaires » des partis politiques comme éléments de cadrage de la parole A Discourse on Prescription: The “argumentaires” of Political Parties as Framing Elements of Speech

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Alice Krieg-Planque

2013-04-01

Full Text Available Nous nous intéressons à un genre de texte, appelé « argumentaire », tel qu’il existe en tant que production discursive des partis politiques français contemporains. Sommairement, l’« argumentaire » peut être décrit comme un document qui présente notamment un ensemble de positions, généralement argumentées, données à voir comme étant celles de l’organisation partisane sur un thème ou sujet donné. Cinq aspects de l’« argumentaire » retiennent plus particulièrement notre attention : sa dénomination, qui relève du métalangage ordinaire des acteurs et rattache l’existence du genre avant tout à des pratiques d’écriture identifiables pour le parti ; ses caractéristiques discursives internes, qui font apparaître l’importance que l’« argumentaire » accorde au dialogisme interdiscursif ; son identité de document de communication, en tant qu’il est constitué d’énoncés conçus pour être repris dans le cadre d’un travail d’argumentation mené par le militant ; sa multifonctionnalité, alliant affirmation de l’autorité du parti, formation des militants, animation du débat public, et persuasion ; enfin, ses transformations sous l’effet du recours à l’internet dans la communication politique partisane.We are interested in a kind of text called argumentaire as it exists as a discursive production of contemporary French political parties. Briefly, the argumentaire can be described as a document presenting a particular set of positions that are generally argued and presented as those adopted by the party organization on a particular topic or theme. Five aspects of the argumentaire deserve particular attention: its name, borrowed from the metalanguage of the regular players and connecting the genre to writing practices recognizable by the party; its internal discursive characteristics, which show the importance that the argumentaire gives to the interdiscursive dialogism; its identity

Candidate nomination, intra-party democracy, and election violence in Africa

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Seeberg, Merete Bech; Wahman, Michael; Skaaning, Svend-Erik

2018-01-01

. When local-level or national-level competition between parties is low, as in much of Africa, electoral politics become a matter of intra-party rather than inter-party competition. Nominations are a part of the electoral process often left to the discretion of poorly institutionalized parties, free......This article introduces a special issue on candidate nomination, intra-party democracy, and election violence in Africa. Although a burgeoning literature on African democratization has focused on the topic of electoral violence, little attention has been given to violence during party nominations...... of the involvement of electoral management bodies and external monitors, and violence often results. Rather than developing an elaborate theoretical framework on the causes of nomination violence, our ambition in this introduction is to introduce the concept of nomination violence and situate it in the literatures...

Political Parties’ Welfare Image, Electoral Punishment and Welfare State Retrenchment

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Schumacher, Gijs; Vis, Barbara; van Kersbergen, Kees

2013-01-01

of voters supports the welfare state, the usual assumption is that retrenchment backfires equally on all political parties. This study contributes to an emerging body of research that demonstrates that this assumption is incorrect. On the basis of a regression analysis of the electoral fate of the governing...... parties of 14 OECD countries between 1970 and 2002, we show that most parties with a positive welfare image lose after they implemented cutbacks, whereas most parties with a negative welfare image do not. In addition, we show that positive welfare image parties in opposition gain votes, at the expense...... of those positive welfare image parties in government that implemented welfare state retrenchment. Comparative European Politics (2013) 11, 1-21. doi:10.1057/cep.2012.5; published online 11 June 2012...

Islamist Parties and Democratization : Lessons from Turkey's Justice ...

International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

The Turkish elections of November 2002 brought a new Islamic-oriented political party to power, with ... They will endeavor to explain the Turkish experience in terms of general causal ... IDRC at the ICLEI Resilient Cities 2018 conference.

PISA as a Political Tool in Spain: Assessment Instrument, Academic Discourse and Political Reform

Science.gov (United States)

Vega Gil, Leoncio; Hernández Beltrán, Juan Carlos; García Redondo, Eva

2016-01-01

This study examines to what extent there is a sort of "political appropiation" by political parties when they seek to set a discourse about the Spanish PISA outcomes. We have consistently found that programs for assessing the competencies of students, especially PISA, have become tools of rationalization and the legitimization of…

Afiliación partidaria para fortalecer la democracia

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Ricardo de la Peña

2016-10-01

Full Text Available Recientemente, los mexicanos disponemos de una nueva herramienta para el conocimiento de la realidad electoral del país: los padrones de afiliados a los partidos políticos nacionales. La evidencia muestra, sin embargo, que no existe relación alguna, para fines prácticos, entre los reportes de afiliación por partido y los respaldos que los electores les otorgan a esos mismos institutos políticos en las urnas. La revisión de la vasta cantidad de datos públicamente disponibles permite sugerir reformas que simplifiquen, universalicen y hagan realmente individuales y equitativos los métodos de afiliación a los partidos políticos. La modernidad política demanda asegurar la libre adhesión ciudadana a estas organizaciones de interés público. / Mexicans have recently acquired a new tool for understanding our elections: national political party membership rosters. Evidence shows, however, that, for all practical purposes, no correlation exists between party affiliation and how voters actually behave at the polls. A review of the vast amount of publically-available data makes it possible to suggest reforms that would simplify and make universally available individual, egalitarian methods of affiliation to political parties. Modern politics demands ensuring that people be able to freely affiliate to these organizations in the public interest.

LOS PARTIDOS TRASNACIONALES EN ESPAÑA. EL CASO DE LOS PARTIDOS RUMANOS / THE TRANSNATIONAL PARTIES IN SPAIN. THE CASE OF THE ROMANIAN PARTIES

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Antonio Alaminos Chica,

2017-12-01

Full Text Available Based on the studies on the socio-political aspect of transnationality, this research analyzes two exogenously designed political organizations (promoted and coordinated from a supralocal or supra-national scope and space, inspired by the existence of foreign residents in several Spanish municipalities, in this case Romanian nationality. The data come from documental research, statistical analysis of candidacies and electoral results, and from in-depth interviews with representatives of these parties. The paper concludes that the presence of a large group of foreign residents is not, per se, indicators of electoral potential; unless the motivating elements of mobilization are mediated. The electoral argument of sharing the same nationality of origin does not seem enough, even if the political program tries to be transversal, avoiding ideological positions and appealing to generic elements such as common culture and its defense, and the possibility of helping to regenerate politics and democracy in the country of origin. There are important contradictions such as the supralocal and national approach in local logic elections, or the previous distrust of potential voters in Romanian parties based on experience in their country of origin.

The Socio-political Dynamics of the Citizen’s Revolution. Political Work as the ‘Art of Serving’ that Separates and Unites State and Society

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

José Antonio Villarreal Velásquez

2018-01-01

Full Text Available This article analyses the relations between politics and society during the so-called citizen’s revolution in Ecuador. Drawing on ethnographic research focused on political brokerage or the ‘art of serving’, the article analyses the particularities of political work by analysing the linkages and tensions that are constructed between the population of a suburb of the city of Guayaquil, the members of the governing political party of the Citizen’s Revolution, Movimiento Patria Altiva i Soberana (Alianza PAIS and State functionaries. Meetings of political socialization and sectorial events- understood as institutional rituals- are taken as scenes in which to observe the interactions and the public performance of the protagonists of the pre-dominant political party in contemporary Ecuador.

Good governance and political culture: A case study of Bangladesh

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Syed Serajul Islam

2016-12-01

Full Text Available In a democratic system it is essential to have a competitive, and a tolerant party system, but Bangladesh has experienced an intolerant and a confrontational party system that has created a deadlock and brought uncertainty to the whole country. Since 1990, except 2014, Bangladesh has witnessed four systematic peaceful free elections, one each--in 1991, 1996, 2001, and 2008. On January 5, 2014, however, a controversial election took place in which major opposition political parties did not participate except the ruling alliance parties. The two dominant parties—the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP and the Awami League (AL—each won two previous free and fair elections, with the BNP winning in1991, and a BNP-led 4-party coalition in 2001, and the AL in 1996, and an AL-led 14 party alliance in 2008. However, from 2014 Bangladesh is heading towards an authoritarian system. All these are happening due to the lack of good governance. This article intends to emphasize that the political culture emanating from the party politics is retarding good governance in Bangladesh. This article argues that the cultural traits developed in the last four decades in various dimensions,, particularly in more recent years, have worked as an “earth-worm” in the fabrics of democracy in Bangladesh preventing ‘good governance’.

