Political Technologies in Strengthening Ethnopolitical (Inter-Ethnic and Inter-Confessional Dialogue

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Gayduk Vadim Vitalyevich

2015-12-01

Full Text Available Situations with uncertain developments and results are more often taking place in the world of politics. In this regard, the role of actors who are interested in the implementation of plans for peaceful conflict resolution and non-violence is becoming more urgent. The modern world is replete with situations in which a decision should be made only by qualified intermediaries (mediators, whose purpose is to resolve the conflict by the most effective and painless method. This article discusses the main aspects of the technology which is new for the political reality – political mediation as a vital means for solving complex inter-ethnic and interconfessional problems. The author attempts to identify general and specific characteristics of the conflict field that are peculiar for both international and inter-ethnic contradictions arising in the process of multilateral relations of nations with each other and between ethnic groups in multi-ethnic space. At this, the attention is focused on the fact that the conflicts arise out of the contradictions between the interests of these social organisms. The article provides the system of argumentation of the thesis that the use of mediation technologies helps to achieve the combination of the parties’ autonomy and to guarantee a mutually beneficial result on a common ground. For this purpose the conflicting parties endow a third party with certain powers – the mediator, who is involved in order to look at the conflict from the side and help conflicting actors to get rid of excessive emotion and bias in a dispute. Thus, political mediation is a form of alternative expert and political dispute resolution and settlement, voluntarily elected by conflicting communities on the basis of their desire to reach agreement and political objectivity.

Political legitimacy and approval of political protest and violence among children and adolescents.

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Funderburk, C

1975-06-01

A question of general theoretical relevance for political socialization research concerns the role played by basic political orientations in structuring specific political opinions. This report investigates the relationship between beliefs in the legitimacy of political objects and approval of political protest and violence among a sample of children and adolescents. The setting for the research was a Florida town. Four aspects of political legitimacy are defined and measured. Measures of approval of political protest and political violence are distinguished conceptually and empirically. Beliefs in political legitimacy are shown to be of considerable importance in structuring opinions about political violence but have little impact on opinions about protest.

Exposure to Political Conflict and Violence and Posttraumatic Stress in Middle East Youth: Protective Factors

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Dubow, Eric F.; Huesmann, L. Rowell; Boxer, Paul; Landau, Simha; Dvir, Shira; Shikaki, Khalil; Ginges, Jeremy

2012-01-01

We examine the role of family- and individual-level protective factors in the relation between exposure to ethnic-political conflict and violence and posttraumatic stress among Israeli and Palestinian youth. Specifically, we examine whether parental mental health (lack of depression), positive parenting, children's self-esteem, and academic…

The Fracturing of China? Ethnic Separatism and Political Violence in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region

National Research Council Canada - National Science Library

Hitchcock, Bradley D

2007-01-01

.... Throughout the 1990s sporadic political violence occurred in Xinjiang, and as the geopolitical situation in Central Asia changed, Beijing's claim that Muslims were a threat to its national security...

Ethnicization in Welfare State Politics

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Hjorth, Frederik Georg

, but also why it is more likely for some issues (such as European integration or crime) than others (such as welfare). The dissertation includes four stand-alone articles illustrating the influence of group identities in political cognition. Compared to the existing literature, they suggest...... is to a significant extent shaped by studies of American public opinion, where public opinion on some issues is widely considered 'racialized', i.e. in part based on attitudes toward racial outgroups. The dissertation examines whether by the same token, political attitudes in universal welfare states can become...... 'ethnicized', i.e. in part based on attitudes toward ethnic outgroups. The existing literature has tended to focus on the issue of welfare, where the expectation is that ethnic diversity will diminish public support. I outline a theoretical framework which explains why political attitudes can be ethnicized...

Educations in Ethnic Violence: Identity, Educational Bubbles, and Resource Mobilization

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Lange, Matthew

2011-01-01

In "Educations in Ethnic Violence", Matthew Lange explores the effects education has on ethnic violence. Lange contradicts the widely-held belief that education promotes peace and tolerance. Rather, Lange finds that education commonly contributes to aggression, especially in environments with ethnic divisions, limited resources, and…

Political extremism and violence in Denmark 1917-1940

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Larsen, Chris Holmsted

. Regarding the interwar years, the Danish political parties and conditions had many structural and ideological similarities with the neighboring German Weimar Republic. But more important, the situation also differed significantly in terms of particular historical and actor-based conditions– e.g. in terms...... of generalization, but since the research-subject of political violence, in a Danish context, is largely absent and at best minimal, I have concluded that for the sake of the wider perspective, it is imperative to focus on the framework as a prerequisite for a more detailed study of political violence in Denmark....... Therefore, a crucial question is why did the political extremism and violence of the interwar years not manage to scuttle the Danish democracy? And second, why were both fascist and communist protagonists unsuccessful in subverting parliamentarism through a strategy of political violence? To gain...

Attending to the role of race/ethnicity in family violence research.

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Malley-Morrison, Kathleen; Hines, Denise A

2007-08-01

Since the 1970s, researchers and public health and/or social policy communities have devoted increasing attention to family violence. Although officially reported crime figures for family violence appear to be declining, rates continue to be high in broadly defined racial and/or ethnic minority groups. More careful assessments of the potential role of race/ethnicity in family violence, and similarities and differences occurring across and within groups categorized based on race/ethnicity, are essential if adequate interventions are to be developed and utilized. This article provides suggestions on conducting better studies on family violence in the United States, particularly with respect to issues of race/ethnicity. The authors begin by considering conceptions and definitions of race/ethnicity and providing a broad definition of family violence. They then suggest issues for consideration at each stage of the research process, from reviewing previous research, to making methodological decisions, selecting samples, choosing measures, and analyzing and interpreting findings.

Political violence, collective functioning and health: a review of the literature.

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Sousa, Cindy A

2013-01-01

Political violence is implicated in a range of mental health outcomes, including PTSD, depression, and anxiety. The social and political contexts of people's lives, however, offer considerable protection from the mental health effects of political violence. In spite of the importance of people's social and political environments for health, there is limited scholarship on how political violence compromises necessary social and political systems and inhibits individuals from participating in social and political life. Drawing on literature from multiple disciplines, including public health, anthropology, and psychology, this narrative review uses a multi-level, social ecological framework to enhance current knowledge about the ways that political violence affects health. Findings from over 50 studies were analysed and used to build a conceptual model demonstrating how political violence threatens three inter-related domains of functioning: individual functioning in relationship to their environment; community functioning and social fabric; and governmental functioning and delivery of services to populations. Results illustrate the need for multilevel frameworks that move beyond individual pathology towards more nuanced conceptualizations about how political violence affects health; findings contribute to the development of prevention programmes addressing political violence.

Ethnicity and Politics. IRSS Research Reports.

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Schneider, Mark

This research report examines the role of ethnicity in politics. The concept of ethnicity encompasses at least four distinct dimensions: nationality identification, religious identification, old vs. new ethnic stock, and racial membership. In the national sample analyzed, several interesting patterns of ethnic differentiation emerged. First, none…

Violence in Venezuela: oil rent and political crisis

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Roberto Briceño-León

2006-06-01

Full Text Available This article analyzes the changes in violence in Venezuela during the last forty years. It links the ups and downs of the oil revenues and the political crisis of the country to the changes in the homicide rates, which increased from 7 per 100 thousand inhabitants in 1970 to 12 in 1990, 19 in 1998 and 50 in 2003. The article characterizes Venezuela as a rentist society and shows its trajectory from rural violence to the beginning of urban violence, the guerilla movements of the 60s, the delinquent violence related to the abundance of oil revenues and the violence during the popular revolt and the sackings of 1989 in Caracas. After this, we analyze the coups d'état of 1992 and the influence the political violence exerted upon criminal violence. We describe the political and party changes in the country, their influence upon the stabilization of homicide rates since the mid-90s and their remarkable increase during the H. Chávez government. The article finishes with an analysis of the current situation, the official prohibition to publish statistics on homicides and with some thoughts about the perspective of greater violence in Venezuela.

National Integration, Citizenship, Political Participation

African Journals Online (AJOL)

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attainment of a successful democratization process and national stability. ... insecurity, sectarian violence, ethnic strifes, political instability and threats of .... of nation-states out of disparate socio-economic, religious, ethnic and geographical.

Economic Liberalization and Political Violence : Utopia or Dystopia ...

International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

2010-08-06

Economic Liberalization and Political Violence : Utopia or Dystopia ? Couverture du livre Economic Liberalization and Political Violence : Utopia or Dystopia ? Editor(s):. Francisco Gutiérrez et Gerd Schönwälder. Publisher(s):. Pluto Press, CRDI. August 6, 2010. ISBN: 9780745330631. 360 pages. e-ISBN: 9781552504826.

Premigration Exposure to Political Violence and Perpetration of Intimate Partner Violence Among Immigrant Men in Boston

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Acevedo-Garcia, Dolores; Hemenway, David; Decker, Michele R.; Raj, Anita; Silverman, Jay G.

2009-01-01

Objectives. We examined associations between premigration political violence exposure and past-year intimate partner violence (IPV) perpetration among immigrant men attending community health centers in Boston. Methods. A convenience sample of immigrant men (N = 379; aged 18–35 years), largely from the Caribbean and Cape Verde, who attend community health centers, completed an anonymous, cross-sectional survey on risk and protective factors for male-perpetrated IPV and respondents’ exposure to political violence. Results. One in 5 (20.1%) immigrant men reported that they were exposed to political violence before arrival in the United States. Men reporting political violence exposure were significantly more likely to report IPV perpetration than were men not reporting such exposure (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 2.84; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.41, 5.74). Significant associations with political violence exposure were observed for both physical (AOR = 2.69; 95% CI = 1.11, 6.54) and sexual (AOR = 2.37; 95% CI = 1.04, 5.44) IPV perpetration. Conclusions. To our knowledge, our findings document for the first time the significant association between premigration political violence exposure and recent IPV perpetration among immigrant men. Additional work is needed to examine underlying mechanisms to inform culturally appropriate programs. PMID:18703450

Curbing Electoral Violence in Nigeria: The Imperative of Political ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

Both domestic and international political sociologists based on empirical investigations argue that the greatest obstacle to democratic consolidation in. Nigeria is electoral violence. This is as a result of the rascal politics that the political elites engage in. Sometimes, the violence is intra-party, and most of the time, it is ...

Economic Liberalization and Political Violence : Utopia or Dystopia ...

International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

Economic Liberalization and Political Violence : Utopia or Dystopia ? Couverture du livre Economic Liberalization and Political Violence : Utopia or Dystopia ? Directeur(s):. Francisco Gutiérrez et Gerd Schönwälder. Maison(s) d'édition: Pluto Press, CRDI. 6 août 2010. ISBN : 9780745330631. 360 pages. e-ISBN :.

Parental practices and political violence: the protective role of parental warmth and authority-control in Jewish and Arab Israeli children.

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Lavi, Iris; Slone, Michelle

2012-10-01

Parental warmth and parental authority-control patterns have been documented as practices with highest significance for children's well-being and development in a variety of life areas. Various forms of these practices have been shown to have a direct positive effect on children and also to protect children from adverse effects of numerous stressors. However, surprisingly, few studies have examined the role of these practices as possible protective factors for children exposed to intractable conflict and political violence. Participants in this study were Jewish (n = 88) and Arab (n = 105) Israeli families, with children aged 7-12.5 (M = 10.73, SD = 0.99). Children completed questionnaires assessing political violence exposure, behavioral, psychological, and social difficulties, and perceived paternal and maternal warmth. Mothers and fathers completed questionnaires assessing parental warmth, parental authority-control, and the child's difficulties. Results showed parental warmth to be a significant moderator of political violence, related to low levels of behavioral and social difficulties of children. Parental authority-control patterns were not protectors from adverse effects of political violence exposure. Maternal authoritarian authority-control showed an effect resembling a risk factor. Differential roles of parental warmth and authority-control, fathers' versus mothers' roles, and ethnic differences are discussed, and practical clinical implications are proposed. © 2012 American Orthopsychiatric Association.

Private Political Violence and Boss-Rule in the Philippines

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Peter Kreuzer

2009-04-01

Full Text Available Despite its rather strong and venerable democratic credentials the Philippines is still marred by political violence. Targeted killings and physical harassment by vigilantes, death squads, private armed groups, para-military militias, the police or members of the armed forces as well as violent competition for political jobs cost hundreds of lives every year. One central anchor point of this broad range of violent actors and forms are the locally embedded political bosses. (Defective democracy provides an ideal frame for the continuing competition between various segments of the highly fragmented elite. The paper shows how the bosses succeeded in controlling most means of political violence employed and were thereby able to advance their interests to an extraordinary extent. Upholding private control over means of violence furthered their interests as a political class even though it weakened the state

Association between exposure to political violence and intimate-partner violence in the occupied Palestinian territory: a cross-sectional study.

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Clark, Cari Jo; Everson-Rose, Susan A; Suglia, Shakira Franco; Btoush, Rula; Alonso, Alvaro; Haj-Yahia, Muhammad M

2010-01-23

Intimate-partner violence might increase during and after exposure to collective violence. We assessed whether political violence was associated with male-to-female intimate-partner violence in the occupied Palestinian territory. A nationally representative, cross-sectional survey was done between Dec 18, 2005, and Jan 18, 2006, by the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics. 4156 households were randomly selected with a multistage random cluster design, from which 3815 ever-married women aged 15-64 years were identified. We restricted our analysis to presently married women (n=3510, 92% participation rate), who completed a short version of the revised conflict tactics scales and exposure to political violence inventory. Exposure to political violence was characterised as the husband's direct exposure, his indirect exposure via his family's experiences, and economic effects of exposure on the household. We used adjusted multinomial logistic regression models to estimate odds ratios (ORs) for association between political violence and intimate-partner violence. Political violence was significantly related to higher odds of intimate-partner violence. ORs were 1.89 (95% CI 1.29-2.76) for physical and 2.23 (1.49-3.35) for sexual intimate-partner violence in respondents whose husbands were directly exposed to political violence compared with those whose husbands were not directly exposed. For women whose husbands were indirectly exposed, ORs were 1.61 (1.25-2.07) for physical and 1.97 (1.49-2-60) for sexual violence, compared with those whose husbands were not indirectly exposed. Economic effects of exposure were associated with increased odds of intimate-partner violence in the Gaza Strip only. Because exposure to political violence is associated with increased odds of intimate-partner violence, and exposure to many traumas is associated with poor health, a range of violent exposures should be assessed when establishing the need for psychosocial interventions in

Emotional insecurity about the community: A dynamic, within-person mediator of child adjustment in contexts of political violence.

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Cummings, E Mark; Merrilees, Christine; Taylor, Laura K; Goeke-Morey, Marcie; Shirlow, Peter

2017-02-01

Over 1 billion children worldwide are exposed to political violence and armed conflict. The current conclusions are qualified by limited longitudinal research testing sophisticated process-oriented explanatory models for child adjustment outcomes. In this study, consistent with a developmental psychopathology perspective emphasizing the value of process-oriented longitudinal study of child adjustment in developmental and social-ecological contexts, we tested emotional insecurity about the community as a dynamic, within-person mediating process for relations between sectarian community violence and child adjustment. Specifically, this study explored children's emotional insecurity at a person-oriented level of analysis assessed over 5 consecutive years, with child gender examined as a moderator of indirect effects between sectarian community violence and child adjustment. In the context of a five-wave longitudinal research design, participants included 928 mother-child dyads in Belfast (453 boys, 475 girls) drawn from socially deprived, ethnically homogenous areas that had experienced political violence. Youth ranged in age from 10 to 20 years and were 13.24 (SD = 1.83) years old on average at the initial time point. Greater insecurity about the community measured over multiple time points mediated relations between sectarian community violence and youth's total adjustment problems. The pathway from sectarian community violence to emotional insecurity about the community was moderated by child gender, with relations to emotional insecurity about the community stronger for girls than for boys. The results suggest that ameliorating children's insecurity about community in contexts of political violence is an important goal toward improving adolescents' well-being and adjustment. These results are discussed in terms of their translational research implications, consistent with a developmental psychopathology model for the interface between basic and intervention

Political Violence and the Mediating Role of Violent Extremist Propensities

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Nele Schils

2016-06-01

Full Text Available Research into violent extremism is lacking integrated theoretical frameworks explaining individual involvement in politically or religiously motivated violence, resulting in a poor understanding of causal mechanisms. Building on situational action theory, the current study moves beyond the dominant risk factor approach and proposes an integrated model for the explanation of political/religious violence, distinguishing between direct mechanisms and “causes of the causes.” The model integrates mechanisms from different but complementary traditions. Following previous work, this study focusses on the causes of the causes influencing direct key mechanisms, violent extremist propensity, and exposure to violent extremist moral settings that explain political/religious violence. The theoretical model is tested using structural equation modelling. The analyses are based on a web survey (N = 6,020 among adolescents and young adults in Belgium. Results show that violent extremist propensity and exposure to violent extremist moral settings have direct effects on the likelihood of political/religious violence. These direct mechanisms are in turn determined by a series of exogenous factors: perceived injustice and poor social integration. The relationship between perceived injustice and poor social integration and political/religious violence is further mediated by perceived alienation, perceived procedural justice, and religious authoritarianism. The implications of these findings are discussed.

Political violence exposure, adolescent school violence, and drug use: The mediating role of school support and posttraumatic stress.

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Fang, Lin; Schiff, Miriam; Benbenishty, Rami

2016-01-01

Adolescents may engage in risk behaviors to cope with the negative psychological impacts resulting from exposure to political violence. Guided by the Deterioration Deterrence Model and General Strain Theory, the present study assessed the mediating role of school support and posttraumatic stress (PTS) on two adolescent risk behaviors (i.e., school violence and drug use) among Arab and Jewish Israeli adolescents. We analyzed data from a nationally representative survey that consisted of 4,733 Israeli high school students (54.5% females; 63.2% Jewish) following the Second Lebanon War. Structural equation modeling using weighted data bootstrapped with 2,000 iterations evaluated the mediated effects of school support and PTS. The results showed that both school support and PTS mediated the pathways from political violence exposure to school violence and drug use. However, although school support and PTS fully mediated the relationship between political violence exposure and these risk behaviors for Jewish students, school support and PTS only partially mediated the relationships for Arab students. While school support can help decrease the detrimental effect of exposure to terrorism and war, Israeli adolescents exposed to more political violence may perceive receiving less school support than those experiencing less exposure. Findings of this study provide evidence for the theorized mediated pathways between political violence exposure and adolescent risk behaviors by PTS and school support. The study serves as a basis for future research that can unpack the relationship between exposure to political violence and adolescent risk-taking behaviors. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved).

Northern Ireland: political violence and self-reported physical symptoms in a community sample.

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Cairns, E; Wilson, R

1991-01-01

In order to investigate the possible relationship between physical health and political violence in Northern Ireland a random sample of residents of four electoral areas (two with relatively high violence and two with relatively low violence) was interviewed at home. Each person was asked to rate their health in terms of common physical symptoms, to indicate their use of family doctor and hospital services, and to rate the level of political violence in their neighbourhood. Analysis of covariance (with a measure of psychological well-being, a measure of trait neuroticism plus age and socioeconomic status as covariates) revealed that women reported more physical symptoms than did men, people in the 'high' violence areas reported more symptoms than did those in the 'low' violence areas, while those who rated their own neighbourhood most highly in terms of perceived violence also reported the greatest number of physical symptoms. However, a series of chi 2 tests revealed no association between political violence or perceived political violence and uptake of services.

Violence resistance in Xinjiang (China: tracking militancy, ethnic riots and “knife-wielding” terrorist (1978-2012

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Pablo Adriano Rodríguez

2013-02-01

Full Text Available Este artículo aborda la evolución de la resistencia violenta al régimen chino en la Región Autónoma Uigur de Xinjiang mediante una revisión y análisis de la naturaleza de los principales episodios violentos, en su mayoría con connotaciones separatistas, que han tenido lugar allí desde el comienzo de la era de reforma y apertura chinas (1978-2012. En este sentido, sostiene que la resistencia violenta, no necesariamente con motivaciones político-separatistas, ha estado presente en Xinjiang en la forma de insurgencia de baja escala, revueltas étnicas y terrorismo, y probablemente continúe en el futuro teniendo en cuenta las fricciones existentes entre la minoría étnica Uigur y las políticas llevadas a cabo por el gobierno chino.Palabras Clave: China, Xinjiang, Uyghur, violencia politica, separatismo, terrorismo._______________Abstract:This article aims to track the evolution of violent resistance to Chinese rule in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR. It does so by reviewing and analyzing the nature of the main episodes of violence which have taken place there since the reform and opening era began in the People’s Republic (1978-2012. It finds that violence resistance, not necessarily with political-separatist motivations, has been present in Xinjiang in the form of low-scale insurgency, ethnic riots and terrorism and it will probably stay in the future considering the frictions between the Uyghur ethnic minority and the policies of the Chinese government. Keywords: China, Xinjiang, Uyghur, political violence, separatism, terrorism.

Sources of political violence, political and psychological analysis

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O. B. Balatska

2015-05-01

We also consider the following approaches to determining the nature and sources of aggression and violence such as instinktyvizm (K. Lorenz and behaviorism (J. B. Watson and B. F. Skinner et al.. Special attention is paid to theories of frustration aggression (J. Dollard, N. E. Miller, L. Berkowitz et al., according to which the causes of aggression and violence are hidden in a particular mental state – frustration. The particular importance of the theory of T. R. Gurr, in which the source of aggression and political violence are defined through the concept of relative deprivation, is underlined. Another approach is described in the article ­ the concept of aggression as a learned reaction (A. Bandura, G. Levin, B. Fleischmann et al.. Supporters of this approach believe that aggressive behavior is formed in the process of social training.

A Social-Ecological, Process-Oriented Perspective on Political Violence and Child Development.

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Cummings, E Mark; Goeke-Morey, Marcie; Merrilees, Christine E; Taylor, Laura K; Shirlow, Peter A

2014-06-01

Youths' risk for adjustment problems in contexts of political violence is well-documented. However, outcomes vary widely, with many children functioning well. Accordingly, moving beyond further documenting the risk for many negative outcomes associated with living in contexts of political violence, a second generation of research is moving towards identifying the mechanisms and conditions that contribute to children's adjustment. Increasing support is emerging for understanding effects on children in terms of changes in the social contexts in which children live, and in the psychological processes engaged by these social ecologies. Selected themes are considered, including (a) the need to study multiple levels of the social ecology, (b) differentiating between the effects of exposure to contexts of political versus non-political violence, and (c) theories about explanatory processes. Selected research pertinent to these directions is reviewed, including findings from a six-wave longitudinal study on political violence and children in Northern Ireland.

'Not men enough to rule!': politicization of ethnicities and forcible circumcision of Luo men during the postelection violence in Kenya.