Strategic campaigns and redistributive politics

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Schultz, Christian

2007-01-01

The article investigates strategic, informative campaigning by two parties when politics concern redistribution. Voters are uncertain about whether parties favour special groups. Parties will target campaigns on groups where most votes are gained by informing about policies. In equilibrium......, campaigning will be most intensive in groups where the uncertainty is largest and where voters are most mobile, most likely to vote, most receptive to campaigns and relatively uninformed initially. These groups will become more informed about policy. Parties will therefore gain more votes by treating...... these groups well so these groups will gain from strategic campaigning. Welfare effects are assessed...

Anti-Semitism in the British Labour’s Party ranks, characteristics and consequences

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

O. V. Кozerod

2016-05-01

Full Text Available In the British policy and British establishment, the antisemitism issue is not a new one, and it has been discussed by a wide range of European experts and researchers for quite a long time. Latest events in the UK in recent months have proved topicality of the issue and have become a challenge for country leaders and the political elite. It should be noted that in the second half of the 20th century antisemitism became quite a widespread occurrence among British politicians, especially among a younger generation of politicians. First of all, it stemmed from the ideas of Arthur Toynbee who studied at Balliol College, the University of Oxford, where he lectured, therefore his ideas were mainly popularized among the student elite. Formally, the antisemitism-related scandal in the party started in March 2016 after an official statement delivered by the Chair of Oxford University Labour Club (OULC. He warned the public about antisemitism spread among students who managed the Club. The parliamentary committee was appointed immediately to investigate the facts. As a result, Conservatives urged Labourists to stop antisemitic statements. For long decades of the British two-party system, it was the first time when the Conservative leader publicly reproached the Labour leader for antisemitism in the Labour Party. Generally, one should note that the key political effect of the wider social antisemitic discussion in the press, Parliament and many political clubs was a decreased amount of citizens ready to support Labourists in the election, particularly the Jewish voters. Thus, according to the opinion poll taken by the Jewish Chronicle editorial office in May 2016, barely 8.5% British Jews would vote for Labourists if the national election took place the next day. Certainly, sharp antisemitism growth in the British Labour became one of the key events in the UK political life this year and a big surprise for the majority of Labour leaders. For decades, such

The 2014 Elections and the Brazilian Party System

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Carlos Ranulfo Melo

2015-04-01

Full Text Available The Brazilian party system presents a paradox. Although the Workers Party (PT and the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB have controlled presidential elections for the last 20 years, their force at the other levels of electoral competition has not grown. The objective of this study is to undertake a discussion of this situation through the 2014 general elections. After attempting to explain why successive challengers have not been able to change the structure of competition for the Brazilian presidency, I will analyze the relation established between the pattern observed at this level and the other “connected” electoral disputes—both those for state executive and federal legislative office. The general conclusion is that even if the pattern continues, it is quite improbable that this will significantly impact the other levels of national political party competition.

One-Party Dominance: Future Political Implications for the Conservatives in South Korea

Science.gov (United States)

2016-12-01

Dominant Party Regimes of South Africa, Mexico, Taiwan and Malaysia : A Comparative Assessment,” in The Awkward Embrace: One-Party Domination and... censorship . During this period, a progressive newspaper was formed called the Minjok Ilbo; however, when President Park Chung-hee took office...154 Derek Jones, ed., Censorship : A World Encyclopedia (New York: Routledge, 2001), 1352. 155 Ibid. 156 Ibid. 157 Ibid. 158

Resentment of paternalism as system change sentiment: hostile sexism toward men and actual behavior in the 2008 U.S. presidential election.

Science.gov (United States)

Tate, Charlotte Chuck

2014-01-01

Taking inspiration from Glick and colleagues (2004), this study tested the idea that resentment of paternalism (which is part of the hostile sexism toward men construct) might approximate desire for system change by correlating this variable with actual behavior associated with system change in a single culture. Specifically, voting behavior in the 2008 U.S. presidential election was predicted from political party affiliation, measures of hostile and benevolent sexism toward both women and men, and egalitarian racial attitudes using a U.S. college student sample. Results indicated that the only significant predictors of voting behavior were political party affiliation, resentment of paternalism, and egalitarian racial attitudes. Higher levels of resentment of paternalism were in fact associated with voting for the ticket that represented system change-holding the other predictors constant.

Searching for the Right Organization: Ideology and Party Structure in East-Central Europe

Czech Academy of Sciences Publication Activity Database

Linek, Lukáš; Enyedi, Z.

2008-01-01

Roč. 14, č. 4 (2008), s. 455-477 ISSN 1354-0688 R&D Projects: GA ČR GA407/07/1395 Institutional research plan: CEZ:AV0Z70280505 Keywords : party organization * political parties * ideology Subject RIV: AO - Sociology, Demography Impact factor: 0.984, year: 2008

From Text to Political Positions: Text analysis across disciplines

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Kaal, A.R.; Maks, I.; van Elfrinkhof, A.M.E.

2014-01-01

ABSTRACT From Text to Political Positions addresses cross-disciplinary innovation in political text analysis for party positioning. Drawing on political science, computational methods and discourse analysis, it presents a diverse collection of analytical models including pure quantitative and

The Social Media Paradox Explained: Comparing Political Parties’ Facebook Strategy Versus Practice

OpenAIRE

Kalsnes, Bente

2016-01-01

Political parties’ interaction strategy and practice on Facebook is the topic of this article. Political parties and individual politicians can use social media to bypass media and communicate directly with voters through websites and particularly social media platforms such as Facebook. But previous research has demonstrated that interaction on social media is challenging for political parties. This study examines the disparity between interaction strategy and online responsiveness and finds...

Partisan embedding of liberalism: how trade, investment, and immigration affect party support for the welfare state

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Burgoon, B.

2012-01-01

Political scientists have long debated how economic globalization influences national social policies, but they have so far not explored the political demands of political parties implicitly underlying such influence. This article explores such demands to see how globalization affects

Mauritania: an authoritarian regime and the reconfiguration of the party system

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Raquel Ojeda García

2015-05-01

Full Text Available This investigation raises the question of whether Mauritania should be considered an authoritarian regime. The explanatory variable used is not the only factor, but in Mauritania’s case it is one that has been given little attention. It is an analysis of the party system and its level of institutionalisation through five indicators: the social rooting of the parties; personalism and the profile of the leader; the level of volatility; the calling and participation of the opposition parties in the boycott of the elections and the ultimate acceptance by those parties of their results. It starts from the premise that representative democracy is built on a party political structure and draws conclusions about the low level of institutionalisation of the party system and the authoritarianism of the Mauritanian regime.

Gains from Early Support of a New Political Party

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Leonardi, Marco; Mossucca, Rossella; Schivardi, Fabiano

2017-01-01

start Silvio Berlusconi in his bid to become prime minister in 1994 did better than competitors over the following years. Using balance sheet data for the period 1985 ‐2010, we find that the 100 firms which supported the foundation of his party in 1994 did better than the competitors in terms of value...

Unifying the aspects of the Big Five, the interpersonal circumplex, and trait affiliation.

Science.gov (United States)

DeYoung, Colin G; Weisberg, Yanna J; Quilty, Lena C; Peterson, Jordan B

2013-10-01

Two dimensions of the Big Five, Extraversion and Agreeableness, are strongly related to interpersonal behavior. Factor analysis has indicated that each of the Big Five contains two separable but related aspects. The present study examined the manner in which the aspects of Extraversion (Assertiveness and Enthusiasm) and Agreeableness (Compassion and Politeness) relate to interpersonal behavior and trait affiliation, with the hypothesis that these four aspects have a structure corresponding to the octants of the interpersonal circumplex. A second hypothesis was that measures of trait affiliation would fall between Enthusiasm and Compassion in the IPC. These hypotheses were tested in three demographically different samples (N = 469; 294; 409) using both behavioral frequency and trait measures of the interpersonal circumplex, in conjunction with the Big Five Aspect Scales (BFAS) and measures of trait affiliation. Both hypotheses were strongly supported. These findings provide a more thorough and precise mapping of the interpersonal traits within the Big Five and support the integration of the Big Five with models of interpersonal behavior and trait affiliation. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

5 CFR 734.411 - Participation in political campaigning; prohibitions.

Science.gov (United States)

2010-01-01

... under this subpart may not: (a) Take an active part in managing the political campaign of a candidate for partisan political office or a candidate for political party office; (b) Campaign for partisan... 5 Administrative Personnel 2 2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Participation in political campaigning...

The Liberal Party at the beginning of the 20th century: (unsuccessfully seeking renewal

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Susan Finding

2011-09-01

Full Text Available "Awful Scene of Gloom and Dejection, When the Ministry Heard of the Lords' Decision to Refer the Budget to the Country" Punch, 1909.The fortunes of the Liberal Party between 1906 and 1924 can be summarized as having gone from the foremost political force with a landslide victory and triumphant government to the third party (which, in a bipartite electoral system, means the loser losses all with little electoral support and no real influence on either politics or policy. The debate in the his...

The hidden cost of consensus: How coordinated market economies insulate politics

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Lawrence Ezrow

2015-11-01

Full Text Available Previous research has argued that while elections motivate parties to respond to public sentiment, global economic ties reduce this responsiveness by redirecting elites from their electorates and toward market actors. In this study, we extend this work to examine the influence of globalization on party responsiveness across different forms of production-welfare regimes. Coordinated market economies (CMEs accommodate economic interdependence by striking corporatist bargains between political elites, trade union representatives, and organized business. Although these consensual relations facilitate economic stability, they also insulate policymakers from voters. Analyses that pair public opinion and party positions across 18 advanced capitalist democracies from 1977 to 2009 show that while CMEs permit political elites a wide room to maneuver under economic globalization, political parties competing in these organized market economies do not respond to public opinion. This is the case regardless of level of exposure to world markets. In CMEs, party position-taking is uninfluenced by external factors (economic globalization and domestic factors (public opinion alike. By examining the consequences for party behavior, our results raise questions about the virtues of coordinated market capitalism for the health of representative democracy.

Tobacco Industry Political Activity and Tobacco Control Policy Making in Pennsylvania: 1979-1996

OpenAIRE

Monardi, Fred M. Ph.D.; Glantz, Stanton A. Ph.D.

1997-01-01

The tobacco industry is a major political and legal force in Pennsylvania through campaign contributions, lobbying and litigation. The tobacco industry has become a major source of campaign contributions to legislative candidates, state constitutional office candidates, and political party committees. In the 1979-1980 election cycle, the tobacco industry contributed $3,600 to candidates and parties. In 1995-1996, the tobacco industry contributed $65,850 to candidates and parties. ...

The Role of the Internet in Political Communication and Encouraging Political Civic Engagement in Croatia: The 2007 Election Campaign on the Internet

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Domagoj Bebić

2011-12-01

Full Text Available Undertaking a content analysis and analyzing the literature corresponding both to the role of the Internet in modern election campaigns (cyber campaigning, as well as that which assesses the crisis of public communication and the democratic potential of the Internet, this article explores: a how and to what extent did Croatian political parties utilize the marketing potential of the Internet during the 2007 parliamentary elections; and b how and to what extent did they use the Internet to encourage citizens(on or offline to participate in the political sphere. The results indicate that during the 2007 Croatian Parliamentary elections, political parties only partially utilized the potential advantages of Internet marketing. An analysis of the elements of interactivity revealed that campaigning parties generally did not use the Internet as a means to engage voters. The results in this study, however, confirm a number of trends found in other countries. The use of the Internet as an instrument to engage citizens online and increase political participation has not confirmed the optimistic predictions surrounding this issue.

The Youth and Political Ideology in Ghanaian Politics

African Journals Online (AJOL)

chifaou.amzat

2012-10-31

Oct 31, 2012 ... Abstract. The youth of Ghana have played an important role in both local and national politics since the inception of the Fourth Republic. Among other things, they have served as the foot-soldiers and channels through which party manifestoes have been transmitted to the electorate and polling agents ...

When Two of the Same Are Needed: A Multilevel Model of Intragroup Ethnic Party Competition

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bochsler, Daniel

2012-01-01

diversification of minority groups. In states with multiple levels of governments, intra-ethnic rival parties emerge if minorities are local majorities in certain regions. Intra-ethnic party competition is limited, however, through the national electoral system, and especially high legal thresholds can restrict......Parties of ethno-regional minorities have been created in a large number of ethnically diverse countries, but sometimes one such party is not enough. While previous work has investigated the consequences of intragroup party competition, this study looks at the causes of internal political...

Chernobyl: the political fall-out

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Edwards, R.

1986-01-01

The attitude to nuclear power of the major political parties in the United Kingdom is examined following the reactor accident at Chernobyl. In particular the Government policy, which is to reaffirm its commitment to nuclear energy, and that of the Labour opposition policy, which may be not to build any more nuclear power stations, are discussed. However, the Labour party policy is still open to debate and may be changed before the next general election. The Scottish and Welsh Nationalist parties and the Greens are all anti-nuclear. (U.K.)

When politics prevails

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Jensen, Mads Dagnis; Snaith, Holly

2016-01-01

This article analyses Britain’s quest to negotiate its future membership of the European Union (EU) through the lens of Liberal intergovernmentalism. The article demonstrates that despite the significant economic consequences of a potential Brexit, party political factors have hitherto proven more...

Integrating Islamist Militants into the Political Process : Palestinian ...

International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

Integrating Islamist Militants into the Political Process : Palestinian Hamas. The striking victory of Hamas in the elections of January 2006 raises questions about the integration of Islamists into the Palestinian political system. This project, which is part of a larger program of research on the role of political parties in the Middle ...

Political Role of Tribes : Analysis of Tribalism, Islamism and Gender ...

International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

Tribal relations are deeply intertwined with political relations. ... When countries such as Jordan and Yemen adopted political pluralism, the political parties ... annuelle de l'Institut d'étude du développement international de l'Université McGill.

Between accommodation and secession: Explaining the shifting territorial goals of nationalist parties in the Basque Country and Catalonia.

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Anwen Elias

2017-04-01

Full Text Available This article examines the shifting territorial goals of two of the most electorally successful and politically relevant nationalist parties in Spain: the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV and Convergència i Unió (CiU. Whilst both parties have often co-operated to challenge the authority of the Spanish state, their territorial goals have varied over time and from party to party. We map these changes and identify key drivers of territorial preferences; these include party ideology, the impact of the financial crisis, the territorial structure of the state, party competition, public opinion, government versus opposition, the impact of multi-level politics and the particularities of party organisation. These factors interact to shape what nationalist parties say and do on core territorial issues, and contribute to their oscillation between territorial accommodation and secession. However, the way in which these factors play out is highly context-specific, and this accounts for the different territorial preferences of the PNV and CiU. These findings advance our understanding of persistent territorial tensions in Spain, and provide broader theoretical insights into the internal and external dynamics that determine the territorial positioning of stateless nationalist and regionalist parties in plurinational states.

Malaysia: Political, Security, Economic, and Trade Issues Considered

Science.gov (United States)

2007-02-13

general election. Key observers have also pointed to decisions by Parti-Islam sa- Malaysia (PAS), Parti Keadilan Rakyat , and the Democratic Action Party...Sultan fulfills this function. Each state has a state legislature. The lower house of Malaysia’s Parliament, the Dewan Rakyat , has 193 members elected...Order Code RL33878 Malaysia : Political, Security, Economic, and Trade Issues Considered February 13, 2007 Bruce Vaughn, Coordinator Specialist in

Partisan strength, political trust and generalized trust in the United States: An analysis of the General Social Survey, 1972-2014.