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Ahlberg, Beth Maina; Njoroge, Kezia Muthoni

2013-10-01

As a contribution to ongoing research addressing sexual violence in war and conflict situations in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya and Rwanda, this paper argues that the way sexual violence intersects with other markers of identity, including ethnicity and class, is not clearly articulated. Male circumcision has been popularized, as a public health strategy for prevention of HIV transmission, although evidence of its efficacy is disputable and insufficient attention has been given to the social and cultural implications of male circumcision. This paper draws from media reporting and the material supporting the prosecutor at the International Criminal Court case against four Kenyans accused of crimes against humanity, to explore the postelection violence, especially forcible male circumcision. During the postelection violence in Kenya, women were, as in other conflict situations, raped. In addition, men largely from the Luo ethnic group were forcibly circumcised. Male circumcision among the Gikuyu people is a rite of passage, but when forced upon the Luo men, it was also associated with cases of castration and other forms of genital mutilation. The aim appears to have been to humiliate and terrorize not just the individual men, but their entire communities. The paper examines male circumcision and questions why a ritual that has marked a life-course transition for inculcating ethical analysis of the self and others, became a tool of violence against men from an ethnic group where male circumcision is not a cultural practice. The paper then reviews the persistence and change in the ritual and more specifically, how male circumcision has become, not just a sexual health risk, but, contrary to the emerging health discourse and more significantly, a politicized ethnic tool and a status symbol among the Gikuyu elite. In the view of the way male circumcision was perpetrated in Kenya, we argue it should be considered as sexual violence, with far

Obstacles and Challenges to Gender Parity. Political Violence, Electoral System and Interculturalism

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Laura Albaine

2015-05-01

Full Text Available This study is a contribution to the debate about the adoption of gender parity policies in Latin America analyzing particular obstacles and challenges related to the implementation of this principle. Electoral systems tend to either optimize or reduce the impact of such gender parity measures. As well as with quotas, the size of the electoral district and the kind of electoral list system are the two variables that most influence the effective implementation of these measures. At the same time, the socio-cultural context also influences the process of implementation of gender parity measures. In patriarchal societies –with high levels of gender-based violence– electoral processes are often characterized by gender-based harassment and political violence, one of the greatest obstacles for increasing women’s political participation. These situations are further complicated in societies which are also characterized by ethnic and cultural diversity, presenting the challenge of including women who are also discriminated against for their ethno-cultural identity.

Immigration Ethnic Diversity and Political Outcomes

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Harmon, Nikolaj Arpe

2017-01-01

I study the impact of immigration and increasing ethnic diversity on political outcomes in immigrant-receiving countries, focusing on immigration and election outcomes in Danish municipalities 1981-2001. A rich set of control variables isolates ethnic diversity effects from those of other immigrant...... characteristics and a novel IV strategy based on historical housing stock data addresses issues of endogenous location choices of immigrants. Increases in local ethnic diversity lead to right-ward shifts in election outcomes by shifting electoral support away from traditional "big government" left-wing parties...... and towards anti-immigrant nationalist parties in particular. These effects appear in both local and national elections....

Gendered violence and India's body politic

OpenAIRE

Desai, Manali Sudhir

2016-01-01

The paradox of rape is that it has a long history and occurs across all countries, yet its meaning can best be grasped through an analysis of specific social, cultural and political environments. Feminist writing on citizenship and the state has long noted the relevance of women’s bodies as reproducers of the nation; it is equally important to think about the uses of the sexed body in a political context. A consideration of gendered violence as part of a continuum of embodied assertions of po...

Attending to the Role of Race/Ethnicity in Family Violence Research

Science.gov (United States)

Malley-Morrison, Kathleen; Hines, Denise A.

2007-01-01

Since the 1970s, researchers and public health and/or social policy communities have devoted increasing attention to family violence. Although officially reported crime figures for family violence appear to be declining, rates continue to be high in broadly defined racial and/or ethnic minority groups. More careful assessments of the potential…

Interpreting Democracy: Ethnic Politics and Democracy in the eastern Himalaya

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Chettri, Mona

2014-01-01

into ethnic grievances in order to facilitate political mobilization and deeper engagement with the state. In this process, discussions and debates are framed around ethnicity but are presented and deliberated within state approved democratic practices. In the eastern Himalaya, ethnic identity is one...

Witnessing the effects of political violence in families: mechanisms of intergenerational transmission and clinical interventions.

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Weingarten, Kaethe

2004-01-01

In this era of globalization, when news about political violence can haunt anyone, anywhere, those whose families have suffered political violence in the past are particularly vulnerable to current distress. Skilled in understanding transgenerational processes, family therapists need to be familiar with the mechanisms by which children are exposed to the effects of political violence suffered by their elders-that is, the ways in which they become their witnesses. This article presents a framework for understanding how the trauma of political violence experienced in one generation can "pass" to another that did not directly experience it, and proposes a model to guide clinical intervention.

Exploring the hypothesis of ethnic practice as social capital: violence among Asian/Pacific Islander youth in Hawaii.

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Spencer, James H; Irwin, Katherine; Umemoto, Karen N; Garcia-Santiago, Orlando; Nishimura, Stephanie T; Hishinuma, Earl S; Choi-Misailidis, Soojean

2009-11-01

Studies of youth violence have usually examined social capital using qualitative methods, but remain limited by small sample sizes. In addition, few studies examine violence among Asian/Pacific Islander (API) youth, even though they are one of the fastest-growing youth populations in the USA. To contribute to a better understanding of culture and ethnicity in youth violence among Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders by quantifying ethnic forms of social capital. We use an n = 326 sample of three API groups from Oahu, Hawaii. Defining social capital as ethnic practice, we test Filipino, Hawaiian and Samoan forms of youth social capital on intimate and non-intimate violence. Bivariate findings associate lower violence with language ability among Filipinos, coming-of-age practices among Hawaiians, and community leader engagement among Samoans. Multivariate tests showed language to be the strongest correlation. Bivariate tests also suggested potentially risky forms of social capital. results lead us to hypothesize that social capital that deliberately places individuals within their respective ethnic communities are risk-reducing, as are those that promote formal ethnic community structures. Those that formalize ethnic practice and social capital into commercial activities may be associated with higher risk of violence. Given the relatively small sample size and the exploratory approach for the present investigation, further research is needed to determine whether the findings can be replicated and to extend the findings of the present preliminary study.

An Inquiry into the Use of Illegal Electoral Practices and Effects of Political Violence

OpenAIRE

Roxana Gutiérrez-Romero

2012-01-01

This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the s...

The Effect Of Ethnic Politics On The Location And Development Of ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

The study examined the effect of ethnic politics on the location and development of infrastructural amenities in Delta State, this is with a view of evaluating the effect and the role ethnic politics has in the development of the state. The quantitative data for the study was collected from 220 selected Delta State indigenes living in ...

Serious physical violence among Arab-Palestinian adolescents: The role of exposure to neighborhood violence, perceived ethnic discrimination, normative beliefs, and, parental communication.

Science.gov (United States)

Massarwi, Adeem Ahmad; Khoury-Kassabri, Mona

2017-01-01

This study adopted a social-ecological perspective to exploring perpetration of serious physical violence against others among Arab-Palestinian adolescents. A total of 3178 adolescents (aged 13-18) completed anonymous, structured, self-report questionnaire, which included selected items from several instruments that measured variables relating to the constructs examined in the study. We explored the association of individual characteristics (age, gender, normative beliefs about violence, and perceived ethnic discrimination), familial characteristics (parent-adolescent communication and socioeconomic status), and contextual characteristics (exposure to community violence in the neighborhood) with perpetration of serious physical violence against others. A moderation-mediation model was tested, and 28.4% of the adolescents reported that they had perpetrated serious physical violence against others at least once during the month preceding the study. The findings also show that exposure of youth to violence in their neighborhood correlated significantly and positively with their perpetration of serious physical violence against others. A similar trend was revealed with respect to personal perceptions of ethnic discrimination. These correlations were mediated by the adolescents' normative beliefs about violence. Furthermore, the correlation of direct exposure to violence in the neighborhood and normative beliefs about violence with perpetration of serious physical violence against others was stronger among adolescents who have poor communication with their parents than among those who have strong parental communication. Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Exhuming Trends in Ethnic Conflict and Cooperation in Africa: Some ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

The world-wide surge in the number and violence of open conflicts revolving around ethnic or religious identities towards the end of the 20th century is a powerful reminder that communal identities are not a remnant of the past but a potent force in contemporary politics. After three decades of independence, ethnicity is more ...

Ethnic Differences in Persistence with COPD Medications

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Hu, Yusun; Cantarero-Arévalo, Lourdes; Frølich, Anne

2017-01-01

BACKGROUND: Long-acting bronchodilators (LABDs) are recommended as a first-line maintenance therapy in patients with moderate or severe chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD). The aim of the study was to explore potential ethnic differences in persistence with LABD in COPD patients. METHODS...

Mobilising culture against domestic violence in migrant and ethnic communities: practitioner perspectives from Aotearoa/New Zealand.

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Simon-Kumar, Rachel; Kurian, Priya A; Young-Silcock, Faith; Narasimhan, Nirmala

2017-07-01

Studies on domestic violence in ethnic minority communities highlight that social norms, family structures and cultural practices are among the key triggers of violence against women. Not surprisingly, most anti-violence interventions in these communities aim to redeem women from the oppressive features of these cultures. More recently, however, emergent scholarship advocates mobilising, rather than erasing, culture within existing anti-violence strategies. This paper explores the nature of culturally informed interventions used by front-line workers. It presents the findings of a small-scale qualitative study in Aotearoa/New Zealand, where around 13% of the population are currently deemed to be from minority ethnic communities. Interviews and one focus group were conducted with nine practitioners - including social workers, counsellors and the police - in Hamilton, Aotearoa in 2013-2014. Based on thematic analysis, the paper identifies two core strands: (a) the distinctive profile of ethnic violence and (b) the strategies that mobilise culture in anti-violence interventions. Specifically within the former strand, it was found that violence in the ethnic community was distinctive for the following reasons: the heightened sense of stigma surrounding disclosure and the consequent silence by women who suffer from it; the lack of trust in authority; and the fear of conventional safety plans necessitating longer time periods for rapport-building. Among the strategies that mobilise culture, the study found that practitioners used a family approach; engaged men in their interventions, at times reinforcing gendered roles; utilised micro-interventions; and deployed cultural tropes, especially around spirituality, as a strategy. The conclusion points to the gap between interventions that challenge and mobilise cultures. While anecdotally, the latter are perceived to be relevant and effective in anti-violence interventions, there is need for a fuller assessment and better

Individual, family background, and contextual explanations of racial and ethnic disparities in youths' exposure to violence.

Science.gov (United States)

Zimmerman, Gregory M; Messner, Steven F

2013-03-01

We used data from the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods to examine the extent to which individual, family, and contextual factors account for the differential exposure to violence associated with race/ethnicity among youths. Logistic hierarchical item response models on 2344 individuals nested within 80 neighborhoods revealed that the odds of being exposed to violence were 74% and 112% higher for Hispanics and Blacks, respectively, than for Whites. Appreciable portions of the Hispanic-White gap (33%) and the Black-White gap (53%) were accounted for by family background factors, individual differences, and neighborhood factors. The findings imply that programs aimed at addressing the risk factors for exposure to violence and alleviating the effects of exposure to violence may decrease racial/ethnic disparities in exposure to violence and its consequences.

Individual, Family Background, and Contextual Explanations of Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Youths’ Exposure to Violence

Science.gov (United States)

Messner, Steven F.

2013-01-01

We used data from the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods to examine the extent to which individual, family, and contextual factors account for the differential exposure to violence associated with race/ethnicity among youths. Logistic hierarchical item response models on 2344 individuals nested within 80 neighborhoods revealed that the odds of being exposed to violence were 74% and 112% higher for Hispanics and Blacks, respectively, than for Whites. Appreciable portions of the Hispanic–White gap (33%) and the Black–White gap (53%) were accounted for by family background factors, individual differences, and neighborhood factors. The findings imply that programs aimed at addressing the risk factors for exposure to violence and alleviating the effects of exposure to violence may decrease racial/ethnic disparities in exposure to violence and its consequences. PMID:23327266

Children and political violence from a social ecological perspective: implications from research on children and families in Northern Ireland.

Science.gov (United States)

Cummings, E Mark; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C; Schermerhorn, Alice C; Merrilees, Christine E; Cairns, Ed

2009-03-01

The effects on children of political violence are matters of international concern, with many negative effects well-documented. At the same time, relations between war, terrorism, or other forms of political violence and child development do not occur in a vacuum. The impact can be understood as related to changes in the communities, families and other social contexts in which children live, and in the psychological processes engaged by these social ecologies. To advance this process-oriented perspective, a social ecological model for the effects of political violence on children is advanced. This approach is illustrated by findings and methods from an ongoing research project on political violence and children in Northern Ireland. Aims of this project include both greater insight into this particular context for political violence and the provision of a template for study of the impact of children's exposure to violence in other regions of the world. Accordingly, the applicability of this approach is considered for other social contexts, including (a) another area in the world with histories of political violence and (b) a context of community violence in the US.

Understanding Islamist political violence through computational social simulation

Energy Technology Data Exchange (ETDEWEB)

Watkins, Jennifer H [Los Alamos National Laboratory; Mackerrow, Edward P [Los Alamos National Laboratory; Patelli, Paolo G [Los Alamos National Laboratory; Eberhardt, Ariane [Los Alamos National Laboratory; Stradling, Seth G [Los Alamos National Laboratory

2008-01-01

Understanding the process that enables political violence is of great value in reducing the future demand for and support of violent opposition groups. Methods are needed that allow alternative scenarios and counterfactuals to be scientifically researched. Computational social simulation shows promise in developing 'computer experiments' that would be unfeasible or unethical in the real world. Additionally, the process of modeling and simulation reveals and challenges assumptions that may not be noted in theories, exposes areas where data is not available, and provides a rigorous, repeatable, and transparent framework for analyzing the complex dynamics of political violence. This paper demonstrates the computational modeling process using two simulation techniques: system dynamics and agent-based modeling. The benefits and drawbacks of both techniques are discussed. In developing these social simulations, we discovered that the social science concepts and theories needed to accurately simulate the associated psychological and social phenomena were lacking.

Understanding the impact of political violence in childhood: a theoretical review using a social identity approach.

Science.gov (United States)

Muldoon, Orla T

2013-12-01

The present paper reviews the literature that has assessed the psychological impact of political violence on children. Concern for those growing up in situations of political violence has resulted in two areas of research within psychology: the first considers children as victims of conflict and considers the mental health consequences of political violence. The second considers children as protagonists or aggressors in conflict and considers related moral and attitudinal consequences of exposure to political violence. These two literatures are most often considered separately. Here the two strands of research are brought together using a social identity framework, allowing apparently divergent findings to be integrated into a more coherent understanding of the totality of consequences for children and young people growing up in situations of armed conflict. © 2013.

[Mental Health and Political Violence. Care of Psychiatric Patient or Acknowledge of the Micropolitics of the Subject].

Science.gov (United States)

Arias López, Beatriz Elena

2013-09-01

Political violence is a global phenomenon, especially in low- to middle-income countries. This phenomenon increasingly involves civilians. This situation is a priority in collective health, as it produces multiple and complex effects on physical and mental health, and human and social ecosystems. The objective of this article is to present the main tendencies that coexist in research and practice on the understanding of the effects of political violence on mental health. The biomedical approach of psychiatric trauma and the wider perspective of social sciences, which incorporate the collective dimension of these effects, are also taken into account. Review of research determines the relationship with political violence / collective violence and mental health in international databases and national documentation centers, academics and NGOs within the last decade of the twentieth century, and the first of this century under the headings of trauma, war, armed conflict and political violence. The limitations of general explanations of psychiatric trauma in understanding the complex effects of political violence on mental health are shown. The constructs that incorporate social and collective dimensions increase this comprehension of these effects and knowledge of mental health, both conceptually as methodologically. In a political violence context it urgent to change attitudes about mental health. It is a way to overcome the biomedical, individualistic, and short term epidemiology, and to remove medication from mental health. This means acknowledging that people who experience the effects of political violence effects are not sick. They are powerful people who can transform and produce the life they dream of. Copyright © 2013 Asociación Colombiana de Psiquiatría. Publicado por Elsevier España. All rights reserved.

Gender-based political harassment and violence: effects on the political work and public roles of women.

Science.gov (United States)

Valverde, María Eugenia Rojas

2010-01-01

This article shows the significance of the problems of political harassment and violence against women in positions of political responsibility in Bolivia. This phenomenon is seen in both rural and urban areas and transcends borders. It has been shown that these attacks constitute a violation of women's civil and political rights and a threat to the physical and mental health of women leaders in Bolivia. Furthermore, there is no punishment of guilty parties, reparation, or moral or material compensation for the women who are affected. In Bolivia, gender-based harassment and violence is a fundamental barrier to women's political participation. However, this phenomenon is still not addressed by government programs and is not part of the public discourse and debate. In spite of the measures taken to promote women's political participation, several different administrations have been unable to guarantee women the capacity to occupy positions of responsibility without being threatened or harassed. The results of our research led to a bill addressing this problem. Subsequently, Ecuador took this bill as an example and replicated it in a legislative initiative. These results show the importance of research by organizations that represent women in preventing unjust situations and health problems.

Ethnic divisions, political institutions and the duration of declines: A political economy theory of delayed recovery

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Bluhm, R; Thomsson, K.M.

2015-01-01

This paper analyzes the duration of large economic declines and provides a theory of delayed recovery. First, we develop a formal political economy model that illustrates a simple mechanism of how weak constraints on the political executive can lead to longer declines in ethnically heterogeneous

Children's exposure to violent political conflict stimulates aggression at peers by increasing emotional distress, aggressive script rehearsal, and normative beliefs favoring aggression.

Science.gov (United States)

Huesmann, L Rowell; Dubow, Eric F; Boxer, Paul; Landau, Simha F; Gvirsman, Shira Dvir; Shikaki, Khalil

2017-02-01

We examine the hypothesis that children's exposure to ethnic-political conflict and violence over the course of a year stimulates their increased aggression toward their own in-group peers in subsequent years. In addition, we examine what social cognitive and emotional processes mediate these effects and how these effects are moderated by gender, age, and ethnic group. To accomplish these aims, we collected three waves of data from 901 Israeli and 600 Palestinian youths (three age cohorts: 8, 11, and 14 years old) and their parents at 1-year intervals. Exposure to ethnic-political violence was correlated with aggression at in-group peers among all age cohorts. Using a cross-lagged structural equation model from Year 1 to Year 3, we found that the relation between exposure and aggression is more plausibly due to exposure to ethnic-political violence stimulating later aggression at peers than vice versa, and this effect was not moderated significantly by gender, age cohort, or ethnic group. Using three-wave structural equation models, we then showed that this effect was significantly mediated by changes in normative beliefs about aggression, aggressive script rehearsal, and emotional distress produced by the exposure. Again the best fitting model did not allow for moderation by gender, age cohort, or ethnic group. The findings are consistent with recent theorizing that exposure to violence leads to changes both in emotional processes promoting aggression and in the acquisition through observational learning of social cognitions promoting aggression.

Dialogue: Intersectionalizing European politics: bridging gender and ethnicity

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Mügge, L.; de Jong, S.

2013-01-01

This Dialogues section brings together research from two hitherto separate interdisciplinary strands of European scholarship on politics: Gender Studies, and Migration and Ethnic Studies. Combining theories, concepts, methods, and findings, the papers demonstrate what each field can learn from the

Youth and Ethnic Movements and Their Impacts on Party Politics in ECOWAS Member States

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Taiwo A. Olaiya

2014-02-01

Full Text Available Although they historically played a pivotal role in the fight against colonial rule—as they have in recent attempts to entrench multiparty democratic processes—the role of youth in political parties in West Africa has received less than commensurate attention in studies on democratization. Unlike in advanced democracies where parties are key agents of political socialization and leadership, parties in West Africa are built on ethno-religious foundations. A peculiar character of highly marginalized youth thus becomes inevitable, both in politics and decision-making processes of the state. To assert themselves, the youth have also become agents of destabilization of the democracy they partook to build. Apart from their involvement in political violence, youths are now available as unconscientious “foot soldiers” of ethnic militias and terrorist groups that are constituting increased social problems in West Africa. In this article, we examine how parties and youth have interacted to define the emergence and character of threat to the nascent democracies in contemporary West Africa. The article interrogates how the notions of “youth” and “political participation” have continued to play out in different West African countries within the context of the opportunities and challenges of Africa’s youth bulge on the democratization process. The article observes that the marginalization of West African youths has been part and parcel of history only that their situation has further raised the stake as agent of social disorder in the absence of positive engagement in the recent times.

Religious and Ethnic Discrimination: Differential Implications for Social Support Engagement, Civic Involvement, and Political Consciousness

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Renate Ysseldyk

2014-12-01

Full Text Available Social identity threats, depending on the content of the identity targeted, may evoke varying socio-political responses. In this regard, religious discrimination may be especially threatening, challenging both the social group and its belief system, thereby promoting more active collective responses. This research examined how religious and ethnic identification differentially evoked engagement with support resources (ingroup and spiritual, civic involvement (including individual and collective action-taking, and political participation (voting or political consciousness following group-based threats. Study 1 drew from the Canadian Ethnic Diversity Survey (N = 1806. Participants who reported religious discrimination demonstrated greater religious identification, ingroup social engagement, and civic involvement—comparable associations were absent for ethnic discrimination. Study 2 (N = 287 experimentally primed participants to make salient a specific incident of religious or ethnic discrimination. Although ethnic discrimination elicited greater ingroup support-seeking and political consciousness, religious discrimination was perceived as especially harmful and evoked more individual and collective action-taking. Further to this, religious high-identifiers’ responses were mediated by engagement with ingroup or spiritual support in both studies, whereas no mediated relations were evident for ethnic identification. Findings are discussed in terms of distinct socio-political responses to threats targeting identities that are grounded in religious belief systems.

Economic Liberalization and Political Violence: Utopia or Dystopia ...

International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

2010-08-06

Aug 6, 2010 ... Economic Liberalization and Political Violence: Utopia or Dystopia? ... Narrowing the concept of globalization to the more manageable notion of “neoliberalism,” ... Asian outlook: New growth dependent on new productivity ... of its 2017 call for proposals to establish Cyber Policy Centres in the Global South.

Ethnicity and politics in the Romanian space. The case of northwestern Transylvania

OpenAIRE

Brie, Mircea

2014-01-01

The ethnic structure of this region has been heavily influenced by the evolution of the various historico-geographical factors and policies. Most of this structure, however, is linked to the evolution of the denominational structure. Ethnicity in this case is closely related to religion. The political reality, the events with political overtones that occurred during these centuries had a direct influence regarding the conduct of processes and phenomena related to the ethno-confessional evolut...

The Effects of Mediated Exposure to Ethnic-Political Violence on Middle East Youth’s Subsequent Post-Traumatic Stress Symptoms and Aggressive Behavior

Science.gov (United States)

Gvirsman, Shira Dvir; Huesmann, L. Rowell; Dubow, Eric F.; Landau, Simha F.; Shikaki, Khalil; Boxer, Paul

2015-01-01

This study introduces the concept of chronic (i.e., repeated and cumulative) mediated exposure to political violence and investigates its effects on aggressive behavior and post-traumatic stress (PTS) symptoms in young viewers. Embracing the risk-matrix approach, these effects are studied alongside other childhood risk factors that influence maladjustment. A longitudinal study was conducted on a sample of youth who experience the Israeli-Palestinian conflict firsthand (N = 1,207). As hypothesized, higher levels of chronic mediated exposure were longitudinally related to higher levels of PTS symptoms and aggression at peers independently of exposure to violence in other contexts. In the case of aggressive behavior, structural equation analysis (SEM) analyses suggest that, while it is likely there are causal effects in both directions, the bigger effect is probably for exposure to violence stimulating aggression than for aggression stimulating exposure to violence. Both the longitudinal effects on aggression and PTS symptoms were especially strong among youth who demonstrated initially higher levels of the same type of maladjustment. These results support the conceptualization of the relation between media violence and behaviors as “reciprocally determined” or “downward spirals” and highlight the contribution of the risk-matrix approach to the analysis of childhood maladjustment. PMID:26456988

Testing a social ecological model for relations between political violence and child adjustment in Northern Ireland.