Science.gov (United States)

Hooghe, Marc; Oser, Jennifer

2017-11-01

The literature on political parties suggests that strong partisan identities are associated with citizens' effective interaction with the political system, and with higher levels of political trust. Traditionally, party identity therefore is seen as a mechanism that allows for political integration. Simultaneously, however, political parties have gained recent attention for their role in promoting societal polarization by reinforcing competing and even antagonistic group identities. This article uses General Social Survey data from 1972 - 2014 to investigate the relationship between partisan strength and both political and generalized trust. The findings show that increases in partisan strength are positively related to political trust, but negatively related to generalized trust. This suggests that while partisan strength is indeed an important linkage mechanism for the political system, it is also associated with a tendency toward social polarization, and this corrosive effect thus far has not gained sufficient attention in literature on party identity. Copyright © 2017 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

DAN DIACONESCU: THE POLITICS OF BREAD AND CIRCUSES

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

VALENTIN QUINTUS NICOLESCU

2013-05-01

Full Text Available Founder and owner of two television stations, Dan Diaconescu found the opportunity to rise the electoral support for his anti-system party through media channels in the circumstances of a tumultuous political year and a bitterly personal power struggle between President Traian Băsescu and Prime Minister Victor Ponta. He described the victory in the upcoming parliamentary elections as a start of the battle against the post-communist Romanian political class that impoverished the country. Through this battle lead by him and other members of his party, his „army of angels”1, Dan Diaconescu says he can liberate the Romanian people and install „people’s dictatorship” that will punish all the political class for the injustices suffered by them. In a context of highly visible and influential populist discourse, this paper considers the self-representation of Dan Diaconescu and his People’s Party – Dan Diaconescu during parliamentary election campaign in 2012. First of all, a multi-methodological approach was adopted to examine the key elements of national populist discourse: antagonistic struggle between politicians and citizens, popular sovereignty, corruption of the political class and popular mobilization for political change. After that, I will examine how this Romanian form of populism represents the rival version of western representative democracy, the populist democracy specific to Latin America based on direct representation embodied by a leader or a party capable to symbolize the power of the people. Within this frame, I will try to analyse to what degree Dan Diaconescu’s populism enrolls in the logic of Latin American populism instead of a cultural or ethnic populism dominant in Europe.

Do Parties' Ideological Positions Matter? The Effects of Alienation and Indifference on Individuals' Turnout Decisions

Science.gov (United States)

Melton, James Douglas

2009-01-01

Both spatial theories of voting and our intuitions lead us to expect that political parties' ideological positions should affect individuals' turnout decisions. Contrary to these expectations, existing research finds that neither feelings of alienation--that no party adequately represents an individual's ideological position--nor…

Italy's green party: on the road to success

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Rosenbaum, A.

1988-01-01

Italy's Green Party (Lista Verde) does not consider itself a political party but it is changing the environmental consciousness of the nation. There are new eight popular television shows covering environmental problems and a national weekly newspaper devotes a regular column to ecology. Environmental associations, including the Environmental League, have been started in the 1980s. The Greens have also succeeded in halting Italy's nuclear power programme. In a national referendum held in 1987 almost 80% of the voters agreed with the Greens' views. No fewer than 14 more popular referenda are planned throughout Italy on environmental issues. (UK)

Special Report: Political Violence and Democratic Uncertainty in Ethiopia

National Research Council Canada - National Science Library

Smith, Lahra

2007-01-01

The pardon and release of thirty-eight political detainees, mostly from the leadership of the main opposition party, may give impetus to political negotiations in Ethiopia after more than two years crisis and stalemate...

Explaining the salience of anti-elitism and reducing political corruption for political parties in Europe with the 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey data

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Polk, J.; Rovny, J.; Bakker, R.; Edwards, E.; Hooghe, L.; Jolly, S.; Koedam, J.; Kostelka, F.; Marks, G.; Schumacher, G.; Steenbergen, M.; Vachudova, M.; Zilovic, M.

2017-01-01

This article addresses the variation of anti-corruption and anti-elite salience in party positioning across Europe. It demonstrates that while anti-corruption salience is primarily related to the (regional) context in which a party operates, anti-elite salience is primarily a function of party

Explaining the salience of anti-elitism and reducing political corruption for political parties in Europe with the 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey data

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Jonathan Polk

2017-01-01

Full Text Available This article addresses the variation of anti-corruption and anti-elite salience in party positioning across Europe. It demonstrates that while anti-corruption salience is primarily related to the (regional context in which a party operates, anti-elite salience is primarily a function of party ideology. Extreme left and extreme conservative (TAN parties are significantly more likely to emphasize anti-elite views. Through its use of the new 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey wave, this article also introduces the dataset.

The Political Socialization of Adolescent Children of Immigrants.

Science.gov (United States)

Humphries, Melissa; Muller, Chandra; Schiller, Kathryn S

2013-12-01

This study aims to evaluate the adolescent political socialization processes that predict political participation in young adulthood, and whether these processes are different for children of immigrants compared to white 3 rd -plus generation adolescents. We focus on socialization agents based in the family, community and school. We use a nationally representative longitudinal survey of adolescents to evaluate the predictors of three measures of political participation: Voter registration, voting, and political party identification, and whether the process leading to political participation varies by immigrant status and race/ethnic group. We find that the parental education level of adolescents is not as predictive for many minority children of immigrants compared to white children of native-born parents for registration. Additionally, the academic rigor of the courses taken in high school has a greater positive estimated effect on the likelihood of registration and party identification for Latino children of immigrants compared to white 3 rd -plus generation young adults. The process of general integration into U.S. society for adolescent children of immigrants may lead to differing pathways to political participation in young adulthood, with certain aspects of their schooling experience having particular importance in developing political participation behaviors.

New discursive strategies within Political Communication. Case study: Parliamentary Parties in Romania

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Cristina Ariton-Gelan

2013-07-01

Full Text Available The development of new technologies, implicitely that of Internet contributed to the reconfiguration of the political communication field. In this respect, politicians report themselves to an electorate that is more detached from institutionalized politics and political ideologies, electorate that has the possibility to participate to debating alternative forms of the political, through some social movements and through online forums. Generally, new media created the possibility that journalists and media production agencies imagine more dynamic media formats from the point of view of interaction with citizens and visual strategies. Within the new context coming from the relation between politician, media and electorate, the Internet, through its functions, generates a special kind of „political communication management”.

Newspapers and Parties: How Advertising Revenues Created an Independent Press

OpenAIRE

Maria Petrova

2009-01-01

Does economic development promote media freedom? Do higher advertising revenues tend to make media outlets independent of political groups?in?uence? Using data on the 19th century American newspapers, I show that in places with higher advertising revenues, newspapers were more likely to be independent from political parties. Similar results hold when local advertising rates are instrumented by regulations on outdoor advertising and newspaper distribution. I also show that newly created newspa...

Understanding political market orientation

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C.

influences of such behavior. The study includes structural equation modeling to investigate several propositions. While the results show that political parties need to focus on several different aspects of market-oriented behavior, especially using an internal and external orientation as cultural antecedents......This article develops a conceptual framework and measurement model of political market orientation that consists of attitudinal and behavioural constructs. The article reports on perceived relationships among different behavioral aspects of political market orientation and the attitudinal......, a more surprising result is the inconclusive effect of a voter orientation on market-oriented behaviours. The article discusses the findings in the context of the existing literature in political marketing and commercial market orientation....

Spaces of Open-source Politics

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Husted, Emil; Plesner, Ursula

2017-01-01

. Inspired by the literature on organizational space, the analysis explores how different organizational spaces configure the party’s process of policy development, thereby adding to our understanding of the relationship between organizational space and political organization. We analyze three different....... Curiously, it seems that physical spaces open up the political process, while digital spaces close it down by fixing meaning. Accordingly, we argue that open-source politics should not be equated with online politics but may be highly dependent on physical spaces. Furthermore, digital spaces may provide......The recent proliferation of Web 2.0 applications and their role in contemporary political life have inspired the coining of the term ‘open-source politics’. This article analyzes how open-source politics is organized in the case of a radical political party in Denmark called The Alternative...

SYRIZA’S electoral rise in Greece: protest, trust and the art of political manipulation

OpenAIRE

Tsakatika, Myrto

2016-01-01

Between 2010 and 2015, a period of significant political change in Greece, the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA), a minor party, achieved and consolidated major party status. This article explores the role of political strategy in SYRIZA’s electoral success. It argues that contrary to accepted wisdom, targeting a ‘niche’ constituency or protesting against the establishment will not suffice for a minor party to make an electoral breakthrough. SYRIZA’s case demonstrates that unless a minor...

Political rhetoric from Canada can inform healthy public policy argumentation.

Science.gov (United States)

Patterson, Patrick B; McIntyre, Lynn; Anderson, Laura C; Mah, Catherine L

2017-10-01

Household food insecurity (HFI), insufficient income to obtain adequate food, is a growing problem in Canada and other Organisation of economic cooperation and development (OECD) countries. Government political orientations impact health policies and outcomes. We critically examined Canadian political rhetoric around HFI from 1995 to 2012 as a means to support effective healthy public policy argumentation. We analysed a data set comprised of Hansard extracts on HFI from the legislative debates of the Canadian federal and three provincial governments, using thematic coding guided by interpretivist theories of policy. Extracts were examined for content, jurisdiction, the political affiliation of the legislator speaking and governing status. Members of non-governing, or 'opposition' parties, dominated the rhetoric. A central hunger-as-poverty theme was used by legislators across the political spectrum, both in government and in opposition. Legislators differed in terms of policy approach around how income should flow to citizens facing HFI: income intervention on the left, pragmatism in the centre, reliance on markets on the right. This analysis is a case-example from Canada and caution must be exercised in terms of the generalizability of findings across jurisdictions. Despite this limitation, our findings can help healthy public policy advocates in designing and communicating HFI policy interventions in OECD countries with a similar left-right spectrum. First, even with a divisive health policy issue such as actions to address HFI, core themes around poverty are widely understood. Secondly, the non-polarizing centrist, pragmatist, approach may be strategically valuable. Thirdly, it is important to treat the rhetoric of opposition members differently from that of government members. © The Author 2016. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. For Permissions, please email: journals.permissions@oup.com.

The Consequences of Collective Discontent : A New Measure of Zeitgeist Predicts Voting for Extreme Parties

NARCIS (Netherlands)

van der Bles, Anne Marthe; Postmes, Tom; LeKander-Kanis, Babet; Otjes, Simon

2018-01-01

In recent years, extreme right-wing and left-wing political parties and actors have gained popularity in many Western countries. What motivates people to vote for extreme right- or left-wing parties? In previous research, we showed that a collectively shared sense of doom and gloom about society can

Majority members' feelings about political representation of muslim immigrants

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Verkuyten, Maykel; Hindriks, Paul; Coenders, Marcel

2016-01-01

In three survey experimental studies among national samples of the native Dutch, we examined feelings towards Muslim immigrants' political party representation. The strategy of disengagement (reject political representation) was evaluated most positively, followed by the descriptive representation

Curbing Electoral Violence in Nigeria: The Imperative of Political ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

Both domestic and international political sociologists based on empirical investigations argue that the greatest obstacle to democratic consolidation in. Nigeria is electoral violence. This is as a result of the rascal politics that the political elites engage in. Sometimes, the violence is intra-party, and most of the time, it is ...

The Structure of Prejudice and Its Relation to Party Preferences in Belgium: Flanders and Wallonia Compared

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Cecil Meeusen

2017-11-01

Full Text Available We test two assumptions of the generalized prejudice literature. First, that the structure of generalized prejudice (i.e. how prejudices are interrelated is dependent on the intergroup context. Second, that different types of prejudice have similar political consequences and run via the generalized prejudice component. We perform these tests in the two main regions of Belgium − Flanders and Wallonia − and investigate the influence of differences in the history of immigration, experience of the linguistic and autonomy conflict, and the separate party system and political discourse (i.e. the societal and intergroup context on these premises. We make use of the Belgian Election Panel (BEP data that included measures of prejudice toward multiple target groups (immigrants, Flemings, Walloons, homosexuals, and Jews and voting propensities for the main political parties. Our results show that, regardless of the differences in intergroup experiences, the structure of prejudice is identical in Flanders and Wallonia. Flemings are, however, more tolerant toward homosexuals and immigrants than Walloons. The political context and the set of potential political outlets does play an important moderating role in the translation of prejudices to party preferences: While negative attitudes toward the other regional group seem to divide the electorate in Flanders, it does not affect voting intentions in Wallonia. Anti-immigrant prejudice is crucial in both regions, but affects voters in different ways at the right-side of the political spectrum.

How does single party dominance influence civil society organisations' engagement strategies? Exploratory analysis of participative mainstreaming in a 'regional' European polity.

Science.gov (United States)

Chaney, Paul

2016-04-01

A raft of United Nations Treaties, European Union Directives and domestic laws oblige governments in 180 + countries to apply the Participative Democratic Model of mainstreaming equalities to public administration by involving those targeted by equality initiatives at all stages in their design and delivery. Notwithstanding Participative Democratic Model's deeply political nature, extant work has overlooked how governing party turnover influences civil society organisations' (CSOs) strategies. Here, this lacuna is addressed using a negative 'extreme case study' research design involving qualitative accounts from civil society organisations in Wales, a 'regional' European polity characterised by one-party dominance. The findings reveal how the absence of turnover distorts the Participative Democratic Model in relation to diverse factors including: strategic bridging, extraparliamentary politics, cognitive locks and party institutionalisation. Inter alia, the wider contribution of this analysis lies in showing the importance of turnover to effective engagement, the 'pathologies' associated with one-party dominance and the need for adaptive civil society strategies tailored to prevailing electoral politics and governing party turnover in liberal democracies.

26 CFR 1.271-1 - Debts owed by political parties.

Science.gov (United States)

2010-04-01

... has been active in the party no bad debt deduction will be allowed with respect to the loan. (b...), no deduction shall be allowed under section 166 (relating to bad debts) or section 165(g) (relating... appears that the bad debt was incurred to or purchased by, or the worthless security was acquired by, the...

When the gloves come off: inter-party variation in negative campaigning in Dutch elections, 1981-2010

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Walter, A.S.; van der Brug, W.

2013-01-01

This study examines changes in negative campaigning in the Netherlands between 1981 and 2010. In addition, we examine which factors determine whether political parties are likely to make use of this campaign strategy in the Dutch multi-party system. We advance existing research on negative

When the gloves come off: Inter-party variation in negative campaigning in Dutch elections, 1981-2010

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Walter, A.S.; Brug, van W.

2013-01-01

This study examines changes in negative campaigning in the Netherlands between 1981 and 2010. In addition, we examine which factors determine whether political parties are likely to make use of this campaign strategy in the Dutch multi-party system. We advance existing research on negative

Editors' introduction: Expressive Culture and Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe

OpenAIRE

De Cleen, Benjamin; Nærland, Torgeir Uberg

2016-01-01

This brief text is the editorial to the JOMEC Journal special issue on Expressive Culture and Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe. It situates the special issue within the existing body of literature on the intersections between the radical right and expressive culture. The editorial further outlines the main contribution of the special issue: the focus on hitherto largely ignored countries, and the more consistent focus on parties and organised politics. This includes taking into accoun...

Comparative Analysis of the Party Systems Development in Russia and Lithuania

OpenAIRE

Ivanov, Igor; Volovoj, Vadim

2014-01-01

On the basis of factors such as ideology, the degree of populism, political leadership and form of the government a complex comparativeanalysis of the formation and development of the party system in Lithuania and Russia in the post-communist period wascarried out. Summing up, it should be noted that both Russian and Lithuanian party parliamentarism are being progressively consolidated.At the same time they continue to suffer from many shortcomings owing to negative historical heritage, chara...

The Politics of Starvation Deaths in West Bengal

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Rubin, Olivier

2011-01-01

This article examines the local socio-political causes behind a sudden wave of starvation deaths that swept across the West Bengali village of Amlashol during the summer of 2004. Following the new paradigm of famine analysis where focus is placed on political failures, the article addresses three...... of chronic food insecurity into an acute hunger crisis, which was not mitigated by effective public policies at the local level due to extensive political patronage and a politicisation of the bureaucracy. Amlashol suffered disproportionally from this due to the village’s affiliation with a weak...