Science.gov (United States)

Cummings, E Mark; Merrilees, Christine E; Schermerhorn, Alice C; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C; Shirlow, Peter; Cairns, Ed

2010-05-01

Relations between political violence and child adjustment are matters of international concern. Past research demonstrates the significance of community, family, and child psychological processes in child adjustment, supporting study of interrelations between multiple social ecological factors and child adjustment in contexts of political violence. Testing a social ecological model, 300 mothers and their children (M = 12.28 years, SD = 1.77) from Catholic and Protestant working class neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland, completed measures of community discord, family relations, and children's regulatory processes (i.e., emotional security) and outcomes. Historical political violence in neighborhoods based on objective records (i.e., politically motivated deaths) were related to family members' reports of current sectarian antisocial behavior and nonsectarian antisocial behavior. Interparental conflict and parental monitoring and children's emotional security about both the community and family contributed to explanatory pathways for relations between sectarian antisocial behavior in communities and children's adjustment problems. The discussion evaluates support for social ecological models for relations between political violence and child adjustment and its implications for understanding relations in other parts of the world.

Negative Stereotypes of Ethnic Out-groups: A Longitudinal Examination Among Palestinian, Israeli Jewish, and Israeli Arab Youth

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Niwa, Erika Y.; Boxer, Paul; Dubow, Eric F.; Huesmann, L. Rowell; Landau, Simha; Shikaki, Khalil; Gvirsman, Shira Dvir

2014-01-01

Ethno-political conflict impacts thousands of youth globally and has been associated with a number of negative psychological outcomes. Extant literature has mostly addressed the adverse emotional and behavioral outcomes of exposure while failing to examine change over time in social-cognitive factors in contexts of ethno-political conflict. Using cohort-sequential longitudinal data, the present study examines ethnic variation in the development of negative stereotypes about ethnic out-groups among Palestinian (n=600), Israeli Jewish (n=451), and Israeli Arab (n=450) youth over three years. Age and exposure to ethno-political violence were included as covariates for these trajectories. Findings indicate important ethnic differences in trajectories of negative stereotypes about ethnic out-groups, as well as variation in how such trajectories are shaped by prolonged ethno-political conflict. PMID:27019573

Gender and race/ethnic differences in the persistence of alcohol, drug, and poly-substance use disorders.

Science.gov (United States)

Evans, Elizabeth A; Grella, Christine E; Washington, Donna L; Upchurch, Dawn M

2017-05-01

To examine gender and racial/ethnic differences in the effect of substance use disorder (SUD) type on SUD persistence. Data were provided by 1025 women and 1835 men from the National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions (NESARC) to examine whether gender and race/ethnicity (Non-Hispanic White, Black, Hispanic) moderate the effects of DSM-IV defined past-12 month SUD type (alcohol, drug, poly-substance) on SUD persistence at 3-year follow-up, controlling for covariates. Using gender-stratified weighted binary logistic regression, we examined predictors of SUD persistence, tested an SUD type by race/ethnicity interaction term, and calculated and conducted Bonferroni corrected pairwise comparisons of predicted probabilities. SUD persistence rates at 3-year follow-up differed for SUD type by gender by race/ethnicity sub-group, and ranged from 31% to 81%. SUD persistence rates were consistently higher among poly-substance users; patterns were mixed in relation to gender and race/ethnicity. Among women, alcohol disordered Hispanics were less likely to persist than Whites. Among men, drug disordered Hispanics were less likely to persist than Whites. Also, Black men with an alcohol or drug use disorder were less likely to persist than Whites, but Black men with a poly-substance use disorder were more likely to persist than Hispanics. The effect of SUD type on SUD persistence varies by race/ethnicity, and the nature of these relationships is different by gender. Such knowledge could inform tailoring of SUD screening and treatment programs, potentially increasing their impact. Published by Elsevier B.V.

Exposure to Community Violence and Political Socialization among Adolescents in Northern Ireland

Science.gov (United States)

Shepherd, Linda

2007-01-01

This study evaluates the effects of adolescent exposure to cross-community violence, intense paramilitary operations, aggression, and intimidation in Northern Ireland. Using publicly available survey data gathered by agencies in Northern Ireland, the research examines the effects of exposure to political violence with focus upon the manner by…

Effects of the It's Your Game . . . Keep It Real program on dating violence in ethnic-minority middle school youths: a group randomized trial.

Science.gov (United States)

Peskin, Melissa F; Markham, Christine M; Shegog, Ross; Baumler, Elizabeth R; Addy, Robert C; Tortolero, Susan R

2014-08-01

We examined whether It's Your Game . . . Keep It Real (IYG) reduced dating violence among ethnic-minority middle school youths, a population at high risk for dating violence. We analyzed data from 766 predominantly ethnic-minority students from 10 middle schools in southeast Texas in 2004 for a group randomized trial of IYG. We estimated logistic regression models, and the primary outcome was emotional and physical dating violence perpetration and victimization by ninth grade. Control students had significantly higher odds of physical dating violence victimization (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 1.52; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.20, 1.92), emotional dating violence victimization (AOR = 1.74; 95% CI = 1.36, 2.24), and emotional dating violence perpetration (AOR = 1.58; 95% CI = 1.11, 2.26) than did intervention students. The odds of physical dating violence perpetration were not significantly different between the 2 groups. Program effects varied by gender and race/ethnicity. IYG significantly reduced 3 of 4 dating violence outcomes among ethnic-minority middle school youths. Although further study is warranted to determine if IYG should be widely disseminated to prevent dating violence, it is one of only a handful of school-based programs that are effective in reducing adolescent dating violence behavior.

War in the Classrooms: Political Violence Against the Educational labor Unions in Colombia

OpenAIRE

Novelli, Mario

2009-01-01

his article shows the research results about the political violence against teachers, not only does it introduce figures but also it goes into detail about the nature and the dynamics of the manner how teachers are affected by the political violence in Colombia. As well, it presents the different strategies of resistance that trade unionists in the educational sector and their allies, have developed throughout the years, in order to defend their human rights. The result of this research shows...

Youth Involvement in Politically Motivated Violence: Why Do Social Integration, Perceived Legitimacy, and Perceived Discrimination Matter?

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Maarten S. De Waele

2014-09-01

Full Text Available Several major theories of crime causation have been applied to the study of violence towards persons and towards property (vandalism. Less frequently, these middle-range theoretical frameworks are applied to explain individual differences in political violence. Against a background of growing concern about right-wing political violence among adolescents, the present study examines the role of a number of independent variables derived from different theoretical frameworks in a sample of 2,879 Flemish adolescents. Using blockwise regression models, the independent effects of key independent variables from social control theory, procedural justice theory, general strain theory, social learning theory, and self-control theory are assessed. The results support an integrative approach towards the explanation of political violence. The implications of our findings for future studies on violent extremism are discussed.

The Longitudinal Effects of Chronic Mediated Exposure to Political Violence on Ideological Beliefs About Political Conflicts Among Youths.

Science.gov (United States)

Gvirsman, Shira Dvir; Huesmann, L Rowell; Dubow, Eric F; Landau, Simha F; Boxer, Paul; Shikaki, Khalil

This study examines the effects of chronic (i.e., repeated and cumulative) mediated exposure to political violence on ideological beliefs regarding political conflict. It centers on these effects on young viewers, from preadolescents to adolescents. Ideological beliefs refers here to support of war, perception of threat to one's nation, and normative beliefs concerning aggression toward the out-group. A longitudinal study was conducted on a sample of Israeli and Palestinian youths who experience the Israeli-Palestinian conflict firsthand ( N = 1,207). Two alternative hypotheses were tested: that chronic exposure via the media increases support for war and aggression and elevates feeling of threat, or that chronic exposure via the media strengthens preexisting beliefs. Results demonstrated that higher levels of exposure were longitudinally related to stronger support for war. Regarding normative beliefs about aggression and threat to one's nation, mediated exposure reinforced initial beliefs, rendering the youths more extreme in their attitudes. These results mostly support the conceptualization of the relation between media violence and behaviors as "reciprocally determined" or "reinforcing spirals." The results are also discussed in light of the differences found between the effect of exposure to political violence firsthand and exposure via the media.

Continuous Traumatic Situations in the Face of Ongoing Political Violence: The Relationship Between CTS and PTSD.

Science.gov (United States)

Nuttman-Shwartz, Orit; Shoval-Zuckerman, Yael

2016-12-01

This article presents a literature review of the concept of continuous traumatic situations (CTS), which relates to residents living in ongoing situations of political violence and national security threats. The first aim of this review is to narrow the gap regarding knowledge about the concept of CTS by presenting findings from studies that have assessed the effects of CTS on civilian populations. The second aim is to describe CTS in a way that highlights the differences and similarities between posttraumatic stress disorder and responses to CTS. This distinction is a necessary precondition for examining CTS, as is a careful clinical analysis of the development and course of symptoms. This literature review also highlights the importance of adopting a supplementary perspective for understanding the psychological impact of ongoing exposure to real threats, which can be used as a basis for developing intervention strategies that are appropriate for coping with life in the context of persistent violence. CTS can be manifested as emotions, behaviors, and perceptions among individuals, families, communities, and societies. The nature of the proposed model of CTS is a circular one, combining past and future perceptions and emotional reactions that have resulted from continuous and repeated traumatic experiences over an extended period of time. This wider understanding reflects the complexity of the CTS phenomenon. Various micro and macro interventions relating to CTS as the result of political violence situations and national security threats are presented, and recommendations for practice, policy, and future research are offered. © The Author(s) 2015.

Immigration Ethnic Diversity and Political Outcomes: Evidence from Denmark

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Harmon, Nikolaj Arpe

I study the impact of immigration and increasing ethnic diversity on political outcomes in immigrant-receiving countries, focusing on immigration and election outcomes in Danish municipalities 1981-2001. A rich set of control variables isolates ethnic diversity effects from those of other immigrant...... characteristics and a novel IV strategy based on historical housing stock data addresses issues of endogenous location choices of immigrants. Increases in local ethnic diversity lead to right-ward shifts in election outcomes by shifting electoral support away from traditional "big government" left-wing parties...... and towards anti-immigrant nationalist parties in particular. These effects appear in both local and national elections....

Violence, schools, and dropping out: racial and ethnic disparities in the educational consequence of student victimization.

Science.gov (United States)

Peguero, Anthony A

2011-12-01

Without a doubt, exposure to violence and victimization can be profoundly detrimental to the overall well-being and development of all youth. Moreover, violence and victimization that occurs within a school context is particularly alarming because a successful educational process is essential toward establishing socioeconomic success later in life. The educational consequence of exposure to violence and victimization at school is uncertain for racial and ethnic minority students. This study utilizes data from the Education Longitudinal Study of 2002 and incorporates multilevel modeling techniques to examine the impact of violence and victimization at school on dropping out. The results indicate Black/African Americans and Latino American students who are victimized at school are at higher risk of dropping out. The implications of the evident racial and ethnic disparities in the relationship between victimization and dropping out within the U.S. school system are discussed.

Persistency of Cannabis Use Predicts Violence following Acute Psychiatric Discharge

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Jules R. Dugré

2017-09-01

Full Text Available BackgroundViolence is a major concern and is prevalent across several mental disorders. The use of substances has been associated with an exacerbation of psychiatric symptoms as well as with violence. Compared to other substances such as alcohol and cocaine, existing literature on the cannabis–violence relationship has been more limited, with most studies being conducted in the general population, and has shown controversial results. Evidence has suggested a stronger relationship when examining the effects of the persistency of cannabis use on future violent behaviors. Though, while cannabis use is highly prevalent amid psychiatric patients, far less literature on the subject has been conducted in this population. Hence, the present prospective study aims to investigate the persistency of cannabis use in psychiatric patients.MethodThe sample comprised of 1,136 recently discharged psychiatric patients provided by the MacArthur Risk Assessment Study. A multi-wave (five-assessment follow-up design was employed to allow temporal sequencing between substance use and violent behaviors. Generalized estimating equations (GEE were used to examine the effect of persistency of cannabis use on violence, while controlling for potential confounding factors. Potential bidirectional association was also investigated using the same statistical approach.ResultsOur results suggest a unidirectional association between cannabis use and violence. GEE model revealed that the continuity of cannabis use across more than one time wave was associated with increased risks of future violent behavior. Patients who reported having used cannabis at each follow-up periods were 2.44 times more likely to display violent behaviors (OR = 2.44, 95% CI: 1.06–5.63, p < 0.05.ConclusionThese findings are particularly relevant as they suggest that the longer individuals report having used cannabis after a psychiatric discharge, the more likely they are of being violent in the

Religious violence: Implications for nation building | Mgbachu ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

Religious violence in Nigeria has devaluated our national economy. Any interested observer of the Nigeria socio-political structure is all too easily aware of the multiplicity of voices and the diversity of cultures within the one nation. Nigeria has one of the highest ethnic nationalities to be found in one single nation in the ...

Ethnic Minorities and the Politics of Identity in Iran

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Elling, Rasmus Christian; Saleh, Alam

2016-01-01

their discussions with others. Here, Alam Saleh, Lecturer in Middle Eastern Politics, University of Exeter, and Rasmus Christian Elling, Assistant Professor of Iranian Studies, University of Copenhagen, introduce each other's recent books on ethnic minorities, identity and nationalism in post-revolution Iran...

Verbal hygiene and ethnic politics in Nigeria: a study of selected ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

AFRICAN JOURNALS ONLINE (AJOL) · Journals · Advanced Search · USING AJOL · RESOURCES ... Log in or Register to get access to full text downloads. ... It tries to establish a connection between verbal hygiene and persistent ... ethnic groups, this constitutes serious threat to inter-ethnic relation and cohesion.

The Persistence of Gender Differences in Political Interest

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TÀNIA VERGE MESTRE

2012-01-01

Full Text Available This article explores the role of individual resources, situational factors, and the socialization process in the persistence of a gender gap in political dispositions, principally in political interest. We pay special attention to situational factors, especially those related to the time devoted to housework and caring responsibilities. Despite the growing participation of women in the labor market and increasingly comparable levels of male and female educational attainment, the enduring unequal sexual division of household tasks reduces women?s time availability as well as the pool of skills, resources and social networks which could foster their political engagement, thus helping to sustain the gender gap in political interest.

Effects of the It’s Your Game . . . Keep It Real Program on Dating Violence in Ethnic-Minority Middle School Youths: A Group Randomized Trial

Science.gov (United States)

Markham, Christine M.; Shegog, Ross; Baumler, Elizabeth R.; Addy, Robert C.; Tortolero, Susan R.

2014-01-01

Objectives. We examined whether It’s Your Game . . . Keep It Real (IYG) reduced dating violence among ethnic-minority middle school youths, a population at high risk for dating violence. Methods. We analyzed data from 766 predominantly ethnic-minority students from 10 middle schools in southeast Texas in 2004 for a group randomized trial of IYG. We estimated logistic regression models, and the primary outcome was emotional and physical dating violence perpetration and victimization by ninth grade. Results. Control students had significantly higher odds of physical dating violence victimization (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 1.52; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.20, 1.92), emotional dating violence victimization (AOR = 1.74; 95% CI = 1.36, 2.24), and emotional dating violence perpetration (AOR = 1.58; 95% CI = 1.11, 2.26) than did intervention students. The odds of physical dating violence perpetration were not significantly different between the 2 groups. Program effects varied by gender and race/ethnicity. Conclusions. IYG significantly reduced 3 of 4 dating violence outcomes among ethnic-minority middle school youths. Although further study is warranted to determine if IYG should be widely disseminated to prevent dating violence, it is one of only a handful of school-based programs that are effective in reducing adolescent dating violence behavior. PMID:24922162

Political Violence and Child Adjustment: Longitudinal Tests of Sectarian Antisocial Behavior, Family Conflict, and Insecurity as Explanatory Pathways

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Cummings, Edward M.; Merrilees, Christine E.; Schermerhorn, Alice C.; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C.; Shirlow, Peter; Cairns, Ed

2012-01-01

Understanding the impact of political violence on child maladjustment is a matter of international concern. Recent research has advanced a social ecological explanation for relations between political violence and child adjustment. However, conclusions are qualified by the lack of longitudinal tests. Toward examining pathways longitudinally,…

New political violence in Africa : secular sectarianism in Sierra Leone

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Richards, P.

1999-01-01

Mary Douglas (1993) has indicated some of the shared concerns that keep voluntary enclaves together as 'social movements'. The present paper describes a rather different kind of enclave politics, being concerned with the 'new violence' of groups enclaved by social exclusion and force. The paper

Reframing political violence and mental health outcomes: outlining a research and action agenda for Latin America and the Caribbean region

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Duncan Pedersen

Full Text Available In recent decades, the number of people exposed to traumatic events has significantly increased as various forms of violence, including war and political upheaval, engulf civilian populations worldwide. In spite of widespread armed conflict, guerrilla warfare and political violence in the Latin American and Caribbean region, insufficient attention had been paid in assessing the medium and long-term psychological impact and additional burden of disease, death, and disability caused by violence and wars amongst civilian populations. Following a review of the literature, a few central questions are raised: What is the short, medium and long-term health impact of extreme and sustained forms of violence in a given population? How political violence is linked to poor mental health outcomes at the individual and collective levels? Are trauma-related disorders, universal outcomes of extreme and sustained violence? These questions lead us to reframe the analysis of political violence and mental health outcomes, and reexamine the notions of trauma, after which a research and action agenda for the region is outlined. In the concluding sections, some basic principles that may prove useful when designing psychosocial interventions in post-conflict situations are reviewed.

Explaining ethnic politics in the Baltic States : reviewing the triadic nexus model / Vello Pettai

Index Scriptorium Estoniae

Pettai, Vello, 1968-

2006-01-01

Rets. rmt.: Dovile Budryte. Taming nationalism? Political community building in the post-soviet Baltic States; David J. Galbreath. Nation-building and minority politics in post-socialist states : interests, influences and identities in Estonia and Latvia; Judith G. Kelley. Ethnic politics in Europe : the power of norms and incentives. Skeemid

Ethnicity and State Politics in Africa | Nzongola-Ntalaja | African ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

African Journal of International Affairs. Journal Home · ABOUT THIS JOURNAL · Advanced Search · Current Issue · Archives · Journal Home > Vol 2, No 1 (1999) >. Log in or Register to get access to full text downloads. Username, Password, Remember me, or Register. Ethnicity and State Politics in Africa. Georges ...

On the Ethnic Origins of African Development: Chiefs and Precolonial Political Centralization

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Michalopoulos, Stelios; Papaioannou, Elias

2015-01-01

We report on recent findings of a fruitful research agenda that explores the importance of ethnic-specific traits in shaping African development. First, using recent surveys from Sub-Saharan African countries, we document that individuals identify with their ethnic group as often as with the nation pointing to the salience of ethnicity. Second, we focus on the various historical and contemporary functions of tribal leaders (chiefs) and illustrate their influence on various aspects of the economy and the polity. Third, we elaborate on a prominent dimension of ethnicity, that of the degree of complexity of pre-colonial political organization. Building on insights from the African historiography, we review recent works showing a strong association between pre-colonial centralization and contemporary comparative development both across and within countries. We also document that the link between pre-colonial political centralization and regional development -as captured by satellite images of light density at night-is particularly strong in areas outside the vicinity of the capitals, where due to population mixing and the salience of national institutions ethnic traits play a lesser role. Overall, our evidence is supportive to theories and narratives on the presence of a “dual” economic and institutional environment in Africa. PMID:27011760

Engaging the state: ethnic patronage and cultural politics in the eastern Himalayan borderland

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Chettri, Mona

2015-01-01

In the eastern Himalayan borderland, state-led initiatives have led to the transformation of pre-existing patronage networks and placed ethnic identity at the core of regional politics. Based on ethnographic research in Sikkim, the paper illustrates the prolific rise of affirmative action politics...

The blurred boundaries of political violence in the Sahel-Sahara

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Walther, Olivier

2017-01-01

The Sahel and the Sahara are faced with exceptional political instability involving a combination of rebellions, jihadist insurgencies, coups d’état, protest movements and illegal trafficking. Analysis of the outbreaks of violence reveals that the region is not just the victim of an escalation...... of wars and conflicts that marked the 20th century. The Sahel-Sahara has also become the setting of a globalised security environment, in which boundaries between what is local and global, domestic and international, military and civilian, politics and identity are blurred....

Using social constructionist thinking in training social workers living and working under threat of political violence.

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Shamai, Michal

2003-10-01

This article describes and analyzes an intervention program with social workers living and working in a situation of uncertainty created by political violence such as war and terrorism. The author used a social constructionist perspective as a theoretical framework, emphasizing the effect of the social and political context in constructing the experience and a recognition of the personal and professional knowledge acquired in the daily experience. The author used qualitative methods to evaluate the process and outcome. The narrative-holistic analysis focused on reconstructing meaning and adapting it to the new situation, the main thrust of the program. From the thematic analysis four main themes emerged: (1) loss as a result of political violence; (2) meaning of strength and weakness in situations of political violence; (3) preparation for terrorist attacks; and (4) definition of a safe place. The outcome evaluation describes the meaning of this kind of training program to the participants. The specific context of the training program is discussed as well as possibilities of using it in different contexts.

Political violence and child adjustment in Northern Ireland: Testing pathways in a social-ecological model including single-and two-parent families.

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Cummings, E Mark; Schermerhorn, Alice C; Merrilees, Christine E; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C; Shirlow, Peter; Cairns, Ed

2010-07-01

Moving beyond simply documenting that political violence negatively impacts children, we tested a social-ecological hypothesis for relations between political violence and child outcomes. Participants were 700 mother-child (M = 12.1 years, SD = 1.8) dyads from 18 working-class, socially deprived areas in Belfast, Northern Ireland, including single- and two-parent families. Sectarian community violence was associated with elevated family conflict and children's reduced security about multiple aspects of their social environment (i.e., family, parent-child relations, and community), with links to child adjustment problems and reductions in prosocial behavior. By comparison, and consistent with expectations, links with negative family processes, child regulatory problems, and child outcomes were less consistent for nonsectarian community violence. Support was found for a social-ecological model for relations between political violence and child outcomes among both single- and two-parent families, with evidence that emotional security and adjustment problems were more negatively affected in single-parent families. The implications for understanding social ecologies of political violence and children's functioning are discussed.

Political violence and child adjustment in Northern Ireland: Testing pathways in a social ecological model including single and two-parent families

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Cummings, E. Mark; Schermerhorn, Alice C.; Merrilees, Christine E.; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C.; Shirlow, Peter; Cairns, Ed

2013-01-01

Moving beyond simply documenting that political violence negatively impacts children, a social ecological hypothesis for relations between political violence and child outcomes was tested. Participants were 700 mother-child (M=12.1years, SD=1.8) dyads from 18 working class, socially deprived areas in Belfast, Northern Ireland, including single- and two-parent families. Sectarian community violence was associated with elevated family conflict and children’s reduced security about multiple aspects of their social environment (i.e., family, parent-child relations, and community), with links to child adjustment problems and reductions in prosocial behavior. By comparison, and consistent with expectations, links with negative family processes, child regulatory problems and child outcomes were less consistent for nonsectarian community violence. Support was found for a social ecological model for relations between political violence and child outcomes among both single and two parent families, with evidence that emotional security and adjustment problems were more negatively affected in single-parent families. The implications for understanding social ecologies of political violence and children’s functioning are discussed. PMID:20604605

Intergenerational Transmission of Resilience? Sense of Coherence Is Associated between Lithuanian Survivors of Political Violence and Their Adult Offspring.

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Kazlauskas, Evaldas; Gailiene, Danute; Vaskeliene, Ieva; Skeryte-Kazlauskiene, Monika

2017-01-01

Little is known about intergeneration effects on mental health in the families of survivors of political oppression of communist regime in Central and Eastern Europe. We aimed to explore post-traumatic stress in the second generation of the Lithuanian survivors of political violence, and analyze links between parental and adult offsprings' sense of coherence in the families exposed to political violence during the oppressive communist regime in Lithuania. A total of 110 matched pairs of communist regime political violence survivors (mean age = 73.22 years) and their adult offspring (mean age = 44.65 years) participated in this study. Life-time traumatic experiences and sense of coherence were measured in both parents and their offspring. Post-traumatic stress symptoms were assessed in the second generation of survivors. We found a high vulnerability in the second generation of the Lithuanian families of political violence survivors, with a 29% of probable PTSD in the second generation based on self-report measures. A significant positive correlation between parental and adult offsprings' sense of coherence was found. Post-traumatic stress symptoms were associated negatively with a sense of coherence in the second generation. Our study indicates the links between parental and the second generation's sense of coherence in the families of survivors of political violence. The study raises broader questions about the intergenerational aspects of resilience. Further studies are needed to explore the links between parental and child sense of coherence in other samples.

German genes and Turkish traits: ethnicity, infertility, and reproductive politics in Germany.

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Vanderlinden, Lisa K

2009-07-01

This ethnographic study uses the lens of ethnic difference to examine the experience of infertility and the cultural politics of belonging in modern Germany. The data are derived from participant observation and interviews conducted with forty-one ethnic Germans and thirty-three German Turks undergoing biomedical treatment for infertility at a fertility clinic in Berlin (1998-2000). Through their illness narratives, men and women symbolically link their loss of biological parenthood to losses in other life arenas, such as gender identity, social status and cultural acceptance. Results reveal that while both German Turks and ethnic Germans experience disruption and social suffering from their inability to conform to procreative norms, German Turkish sufferers exhibit higher levels of distress, which directly relates to their dual stigma as outsiders in both German Turkish culture and mainstream German culture. The findings suggest that the tensions surrounding individual reproductive practices are reflective of larger national tensions regarding the constitution of the body politic in an increasingly multicultural Germany.

Towards a More Democratic Regime and Society? The Politics of Faith and Ethnicity in a Transitional Multi-Ethnic Malaysia

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Kikue Hamayotsu

2013-01-01

Full Text Available The rising antagonistic attitudes and tension between the Malay majority and ethnic and religious minorities in Malaysia since 2007 is intriguing because it has occurred when society experienced an unprecedentedly large-scale and assertive multi-ethnic pro-democracy movement. This article argues that precisely these assertive and confident civil and political societies – and their emphasis on equal rights and equitable development for all Malaysians – have put the traditional Malay and religious elites on the defensive. The pro-democracy movement and the prospects of regime change have threatened not only the party-dominant regime but also – and more importantly – the constitutional and institutional foundations of ethnic exclusivism and privileges. Moreover, two Malay-based parties, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO and the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS, are viewed as giving too many political concessions to the non-Malay communities to gain an electoral advantage, making the traditional Malay and religious elites even more defensive of their position and power. As a result, religious issues are excessively politicised, further deteriorating the already complicated inter-ethnic relations of the country. The prospects for achieving a democratic regime and society appear grim, although hopes have run high since the electoral rise of the multi-ethnic opposition.

The Violence of Post-Racial Memory and the Political Sense of Mourning

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Alfred Frankowski

2013-01-01

Full Text Available In this paper I argue that “post-raciality” entails a way of remembering that depoliticizes the social meaning of memory and thus of history. Through aesthetic critique, I attempt to show how the hyper-production of memory obscures the very real forms of violence directed toward non-whites. By developing the aesthetic critiques of W.E.B. Du Bois and Walter Benjamin, I argue that representing former violence as social memory fails to adequately address subtle forms of cultural and residual violence. Furthermore, I argue that post-racial memory produces sites and representations of the past only to enact a type of social forgetting in the present. I develop a political sense of mourning as a form of resistance against the violence of post-racial memory.

Children and Political Violence from a Social Ecological Perspective: Implications from Research on Children and Families in Northern Ireland

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Cummings, Mark E.; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C.; Schermerhorn, Alice C.; Merrilees, Christine E.; Cairns, Ed

2009-01-01

The effects on children of political violence are matters of international concern, with many negative effects well-documented. At the same time, relations between war, terrorism, or other forms of political violence and child development do not occur in a vacuum. The impact can be understood as related to changes in the communities, families and…

Terrorism and Political Violence in Africa: Contemporary Trends in a Shifting Terrain

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James J.F. Forest

2011-09-01

Full Text Available In 1994, Martha Crenshaw’s edited volume Terrorism in Africa made clear how terrorism – generally defined as a tactic that uses violence or the threat of violence as a coercive strategy to cause fear and political intimidation – was a feature within resistance movements, military coups, political assassinations, and various intra- and inter-state wars that have affected most African states at some point during the continent’s transition to independence and subsequent post-colonial period.  Crenshaw further noted that terrorism was not “an isolated phenomenon” for African states or the region more broadly [1]. This description remains salient today: terrorism has been a global phenomenon for many decades, and Africa has not been unscathed by it. Terrorism is just one of several types of political violence that states and their citizens, in Africa and elsewhere, have had to grapple with. In fact, from a macro perspective, terrorism may not be universally seen as the most important security challenge faced by African states and their citizens. Famine, drought, endemic poverty, diseases and other natural and man-made disasters that undermine human security have also been at the forefront of recent policy discussions on Africa among Western governments and international aid organizations. It is thus necessary to place terrorism within the broader terrain of Africa’s security challenges, before examining the historical trends and specific examples discussed in this Special Issue of Perspectives on Terrorism.

"Foreign brides" meet ethnic politics in Taiwan.

Science.gov (United States)

Tsai, Ming-Chang

2011-01-01

A great number of women from China, Vietnam, and Indonesia recently arrived in Taiwan to marry men of lower social strata. Such an unusual pattern of migration has stimulated debates about the status and the citizenship of the new arrivals. This study analyzes Taiwanese responses toward these marriage migrants by using a national survey conducted in 2004. Three aspects of restrictive attitudes were tapped concerning these newcomers: (1) rights to work; (2) access to public health insurance; and (3) full citizenship. Immigrants from China were most opposed, compared to women with other origins (Southeast Asia, Japan, Europe, and the US). The seemingly unrelated regression estimation regression results do not support the split labor market hypotheses, as marriage migrants do not appear to be economic threats toward members of the lower classes. In contrast, ethnic nationalism plays a key role in determining the natives’ restrictive attitudes. The case of Taiwan represents a special genre, where ethnic politics selectively arouses the social rejection of women immigrants of certain origins.

FILTERED VIOLENCE: PROPAGANDA MODEL AND POLITICAL ECONOMY OF THE INDIAN FILM INDUSTRY

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Azmat Rasul

2016-01-01

Full Text Available Production, distribution, and consumption of cinematic violence raises several questions of academic import. Despite a plethora of research studies exploring the nature of screen violence and its effects on viewers, a serious debate on the influence of state machinery on the production of sanitized violence in movies is still wanting. Likewise, Bollywood’s role in advancing the Indian government’s agenda in war and peace times has been paid petite attention in academic discourses dealing with media-state interconnection. This article explores the relevance of Herman and Chomsky’s propaganda model as a framework for analysis and analyzes Bollywood’s movies based on stories of violence in war and peace times. The article discusses the connections with the Indian state apparatus that influences production processes in the Indian film industry by providing financial assistance and applying multifarious political, social, economic, and ideological pressures (filters. The findings suggest that the Bollywood movies support diplomatic initiatives of the Indian government through cinematic narratives of sanitized violence.

The Political Role of the Ethnic Factor Democratic Republic of the ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

This paper analyses the role of the ethnic factor in political choices in the Democratic .... 4 Decision no 031/CEI/BUR/06 on the announcing of provisional results of the 30 July .... is complicated when we add the purchasing of consciences.

Psychiatric Consequences for Israeli Adolescents of Protracted Political Violence: 1998-2004

Science.gov (United States)

Slone, Michelle; Shechner, Tomer

2009-01-01

Background: This study examined relations between Israeli adolescents' political violence exposure and psychiatric consequences over seven years around the second Intifada and possible differential effects according to age and gender. Methods: Cross-sectional data was collected from 3667 adolescents aged 10-18, constituting two age groups of early…

Violence and the crisis of conciliation : Suri, Dizi and the State in south-west Ethiopia

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Abbink, J.

2000-01-01

This article examines the social and political background of escalating violence between ethnic groups in southwestern Ethiopia who until recently had customary and ritually sanctioned ways of resolving conflict. It focuses on the Maji area, a frontier region inhabited by two indigenous groups - the

Building a translational science on children and youth affected by political violence and armed conflict: A commentary.

Science.gov (United States)

Masten, Ann S

2017-02-01

Articles in this timely Special Section represent an important milestone in the developmental science on children and youth involved in political violence and armed conflict. With millions of children worldwide affected by past and present wars and conflicts, there is an urgent and growing need for research to inform efforts to understand, prevent, and mitigate the possible harm of such violence to individual children, families, communities, and societies, for present as well as future generations. The four programs of research highlighted in this Special Section illustrate key advances and challenges in contemporary development research on young people growing up in the midst or aftermath of political violence. These studies are longitudinal, methodologically sophisticated, and grounded in socioecological systems models that align well with current models of risk and resilience in developmental psychopathology. These studies collectively mark a critically important shift to process-focused research that holds great promise for translational applications. Nonetheless, given the scope of the international crisis of children and youth affected by political violence and its sequelae, there is an urgent global need for greater mobilization of resources to support translational science and effective evidence-based action.

Ethnic Identities of University Students

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Gözde Özdikmenli-Demir

2014-06-01

Full Text Available The aim of this article is to understand the relationship between ethnic identity, victimization/witnessing community violence, ethnic discrimination, and aggression in a sample of university students living in the South East Region of Turkey. The participants were 263 university students of predominantly Kurdish ethnic origin. The results showed that males had higher levels of ethnic identity in the dimensions of exploration and commitment. Males also presented higher scores for witnessing community violence and lifetime exposure to ethnic discrimination. The most important predictor of participants’ ethnic identity was witnessing community violence. Participants who witnessed violent acts in their social environment had higher ethnic identity levels. Although the predictor variables could not explain an important part of the participants’ aggression levels, only perceived ethnic discrimination was positively related to aggressive behavior. The role of native language efficiency in ethnic identity is also discussed.

Political Violence and Child Adjustment in Northern Ireland: Testing Pathways in a Social-Ecological Model Including Single- and Two-Parent Families

Science.gov (United States)

Cummings, E. Mark; Schermerhorn, Alice C.; Merrilees, Christine E.; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C.; Shirlow, Peter; Cairns, Ed

2010-01-01

Moving beyond simply documenting that political violence negatively impacts children, we tested a social-ecological hypothesis for relations between political violence and child outcomes. Participants were 700 mother-child (M = 12.1 years, SD = 1.8) dyads from 18 working-class, socially deprived areas in Belfast, Northern Ireland, including…

Political Islam and Religious Violence in Post-New Order Indonesia

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Abdil Mughis Mudhoffir

2016-01-01

Full Text Available This paper tries to understand why religious violence increasingly occurs in post-New Order Indonesia. There are two dominant views in understanding this. First, the security approach that perceives the violence as a result of the emergent of “radical” agent of political Islam in the more open political space. In this regard, the state is considered weak because the iron hand as used by the authoritarian regime in the past New Orderhas disappeared. Thus, the strong security instruments are needed as a solution, such as the law on anti-terrorism and the police force of anti-terrorism (Densus 88. Second, the cultural approach views violence as caused by the inability of society to build the religious tolerance. Society is considered weak. Religious expression in the political arena is believedas the source of the emergent of intolerant acts. To conquer this, intensive inter-religious dialogues are required. The author argues that those two approaches are not adequate. The historical fact shows that the emergence of political Islam today is the result of the oscillated relationship between Islam and the authoritarian state during the New Order period. In addition, the Indonesian historical experience also clearly illustrates that the presence of political Islam is nothing but a form of response to the critical social-politicaleconomic situation. Political Islam does not appear in a vacuum, but it emerges from the crisis where another populist response from the left is absent.Tulisan ini berupaya memahami mengapa kekerasan agama meningkat di Indonesia pasca Orde Baru. Selama ini, ada dua pandangan dominan dalam memahami persoalan di atas. Pertama, pendekatan keamanan yang memandang kekerasan agama sebagai hasil dari munculnya agen Islam politik yang radikal dalam arena politik yang semakin terbuka. Dalam konteks ini, negara dianggap lemah karena kehilangan tangan besinya seperti yang sebelumnya digunakan oleh rezim otoriter

Peruvian cinema, national identity and political violence 1988-2004

OpenAIRE

Barrow, Sarah

2007-01-01

The role of national cinema in shaping, reflecting and contesting a complex national identity that is the site of conflict and struggle is the central interest of this study of contemporary Peruvian cinema, 1988-2004. This project examines the relationship between cinema, state and identity in Peru, with a specific focus on the representation of the political violence between the state and Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) that began in 1980. It looks in particular at portrayals of important ev...

Cumulative Effects of Exposure to Violence on Posttraumatic Stress in Palestinian and Israeli Youth

Science.gov (United States)

Dubow, Eric F.; Boxer, Paul; Huesmann, L. Rowell; Landau, Simha; Dvir, Shira; Shikaki, Khalil; Ginges, Jeremy

2012-01-01

We examine cumulative and prospective effects of exposure to conflict and violence across four contexts (ethnic-political, community, family, school) on posttraumatic stress (PTS) symptoms in Palestinian and Israeli youth. Interviews were conducted with 600 Palestinian and 901 Israeli (Jewish and Arab) children (ages 8, 11, and 14) and their…

The political elite recruitment in the Baltic: the role of the ethnic factor

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Smirnov Vadim

2013-11-01

Full Text Available The role of the ethnic factor in political processes in Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia has been rather significant since these countries’ independence. The author investigates the assumption that after the completion of major Eurointegration procedures, the ethnic factor — which became especially important in the Baltics after independence — relegated to the periphery of political life. After a period of ‘independence-induced euphoria’ faded, Lithuanian, Latvian, and Estonian power groups had to tackle the problem of civil society formation and the development of a political regime based on democratic procedures. In these countries the processes of elite recruitment were largely affected by the factor of ethic homogeneity of the social structure. This article analyses the process of elite group formation in the Baltics through the lens of the ethnic factor. By applying the ethnopolitical approach, the author concludes that the de facto barriers to non-titular population groups entering power structures, which exist in Latvia and Estonia, “freeze” the system of elite recruitment. In the conditions of increasing social unrest, it may have an adverse effect on the overall political stability in these countries. The results obtained can be used for research, educational, and practical purposes. In the field of research and education, they can be employed in further research on the transformation of the elite structure in the Baltics in view of the ethnopolitical factor, including comparative analysis of the elite re-grouping processes, as well as in developing corresponding university courses. As to the practical aspect, the results obtained can be used by the authorities of the Russian Federation in making decisions regarding interaction with the representatives of Lithuanian, Latvian, and Estonian political elites.

Mediators and moderators of a psychosocial intervention for children affected by political violence

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Tol, W.A.; Komproe, I.H.; Jordans, M.J.D.; Gross, A.L.; Susanty, D.; Macy, R.D.; de Jong, J.T.V.M.

2010-01-01

Objective: The authors examined moderators and mediators of a school-based psychosocial intervention for children affected by political violence, according to an ecological resilience theoretical framework. Method: The authors examined data from a cluster randomized trial, involving children aged

Mediators and Moderators of a Psychosocial Intervention for Children Affected by Political Violence

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Tol, W.A.; Komproe, I.H.; Jordans, M.J.D.; Gross, A.L.; Susanty, D.; Macy, R.D.; de Jong, J.T.V.M.

2010-01-01

Objective: The authors examined moderators and mediators of a school-based psychosocial intervention for children affected by political violence, according to an ecological resilience theoretical framework. Method: The authors examined data from a cluster randomized trial, involving children aged

Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Police-Reported Intimate Partner Violence Perpetration: A Mixed Methods Approach

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Lipsky, Sherry; Cristofalo, Meg; Reed, Sarah; Caetano, Raul; Roy-Byrne, Peter

2012-01-01

The objectives of this study were to examine racial and ethnic disparities in perpetrator and incident characteristics and discrepancies between police charges and reported perpetrator behaviors in police-reported intimate partner violence (IPV). This cross-sectional study used standardized police data and victim narratives of IPV incidents…

Initiation and persistence with warfarin therapy in atrial fibrillation according to ethnicity

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Hansen, Carolina Malta; Olesen, Jonas Bjerring; Hansen, Morten Lock

2012-01-01

The aim of this study was to investigate initiation of and persistence with warfarin treatment in patients with atrial fibrillation (AF) according to ethnicity. Patients hospitalized with first-time AF from 1997 to 2009, prescription claims of warfarin and country of birth were identified...... by individual-level linkage of nationwide administrative agencies. Cox proportional hazards models were used to estimate the relationship between covariates affecting initiation and non-persistence with warfarin treatment. A total of 151,537 patients were included in the study and 5,061(3.3%) were of non......-Danish origin. CHADS2 score distribution varied substantially according to ethnicity, the proportion of patients with CHADS2 score ≥1 being 79.2, 78.1, 65.9, and 46.0% for patients of Danish, Western, Eastern, and African origin, respectively. 79,239(52.4%) of all patients initiated treatment with warfarin...

Making Ethnic Citizens: The Politics and Practice of Education in Malaysia

Science.gov (United States)

Brown, Graham K.

2007-01-01

This paper examines the politics and practice of education in Malaysia within the context of ethnicity and nation building. Public education in Malaysia--particularly, but not exclusively, at the pre-university level--is promoted as a nation-building tool, seeking to inculcate a sense of Malaysian-ness and patriotism. Simultaneously, however,…

Cultural mechanisms and the persistence of neighborhood violence.

Science.gov (United States)

Kirk, David S; Papachristos, Andrew V

2011-01-01

Sociologists have given considerable attention to identifying the neighborhood-level social-interactional mechanisms that influence outcomes such as crime, educational attainment, and health. Yet, cultural mechanisms are often overlooked in quantitative studies of neighborhood effects. This paper adds a cultural dimension to neighborhood effects research by exploring the consequences of legal cynicism. Legal cynicism refers to a cultural frame in which people perceive the law as illegitimate, unresponsive, and ill equipped to ensure public safety. The authors find that legal cynicism explains why homicide persisted in certain Chicago neighborhoods during the 1990s despite declines in poverty and declines in violence city-wide.

Sultanov T.I. Historiography of the Ethnic and Political History of the Jochid and Chaghataid Uluses

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T.I. Sultanov

2017-03-01

Full Text Available Objective: The article is dedicated to basic stages of ethnic and political development of two heirs of the Mongol Empire – uluses of Jochi (Golden Horde and Chaghatai (in Central Asia and their own successors in the 13th–18th cc. Research materials: The sources mainly used in this study are historical works of contemporary Islamic authors: Jamal Qarshi, Rashid al-Din, Wassaf (turn of the 13th–14th cc., al-Omari and Hamdallah Qazwini (14th c., Mirza Muhammad Haydar, Seyfi Çelebi, Amin b. Ahmad Razi (16th c., Abu-l-Ghazi, Mahmud b. Wali, Hajji Khalifa (17th c. and others. Also opinions of leading Soviet and post-Soviet as well as foreign specialists on ethnical and political history of Central Asia (V. Barthold, A. Samoilovich, S. Ibragimov, A. Mokeev, B. Karmysheva, Sh. Ando, B.F. Manz, etc. have been taken into consideration in this study. Results and novelty of the research: The “reference point” of this article is epoch of Mongol invasions and establishment of the Mongol Empire. During this time earlier political and ethnical realities were crushed. Disintegration of the Empire and creation of independent Chinggisid states initiated new turn of ethno- and politogenesis continued until the fall of these states at the beginning of the 16th c. Thus, ethnical and political development of the Central Eurasia was a long-term process, and firstly the terms, which are used as ethnonyms today, reflected political and social but not a national characteristics of their holders. Only after disintegration of Chinggisid uluses of imperial type and appearance of new states (Kazakh khanate, Shibanid states on the territory of Chaghataid ulus, Moghulistan and Moghulia-Kashgaria in the Eastern Turkestan we could talk about formation of ethnical formations, which became a basis for the modern peoples of the Central Asia. Author pays attention to hypothetical nature of many conclusions of specialist in the ethnical history of Eurasia although they

Using Social Constructionist Thinking in Training Social Workers Living and Working under Threat of Political Violence.

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Shamai, Michal

2003-01-01

Describes and analyzes an intervention program with social workers living and working in a situation of uncertainty created by political violence, such as war and terrorism. Uses a social constructionist perspective as a theoretical framework, emphasizing the effect of the social and political context in constructing the experience and a…

Political Violence and Child Adjustment: Longitudinal Tests of Sectarian Antisocial Behavior, Family Conflict and Insecurity as Explanatory Pathways

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Cummings, E. Mark; Merrilees, Christine E.; Schermerhorn, Alice C.; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C.; Shirlow, Peter; Cairns, Ed

2011-01-01

Understanding the impact of political violence on child maladjustment is a matter of international concern. Recent research has advanced a social ecological explanation for relations between political violence and child adjustment. However, conclusions are qualified by the lack of longitudinal tests. Towards examining pathways longitudinally, mothers and their adolescents (M = 12.33, SD =1.78, at time 1) from two-parent families in Catholic and Protestant working class neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland, completed measures assessing multiple levels of a social ecological model. Utilizing autoregressive controls, a three-wave longitudinal model test (T1, n = 299; T2, n = 248; T3, n = 197) supported a specific pathway linking sectarian community violence, family conflict, children’s insecurity about family relationships, and adjustment problems. PMID:22313052

Childrearing Violence and Child Adjustment Following Exposure to Kenyan Post-election Violence.

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Skinner, Ann T; Oburu, Paul; Lansford, Jennifer E; Bacchini, Dario

2014-01-01

This study examines parents' and children's exposure to short-term political violence and the relation between childrearing violence and child adjustment following widespread violence that erupted in Kisumu, Kenya after the disputed presidential election in December 2007. Mothers of 100 Luo children (mean age = 8.46 years, 61% female) reported on their own use of childrearing violence at Time 1, approximately 4 months after the disputed election, and again at Times 2 ( n = 95) and 3 ( n = 95), approximately 12 and 24 months later, respectively. At Time 2, mothers reported about post-election violence directed at them and about their children's exposure to post-election violence. Children reported about their own externalizing behaviors at Times 1, 2, and 3. Children's exposure to post-election violence was related to Time 2 externalizing behavior, and childrearing violence at Time 1 predicted child externalizing behavior at Time 2. Exposure to post-election violence was not directly related to either childrearing violence or children's externalizing behavior by Time 3, although children's externalizing at Time 2 predicted more childrearing violence at Time 3. These results support earlier work that links childrearing violence and children's exposure to political violence with increases in child externalizing behavior, but examined these links in the under-studied area of short-term political violence. Even though sudden and severe political violence may subside significantly in weeks or months, increased attention to long-term effects on parenting and child adjustment is warranted.

Masculine and family honor and youth violence: The moderating role of ethnic-cultural affiliation.

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Khoury-Kassabri, Mona

2016-01-01

This study examines the involvement in violent behavior of at-risk Arab and Jewish male youth from a large city in Israel. It explores the role masculine and family honor plays in predicting youth involvement in violence and tests whether this association is moderated by ethnic-cultural affiliation. A total of 282 males (59.2% Arab), aged 15-21, filled out a self-report closed-ended questionnaire. We found that among both Jewish and Arab youth a greater concern with masculine honor was positively associated with involvement in violence. We also found that Arab youth are significantly more involved in violent behavior than Jewish youth, and that Arab participants were more concerned with masculine and family honor. However, contrary to what was expected, greater concern with family honor was associated with lower levels of Arab youth involvement in violence. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved).