Populist Extreme-Right Parties in the European Parliament – A March on Europe?

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Zarja Protner

2015-06-01

Full Text Available Populist extreme right parties (PERPs have become an important part of politics, not only at the national level but also in the European Union. With the 2014 elections, the number of PERPs MEPs increased, extreme parties have won the elections in France and Denmark, and for the first time there will be openly neo-Nazi parties in the parliament. The overview of election results, formation of alliances, and data on the activity of PERPs in the previous EP mandate enables us to recognize the influence of these parties on European politics. The analysis shows that, as in the previous EP mandate, the PERPs in the new one are not going to have a strong influence on the policies of the EP due to the variety of ideologies and consequent inability to form strong alliances and act cohesively as parliamentary groups. The PERPs are going to have representatives mostly in the group of non-attached MEPs, which means they are entitled to less public funds and have smaller influence. However, their increase in number could enable them to delay decision-making processes and express their extreme worldviews even more effectively. Their populism based on the exclusion of the Other is the reason these parties focus on immigration and ethnic minority issues and express anti-Islamic views. Racist discourses, which are not condemned or are even reproduced by mainstream parties, represent a threat to the European democracy.

The politics of welfare state retrenchment

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Starke, Peter

2006-01-01

Welfare state retrenchment is widely seen as a highly unpopular endeavour and, therefore, as politically difficult to pursue. This assumption has underpinned most of the political science research on this issue, notably Paul Pierson's seminal contributions about the 'new politics of the welfare...... state'. Yet, the question remains why and under what circumstances cutbacks take place in highly developed welfare states despite these formidable political obstacles. This article reviews the literature on the politics of retrenchment, namely on the impact of socio-economic problem pressure, political...... parties, political institutions, welfare state structures and ideas. Most authors agree that socio-economic problems - particularly domestic problems - contribute to an atmosphere of 'permanent austerity' which inspires cutbacks. Moreover, according to most scholars, the extent of retrenchment possible...

Sistema de partidos y cambio democrático: aproximaciones al caso dominicano Party system and democratic change: approaches to the Dominican case

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Wilfredo LOZANO

2011-03-01

Full Text Available Se analizan las transformaciones de los partidos políticos y del sistema de partidos, tras la desaparición de los líderes fundadores de los tres principales partidos políticos modernos: Bosch (PLD, Peña Gómez (PRD y Balaguer (PRSC. Se analizan los procesos constitutivos del sistema de partidos y los estilos de liderazgo. Se discute la relación del sistema de partidos con el Estado, destacando su ascendiente neopatrimonialista y la función del clientelismo. Finalmente, se proponen algunas notas destacando el proceso de formación de una élite neopatrimonialista y el manejo clientelar de la política electoral.The analysis of transformation of political parties as well as the party system have taken place after the disappearance of the three mayor political leaders and founders of the three most important modern political parties: Bosch (PLD, Peña Gómez (PRD and Balaguer (PRSC. The constituent process of party system and leadership styles have been studied. The relationship between party systems and the State have been discussed, emphasizing its neopatrimonialist ascending and clientelism performance. Finally, a few notes have been provided in order to address the development of a neopatrimonialist elite and clientelistic management of electoral politics.

The interplay of self-reflection, social interaction and random events in the dynamics of opinion flow in two-party democracies

Science.gov (United States)

Lichtenegger, Klaus; Hadzibeganovic, Tarik

2016-01-01

We propose a continuous process opinion formation model to study the dynamics of a multi-level relationship between voters, political parties, and facts in two-party democratic elections. In our model, opinions can take any real value between two extremes and an unaligned, moderate opinion state without a preference. Starting with a random opinion configuration, individual voter opinions evolve and change over time due to self-reflection, inter-personal communication, external media influence, and noise. Parties are influenced by their own ideologies, facts, and voters’ opinions. Elections are held periodically and the party that is closer in opinion to the majority of voters forms the new government. The government policy is then expected to be in proximity to the voter opinions and the policies of the currently ruling political party. We analyze the tension of opinions as a measure of how dramatically opinions can disagree within a given sample of voters and the success of the government and parties as the degree of coincidence between the policies and facts. Our model generates realistic quasi-periodic alternations between incumbents and challengers that are typical for two-party systems. Moreover, our model shows that relative to other voters’ strategies, conscious voting can lead to more successful governments of not only fact-oriented but also pragmatic and balanced political parties, irrespective of the strategies of the competing opposition parties. In addition, our simulations uncover several interesting features including less victories for strictly ideological or fact-oriented parties unless they include some aspects of populism or pragmatism. In this sense, our model can also describe situations where election outcomes are not necessarily based on votes for the current programs of competing parties and their placement on relevant issues, but instead result from voters’ dissatisfaction with the previous government and the votes against it.

Local Party Labor Center in Radzyń Podlaski (1982–1989 – an element of the organization structure of the Polish United Workers' Party, documents creator, archival fonds

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Dariusz Magier

2017-05-01

Full Text Available Local Party Labor Centers were created in January 1982, in connection with reorganization of assignments of the Polish United Workers’ Party in the new socio-political situation after the declaration of martial law in Poland. The article present this element of the complex bureaucratic structure, holding dictatorial authority in the party, by describing its political history and documentary legacy from the archival perspective. The laboratory example is the Local Party Labor Center in Radzyń Podlaski. The author set himself a task to describe what was the role of the Center in the Polish communist party – a formation so characteristic for the last decade of existence of the Party. The LPLCs were not elective statutory bodies of the PUWP, but they were a bureaucratic structure, that served an advisory and coordination function towards basic levels of the communist party. The LPLC in Radzyń Podlaski was one of four such formations created in the Bielsk Podlaski Voivodeship, and its area of action were counties from the period before the administrative reform in 1975. The scope of the Center were district committees of the PUWP situated in Czemierniki, Drelów, Kąkolewnica, Komarówka Podlaska, Międzyrzec Podlaski, Ulan, Wohyń; the Town Committee in Międzyrzec Podlaski and the Town-Distric Committee in Radzyń Podlaski. Archival materials of theLPLC in Radzyń Podlaski were transmitted on September 2, 1992 with documentation created by the County, the District, the Town and the Town-Disctrict Committee from 1950 to 1989. The materials were scattered. In 2007–2008 fonds of this documentation were recognized and in 2011 the materials of the LPLC were arranged and described in the State Archive in Lublin, Branch in Radzyń Podlaski. 

Reconsidering Gender and Women in Politics

OpenAIRE

Lilijana ČIČKARIĆ

2015-01-01

The most common problems that are placed in the center of the study of political representation are related to the following questions - why do not more women in legislative bodies always result in a policy that is gender sensitive and receptive to women? Why does the statistical presence of women not facilitate their cooperation and coalition among representatives of different political parties? The key issue is that higher inclusion of women in political bodies, has to result in changing th...

From text to political positions: The convergence of political, linguistic and discourse analysis

NARCIS (Netherlands)

van Elfrinkhof, A.M.E.; Maks, I.; Kaal, A.R.; Kaal, A.R.; Maks, I.; van Elfrinkhof, A.M.E.

2014-01-01

Abstract: This chapter explores how three methods of political text analysis can complement each other to differentiate parties in detail. A word-frequency method and corpus linguistic techniques are joined by critical discourse analysis in an attempt to assess the ideological relation between

Peculiarities of functioning of opposition political parties in modern Russia

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Y. V. Malyavin

2017-07-01

It has been proven that the political opposition does not take into account the mentality of Russians, their aspiration not to the mild model of Western democracy but to the host leader, the defender of the Motherland from external threat. Whereas, the ruling elite and its leader successfully and effectively implement this image in practice, and despite the deterioration of economic indicators, they get the support among the population. Consequently, the political opposition of Russia is immature and primary controlled by the current government.