A qualitative systematic review of published work on disclosure and help-seeking for domestic violence and abuse among women from ethnic minority populations in the UK.

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Femi-Ajao, Omolade; Kendal, Sarah; Lovell, Karina

2018-03-07

Domestic violence and abuse has been recognised as an international public health problem. However, the pervasiveness of the problem is unknown due in part to underreporting, especially among women from ethnic minority populations. In relation to this group, this review seeks to explore: (1) the barriers to disclosure; (2) the facilitators of help-seeking; and (3) self-perceived impacts of domestic violence. We systematically identified published qualitative studies conducted among women from ethnic minority populations in the UK. Data analysis was completed using thematic analysis approach. 562 papers were identified and eight papers from four studies conducted among women from ethnic minority populations in the UK met the inclusion criteria and were reviewed. Barriers to disclosure include: Immigration status, community influences, problems with language and interpretation, and unsupportive attitudes of staff within mainstream services. Facilitators of help-seeking were: escalation of abuse and safety of children. Self-perceived impact of abuse includes: shame, denial, loss of identity and lack of choice. There is an on-going need for staff from domestic violence services to be aware of the complexities within which women from ethnic minority populations experience domestic violence and abuse.

The Changing Urban Landscape: Interconnections Between Racial/Ethnic Segregation and Exposure in the Study of Race-Specific Violence Over Time.

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Parker, Karen F; Stansfield, Richard

2015-09-01

We investigated how racial/ethnic shifts in the urban landscape influence race-specific violence by considering changes in the size of the Hispanic population, racial/ethnic contact, and racial segregation patterns. We used a time-series approach incorporating 4 decennial periods (1980, 1990, 2000, and 2010) to determine whether racial/ethnic demographic changes in 144 US cities influenced White and Black homicide rates. Sources included census and Uniform Crime Reports Supplemental Homicide Report data. The growing diversity in the residential population of US cities contributed to the dramatic decline in homicide rates over time, but the effects differed by racial group. Exposure between Hispanics and Blacks and the growing presence of Hispanics led to a reduced Black homicide trend but had no impact on Whites, after adjustment for economic shifts and other important structural features in US cities. Our research highlights the importance of paying closer attention to exposure and integration between immigrants and existing racial groups. Failure to consider racial/ethnic contact and the racial nature of urban violence may produce misleading results in studies of associations between Hispanic immigration and crime.

Does self-complexity moderate the effects of exposure to political violence for adolescents?

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Slone, Michelle; Roziner, Ilan

2013-01-01

This study examined the moderating role of self-complexity (SC) on well-being (WB) and psychopathology among Israeli adolescents exposed to the Second Lebanon War (2006). Adolescents (N=584, mean age 16.41) completed a SC measure, Political and Negative Life Events (NLE) scales, Brief Symptom Inventory and Satisfaction with Life Scale. The theoretical model analyzed the function of SC as a moderator of exposure effects to political life events (PLE), while controlling for general NLE. Results corroborated the model with SC moderating the effects of the war-related PLE. Adolescents with low SC are at risk for damaged WB and psychiatric consequences from political violence exposure. This opens a diagnostic avenue for identification of at-risk adolescents in this socio-political context toward whom clinical programs should be directed.

Mutual Partner Violence: Mental Health Symptoms among Female and Male Victims in Four Racial/Ethnic Groups

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Prospero, Moises; Kim, Miseong

2009-01-01

This study examines racial/ethnic and sex differences in the prevalence of mutual intimate partner violence (IPV) and mental health symptoms. The authors asked 676 university students in heterosexual relationships if they had experienced IPV, coercive victimization, and/or perpetration as well as symptoms of depression, anxiety, hostility, and…

Epidemiology of mixed martial arts and youth violence in an ethnically diverse sample.

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Hishinuma, Earl S; Umemoto, Karen N; Nguyen, Toan Gia; Chang, Janice Y; Bautista, Randy Paul M

2012-01-01

Mixed martial arts' (MMAs) growing international popularity has rekindled the discussion on the advantages (e.g., exercise) and disadvantages (e.g., possible injury) of contact sports. This study was the first of its kind to examine the psychosocial aspects of MMA and youth violence using an epidemiologic approach with an Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) adolescent sample (N = 881). The results were consistent with the increased popularity of MMA with 52% (adolescent males = 73%, adolescent females = 39%) enjoying watching MMA and 24% (adolescent males = 39%, adolescent females = 13%) practicing professional fight moves with friends. Although statistically significant ethnic differences were found for the two MMA items on a bivariate level, these findings were not statistically significant when considering other variables in the model. The bivariate results revealed a cluster of risk-protective factors. Regarding the multiple regression findings, although enjoying watching MMA remained associated with positive attitudes toward violence and practicing fight moves remained associated with negative out-group orientation, the MMA items were not associated with unique variances of youth violence perpetration and victimization. Implications included the need for further research that includes other diverse samples, more comprehensive and objective MMA and violence measures, and observational and intervention longitudinal studies.

Islam and Political Violence

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John L Esposito

2015-09-01

Full Text Available The global threat of Al Qaeda post 9/11 and ISIL, increased Sunni-Shia conflicts, and violence in the Middle East and Pakistan dominate headlines and challenge governments in the region and globally. Both Muslim extremists and some Western experts and observers speak of a clash of civilizations or a culture war in Muslim-West relations. Both the discourse and violence yet again raise questions about the relationship of Islam to violence and terrorism: is Islam a particularly violent religion? Critics cite Quranic passages, doctrines like jihad and events in Muslim history as strong indicators and proof that Islam is the primary driver of Muslim extremism and terrorism. What do the Quran and Islamic law have to say about violence, jihad and warfare? What are the primary drivers of terrorism in the name of Islam today? This article will address these questions in the context of development of global jihadist movements, in particular Al Qaeda and ISIL, their roots, causes, ideology and agenda.

Electoral democracy, revolutionary politics and political violence: the emergence of Fascism in Italy, 1920-21.

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Elazar, D S

2000-09-01

This study examines the determination of the Italian Fascists' extra-parliamentary, para-military, violent strategy. What were the effects of the socialists' political strategy, relying on electoral democracy, on the creation and strategy of the Fascist Action Squads? A comparison among Italy's 69 provinces, based on quantitative and qualitative historical evidence reveals a distinct pattern in the Fascists' violence. They attacked mainly provinces where the Socialists enjoyed the greatest electoral support. This pattern was a product of two historical processes: (a) the threat of the Socialist party to the landlords' economic and political hegemony, and (b) the landlords' tradition of militant anti-worker organization which culminated in their alliance with the Fascists. The Fascists' struggle for, and takeover of, political power was not an immanent historical necessity. It was first and foremost an anti-socialist reaction. It was shaped both 'from below', by the political power and radicalism of the PSI and the para-military capacity of the Fascist Squads; and 'from above', by the active support the Fascists received from the landlords and the state. Supported by organized landlords and blessed with the authorities' benevolence, the Squads were able to destroy - physically and politically - the legitimately constituted provincial governments of the Socialists. The alliance with the landlords determined the Squads' almost exclusive attacks on Socialist provincial strongholds that constituted the greatest threat to the landlords' interests, while provinces dominated by the ruling Liberal party were excluded from the Squads' path of 'punitive expeditions'.

Militarised Safety: Politics of Exclusion

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Ayesha Sarfraz

2017-02-01

Full Text Available Warfare and armed conflict have evolved radically with the advent of technology and perhaps most importantly, with globalization. Unlike the West, which has come to terms with violence through constant memorialization, multidisciplinary discourse and legislature, cities in the developing world lack audible intellectual trajectories. Therefore, studies on the merits of the non-Western conditions of conflict must take into account the complex structures of organization of society, politics, religion and ethnicities, as a result of the globalization of violence. Developing and less politically stable countries like Pakistan, on the other hand, are losing urban space through attacks from the perpetrators and yet more so from the state as the literal subtraction of the public realm gets framed as security measures Whereas international law states that during times of war, civilian rights can be legally suspended - in Pakistan that suspension has shifted into a state of temporariness without prescribed limits. This paper looks at urban space in the developing world as a dual site of the threat and the threatened while questioning the effectivity of security apparatus that have become the foundations for design of the contemporary city.

Political violence and development: an ecologic approach to children in war zones.

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Boothby, Neil

2008-07-01

This article looks at the experiences of children in war from a psychosocial and social ecologic perspective. In contrast to clinical approaches, it offers a conceptualization of how the impacts of political violence and war are socially mediated. It suggests that psychologic assistance to war-affected children often occurs not through the provision of therapy by outsiders but via support from insiders.

Reconsidering identity: the ethnic and political dimensions of hybridity among majority and Turkish youth in Germany and England.

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Faas, Daniel

2009-06-01

Sociological research has hitherto largely focused on majority and minority ethnic identities or citizenship identities. However, the social connections between youth are not simply ethnic dynamics but also political dynamics involving citizenship categories. This article argues that in postmodern societies, it is important to reconsider the ways we think about youth identities. Drawing upon qualitative data from a study into the political identities of majority (German and British) youth and Turkish youth, educated in two Stuttgart and two London secondary schools, the research found that fifteen-year-olds had no singular identity but hybrid ethno-national, ethno-local and national-European identities as a result of governmental policies, their schooling and community experience, social class positioning, ethnicity and migration history. In working-class educational contexts, many majority and Turkish youth privileged the ethnic dimension of hybridity whereas majority and Turkish youth in the two middle-class dominated schools emphasized the political dimension of hybridity. The article demonstrates that social class and schooling (e.g. ethos and peer cultures) have a considerable role to play in who can afford to take on the more hybridized cosmopolitan identities on offer.

Mobilizing Ethnic Equality in Admissions to Schools: Litigation, Politics, and Educational Change

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Perry-Hazan, Lotem; Perelstain, Oshrat

2018-01-01

This study explores the impact of litigation on the mobilization of ethnic equality in the admission to Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) schools in Israel, and examines the socio-political mechanisms that have shaped this impact. It uses a case-study approach and draws on an analysis of documents and interviews. The findings confirm the conclusions of…

Ethnicity and Health in Colombia: What Do Self-Perceived Health Indicators Tell Us?

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Agudelo-Suárez, Andrés A; Martínez-Herrera, Eliana; Posada-López, Adriana; Rocha-Buelvas, Anderson

2016-04-21

To compare self-perceived health indicators between ethnic groups in Colombia. Cross-sectional study with data from the 2007 National Public Health Survey (ENSP-2007). Data from 57,617 people ≥18 years were used. Variables included: belonging to an ethnic group (exposure); self-rated health; mental health problems, injuries for accidents/violence (outcomes); sex, age, education level and occupation (explicative/control). A descriptive study was carried out of the explicative variables, and the prevalence of the outcomes was calculated according to ethnicity, education level and occupation. The association between the exposure variable and the outcomes was estimated by means of adjusted odds ratios (OR) with 95% CI using logistic regression. Analyses were conducted separately for men and women. The prevalence of outcomes was higher in people reporting to belong to an ethnic group and differences were found by sex, ethnic groups and health outcomes. Women from the Palenquero group were more likely to report poor self-rated health (aOR 7.04; 95%CI 2.50-19.88) and injuries from accidents/violence (aOR 7.99; 95%CI 2.89-22.07). Indigenous men were more likely to report mental health problems (aOR 1.75; 95%CI 1.41-2.17). Gradients according to ethnicity, education, occupation and sex were found. Minority ethnic groups are vulnerable to reporting poor health outcomes. Political actions are required to diminish health inequalities in these groups.

Factors shaping political priorities for violence against women-mitigation policies in Sri Lanka.

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Colombini, Manuela; Mayhew, Susannah H; Lund, Ragnhild; Singh, Navpreet; Swahnberg, Katarina; Infanti, Jennifer; Schei, Berit; Wijewardene, Kumudu

2018-05-25

Although violence against women (VAW) is a global public health issue, its importance as a health issue is often unrecognized in legal and health policy documents. This paper uses Sri Lanka as a case study to explore the factors influencing the national policy response to VAW, particularly by the health sector. A document based health policy analysis was conducted to examine current policy responses to VAW in Sri Lanka using the Shiffman and Smith (2007) policy analysis framework. The findings suggest that the networks and influences of various actors in Sri Lanka, and their ideas used to frame the issue of VAW, have been particularly important in shaping the nature of the policy response to date. The Ministry of Women and Child Affairs led the national response on VAW, but suffered from limited financial and political support. Results also suggest that there was low engagement by the health sector in the initial policy response to VAW in Sri Lanka, which focused primarily on criminal legislation, following global influences. Furthermore, a lack of empirical data on VAW has impeded its promotion as a health policy issue, despite financial support from international organisations enabling an initial health systems response by the Ministry of Health. Until a legal framework was established (2005), the political context provided limited opportunities for VAW to also be construed as a health issue. It was only then that the Ministry of Health got legitimacy to institutionalise VAW services. Nearly a decade later, a change in government has led to a new national plan on VAW, giving a clear role to the health sector in the fight against VAW. High-level political will, criminalisation of violence, coalesced women's groups advocating for legislative change, prevalence data, and financial support from influential institutions are all critical elements helping frame violence as a national public health issue.

Private Satisfactions and Public Disorders: "Fight Club," Patriarchy, and the Politics of Masculine Violence.

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Giroux, Henry A.

2001-01-01

Analyzes the narrative structure of the film "Fight Club," addressing its critique of consumerism and its celebration of masculinity. Addresses the representational politics that structure the movie, especially its deeply conventional views of violence, gender relations, and masculinity. Considers the role that "Fight Club" and other cultural…

Retelling Racialized Violence, Remaking White Innocence: The Politics of Interlocking Oppressions in Transgender Day of Remembrance

OpenAIRE

Lamble, Sarah

2008-01-01

Transgender Day of Remembrance has become a significant political event among those resisting violence against gender-variant persons. Commemorated in more than 250 locations worldwide, this day honors individuals who were killed due to anti-transgender hatred or prejudice. However, by focusing on transphobia as the definitive cause of violence, this ritual potentially obscures the ways in which hierarchies of race, class, and sexuality constitute such acts. Taking the Transgender Day of Reme...

A public health framework to translate risk factors related to political violence and war into multi-level preventive interventions

NARCIS (Netherlands)

de Jong, J.T.V.M.

2010-01-01

Political violence, armed conflicts and human rights violations are produced by a variety of political, economic and socio-cultural factors. Conflicts can be analyzed with an interdisciplinary approach to obtain a global understanding of the relative contribution of risk and protective factors. A

Tobacco and the Malays: ethnicity, health and the political economy of tobacco in Malaysia.

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Barraclough, Simon; Morrow, Martha

2017-04-01

To identify the historical nexus between Malaysia's largest and politically dominant ethnic group and the political economy of tobacco, and to consider the implications of this connection for tobacco control. Primary and secondary documentary sources in both English and Malay were analysed to illuminate key events and decisions, and the discourse of industry and government. Sources included: speeches by Malaysian political and industry actors; tobacco industry reports, press releases and websites; government documents; World Health Organization (WHO) tobacco control literature; and press reports. Malays have the highest smoking prevalence among Malaysia's major ethnic groups. The tobacco industry has consistently been promoted as furthering Malay economic development. Malays play the major role in growing and curing. Government-owned Malay development trusts have been prominent investors in tobacco corporations, which have cultivated linkages with the Malay elite. The religious element of Malay ethnicity has also been significant. All Malays are Muslim, and the National Fatwa Council has declared smoking to be haram (forbidden); however, the Government has declined to implement this ruling. Exaggerated claims for the socio-economic benefits of tobacco production, government investment and close links between tobacco corporations and sections of the Malay elite have created a conflict of interest in public policy, limited the focus on tobacco as a health policy issue among Malays and retarded tobacco control policy. More recently, ratification of the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, regional free trade policies reducing the numbers of growers, concerns about smoking from an Islamic viewpoint, and anxieties about the effects of smoking upon youth have increasingly challenged the dominant discourse that tobacco furthers Malay interests. Nevertheless, the industry remains a formidable political and economic presence in Malaysia that is likely to continue to

Racial/Ethnic Differences in Women's Experiences of Reproductive Coercion, Intimate Partner Violence, and Unintended Pregnancy.

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Holliday, Charvonne N; McCauley, Heather L; Silverman, Jay G; Ricci, Edmund; Decker, Michele R; Tancredi, Daniel J; Burke, Jessica G; Documét, Patricia; Borrero, Sonya; Miller, Elizabeth

2017-08-01

To explore racial/ethnic differences in reproductive coercion (RC), intimate partner violence (IPV), and unintended pregnancy (UIP). We analyzed cross-sectional, baseline data from an intervention that was conducted between August 2008 and March 2009 in five family planning clinics in the San Francisco, California area, to examine the association of race/ethnicity with RC, IPV, and UIP among female patients aged 16-29 (n = 1234). RC was significantly associated with race/ethnicity, p women, with an overall range of 37.1%-50.3% among all racial/ethnic groups (p women (AOR = 1.72, 95% CI = 1.14-2.60). Black and multiracial women seeking care in family planning clinics have a disproportionately high prevalence of RC and UIP. RC may partially explain differences in UIP prevalence, with the effect of race/ethnicity slightly attenuated in RC-adjusted models. However, the impact of RC on risk for UIP was similar for White and Black women. Findings from this study support the need to understand and prevent RC, particularly among women of color. Results are foundational in understanding disparities in RC and UIP that may have implications for refinement of clinical care.

A public health framework to translate risk factors related to political violence and war into multi-level preventive interventions.

Science.gov (United States)

De Jong, Joop T V M

2010-01-01

Political violence, armed conflicts and human rights violations are produced by a variety of political, economic and socio-cultural factors. Conflicts can be analyzed with an interdisciplinary approach to obtain a global understanding of the relative contribution of risk and protective factors. A public health framework was designed to address these risk factors and protective factors. The framework resulted in a matrix that combined primary, secondary and tertiary interventions with their implementation on the levels of the society-at-large, the community, and the family and individual. Subsequently, the risk and protective factors were translated into multi-sectoral, multi-modal and multi-level preventive interventions involving the economy, governance, diplomacy, the military, human rights, agriculture, health, and education. Then the interventions were slotted in their appropriate place in the matrix. The interventions can be applied in an integrative form by international agencies, governments and non-governmental organizations, and molded to meet the requirements of the historic, political-economic and socio-cultural context. The framework maps the complementary fit among the different actors while engaging themselves in preventive, rehabilitative and reconstructive interventions. The framework shows how the economic, diplomatic, political, criminal justice, human rights, military, health and rural development sectors can collaborate to promote peace or prevent the aggravation or continuation of violence. A deeper understanding of the association between risk and protective factors and the developmental pathways of generic, country-specific and culture-specific factors leading to political violence is needed.

The sexual games of the body politic: fantasy and state violence in Northern Ireland.

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Aretxaga, B

2001-03-01

This article analyzes the practice of strip searching women political prisoners in Northern Ireland as a violent technology of control aimed at breaking the political identity of prisoners. Focusing on a controversial case of a mass strip search carried out in 1992, the article examines the phantasmatic investements pervading this seemingly rational technology of control. Using a psychoanalytic notion of fantasy against the backdrop of a Foucaultian theory of power, this article argues that strip searches constitute a gendered form of political domination driven by, and performed within, a phantasmatic scenario of sexual violence. In this scenario both the political and gender identities of prisoners are re-inscribed with the power of a state acting as a male body politic. The article argues that the phantasmatic support of rational technologies of control betrays the contingent and shifting character of domination as well as its ambiguous effects.

Texas Community College Graduation and Persistence Rates as a Function of Student Ethnicity

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Spangler, J. Mark; Slate, John R.

2015-01-01

In this investigation, the graduation and persistence rates of Texas community college students by ethnic membership (i.e., White, Black, Hispanic, and Asian) for the 2000, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009, and 2010 academic years were examined. Statistically significant differences were present between the 2000 and the 2010 graduation and…

At the Intersection of Private and Political Conflict Zones: Policing Domestic Violence in the Arab Community in Israel.

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Erez, Edna; Ibarra, Peter R; Gur, Oren M

2015-08-01

This article addresses the challenges posed by state intervention in a multicultural society characterized by intense political conflict, juxtaposing the voices of batterers, victims, community members, and the officials who are involved in policing domestic violence (DV) in the Arab community in Israel. A meta-analysis of interview-based data excerpts appearing in published studies shows how the response to DV in the Arab community, though consistent with Israeli law and policy, creates a sense of paralysis for the police and frustration for the parties to the violence as well as the affected communities. The cultural, social, and political forces that underlie the dynamics, tensions, and pressures experienced by the various parties are analyzed in the context of everyday life amid concerns about the Israeli-Arab conflict. The implications for policing DV in minority communities, and for police-community relations in political conflict zones, are highlighted. © The Author(s) 2014.

Crisis of governance in South Sudan : electoral politics and violence in the world's newest nation

OpenAIRE

Brosché, Johan; Höglund, Kristine

2016-01-01

Since mid-December 2013, thousands of people have been killed in armed conflict in South Sudan. The fighting is entrenched in a power struggle between the main political contenders ahead of elections which were scheduled for 2015. This article examines the violence in South Sudan since the North-South war ended with a focus on the consequences of the introduction of electoral politics. Our research contributes to the literature on state-building and peace-building in war-torn societies, by ex...

Gender differences in emotions, forgiveness and tolerance in relation to political violence

OpenAIRE

Conejero, Susana; Etxebarria, Itziar; Montero García-Celay, Ignacio

2014-01-01

This study, which forms part of a broader research project, analyzes gender differences in: the intensity of diverse emotions, the justification of violence, attitudes towards the terrorist group ETA, forgiveness and tolerance. Participants comprised 728 people (45.5% men and 54.5% women) resident in either Basque Country or Navarra (Spain), representative of all national identities and political ideologies existing in this context. An ad hoc questionnaire was designed and administered bet...

Behind the ethnic-civic distinction: Public attitudes towards immigrants' political rights in the Netherlands.

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Verkuyten, Maykel; Martinovic, Borja

2015-09-01

Public opinion research has sought to distinguish between ethnic and civic conceptions of citizenship and examined the differential associations of these conceptions with policy preferences in the realm of immigration. What has not been examined empirically is why exactly these conceptions are related to people's preferences. In two survey studies conducted among national samples of native Dutch we tested the proposition that the endorsement of ethnic citizenship is related to lower acceptance of Muslim immigrant rights (Study 1) and their political participation (Study 2) because of a weaker normative sense of common national belonging and higher adherence to autochthony (primo-occupancy) beliefs. In contrast, the endorsement of civic citizenship was expected to be associated with higher acceptance of Muslim immigrant rights and their political participation because of a stronger sense of common belonging and lower belief in autochthony. The findings of the two studies are similar and in support of these expectations. Copyright © 2015 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Positive and negative psychological impact after secondary exposure to politically motivated violence among body handlers and rehabilitation workers.

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Shiri, Shimon; Wexler, Isaiah D; Alkalay, Yasmin; Meiner, Zeev; Kreitler, Shulamith

2008-12-01

The positive and negative psychological impact of secondary exposure to politically motivated violence was examined among body handlers and hospital rehabilitation workers, 2 groups that differed in their proximity and immediacy to violent events. Survivors of politically motivated violence served as a comparison group. Body handlers experienced high levels of positive psychological impact and traumatic stress symptoms. Levels of positive psychological impact among on-scene body handlers were higher than those experienced by rehabilitation workers. Traumatic stress symptoms predicted positive psychological impact among body handlers. These findings indicate that proximity to stressors is associated with higher levels of positive and negative psychological impact. Physical proximity is a major contributory factor to both positive and negative psychological effects of secondary exposure to trauma.