Catalan brinkmanship tool for political rivalry in Spain

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Górnicka Weronika

2017-12-01

Full Text Available The aim of this article is to analyze the independence activities undertaken by the Catalan government in the context of the brinkmanship strategy and the assumptions of game theory based on “the game of chicken”. It allows us to put the issue of Catalan’s claims in a different context than to refer to political, historical or cultural grounds for self-determination. By adopting this approach to the problem and putting it in the field of political competition at central and national level, it is possible to expose the elements that treat the whole problem as a political game, rather than a real endeavor to reach a consensus between the parties and finally solve the problem. In addition, from the point of view of party interests, it is beneficial that the problem of Catalan independence, absorbing much public attention, continues to function in the political sphere and in the consciousness of the people.

La discrimination positive, nouvelle pomme de discorde entre les partis politiques, le secteur privé et le pouvoir judiciaire en Inde Positive Discrimination: the New Bone of Contention between the Political Parties, the Private Sector and the Judiciary in India

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Christophe Jaffrelot

2009-03-01

Full Text Available After the socio-political crisis that had resulted from the Mandal affair in 1990, no central government in India had any inclination to relaunch affirmative action programmes for fifteen years. The government that was formed after the 2004 elections resuscitated this question by committing itself to apply positive discrimination programmes in favour of the lower castes and the tribes in the private sector and in the domain of higher education. This move stems from the political strategy of the Congress party which aspires to regain some popularity among the plebeians and from the pressure exerted by the leftist component of the ruling coalition (the communists as well as regional parties. It has generated a lot of hostility from the business community, the upper caste students and the judiciary, but most of the opposition parties have approved this decision lest to alienate large chunks of the voters. As a result, the government has given up the idea of applying its policy to the private sector but it has had a bill passed in parliament for reserving 27% of the seats in the higher education system to the lower castesAprès la crise qu’avait constitué l’Affaire Mandal en 1990, les questions de discrimination positive ont été mises entre parenthèses en Inde au niveau du gouvernement central pendant quinze ans. Le nouveau pouvoir issu des élections de 2004 a remis cette problématique à l’ordre du jour en s’engageant à étendre la politique des quotas en faveur des castes inférieures et des tribus au secteur privé et à l’enseignement supérieur. Cette démarche s’explique à la fois par la tactique électorale du Congrès qui cherche à reprendre pied, politiquement, parmi la plèbe et par l’aiguillon que constituent les partis de gauche (communistes ou régionaux au sein de la coalition parlementaire. Elle a suscité l’hostilité des milieux d’affaires, des étudiants de haute caste et des juges mais la plupart des

Women Making Politics in Rural Senegal

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Prag, Ebbe

Since the Senegalese local elections in 1996, women have increasingly entered the local political arena in rural councils and municipalities. This book addresses the question of how women act politically, what interests they defend and how they influence resource allocation. The author argues...... that structural changes have opened space for resourceful women to enter local politics. However women's mobilisation does not radically break with the clientelist and factional dynamics of Senegalese politics. Women leaders often start their career in party politics as result of co-optation by male political...... leaders, but they do not continue as passive objects of male manipulation. Senegalese female politicians demonstrate that they are capable of taking up political positions using the local women's groups and the Women's Federation as political backyard and support. They create networks that can...

The Political Socialization of Adolescent Children of Immigrants*

Science.gov (United States)

Humphries, Melissa; Muller, Chandra; Schiller, Kathryn S.

2013-01-01

Objectives This study aims to evaluate the adolescent political socialization processes that predict political participation in young adulthood, and whether these processes are different for children of immigrants compared to white 3rd-plus generation adolescents. We focus on socialization agents based in the family, community and school. Methods We use a nationally representative longitudinal survey of adolescents to evaluate the predictors of three measures of political participation: Voter registration, voting, and political party identification, and whether the process leading to political participation varies by immigrant status and race/ethnic group. Results We find that the parental education level of adolescents is not as predictive for many minority children of immigrants compared to white children of native-born parents for registration. Additionally, the academic rigor of the courses taken in high school has a greater positive estimated effect on the likelihood of registration and party identification for Latino children of immigrants compared to white 3rd-plus generation young adults. Conclusions The process of general integration into U.S. society for adolescent children of immigrants may lead to differing pathways to political participation in young adulthood, with certain aspects of their schooling experience having particular importance in developing political participation behaviors. PMID:24489413

Muslim Political Elite and the Revival of the Left in Indonesian Politics (1996-2001

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Ahmad Suhelmi

2006-12-01

Full Text Available Abstract: Based upon elite interviews, document analysis and library research, this study analyses the responses of the Indonesian Muslim political elite to the phenomena of the emergence of the alleged communist Partai Rakyat Demokratik (People’s Democratic Party and the flourishing of the Leftist books in Indonesia during 1996-2001 which is one of the most critical historical phases in Indonesian politics that witnessed significant political changes affecting the life of Indonesians in general and Muslims in particular. The adverse responses of most Muslim political elite to the revival of the Left are basically driven by the interweaving of theological, historical and political factors as well as traumatic historical experience. With the passage of time, there have been significant changes, and strained relations between Islamic political groups and the Leftists have thawed but not eliminated.

Political transition of Albania 1985-1991

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Brunilda Duriçi

2017-03-01

Full Text Available Political transition of Albania is a phenomenon that started since the death of Enver Hoxha, the dictator of communist regime in Albania. After the death of Enver Hoxha on 11 April 1985, Ramiz Alia was appointed as his successor, who for 40 years had been at Enver Hoxha’s side as his most trusted man. He succeeded Hoxha for nearly 6 years believing that he would maintain the communist system. Ramiz Alia came on duty as the head of the Albanian state when the economic situation was very precarious. Political and economic legacy led by Hoxha was almost miserable. The country had the severest political system throughout the communist bloc. In a political point of view, the country’s new leader was elected precisely to continue the political legacy of former leader Hoxha. Ramiz Alia was forced to take immediate measures to change the degraded situation. He undertook several reforms to improve the situation in the country. Among other things, Alia expressed the equality of Albanian citizens, freedoms and human rights. Events were passing each other, marking a great historical importance. Among other things, Alia approved the political pluralism giving way to significant social changes. Echoes of these events and the positive developments in the country do not remain outside the attention of internationals. The arrival of political pluralism and the establishment of Democratic Party, the first opposition party in the country and other political entities exposed the European dream of Albanians. Massive movements in the form of protests and rallies, aimed at overturning the communist regime in the country Main objective of this paper is the analysis of the Political transition of Albania 1985-1991.

Competing for the same value segments? Insight into the volatile Dutch political landscape.

Science.gov (United States)

van Herk, Hester; Schoonees, Pieter C; Groenen, Patrick J F; van Rosmalen, Joost

2018-01-01

Values are central to public debates today. Human values convey broad goals that serve as guiding principles in a person's life and value priorities differ across people in society. Groups in society holding opposing values (e.g., universalism versus security) will make different choices when voting in an election. Whereas over time, values are relatively stable, the number and type of political parties as well as the political values they communicate and disseminate have been changing. Groups of people holding the same human values may therefore vote for another (new) party in a later election. We focus on analyzing the relationship between human values and voting in elections, introducing a new methodology to analyze how value profiles relate to political support over time. We investigate the Dutch multi-party political system over five waves of the European Social Survey, spanning 2002 until 2010. Whilst previous research has focused on individual values separately and focused on voters only, we (1) distinguish groups holding a similar set of opposing and compatible values (value profile) instead of focusing on single values in the the entire population; (2) incorporate a correction for differences in scale use in our model; (3) compare voting over time; (4) include non-voters, a growing group in Dutch society. We find evidence that specific value profiles are related to voting for a specific set of political parties. We also find that specific value profiles distinguish non-voters from voters and that voters for populist parties resemble non-voters.

Competing for the same value segments? Insight into the volatile Dutch political landscape

Science.gov (United States)

Groenen, Patrick J. F.; van Rosmalen, Joost

2018-01-01

Values are central to public debates today. Human values convey broad goals that serve as guiding principles in a person’s life and value priorities differ across people in society. Groups in society holding opposing values (e.g., universalism versus security) will make different choices when voting in an election. Whereas over time, values are relatively stable, the number and type of political parties as well as the political values they communicate and disseminate have been changing. Groups of people holding the same human values may therefore vote for another (new) party in a later election. We focus on analyzing the relationship between human values and voting in elections, introducing a new methodology to analyze how value profiles relate to political support over time. We investigate the Dutch multi-party political system over five waves of the European Social Survey, spanning 2002 until 2010. Whilst previous research has focused on individual values separately and focused on voters only, we (1) distinguish groups holding a similar set of opposing and compatible values (value profile) instead of focusing on single values in the the entire population; (2) incorporate a correction for differences in scale use in our model; (3) compare voting over time; (4) include non-voters, a growing group in Dutch society. We find evidence that specific value profiles are related to voting for a specific set of political parties. We also find that specific value profiles distinguish non-voters from voters and that voters for populist parties resemble non-voters. PMID:29324764

Church parties in the Arian controversy: problems of typologization

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Georgy Zakharov

2017-12-01

Full Text Available The article is devoted to the problems of typologization of the church parties of the 4th century. This historical phenomenon arises within the framework of a long church conflict, called the Arian crisis. The designations of the church parties used by contemporaries are polemical concepts and do not correspond to the self-consciousness of their supporters. In the early Christian heresiological tradition and in the modern historiography, the basis of church parties’ classification is their theological position. However, it is necessary to take into account other consolidating factors, such as Eucharistic communion and church-political activity. The formation of church parties, as a rule, was directly related to the development of the synodal institution. Analysis of sources in the 4th century allows us to distinguish, in addition to the extensive currents - macro-parties - claiming a universal or regional consensus based on the heritage of one of the representative and authoritative councils, some small consolidated groups - micro-parties, which gather for little councils and constantly coordinate their actions within the ecclesiastical confrontation. Micro-parties could exist both within the limits of macro-party, in many respects determining the trends of it’s development, and beyond it’s boundaries. In the latter case, it is actually a marginal church group rallied around one or more extraordinary theologian, sometimes even without the episcopal rank.

The Youth and Political Ideology in Ghanaian Politics: The Case of ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

The youth of Ghana have played an important role in both local and national politics since the inception of the Fourth Republic. Among other things, they have served as the foot-soldiers and channels through which party manifestoes have been transmitted to the electorate and polling agents during registration and voting ...

Memories of war: Sources of Vietnam veteran pro- and antiwar political attitudes

Science.gov (United States)

David Flores

2014-01-01

The sources of political attitudes are among the most studied phenomena of modern politics. Moving away from the traditional focus on party systems, the demographic characteristics of voters, or political socialization, I consider instead how memory and narrative shape political consciousness. Specifically, I focus on how culturally sanctioned memories of warfare...

Board affiliation and pay gap

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Shenglan Chen

2014-06-01

Full Text Available This paper examines the effects of board affiliation on the corporate pay gap. Using a sample of Chinese listed firms from 2005 to 2011, we find that boards with a greater presence of directors appointed by block shareholders have lower pay gaps. Furthermore, the governance effects of board affiliation with and without pay are distinguished. The empirical results show that board affiliation without pay is negatively related to the pay gap, while board affiliation with pay is positively related to the pay gap. Overall, the results shed light on how block shareholders affect their companies’ pay gaps through board affiliation.

Economic and Political Liberalization in Tanzania and its ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

With the onset of globalization one-party state regimes were forced to liberalize politically and economically. Liberalization was seen as beneficial for it opened up both the political and economic space for all actors in the development process. Liberalization was embraced because of its perceived advantages to all sections ...

Constituency Orientation in Irish Politics

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Kusche, Isabel

2017-01-01

The constituency orientation of Irish politicians is a recurring topic in Irish political science. Its analysis has predominantly focused on TDs. This article uses a content analysis of candidate video statements in the general election 2016 in order to assess the strength of constituency...... this pattern, indicated by the weak constituency orientation in Dublin and Cork constituencies. Results also indicate differences between parties and some political statuses, while the gender of the candidates is of no relevance. Although the material does not permit a clear distinction between effects...... of political culture and short-term considerations, taken together the results indicate that localism in Irish politics matters, but in more complicated ways than usually depicted....

Limitations and Implications of Product-, Sales- and Market-Oriented Political Parties: Evidence for Public Affairs

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ormrod, Robert P.

2011-01-01

This paper provides the first literature review of work using Lees-Marshment’s product-oriented party (POP), salesoriented party (SOP) and market-oriented party (MOP) process models with the aims of assessing the models’ usefulness to academics, practitioners and educators. This is motivated...... by an urgent need to evaluate models that claim to balance explanatory power, practical applicability and pedagogic value. Our literature review demonstrates that although the process models can be used in a classroom setting, empirical results are ambivalent as to the usefulness and even existence of the MOP...

The politics of mining in the Northern Territory

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Heatley, A.

1983-01-01

Of the three issues which have dominated the politics of mining in the Northern Territory, Australia, only the question of mineral royalties has in any way been resolved. The debate on uranium has been conducted on two levels, the first relating to the establishment of the policy and administrative framework and the application of land rights procedures, and the second concerning the inter-party dispute on uranium mining. Some consideration is given to Commonwealth policy and actions as responsibility for mining policy in the Territory is divided. Attitudes of the political parties, trade unions, the mining industry, Aborigines and the general community are noted

JPRS Report Soviet Union Political Affairs

Science.gov (United States)

1990-06-21

incapable of covering the 2-3 kilometers to a bakery . We must rectify the situation with regard to pavements, the clutter in courtyards, and streets even...4pingrad. Electoral district No 379. 253. SlMAK()V, .1\\leksey )’uryevich, born 1 956, non­ party member, PllC�er-transporter at the 1 2th Bakery Plant...affiliation. The Moldavian Communist Part supports an electoral system that is based on principles of the universal, equal, direct franchise and

Testing with Values: the Refugee Problem and Political Prospects of the “Alternative for Germany”

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Алена Васильевна Федина

2018-12-01

Full Text Available The article analyses the reasons for the electoral success of the “Alternative for Germany” party at the federal and state levels in 2016-2017. Looking at the ideological spectrum of German political parties through the research lens of a two-dimensional coordinate system that, alongside the traditional ideological dimension includes the value axis, the author points out the fact that the problem of the refugees, which appeals to the values of the nation, perplexed German parties, as the choice of a particular strategy in regard to the refugees involved high risks of losing a significant number of votes. As a result, those parties, which managed to clearly articulate their system of values, above all the “Alternative”, benefited from this situation. The author states that the rise of the “Alternative” was caused by the “value vacuum” in the party life in Germany stemming from the progressive “open-door” refugee policy introduced by Chancellor Merkel in order to resolve the European refugee crisis. Much consideration is given to the reasons that led the CDU to adopt such an unusual strategy for a predominantly centrist party. In conclusion the author suggests that, in spite of its electoral success, political influence of the “Alternative” will be seriously limited by the unwillingness on the part of other parties to establish contacts and build inter-party ties with an inexperienced political player, which is prone to neglect the achievements of German democracy and does not fit into the framework of modern political mainstream. From the other hand, the tightening of the immigration policy weakens the protest potential of German voters.

Judging Political Hearts and Minds: How Political Dynamics Drive Social Judgments.

Science.gov (United States)

Cornwell, James F M; Bajger, Allison T; Higgins, E Tory

2015-08-01

We investigated how judgments of political messengers depend upon what would benefit one's preferred candidate. In Study 1a, participants were asked to evaluate the warmth and competence of the writer of a pro- or anti-Obama political message for the 2012 presidential election (Obama/warm; Romney/competent). When judging the messages, warmth was emphasized by Democrats and competence by Republicans. Study 1b replicated these effects for messages about Romney as well. Study 2 examined the 2004 presidential election where perceptions of the party candidates' warmth and competence reversed (Bush/warm; Kerry/competent). There competence was emphasized by Democrats and warmth by Republicans. Study 3 showed that varying the warmth and competence of each party's prospective candidates for the 2016 election influences whether warmth or competence is emphasized by Democrats or Republicans. Thus, differences between Republicans and Democrats in emphasizing warmth or competence reflect a dynamic motivated cognition that is tailored to benefit their preferred candidate. © 2015 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc.

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