Les violences politiques dans les Etats de la Caraïbe insulaire (1945 à nos jours La violencia política en el Caribe insular Political violence in the Caribbean Islands

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Laurent Jalabert

2003-09-01

expresarse de la sociedad civil o de transmitir opiniones. Así, representa sin ninguna duda una auténtica forma de cultura política de los Estados del Caribe isleño.Political violence has been a constant in the political life of the independent states of the Caribbean Islands (Cuba, Haiti, Santo Domingo, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago… from 1945 to the present times. Political violence has developed into a form of political culture, in authoritarian regimes (Cuba, Haiti, Santo Domingo, as well as in countries engaged in a democractic process (Haiti, Santo Domingo or even in the democracies (Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago. A comparative approach reveals obvious differences in the degree of violence, according to the nature of the regimes, and the nuances in each type. In spite of these varying degrees, which can extend to systematic use of terror, political violence is nonetheless common practice in all these countries as a ruling method for the government and a means of expression for the civilian society. Violence is undoubtedly a form of the political culture of the Caribbean Island’s states.

Ethnic Violence in Moldolva

National Research Council Canada - National Science Library

Barclay, Keith

2002-01-01

The Moldovan Transdniester War of 1992 is illustrative of modern day ethno-national violence and yields unique lessons on the role and use of military power in dealing with and resolving such crises...

Statistics and political violence: Reflections on the Social Conflict in 2009 in Guadeloupe

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Samuel Boris

2014-07-01

Full Text Available In early 2009, Guadeloupe experienced a 44-day strike against the high cost of living and against the illegitimate profits some actors realise in the Island’s economy. Some of these dominant actors being heirs of settlers families, high prices are the starting point for a radical political critique. This article analyses the links between violence and the use of numbers in the course of the conflict. The mobilisation was a time of violence, clashes, and intimidation; but the denunciation of abuse also ascribes a central role to quantification, in order to estimate profit. This article shows how the figures comprise an instrument of mediation being used as a substitute for, or in combination with, multifaceted violent actions. It also shows that the figures may be themselves coercive techniques, playing a part in violent relationships. Quantification can therefore be combined, in a plurality of ways, with the transition to violence, not only by avoiding or replacing it, but sometimes overlapping with it or being its instrument

The trailing trials of humiliation: Legal, social, and medical perspectives of women facing domestic violence in India

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Kumuda Rao

2017-01-01

Full Text Available Globally, violence within the home is universal across culture, religion, class, and ethnicity. Despite its widespread prevalence, such violence is not customarily acknowledged and has remained invisible-a problem thought unworthy of legal or political attention. The social construction of the divide between public and private life underlies the major problem of addressing the hidden nature of domestic violence against women. Legal jurisprudence has historically considered the domain of the house to be within the control and unquestionable authority of the male head of household. Thus, acts of violence against members of the household, whether wife or child, were perceived as discipline and essential for maintaining the rule of authority within the family. Except for sensational cases, the fear of social isolation and inhibition has caused the insidious everyday violence experienced by huge numbers of women to be hidden in the private domain. In this review, we make an attempt towards briefing the legal, social, and medical perspectives of women facing domestic violence.

Ethnical discrimination in Europe: Field evidence from the finance industry.

Science.gov (United States)

Stefan, Matthias; Holzmeister, Felix; Müllauer, Alexander; Kirchler, Michael

2018-01-01

The integration of ethnical minorities has been a hotly discussed topic in the political, societal, and economic debate. Persistent discrimination of ethnical minorities can hinder successful integration. Given that unequal access to investment and financing opportunities can cause social and economic disparities due to inferior economic prospects, we conducted a field experiment on ethnical discrimination in the finance sector with 1,218 banks in seven European countries. We contacted banks via e-mail, either with domestic or Arabic sounding names, asking for contact details only. We find pronounced discrimination in terms of a substantially lower response rate to e-mails from Arabic senders. Remarkably, the observed discrimination effect is robust for loan- and investment-related requests, across rural and urban locations of banks, and across countries.

NATIONAL-RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM AND POLITICAL TERROR OF NATIONALISTS AS THE DRIVING FORCE BEHIND THE ETHNOGENESIS OF ARMENIAN ETHNICITY (ESSAY ON SOCIAL-POLITICAL HISTORY)

OpenAIRE

Kuznetsov, Oleg

2014-01-01

The author traces the ethnogenesis of the Armenian people and analyzes its content to demonstrate how organized national and religious extremism, political terror, and terrorism affected the vector and intensity of social modernization of Armenian ethnicity between the last quarter of the nineteenth and the late twentieth century.

“Go Back and Tell Them Who the Real Men Are!” Gendering Our Understanding of Kibera’s Post-election Violence

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Caroline Wanjiku Kihato

2016-04-01

Full Text Available Using a gendered analysis, this article examines the post election violence (PEV in Kibera, Kenya, between December 2007 and February 2008. Through indepth interviews with Kibera residents, the article interrogates how gender influenced violent mobilizations in Kenya’s most notorious slum. Most scholarly analyses have tended to understand the post-election violence as a result of politicized ethnic identities, class, and local socio-economic dynamics. Implicitly or explicitly, these frameworks assume that women are victims of violence while men are its perpetrators, and ignore the ways in which gender, which cuts across these categories, produces and shapes conflict. Kibera’s conflict is often ascribed to the mobilization of disaffected male youths by political “Big Men.” But the research findings show how men, who would ordinarily not go to war, are obliged to fight to “save face” in their communities and how women become integral to the production of violent exclusionary mobilizations. Significantly, notions of masculinity and femininity modified the character of Kibera’s conflict. Acts of gender-based violence, gang rapes, and forced circumcisions became intensely entwined with ethno-political performances to annihilate opposing groups. The battle for political power was also a battle of masculinities.

Sexual violence in armed conflict: the least condemned of war crimes.

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O'Connor, Mike

2014-03-01

Sexual violence in armed conflict has traditionally received poor attention until recent years. It has been the "least condemned of war crimes" although, with the inception of the International Criminal Court and various other international courts and tribunals, convictions of high-profile aggressors are increasing. Only recently Charles Taylor, the President of Liberia, was convicted of war crimes and crimes against humanity which included rape and sexual slavery. He was sentenced to 50 years imprisonment. Is prosecution of these crimes sufficient to minimise sexual violence in war? That seems unlikely given the potential for such violence to be a cheap and effective strategy to terrorise a civilian population and "ethnically cleanse" the newly won territory. However, there is a remarkable variation in the levels of sexual violence in armed conflicts. Some, such as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, have extremely low levels, whereas in Bosnia and many African states the prevalence of sexual violence is at epidemic levels. The reasons for such differences are many, however, some precipitating factors may be improved by strong military discipline, improved gender balance in armed forces, better political awareness by combatants of the aims of a campaign and pre-deployment ethical training.

La violence des ultrà au tournant des années 1970: une violence politique?

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Fabien Archenbault

2014-12-01

Full Text Available Between the late 1960s and early 1980s, football-related acts of violence tended to multiply impressively in Italy. These crimes were perpetrated by new groups of tifosi, the self-styled ‘ultras’, who claimed this verbal and physical violence, and made it a key part of their identity. These groups sometimes even considered violence as the counterpart or the continuation, within the stadium and on account of the game, of the social and political violence that was expanding in Italy during the «Lead Years» decade. Was this violence truly political? This is the question this paper attempts to answer.

Ethnical discrimination in Europe: Field evidence from the finance industry

Science.gov (United States)

Stefan, Matthias; Holzmeister, Felix; Müllauer, Alexander

2018-01-01

The integration of ethnical minorities has been a hotly discussed topic in the political, societal, and economic debate. Persistent discrimination of ethnical minorities can hinder successful integration. Given that unequal access to investment and financing opportunities can cause social and economic disparities due to inferior economic prospects, we conducted a field experiment on ethnical discrimination in the finance sector with 1,218 banks in seven European countries. We contacted banks via e-mail, either with domestic or Arabic sounding names, asking for contact details only. We find pronounced discrimination in terms of a substantially lower response rate to e-mails from Arabic senders. Remarkably, the observed discrimination effect is robust for loan- and investment-related requests, across rural and urban locations of banks, and across countries. PMID:29377964

Support Services for Victims of Political Violence and Their Families: A Comparison between Israelis and Palestinians

Science.gov (United States)

Abbott, Douglas A.

2010-01-01

This report summarizes interviews with five social workers who helped families that experienced political violence, and with 16 families that lost a family member due to terrorist activity in Israel and Palestine from 2000 to 2005. Results revealed a great disparity between the Israelis and the Palestinians on the types of and extent of benefits…

Civic and political rights of the Batwa ethnic minority in local governance at village level: The case of Kanungu District

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Martha Kibukamusoke

2018-03-01

Full Text Available Since the 1970s, the Batwa ethnic minority group has been considered as a less superior group of human beings. They were forcefully evicted from the forest around Echuya Forest Reserve in Kisoro and Kabale districts of South-Western Uganda. The Batwa in Uganda are one of the most defenceless (vulnerable, marginalised, voiceless (powerless and endangered ethnic minority group in the districts they live in. In turn, their civic and political rights (the right to vote and the right to be voted in local council (LC elections have been ignored partly because of poor sensitisation to and awareness of the Batwa people by all stakeholders. The purpose of this study was to investigate the civic and political rights of the Batwa people in Uganda. The key questions to be addressed include:   1. Is the Batwa ethnic minority group aware of the right to vote in Local Council 1 elections in the communities? 2. Is the Batwa ethnic minority group aware of the right to be voted for in Local Council 1 elections in their communities?

Possible psychosocial strategies for controlling violence against women

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Sapna Kumari

2009-01-01

Full Text Available Women, the fair sex, are considered to be the weaker sex and one of the most powerless and marginalized sections of our society. Violence against women and girls continues to be a global epidemic. It is present in every country, cutting across boundaries of culture, class, education, income, ethnicity and age. A growing body of research studies indicates that 20% to 50% (varying from country to country of women have experienced domestic violence. A multilayered strategy that addresses the structural causes of violence against women is needed. Strategies and interventions attempting to address violence against women should be guided by 5 underlying principles: Prevention, protection, early intervention, rebuilding the lives of victims/survivors and accountability. When planning interventions, there are a variety of stakeholders who should be borne in mind. Key areas for intervention include encouraging women empowerment; advocacy and awareness raising; education for building a culture of nonviolence; encouraging active participation of women in political system; resource development; direct service provision to victims, survivors and perpetrators; networking and community mobilization; direct intervention to help victims/survivors rebuild their lives; legal reform; monitoring interventions and measures; early identification of ′at risk′ families, communities, groups and individuals; and data collection and analysis.

Domestic Violence as Everyday Terrorism

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Cooper-Cunningham, Dean

2016-01-01

Seeing bride kidnapping and domestic violence as everyday terrorism unpacks the political nature of so-called “private” phenomena and how they reify patriarchal society.......Seeing bride kidnapping and domestic violence as everyday terrorism unpacks the political nature of so-called “private” phenomena and how they reify patriarchal society....

Wounding apertures: violence, affect and photography during and after apartheid

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Kylie Thomas

2012-01-01

Full Text Available Between March and September 2012 there have been sixteen instances of 'necklacing' in the townships just outside of Cape Town. This article argues for understanding these events in relation to the violence of apartheid. It approaches the question of the meanings of the persistence of necklacing through an analysis of photographs of people who had been subject to vigilante violence in the 1980s. The article focuses on the work of Gille de Vlieg, a photographer who, during apartheid, was a member of the Black Sash and of the Afrapix photography collective. I read de Vlieg's photographs as a series of 'wounding apertures' that open a space for affective engagements with the violence of both the past and of the present. The importance of such engagements, the article argues, lies in what political philosopher Hannah Arendt has theorised as the constitutive relation between feeling, thinking and judging.

Local political leaders and mayors: Institutional and non-institutional power in the First Violence (Colombia, 1930-1934

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María del Rosario Vázquez Piñeros

2017-05-01

Full Text Available By consulting and collating periodical and documentary sources –of both a civil and ecclesiastical nature– this article analyses the relationship that local political leaders (gamonales and civil authorities established with armed institutional and illegal non-institutional groups. By exerting coercion and persecution, both leaders and civilian authorities served as a means for their political party to achieve electoral victory. This relationship made them key architects of the first stage of the Liberal-Conservative Violence, initiated under the government of Colombian President Enrique Olaya Herrera (1930-34.

Evaluation of a program to prevent political violence in the Basque conflict: effects on the capacity of empathy, anger management and the definition of peace.

Science.gov (United States)

Garaigordobil, Maite

2012-01-01

To assess the effects of a program for the prevention of political violence on empathy, expression of feelings of anger, and the capacity to define peace-violence. This study used a quasi-experimental design with pretest-posttest repeated measures and a control group. The sample comprised 276 adolescents aged between 15 and 17 years (191 in the experimental group, 85 in the control group; 127 boys and 149 girls). A battery of three assessment instruments was administered before and after the intervention. The aim of the program was to increase sensitivity to the victims of political violence, promote respect for human rights, and prevent violence. The intervention consisted of 10 sessions over 3 months. MANOVA analyses revealed that the program increased participants' capacity of empathy (perspective-taking), anger control in annoying situations, and capacity to define peace-violence. This study has practical educational implications and provides an intervention tool that enhances the development of personality during adolescence and may have a preventive effect on violent behavior. Copyright © 2011 SESPAS. Published by Elsevier España. All rights reserved.

Variation in the Prevalence of Domestic Violence between Neighboring Areas

Science.gov (United States)

Nouhjah, Sedigheh; Latifi, Seyed Mahmood

2014-01-01

Domestic violence against women is an important health issue, but few studies have focused on city of residence and ethnic differences. To estimate the prevalence of various forms of domestic violence and certain related factors, with a specific focus on city of residence and ethnicity, we studied 1820 married women attending public health centers in 4 large cities in Khuzestan Province, southwestern Islamic Republic of Iran. We used an interviewer-administered questionnaire for data collection. The prevalence of some forms of lifetime domestic violence against women was 47.3%. The prevalence of physical, psychological, and any form of lifetime violence was the highest in Dezful (25.7%, 54.8%, and 57.7%, resp.). For sexual violence, the highest prevalence was reported in Ahvaz (17.7%). The highest prevalence of physical and sexual violence during any point of life was reported by Arab women (25.1% and 16.7%). The experience of all forms of violence was significantly associated with city of residence. Results of regression logistic analysis revealed that all of the forms of violence except psychological violence were statistically significantly associated with ethnicity (P < 0.05). PMID:27433514

Violence in Venezuela: oil rent and political crisis Violência na Venezuela: renda petroleira e crise política

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Roberto Briceño-León

2006-06-01

Full Text Available This article analyzes the changes in violence in Venezuela during the last forty years. It links the ups and downs of the oil revenues and the political crisis of the country to the changes in the homicide rates, which increased from 7 per 100 thousand inhabitants in 1970 to 12 in 1990, 19 in 1998 and 50 in 2003. The article characterizes Venezuela as a rentist society and shows its trajectory from rural violence to the beginning of urban violence, the guerilla movements of the 60s, the delinquent violence related to the abundance of oil revenues and the violence during the popular revolt and the sackings of 1989 in Caracas. After this, we analyze the coups d'état of 1992 and the influence the political violence exerted upon criminal violence. We describe the political and party changes in the country, their influence upon the stabilization of homicide rates since the mid-90s and their remarkable increase during the H. Chávez government. The article finishes with an analysis of the current situation, the official prohibition to publish statistics on homicides and with some thoughts about the perspective of greater violence in Venezuela.O presente artigo analisa as mudanças na violência ocorridas na Venezuela nos últimos quarenta anos, relacionadas com os altos e baixos da renda petroleira e com a crise política no país, fatos que contribuíram para um aumento nas taxas de homicídios: de 7 por cada cem mil habitantes em 1970 a 12 em 1990, 19 em 1998 e 50 no ano de 2003. O artigo caracteriza a Venezuela como sociedade rentista e, a partir daí, faz uma retrospecção cobrindo desde a violência rural até os inícios da violência urbana, o movimento guerrilheiro dos anos sessenta, a criminalidade resultando da abundância dos recursos petroleiros e a violência em decorrência da revolta popular e dos saques ocorridos em 1989 em Caracas. Em seguida são analisados os golpes de Estado de 1992 e o impacto que a violência política exerceu

Ideology and disease identity: the politics of rickets, 1929–1982

Science.gov (United States)

Bivins, Roberta

2014-01-01

How can we assess the reciprocal impacts of politics and medicine in the contemporary period? Using the example of rickets in twentieth century Britain, I will explore the ways in which a preventable, curable non-infectious disease came to have enormous political significance, first as a symbol of socioeconomic inequality, then as evidence of racial and ethnic health disparities. Between the 1920s and 1980s, clinicians, researchers, health workers, members of Parliament and later Britain's growing South Asian ethnic communities repeatedly confronted the British state with evidence of persistent nutritional deficiency among the British poor and British Asians. Drawing on bitter memories of the ‘Hungry Thirties’, postwar rickets—so often described as a ‘Victorian’ disease—became a high-profile sign of what was variously constructed as a failure of the Welfare State; or of the political parties charged with its protection; or of ethnically Asian migrants and their descendants to adapt to British life and norms. Here I will argue that rickets prompted such consternation not because of its severity, the cost of its treatment, or even its prevalence; but because of the ease with which it was politicised. I will explore the ways in which this condition was envisioned, defined and addressed as Britain moved from the postwar consensus to Thatcherism, and as Britain's diverse South Asian communities developed from migrant enclaves to settled multigenerational ethnic communities. PMID:23918817

Multi-perpetrator domestic violence.

Science.gov (United States)

Salter, Michael

2014-04-01

A significant proportion of reports of domestic violence against women involve multiple perpetrators. Although the number of perpetrators has been consistently identified as a measure of abuse severity, only a minority of studies of domestic violence examine the role of multiple offenders. Data on multi-perpetrator domestic violence (MDV) is frequently removed from analysis in domestic violence studies, or multi-perpetrator incidents are treated as single-perpetrator incidents. However, the available research links MDV to negative mental and physical health outcomes, intimate partner homicide, homelessness among women, and severe mental illness and suicidality. This article reviews the available prevalence data on MDV and draws together research on the contexts in which MDV takes place. It highlights two groups that are particularly vulnerable to MDV: (1) girls and women partnered to members of gangs and organized crime groups and (2) girls and women in some ethnic minority communities. While discussions of honor in relation to domestic violence are often racialized in Western media, this article highlights the cross-cultural role of masculine honor in collective violence against women in the working class and impoverished communities of majority cultures as well as in migrant and ethnic minority communities. It is clear that such complex forms of violence present a range of challenges for intervention and treatment and the article emphasizes the need for specialized and coordinated modes of investigation, support, and care.

Fostering marginalized youths' political participation: longitudinal roles of parental political socialization and youth sociopolitical development.

Science.gov (United States)

Diemer, Matthew A

2012-09-01

This study examines the roles of parental political socialization and the moral commitment to change social inequalities in predicting marginalized youths' (defined here as lower-SES youth of color) political participation. These issues are examined by applying structural equation modeling to a longitudinal panel of youth. Because tests of measurement invariance suggested racial/ethnic heterogeneity, the structural model was fit separately for three racial/ethnic groups. For each group, parental political socialization: discussion predicted youths' commitment to produce social change and for two groups, longitudinally predicted political participation. This study contributes to the literature by examining civic/political participation among disparate racial/ethnic groups, addresses an open scholarly question (whether youths' commitment to create social change predicts their "traditional" participation), and emphasizes parents' role in fostering marginalized youths' civic and political participation.

Men and Women Facing Political Violence in Bolivia

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Pierre Beaucage

2008-02-01

Full Text Available In this article, I propose to outline the stories of violence between men and women from the countryside and low-income neighborhoods in the cities, based on 33 interviews conducted in Bolivia in the summers of 2005 and 2006. I don’t consider «violence» as a universal concept, but rather as a combination of representations related to widely distributed practices within society. I will clearly point out the commonalities between men and women, on the one hand, and among inhabitants of the country and the city, on the other. One of the common characteristics of all is the perception of living in a dangerous world. Women place a considerably bigger emphasis on dangers of a supernatural kind, as well as damages cause by symbolic violence, such as «badmouthing.» The inhabitants of poor urban environments place more importance on delinquent violence, and take measures to confront it. Both sexes refer to gender violence within the family, but it is women who cite lived experiences to that respect. In terms of causes for the violence, in the city both sexes seem to be incorporating into their imagination elements of academic discourse about structural violence

The refugee crisis in Africa and implications for health and disease: a political ecology approach.

Science.gov (United States)

Kalipeni, E; Oppong, J

1998-06-01

Political violence in civil war and ethnic conflicts has generated millions of refugees across the African continent with unbelievable pictures of suffering and unnecessary death. Using a political ecology framework, this paper examines the geographies of exile and refugee movements and the associated implications for re-emerging and newly emerging infectious diseases in great detail. It examines how the political ecologic circumstances underlying the refugee crisis influences health services delivery and the problems of disease and health in refugee camps. It has four main themes, namely, an examination of the geography of the refugee crisis: the disruption of health services due to political ecologic forces that produce refugees; the breeding of disease in refugee camps due to the prevailing desperation and destitution; and the creation of an optimal environment for emergence and spread of disease due to the chaotic nature of war and violence that produces refugees. We argue in this paper that there is great potential of something more virulent than cholera and Ebola emerging and taking a big toll before being identified and controlled. We conclude by noting that once such a disease is out in the public rapid diffusion despite political boundaries is likely, a fact that has a direct bearing on global health. The extensive evidence presented in this paper of the overriding role of political factors in the refugee health problem calls for political reform and peace accords, engagement and empowerment of Pan-African organizations, foreign policy changes by Western governments and greater vigilance of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the allocation and distribution of relief aid.

1 THE HUMANITIES AND NATIONAL IDENTITY, SECURITY AND ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

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ethnicity in favour of social stability as a pre-requisite for security. ... Humanities, National Identity, Ethnicity, Security and Political. Stability. .... instability. They are often used in open violence during elections where contending political ...

Ideology and disease identity: the politics of rickets, 1929-1982.

Science.gov (United States)

Bivins, Roberta

2014-06-01

How can we assess the reciprocal impacts of politics and medicine in the contemporary period? Using the example of rickets in twentieth century Britain, I will explore the ways in which a preventable, curable non-infectious disease came to have enormous political significance, first as a symbol of socioeconomic inequality, then as evidence of racial and ethnic health disparities. Between the 1920s and 1980s, clinicians, researchers, health workers, members of Parliament and later Britain's growing South Asian ethnic communities repeatedly confronted the British state with evidence of persistent nutritional deficiency among the British poor and British Asians. Drawing on bitter memories of the 'Hungry Thirties', postwar rickets-so often described as a 'Victorian' disease-became a high-profile sign of what was variously constructed as a failure of the Welfare State; or of the political parties charged with its protection; or of ethnically Asian migrants and their descendants to adapt to British life and norms. Here I will argue that rickets prompted such consternation not because of its severity, the cost of its treatment, or even its prevalence; but because of the ease with which it was politicised. I will explore the ways in which this condition was envisioned, defined and addressed as Britain moved from the postwar consensus to Thatcherism, and as Britain's diverse South Asian communities developed from migrant enclaves to settled multigenerational ethnic communities. Published by the BMJ Publishing Group Limited. For permission to use (where not already granted under a licence) please go to http://group.bmj.com/group/rights-licensing/permissions.

Why Are Some Ethnic Groups More Violent than Others? The Role of Friendship Network's Ethnic Composition

Science.gov (United States)

Rabold, Susann; Baier, Dirk

2011-01-01

Ethnic differences in violent behavior can be found in official crime statistics, as well as in surveys on juvenile delinquency. To explain these differences, research mainly focuses on factors like parental violence, violence legitimizing norms of masculinity, or socio-economic status. Little research has examined the role of friendship network's…

Racial and Ethnic Differences in Homicides of Adult Women and the Role of Intimate Partner Violence - United States, 2003-2014.

Science.gov (United States)

Petrosky, Emiko; Blair, Janet M; Betz, Carter J; Fowler, Katherine A; Jack, Shane P D; Lyons, Bridget H

2017-07-21

Homicide is one of the leading causes of death for women aged ≤44 years.* In 2015, homicide caused the death of 3,519 girls and women in the United States. Rates of female homicide vary by race/ethnicity (1), and nearly half of victims are killed by a current or former male intimate partner (2). To inform homicide and intimate partner violence (IPV) prevention efforts, CDC analyzed homicide data from the National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS) among 10,018 women aged ≥18 years in 18 states during 2003-2014. The frequency of homicide by race/ethnicity and precipitating circumstances of homicides associated with and without IPV were examined. Non-Hispanic black and American Indian/Alaska Native women experienced the highest rates of homicide (4.4 and 4.3 per 100,000 population, respectively). Over half of all homicides (55.3%) were IPV-related; 11.2% of victims of IPV-related homicide experienced some form of violence in the month preceding their deaths, and argument and jealousy were common precipitating circumstances. Targeted IPV prevention programs for populations at disproportionate risk and enhanced access to intervention services for persons experiencing IPV are needed to reduce homicides among women.

Ethnicity and Democracy in the Eastern Himalayan Borderland

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Chettri, Mona

This book presents a close look at the growth, success, and proliferation of ethnic politics on the peripheries of modern South Asia, built around a case study of the Nepal ethnic group that lives in the borderlands of Sikkim, Darjeeling, and east Nepal. Grounded in historical and ethnographic re...... research, it critically examines the relationship between culture and politics in a geographical space that is home to a diverse range of ethnic identities, showing how new modes of political representation, cultural activism, and everyday politics have emerged from the region....

Parenting Style as a Moderator of Effects of Political Violence: Cross-Cultural Comparison of Israeli Jewish and Arab Children

Science.gov (United States)

Slone, Michelle; Shechner, Tomer; Farah, Oula Khoury

2012-01-01

This study examined cross-cultural differences in the moderating function of authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive parenting styles for Jewish and Arab Israeli children exposed to political violence. Respondents were parents and children aged 10-11 from 94 families (42 Arab, 52 Jewish). Parents completed the Parenting Styles and Dimensions…

Gender differences in emotions, forgiveness and tolerance in relation to political violence.

Science.gov (United States)

Conejero, Susana; Etxebarria, Itziar; Montero, Ignacio

2014-01-01

This study, which forms part of a broader research project, analyzes gender differences in: the intensity of diverse emotions, the justification of violence, attitudes towards the terrorist group ETA, forgiveness and tolerance. Participants comprised 728 people (45.5% men and 54.5% women) resident in either Basque Country or Navarra (Spain), representative of all national identities and political ideologies existing in this context. An ad hoc questionnaire was designed and administered between November 2005 and February 2006, a short time before ETA declared a ceasefire. Women reported more intensity in fear for political reasons and scored higher in two of the six measures of empathy included in the study (empathy with prisoners and empathy with those who suffer and think like oneself). Men scored higher in positive emotionality, indifference and Schadenfreude. Women perceived apology and forgiveness as more necessary elements for achieving peace than men. These results suggest that it may be beneficial for women to play a more prominent role in relation to the resolution of intergroup conflicts such as the one existing in the Basque Country.

Violent political contexts and the emotional concerns of township youth.

Science.gov (United States)

Straker, G; Mendelsohn, M; Moosa, F; Tudin, P

1996-02-01

This article presents the findings of a series of studies that examine the perceptions of black South African youth about township life and the civil conflict and violence it encompasses. The studies were conducted with comparable samples of 58-82 youth at 3 points in South Africa's history, all characterized by high levels of violence but differing in terms of their political contexts. These contexts were overt State-community conflict, covert opposition and political repression, and intracommunity violence. The data revealed that in all 3 contexts youth reported a high exposure to violence, but only when violence occurred in the context of intracommunity conflict was it subjectively construed to be the most problematic. Reasons for this may include the real increase in more extreme forms of violence, including deaths, that occurs in intracommunity violence and the blurring of the distinction between political and criminal violence in this context.

Political Intersectionality and Democratic Politics in the European Public Sphere

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Siim, Birte

2015-01-01

Public Sphere (EPS). It is inspired by results and reflections from the European Gender Project (EGP) , where intersectionality was used as an approach for analysing negotiations between gender and ethno-national diversity in selected European countries and in relation to the European Public Sphere....... The aim of the essay is to further deepen the theoretical and empirical understanding of intersectionality by reflecting on the relations between political intersectionality and democratic politics from a particular European perspective. It thus confronts theory and research findings concerning...... intersections of gender and ethnic diversity in political life at the national and transnational levels across Europe. In this context, political intersectionality refers to the framing of gender and ethnic diversity by major political actors as well as by activities of women’s and anti-racist organisations...

Risk and direct protective factors for youth violence: results from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's Multisite Violence Prevention Project.

Science.gov (United States)

Henry, David B; Tolan, Patrick H; Gorman-Smith, Deborah; Schoeny, Michael E

2012-08-01

This study was conducted as part of a multisite effort to examine risk and direct protective factors for youth violence. The goal was to identify those factors in the lives of young people that increase or decrease the risk of violence. These analyses fill an important gap in the literature, as few studies have examined risk and direct protective factors for youth violence across multiple studies. Data on 4432 middle-school youth, from the CDC Multisite Violence Prevention Project were used. Evaluations were made of effects of variables coded as risk and direct protective factors in the fall of 6th grade on violence measured in spring of 7th and 8th grades. Factors tested included depression, delinquency, alcohol and drug involvement, involvement in family activities, academic achievement, attitudes toward school, truancy, and peer deviance. Most variables were coded with two sets of dummy variables indicating risk and protective directions of effects. Results showed that higher teacher-rated study skills were associated with lower subsequent violence across genders and ethnic groups. Affiliation with deviant peers was significantly associated with increased subsequent violence among youth reporting their race/ethnicity as white or other, marginally associated with increased violence among African-American youth, and unrelated among Latino youth. This study identified some factors than should be areas of interest for effective prevention programs. Some ethnic differences also should be considered in planning of prevention. The CDC Multisite Violence Prevention Project completed enrollment prior to July 2005. Copyright © 2012. Published by Elsevier Inc.

The contribution of maternal care and control, and community type to children's adjustment to political violence.

Science.gov (United States)

Tangir, Gali; Dekel, Rachel; Lavi, Tamar; Gewirtz, Abigail H; Zamir, Osnat

2017-08-01

This study explored the behavioral and emotional adjustment of Israeli school-age children who are exposed to political violence. Based on Bronfenbrenner's (1986) ecological model and ecological model of psychosocial trauma (Harvey, 2007), we examined the direct contribution of exposure, gender, maternal characteristics (mother's posttraumatic stress symptoms [PTSS], maternal care and maternal control), and community type (development town vs. kibbutz), to school-age children's adjustment. In addition, we examined whether maternal characteristics and community type moderated the association between exposure and adjustment. There were 121 mother-child dyads from the development town of Sderot (n = 62) and from the surrounding kibbutzim (n = 58) participated. Revealed that being a boy, living in Sderot, and mothers' higher PTSS, contributed directly to children's total difficulties (i.e., externalizing and internalizing problems), and that maternal control moderated the association between personal exposure and children's total difficulties. Furthermore, being a girl and mother's higher PTSS and higher maternal control contributed directly to children's PTSS. Mother's PTSS moderated the association between personal exposure and children's PTSS. Maternal care was not associated with children's adjustment. Both the child's gender and the type of community in which he or she lives are associated with maternal distress and children's adjustment to political violence. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved).

The Ethnic Hate Speech was Networked: What Social Media Online Political Discussions Reveal about the 2013 General Elections in Kenya / El discurso étnico del odio se difundió por las redes. Análisis de las discusiones políticas en las redes sociales dur

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Jacinta Mwende Maweu

2013-11-01

Full Text Available This chapter examines if the increased political discussions on social media especially Twitter and Face Book before and after the March 4th, 2013 general elections in Kenya translated to a more robust Alternative Public Sphere that broke the hegemony of the traditional media as Agenda setters or an alternative space for the audience to vent out their frustrations and grievances about the election. In the last most contentious elections in 2007, in Kenya, both new and old media were blamed for fueling ethnic hate speech which culminated into the 2007/ 2008 post election violence. It is argued in this chapter that although voting patterns in the March 2013 elections were clearly along ethnic lines just like in 2007, there was no physical post election violence like was the case in 2008. What was clearly evident was Ethnic hate speech before and after the general elections on social media networks. We therefore observe that unlike in 2008 where ethnic violence was fought in the streets, in the 2013 general elections, the ‘Ethnic War was Networked’. The chapter analyses the content of some of the messages send on Twitter and Face Book to argue that social media platforms only acted as alternative spaces for Kenyans to fight out their ethnic political wars and not alternative public spheres for constructive political deliberation. The chapter concludes by observing that social media networks in the 2013 general elections in Kenya acted as ‘Opiums of the Masses’ only serving the function of keeping Kenya ‘quiet and peaceful’ to prevent a repeat of the 2008 post election violence, but not alternative public spheres to facilitate constructive political deliberation. En este artículo se analiza si el aumento de las discusiones políticas sobre las redes sociales, especialmente Twitter y Facebook, antes y después de las elecciones generales en Kenia del 04 de marzo de 2013, se tradujeron en una esfera pública alternativa sólida que

Geographies of violence: site-oriented art and politics at the Mexico-U.S. border from the 1980s to the present

OpenAIRE

Brailovsky Ruiz, P.

2014-01-01

Through a series of case studies, analysed via the theoretical framework of site-specificity, this thesis explores the ways in which artists, from the 1980s to the present, have attempted to critically represent and understand more fully the socio-political fabric of the Mexico-U.S. border and the systemic violence that undergirds it. The introduction discusses the historical and political context of the thesis, establishes its methodological territory and outlines the current research of thi...

[Femicides in ethnic and racialized groups: syntheses].

Science.gov (United States)

Meneghel, Stela Nazareth; Lerma, Betty Ruth Lozano

2017-01-01

The text entitled "Femicides in ethnic and racialized groups: syntheses" presents some of the discussions that took place during a seminar on this topic in Buenaventura. Buenaventura is the main Colombian port on the Pacific, a region rich in minerals and a corridor for the movement of goods, which makes it a strategic territory and a center for disputes. At the seminar, the social and political determinants of femicide were discussed, understanding it as a tactic of waging war against women. The forum provided a space for academic discussion, but also for grievances over inter-personal violence, the manifestation of feelings and the elaboration of pain and grief through the medium of art. We believe that the dissemination of this experience to the Brazilian public, in a country with ethnic, social and racial vulnerability similar to that in Colombia, will be of value to social and health workers. The scope of this paper is therefore to provide the opinion of its authors on the determinants of femicides and on actions to tackle them, in addition to a synthesis of the discussions and debates that permeated the event.

Bullying as a longitudinal predictor of adolescent dating violence.

Science.gov (United States)

Foshee, Vangie A; McNaughton Reyes, Heath Luz; Vivolo-Kantor, Alana M; Basile, Kathleen C; Chang, Ling-Yin; Faris, Robert; Ennett, Susan T

2014-09-01

One suggested approach to preventing adolescent dating violence is to prevent behavioral precursors to dating violence, such as bullying. However, no longitudinal study has examined bullying as a behavioral precursor to dating violence. In this study, longitudinal data were used to examine (1) whether direct and indirect bullying perpetration in the sixth grade predicted the onset of physical dating violence perpetration by the eighth grade and (2) whether the associations varied by sex and race/ethnicity of the adolescent. Data were collected in school from sixth graders in three primarily rural counties and then again when students were in the eighth grade. Analyses were conducted with 1,154 adolescents who had not perpetrated dating violence at the sixth-grade assessment. The sample was 47% male, 29% black, and 10% of another race/ethnicity than black or white. Direct bullying, defined as hitting, slapping, or picking on another kid in the sixth grade, predicted the onset of physical dating violence perpetration by the eighth grade, controlling for indirect bullying and potential confounders. Although indirect bullying, defined as spreading false rumors and excluding students from friendship groups, was associated with the onset of physical dating violence perpetration in bivariate analyses, it did not predict the onset of physical dating violence when controlling for direct bullying. None of the associations examined varied by sex or race/ethnicity of the adolescents. Our findings suggest that efforts targeted at preventing direct bullying may also prevent the onset of physical dating violence. Copyright © 2014 Society for Adolescent Health and Medicine. All rights reserved.

Bullying as a Longitudinal Predictor of Adolescent Dating Violence

Science.gov (United States)

Foshee, Vangie A.; Reyes, Heath Luz McNaughton; Vivolo-Kantor, Alana M.; Basile, Kathleen C.; Chang, Ling-Yin; Faris, Robert; Ennett, Susan T.

2015-01-01

Purpose One suggested approach to preventing adolescent dating violence is to prevent behavioral precursors to dating violence, such as bullying. However, no longitudinal study has examined bullying as a behavioral precursor to dating violence. In this study, longitudinal data were used to examine (1) whether direct and indirect bullying perpetration in the sixth grade predicted the onset of physical dating violence perpetration by the eighth grade and (2) whether the associations varied by sex and race/ethnicity of the adolescent. Methods Data were collected in school from sixth graders in three primarily rural counties and then again when students were in the eighth grade. Analyses were conducted with 1,154 adolescents who had not perpetrated dating violence at the sixth-grade assessment. The sample was 47% male, 29% black, and 10% of another race/ethnicity than black or white. Results Direct bullying, defined as hitting, slapping, or picking on another kid in the sixth grade, predicted the onset of physical dating violence perpetration by the eighth grade, controlling for indirect bullying and potential confounders. Although indirect bullying, defined as spreading false rumors and excluding students from friendship groups, was associated with the onset of physical dating violence perpetration in bivariate analyses, it did not predict the onset of physical dating violence when controlling for direct bullying. None of the associations examined varied by sex or race/ethnicity of the adolescents. Conclusions Our findings suggest that efforts targeted at preventing direct bullying may also prevent the onset of physical dating violence. PMID:24768162

Inter-ethnic Cooperation Revisited: Why mobile phones can help prevent discrete events of violence, using the Kenyan case study

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Charles Patrick Martin-Shields

2013-11-01

Full Text Available This paper will critically explore why mobile phones have drawn so much interest from the conflict management community in Kenya, and develop a general set of factors to explain why mobile phones can have a positive effect on conflict prevention efforts generally. Focusing on theories of information asymmetry and security dilemmas, collective action problems, and the role of third party actors in conflict prevention, it aims to continue the discussion around Pierskalla and Hollenbach’s recent research on mobile phones and conflict risk. Given the successful, high profile uses of mobile phone-based violence prevention in Kenya I will identify a set of political and social factors that contribute to the success of crowdsourcing programs that use mobile phones, and explain what makes them transferable across cases for conflict prevention in other countries. The primary findings are that a population must prefer non-violence since technology is a magnifier of human intent, that the events of violence start and stop relative to specific events, the population knows to use their phones to share information about potential violence, and that there are third party actors involved in collecting and validating the crowdsourced data.

The Existence of Violence in Nonviolent Protest Groups.

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1986-01-01

Paul Sartre, and Herbert Marcuse . Although these writers are from a broad range of disciplines, they all agree that political violence is inevitable...sacrifice, the use of political M A 1, ’. - - .eI y. 34 violence is justified when personal freedom is at stake. Marcuse , Zinn, and Sartre all agree

Political Transmigrants: Rethinking Hmong Political Activism in America

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Nengher N. Vang, Ph.D

2011-12-01

Full Text Available Since the initial resettlement of the Hmong in the United States in the mid-1970s, they have maintained strong political and military relationships with the Lao People‘s Democratic Republic (LPDR. Yet, there is little research on that relationship and the involvement of the Hmong in the United States in political developments in Laos. Most works on Hmong political activism have focused on the electoral participation and representation of Hmong Americans in relation to American domestic politics. In this article, using archival, ethnographic, and interview data that I have collected between 2006 and 2009 in Laos, Thailand, and the United States, I describe and analyze the non-domestic or transnational form of Hmong American political expression and participation. I argue that Hmong political activism in America not only was transnational from the outset, but that their transnational involvement in political developments in Laos and their relations with the Lao PDR government also had a significant impact on their ethnic politics. Many Hmong political activists made their entry into ethnic politics through the door of transnational politics, and many were motivated by transnational political issues to participate in domestic American politics. By exploring their transnational involvement in political developments in Laos and their relations with the Lao PDR government, we get a more complete and dynamic understanding of Hmong political activism in the United States than is possible by focusing exclusively on domestic and electoral participation. Examining their transnational politics also allows us to see the transnationality of not only their culture, identity, and community but also that of their political activities and aspirations.

Domestic violence in Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie's Purple Hibiscus ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

Gender-based violence is an issue that has become a part of modern society, cutting across cultures, race, ethnicity and status. In Adichie's Purple Hibiscus, gender-based violence manifests in the form of domestic violence, projected through the Eugene Achike family around whom the story, set in the eastern part of ...

Intimate partner violence and postpartum contraceptive use: the role of race/ethnicity and prenatal birth control counseling.

Science.gov (United States)

Cha, Susan; Chapman, Derek A; Wan, Wen; Burton, Candace W; Masho, Saba W

2015-09-01

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a major problem that could affect reproductive decision making. The aim of this study is to examine the association between IPV and contraceptive use and assess whether the association varies by receipt of prenatal birth control counseling and race/ethnicity. This study analyzed the 2004-2008 national Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS) that included 193,310 women with live births in the United States. IPV was determined by questions that asked about physical abuse by a current or former partner in the 12 months before or during pregnancy. The outcome was postpartum contraceptive use (yes vs. no). Multiple logistic regression analyses were conducted to assess the influence of experiencing IPV at different periods (preconception IPV, prenatal IPV, both preconception and prenatal IPV, preconception and/or prenatal IPV). Data were stratified to assess differential effects by race/ethnicity and receipt of birth control counseling. Approximately 6.2% of women reported IPV, and 15.5% reported no postpartum contraceptive use. Regardless of the timing of abuse, IPV-exposed women were significantly less likely to report contraceptive use after delivery. This was particularly true for Hispanic women who reported no prenatal birth control counseling and women of all other racial/ethnic groups who received prenatal birth control counseling. IPV victimization adversely affects the use of contraceptive methods following delivery in women with live births. Birth control counseling by health providers may mitigate these effects; however, the quality of counseling needs further investigation. Better integration of violence prevention services and family planning programs is greatly needed. Consistent with national recommendations by the U.S. Preventive Service Task Force, clinicians and public health workers are strongly encouraged to screen for IPV. Health providers should educate women on effective contraceptive options and

The role of collective memory in emotional recovery of political violence in Colombia

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Juan David Villa Gómez

2014-11-01

Full Text Available This article enquires about the role of collective memory events of political violence victims of some organizations in three regions of Colombia, eastern Antioquia, southern Cordoba, and Medellin city on the processes of subjective and emotional transformations. It is made from a psychosocial perspective using a hermeneutic phenomenology approach. Life stories were developed with in-depth interviews to 32 people (26 women and 6 men of Eastern Antioquia, 13 people in southern Córdoba (10 women and 3 men and 13 mothers of Candelaria; 4 women life stories of the three regions studied; and 19 focus groups with participants of victims processes of the three regions. All these stories were transcribed and analyzed by the categorical analysis method by matrix. Emotional affectations of the victims and following emotional transformations arising by group, collective and public memory events in individuals and collectives involved in the execution of these actions are presented outlining a Psychosocial view that allows to approach from research and intervention to psychological, social and political phenomenon.

Reducing Structural Violence through Entrepreneurial Tourism: Case Study in Hambantota District, Sri Lanka

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Shammika DLAH

2014-01-01

Full Text Available Tourism is increasingly recognized as an effective means of achieving peace in world. In this paper tourism’s contribution for peace will be discussed in a broader sense with identification of structural violence as the main cause of Sri Lankan conflict. Structural violence is the process of deprivation of needs. It is characterized politically as repression, and economically by exploitation. The methodology used in this paper to identify ‘how entrepreneurial tourism can contribute to alleviate structural violence’ was basically qualitative. The methodology was based on the grounded theory which portrays the world as being complex and organized by both overt and hidden power structures. It was revealed during the process of data collection that the structural violence was functioning by means of polarization of the social structures such as caste, ethnicity, economic status, nobility, educational status into different strata together with grouping of people into the consequential ends leading to social uneasiness. People engaged in entrepreneurial activities are entrapped in a viscous system of unfair resource allocation and production exploitation operating through intermediaries. The paper suggests that it is necessary to seek remedies to increase the capacity of entrepreneurs to overcome the destructive force of the structural violence.

Domestic violence, deportation, and women's resistance: notes on managing inter-sectionality.

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Sen, P

1999-02-01

This article describes the work of Southall Black Sisters (SBS), a small women's group in London that engages in political lobbying, activism, and case work, largely with Asian women immigrants seeking an escape from domestic violence. The strategies that SBS uses include: maintaining a strong link between its case work and the larger policy and social practices that make it difficult for women to counter domestic violence effectively; challenging multiple forms of oppression (based on gender, race, ethnicity, and the patriarchy) simultaneously; and networking with a range of other organizations to accomplish specific tasks. Thus, SBS's work for social change challenges the following: the prevailing culture that permits violence against women to be endemic; the construction and delivery of services to abused women that fail to meet the needs of Asian immigrants with little command of English; and the overriding legal and policy context. In particular, SBS clients face difficulties because the UK's immigration rules require incoming spouses to remain married for a year in order to stay in the country. During this period, incoming spouses are denied the very welfare benefits that provide funding for abused women in shelters. SBS case work includes counseling, arranging accommodations, finding legal counsel, and supporting clients through legal processes. SBS draws on its case work to inform its lobbying and to give a voice to victims of domestic violence.

The political theology of violence in contemporary India

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Hansen, T.B.

2008-01-01

What are we to make of the fact that most violence in India rarely has any visible or clear actors? Why is most violence represented as 'pure events' without identifiable actors - but as 'mobs', as spontaneous combustion, as spontaneous rage that arises from perceived collective grievances and

Self-Censorship Regulatory Structure: Can We Control Political of Hates, Violence & Sex in Children Computer & Video Games?

OpenAIRE

Zanuddin, Hasmah

2008-01-01

This article examines some of the extreme negative content available to teenagers and young children in the market. Extreme negative values such as political of hates, violence and sex in some of the children computer and video games were made possible due to several factors such as lacking in regulatory structure, week policy implementation, rampant of illegal and uncensored materials. Computer and video games have been the subject of frequent controversy and censorship, due to the depiction...

Loss of social resources predicts incident posttraumatic stress disorder during ongoing political violence within the Palestinian Authority.

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Hall, Brian J; Murray, Sarah M; Galea, Sandro; Canetti, Daphna; Hobfoll, Stevan E

2015-04-01

Exposure to ongoing political violence and stressful conditions increases the risk of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in low-resource contexts. However, much of our understanding of the determinants of PTSD in these contexts comes from cross-sectional data. Longitudinal studies that examine factors associated with incident PTSD may be useful to the development of effective prevention interventions and the identification of those who may be most at-risk for the disorder. A 3-stage cluster random stratified sampling methodology was used to obtain a representative sample of 1,196 Palestinian adults living in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Face-to-face interviews were conducted at two time points 6-months apart. Logistic regression analyses were conducted on a restricted sample of 643 people who did not have PTSD at baseline and who completed both interviews. The incidence of PTSD was 15.0 % over a 6-month period. Results of adjusted logistic regression models demonstrated that talking to friends and family about political circumstances (aOR = 0.78, p = 0.01) was protective, and female sex (aOR = 1.76, p = 0.025), threat perception of future violence (aOR = 1.50, p = 0.002), poor general health (aOR = 1.39, p = 0.005), exposure to media (aOR = 1.37, p = 0.002), and loss of social resources (aOR = 1.71, p = 0.006) were predictive of incident cases of PTSD. A high incidence of PTSD was documented during a 6-month follow-up period among Palestinian residents of Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem. Interventions that promote health and increase and forestall loss to social resources could potentially reduce the onset of PTSD in communities affected by violence.

Beyond a politics of recrimination: Scandal, ethics and the rehabilitation of violence

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Johnson, Jamie M.

2016-01-01

The practice of contemporary warfare seems to be plagued by scandal. It is often assumed that the act of bearing witness to these moments of ethical failure, in which the relationship between the martial and the ethical breaks down, plays an important role in holding powerful actors to account for their conduct. Considerable faith has been placed in the role of transparency and truth-telling as foundations for normative engagements with war. This article argues that we must be cautious about this investment. Drawing on the work of Jean Baudrillard, this article offers a method for critically reading scandals as a series of line-drawing manoeuvres. Taken together, these manoeuvres demonstrate how scandals function to enable, excuse and obscure the complex landscapes of violence that define the spectacular and mundane sites of contemporary war. Reducing critical engagements with violent practices to a logic of recrimination, scandals often function to revitalise the very principles they appear to contest. Focusing upon the socio-political implications of wartime scandals, this article demonstrates that the performative force of scandals is therefore the reproduction of a violent status quo rather than opening up new spaces for imagining less violent futures. Offering a critical reading of controversies relating to the provision of humanitarian assistance and education in Afghanistan, this article reflects on the ambiguities and anxieties of critiquing violence. PMID:29278252

Gender-based violence: a crucial challenge for public health.

Science.gov (United States)

Sanjel, S

2013-01-01

This article attempts to summarize the situations of gender-based violence, a major public health issue. Due to the unequal power relations between men and women, women are violated either in family, in the community or in the State. Gender-based violence takes different forms like physical, sexual or psychological/ emotional violence. The causes of gender-based violence are multidimensional including social, economic, cultural, political and religious. The literatures written in relation to the gender-based violence are accessed using electronic databases as PubMed, Medline and Google scholar, Google and other Internet Websites between 1994 and first quarter of 2013 using an internet search from the keywords such as gender-based violence, women violence, domestic violence, wife abuse, violence during pregnancy, women sexual abuse, political gender based violence, cultural gender-based violence, economical gender-based violence, child sexual abuse and special forms of gender-based violence in Nepal. As GBVs remain one of the most rigorous challenges of women's health and well-being, it is one of the indispensable issues of equity and social justice. To create a gender-based violence free environment, a lot works has to be done. Hence, it is suggested to provide assistance to the victims of violence developing the mechanism to support them.

Violence as a form of communication: Making sense of violence in ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

This article explores the meaning of violence in South African society against the backdrop of its violent past. Using a perspective suggested by H.W. van de Merwe** and Sue Williams in an article in 1987 – understanding violence as a form of communication – the article seeks to analyse how the persistence and scale of ...

Violences and resistances from a Narrative Production with militants of postdictatorial Chile

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Roberto Fernández Droguett

2015-12-01

Full Text Available Political violence being a relevant issue of our recent past that is still present in Chilean society, from the approach of the Social Psychology of Memory in this paper we review and discuss some aspects of violence and resistance of the decade nineties in Chile and its relationship with the present. Dealing with this theme it is developed in terms of a Narrative Production made with subjects ascribed to the use of violence as a strategy of revolutionary political struggle during the dictatorship and transition to democracy. The review and analysis of some segments of the Narrative Production realizes the characteristics of the political violence of the period and the forms of resistance to such violence as soon as conceptions that individuals have on the subject and its manifestations today

A health’s view on violence

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Paula Borges Jacques

2012-06-01

rules, when a space is empty, something else occupies it - in this particular case, the criminal organizations. Collective violence arises(4, with violent acts that occur in macro-social, political and economic fields, and characterize the domination by groups and the State. In this category (4, from the social point of view, are included crimes committed by organized groups, crowns and acts of terrorism. In the political field, there are wars andannihilation processes perpetrated against certain people and nations by others(4. In addition to the classification established by the WHO Report (2002, there is another type of violence, called structural violence(4, referring to social, political and economic processes, which are responsible for reproducing hunger, poverty and inequality in social, gender and ethnics aspects, also rendering them chronic and maintaining the adult-centered dominance over children and adolescents. Hardly quantified and apparently without actors, the structural violence perpetuates itself into historical processes, becomes persistent and natural in the culture, taking in its account privileges and forms of domination. Most types of violence previously cited are based on the structural violence (4.Nowadays, one lives in fear and, being afraid, one does not live. Life is for the strong, for those who believe in it and react to adversities. Citizen is afraid to take a stroll in the streets; to flaunt a jewel; to drive a vehicle more powerful than usual, in order not to attract attention. Families fear for their children on the internet because of pedophiles and are afraid of the drug that has spread not only into the capital cities, but also into the countryside. The Brazilian State has neglected its boundaries, drug has come inside and got established, making victims each day and letting families unsettled, frightened, in pain, with nowhere to go. A public policy is needed to protect the youth, to recover theaddicts and safeguard our borders. How

Using machine-coded event data for the micro-level study of political violence

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Jesse Hammond

2014-07-01

Full Text Available Machine-coded datasets likely represent the future of event data analysis. We assess the use of one of these datasets—Global Database of Events, Language and Tone (GDELT—for the micro-level study of political violence by comparing it to two hand-coded conflict event datasets. Our findings indicate that GDELT should be used with caution for geo-spatial analyses at the subnational level: its overall correlation with hand-coded data is mediocre, and at the local level major issues of geographic bias exist in how events are reported. Overall, our findings suggest that due to these issues, researchers studying local conflict processes may want to wait for a more reliable geocoding method before relying too heavily on this set of machine-coded data.

Assumptions about culture in discourse on ethnic minority health.

Science.gov (United States)

Jaeger, Kirsten

2013-01-01

This paper is interested in the way the concept of culture is deployed in documents aimed at investigating, informing on and promoting aspects of ethnic minority health. Within a health-political discourse focusing increasingly on individual lifestyles, ethnic minority health became subject to increased political and professional interest in the last decades of the twentieth and the first decade of the twenty-first century. Analysis of the discourse on ethnic minority health emerging in five texts addressing health professionals shows that the culture of ethnic minority citizens is primarily seen as contributing to low levels of knowledge about health and to adverse health behavior. Thus, the texts present cultural beliefs and practices as contributing to the high prevalence of lifestyle diseases among ethnic minority population groups. The analysis, however, demonstrates that a more nuanced discourse is evolving, taking the complexity of the culture concept into account. In accordance with Danish health-political priorities, the most recent text analyzed in this study promotes an individualistic approach to both ethnic minority and Danish ethnic majority citizens.

Dating Violence and Substance Use among Ethnically Diverse Adolescents

Science.gov (United States)

Temple, Jeff R.; Freeman, Daniel H., Jr.

2011-01-01

Teen dating violence is a serious public health concern with numerous and long-lasting consequences. Although alcohol and drug use have been associated with dating violence, little is known about the role of specific substances, especially the use of club drugs and the nonmedical use of prescription drugs. Thus, the authors examined the…

Ethnic Maps: Between Reality and Propaganda

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Mladen Klemenčić

2006-12-01

Full Text Available Ethnic maps provide insight into the ethnically complex populations of certain areas. They are a cartographic way of portraying a part of geographic reality. Southeastern Europe appears as an ideal area for ethnic maps drawers: there is a variety of different ethnic groups living in a relatively small area. Moreover, political boundaries often do not correspond with so-called ethnic borders, i.e. divisions between majority areas of different nations and/or ethnic groups. The history of South-Eastern Europe offers a number of examples of ethnic maps drawing and their use in political context. The paper focused on ethnic maps drawn and published in the context of the break-up of Yugoslav federation during the first half of the 1990’s. The maps were produced mainly by scientific institutions or under the supervision of such institutions or experts, but always with the specific goal to back and justify political standpoints of their respective country's governments during a turbulent period of geopolitical change and transition. Generally, figures and statistics were presented professionally and correctly. Map authors and compilers did not try to falsify figures. The degree of intent in mapmaking is registered primarily through the choice of cartographic technique, including certain elements of the map design (choice of colours. In that regard, one can identify a technique favoured by Croatian sources (pie charts and another one often used by Serbian mapmakers (choropleth maps. Maps were understood to be powerful media tools and influential visual images that could be used to create a particular perception.

Violence, Identity and (In)security

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Wilson, Fiona

2009-01-01

This article argues that the position of political violence in developing countries has changed in the post-Cold War period, from being seen (by some) as a legitimate response to dictatorship to become associated with criminality and delinquency on the one hand and terrorism on the other. This pr......This article argues that the position of political violence in developing countries has changed in the post-Cold War period, from being seen (by some) as a legitimate response to dictatorship to become associated with criminality and delinquency on the one hand and terrorism on the other...

From Family Violence Exposure to Violent Offending: Examining Effects of Race and Mental Health in a Moderated Mediation Model Among Confined Male Juveniles.

Science.gov (United States)

Fix, Rebecca L; Alexander, Apryl A; Burkhart, Barry R

2017-09-01

Depression, substance use, and impulsivity have been linked to family violence exposure and to the development of violent offending during adolescence. Additionally, the indirect effects associated with these factors may not generalize across different racial/ethnic adolescent populations. The present study tested whether race/ethnicity moderated the mediated relationship between family violence exposure and violent offending, with depression, substance use, and impulsivity as mediators. A sample of 1,359 male adolescents was obtained from a juvenile correctional program. Between-racial/ethnic group comparisons were generally consistent with previous findings. The overall moderated mediation model was significant in predicting violence for both racial/ethnic groups. Different factors influenced violent offending among African Americans and European Americans in the tested model. Furthermore, race/ethnicity moderated the relationship between family violence exposure and impulsivity and substance use. Implications and future directions resolving issues are discussed concerning whether race/ethnicity should be included as a moderator in models of violence.

Debate of Ethnic Identity in Nepali Politics: An Examination of the debate from the Kisan Community of Eastern Nepal

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Shambhu Prasad Kattel

2014-05-01

Full Text Available The Kisan is an ethnic group of Nepal lived in Jhapa district only. It is a Tarai origin group with 773 populations which is traditionally organized under its own political organization, the Mahato system. The Mahato is a hereditary community head which is supported by Wokil (minister and Sipahi (Police. These traditional authorities run a well functional community court which maintains peace and harmony in the community and works for the preservation of cultural practices. Along with the establishment of multiparty democracy, the community is exposed to external situations: political parties and economic organizations, advocacy groups, donor agencies and so on. A few literate Kisans seeking employment opportunities interfaced with the advocates of National Federations of Indigenous Nationalities and Action Aid Nepal after multiparty democracy. As a result, they had motivated and established a non-governmental organization for ethnic welfare. After establishment of the Kisan Community Development Academy (club in the Kisan language, the community is formally divided into two groups: the illiterate Kisans involved in community court under their traditional authorities and the literate Kisans involved in the newly established club. The club ran literacy and sanitation programs and constructed toilets and water taps. Mainly, it was involved in socio-cultural change and identity politics by the support of the above mentioned organizations. On the contrary, the traditional authorities involve in the preservation of community culture and maintain peace and harmony. The literate Kisans involved in identity politics are motivated for salaried jobs, not for cultural preservation for Kisan identity. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dsaj.v7i0.10441 Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol. 7, 2013; 157-172

Factors and Characteristics of Workplace Violence Against Nurses: A Study in Iran.

Science.gov (United States)

Dehghan-Chaloshtari, Sahar; Ghodousi, Arash

2017-01-01

Violence against nurses is a serious problem that can affect negatively the quality of nursing care. The extent of violence against nurses in Iran and the factors leading to this violence have not been known. Thus, the aim of this study was to investigate all forms of violence against nurses in Shahrekord hospitals in 2014. In this 2014 study, 100 nurses working in Shahrekord's Hajar, Kashani, and Social Security branch hospitals were studied. Data were collected through standardized questionnaires on workplace violence, as well as demographic data, in health units on five types of violence, including physical and verbal violence, intimidation and bullying, ethnic violence, and violation of chastity. The analysis was done by SPSS (Version 19) software. All nurses indicated that during some period of their work, they had been subjected to at least one type of violence; the highest prevalence of mental violence was belonged to the subtype of intimidation and bullying (91%). The primary agents of violence against nurses were patients and their relatives. Factors such as gender, age, work experience, and nursing shifts played important roles in the distribution of violence. In ethnic violence, the only factor affecting nurses was race ( p violence against nurses was due to mental or psychological violence. To minimize violence in hospitals, authorities should consider appropriate preventive strategies, good management, proper protective measures, and public education.

Relations between Political Violence and Child Adjustment: A Four-Wave Test of the Role of Emotional Insecurity about Community

Science.gov (United States)

Cummings, E. Mark; Taylor, Laura K.; Merrilees, Christine E.; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C.; Shirlow, Peter; Cairns, Ed

2015-01-01

This study further explored the impact of sectarian violence and children’s emotional insecurity about community on child maladjustment using a four-wave longitudinal design. The study included 999 mother-child dyads in Belfast, Northern Ireland (482 boys, 517 girls). Across the four-waves, child mean age was 12.19 (SD = 1.82), 13.24 (SD = 1.83), 13.61 (SD = 1.99), and 14.66 years (SD = 1.96), respectively. Building on previous studies of the role of emotional insecurity in child adjustment, the current study examines within-person change in emotional insecurity using latent growth curve analyses. The results showed that children’s trajectories of emotional insecurity about community were related to risk for developing conduct and emotion problems. These findings controlled for earlier adjustment problems, age and gender, and took into account the time-varying nature of experience with sectarian violence. Discussion considers the implications for children’s emotional insecurity about community for relations between political violence and children’s adjustment, including the significance of trajectories of emotional insecurity over time. PMID:23527495

Political Violence in Latin America. A Cross-Case Comparison of the Urban Insurgency Campaigns of Montoneros, M-19, and FSLN in a Historical Perspective

NARCIS (Netherlands)

le Blanc, J.H.C.

2012-01-01

The investigation reconstructs and examines the processes of escalation and de-escalation of political violence in internal conflicts in Latin America. The study analyses and compares the urban insurgent campaigns of the Argentinean Montoneros, the Colombian Movement 19 April (M-19) and the

Tribal Hands and Ethnic Votes

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Elling, Rasmus Christian

2015-01-01

Ethnic politics is a serious domestic challenge in Iran. Non-Persian communities are mobilizing to claim their rights and to demand representation in a system that activists claim is biased against minorities and the peripheral regions. Yet the inner workings of contemporary Iranian ethnic politi...

Urban Violence in Kenya's Transition to Pluralist Politics, 1982-1992 ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

Dans plusieurs parties de l'Afrique on note une escalade de la violence urbaine. Les études théoriques à ce sujet n'abordent principalement que les manifestations de violence dans les quartiers pauvres, et la criminalité urbaine avec ses actes de violence. Il y a un besoin urgent de focaliser l'attention sur les causes ...

'Grounded' Politics

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Schmidt, Garbi

2012-01-01

play within one particular neighbourhood: Nørrebro in the Danish capital, Copenhagen. The article introduces the concept of grounded politics to analyse how groups of Muslim immigrants in Nørrebro use the space, relationships and history of the neighbourhood for identity political statements....... The article further describes how national political debates over the Muslim presence in Denmark affect identity political manifestations within Nørrebro. By using Duncan Bell’s concept of mythscape (Bell, 2003), the article shows how some political actors idealize Nørrebro’s past to contest the present...... ethnic and religious diversity of the neighbourhood and, further, to frame what they see as the deterioration of genuine Danish identity....

Eastern Orthodox perspectives on violence

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Hilton Saggau, Emil

2017-01-01

Abstract: In the post-communist era, the contemporary national Eastern Orthodox churches have often been accused of taking either direct or ideological part in violence across Eastern Europe. In several scholarly analyses, the churches have been linked with ethnic and national violence. They have...... thus been identified as an ideological root for a distinctive ethno-religious nationalism either blocking the way for a pluralistic society or simply defying it. These cases of violence and conflicts, as well as their subsequent analysis, only point to a practical and visible manifestation of conflicts......, and they therefore don’t answer a broader theological question, namely the question of the general position of the Eastern Orthodox churches regarding violence. This article will address this broader question of what the Orthodox churches’ position is on violence and discuss the co-relation and intersection between...

Nasty Women: The Politics of Female Identity in Antonio Ortuño’s La fila india

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Adrienne Erazo

2018-02-01

Full Text Available Provoked by the outbreak of femicides in Ciudad Juárez in the 1990s, a wave of socially critical narrative has circulated in Mexico since the turn of the twenty-first century. Taking into account this broader corpus of literature, the article contextualizes Antonio Ortuño’s 2014 novel La fila india within a unique sector of this critical narrative, which highlights the interaction of gender violence and migration. The violent novel exposes an expansive social hierarchy that has developed in response to migration in Mexico, and which discriminates against all women, but targets migrant women in particular. Ortuño steps away from traditional characterizations of the Third World female migrant as a helpless victim, and instead orients his narrative around this figure’s means of achieving agency in the face of intense discrimination and violence. The article demonstrates how Ortuño interweaves systemic, symbolic, and subjective violence and subverts the chingón-chingada relationship in order to offer a pessimistic, but revolutionary view of both Mexican and Central American women’s future in Mexico. By tracing narrative strategies that normalize violence and uncovering Ortuño’s connection of gender and ethnic discrimination, the author invites us to reconsider both the genre of social criticism in Mexico and the politics of female identity in the face of violence.

Non-Violence and Civilian Agency in Communal War : Evidence from Jos, Nigeria

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Krause, J.

2017-01-01

Communal violence is one of the deadliest forms of political violence in Nigeria. Research has yet to identify and explain the variation in spread and intensity of violence ‘within’ communal conflicts. This article analyses violence and non-violence in two almost contiguous neighbourhoods located in

Violence Patterns in Peckinpah's The Wild Bunch (1969: Critical Reading

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Baker Bani-Khair

2017-03-01

Full Text Available This paper focuses on the issue of violence in Sam Peckinpah's The Wild Bunch (1969 through explaining some of the cultural and historical implications of violence in the 1960s such as Vietnam War, the Mexican war and also the explosion of the feminist movement and some other important social and political upheavals that shaped the cultural context of the 1960s in America. It also sheds light on Sam Peckinpah’s approach of violence screen and stylizing violence and the representations of violence as a tormenting and brutalizing reality that matches the spirit of the age in addition to the social, political, and colonial conflicts of the 1960s. Violence and the implications of violence in The Wild Bunch whether social , cultural, psychological, or humanistic have been discussed in brief in order to show the critical approach of the film as being a rich and didactic film to watch, especially in terms of its rich cultural and historical contexts.

Politically Correct Racism and the Geisha Novel: The Psychology of Sophisticated Racism Mirrors that of Ethnic Jokes

OpenAIRE

TANAKA, Tomoyuki

2006-01-01

In Section 1, politically correct racism (PC racism) is defined as an act with racist intent, justified by righteous appearance, with popularity or near-total acceptance because of its righteous appearance. In Section 2, after presenting a theory of jokes based on analyses by Sigmund Freud and Marvin Minsky, I show that the pleasure one derives from PC racism is similar to that derived from ethnic jokes. In Section 3, I point out the inaccuracies and prejudice contained in the novel Memoirs o...

Persistent differences in asthma self-efficacy by race, ethnicity, and income in adults with asthma.

Science.gov (United States)

Ejebe, Ifna H; Jacobs, Elizabeth A; Wisk, Lauren E

2015-02-01

The objective of this population-based study was to determine if and to what extent there are differences in asthma self-efficacy by race/ethnicity and income, and whether health status, levels of acculturation, and health care factors may explain these differences. We conducted a secondary data analysis of asthma self-efficacy using the 2009 and 2011-2012 California Health Interview Survey, in adults with asthma (n=7874). In order to examine if and how the effect of race/ethnicity and income on asthma self-efficacy may have been altered by health status, acculturation, and health care factors, we used staged multivariable logistic regression models. We conducted mediation analyses to evaluate which of these factors might mediate disparities in self-efficacy by race/ethnicity and income. 69.8% of adults reported having high asthma self-efficacy. Latinos (OR 0.66; 95% CI 0.51-0.86), African-Americans (OR 0.50; 95% CI 0.29-0.83), American Indian/Alaskan Natives (OR 0.55; 95% CI 0.31-0.98) and Asian/Pacific Islanders (OR 0.34; 95% CI 0.23-0.52) were less likely to report high self-efficacy compared to Whites. Individuals with income below the federal poverty level (OR 0.56; 95% CI 0.40-0.78) were less likely to report high self-efficacy compared to higher income individuals. The relationship between income and self-efficacy was no longer significant after further adjustment for health care factors; however, the differences in race and ethnicity persisted. Receiving an asthma management plan mediated the relationship in certain subgroups. Addressing modifiable health care factors may play an important role in reducing disparities in asthma self-efficacy.

Dating Violence and Substance Use as Longitudinal Predictors of Adolescents’ Risky Sexual Behavior

Science.gov (United States)

Shorey, Ryan C.; Fite, Paula J.; Choi, HyeJeong; Cohen, Joseph R.; Stuart, Gregory L.; Temple, Jeff R.

2015-01-01

Objective To examine dating violence perpetration and victimization (physical, psychological, and sexual) and lifetime substance use (alcohol, marijuana, and hard drugs) as longitudinal predictors of adolescents’ risky sexual behavior across one year, and to determine whether predictors varied across adolescents’ gender and ethnicity. Methods A sample of Caucasian, African American, and Hispanic male and female adolescents from 7 public high schools in Texas (N = 882) participated. Adolescents completed self-report measures of dating violence, lifetime substance use, and risky sexual behavior at baseline and, 1-year later, completed a second assessment of their risky sexual behavior. Results Path analysis demonstrated that greater physical dating violence victimization, lifetime alcohol use, lifetime marijuana use, and age (being older) were all significant predictors of risky sexual behavior at the 1-year follow-up. These results did not vary across gender or the three ethnic groups (Caucasian, African American, and Hispanic). Conclusions Overall, substance use was a longitudinal predictor of risky sexual behavior across the three ethnic groups, with physical dating violence victimization being the only type of dating violence longitudinally predicting risky sexual behavior. Prevention efforts should consider the roles of physical dating violence and substance use in preventing risky sexual behavior. PMID:25797949

Dating Violence and Substance Use as Longitudinal Predictors of Adolescents' Risky Sexual Behavior.

Science.gov (United States)

Shorey, Ryan C; Fite, Paula J; Choi, HyeJeong; Cohen, Joseph R; Stuart, Gregory L; Temple, Jeff R

2015-08-01

The objectives of this study is to examine dating violence perpetration and victimization (physical, psychological, and sexual) and lifetime substance use (alcohol, marijuana, and hard drugs) as longitudinal predictors of adolescents' risky sexual behavior across 1 year and to determine whether predictors varied across adolescents' gender and ethnicity. A sample of Caucasian, African American, and Hispanic male and female adolescents from seven public high schools in Texas (N = 882) participated. Adolescents completed self-report measures of dating violence, lifetime substance use, and risky sexual behavior at baseline and, 1-year later, completed a second assessment of their risky sexual behavior. Path analysis demonstrated that greater physical dating violence victimization, lifetime alcohol use, lifetime marijuana use, and age (being older) were all significant predictors of risky sexual behavior at the 1-year follow-up. These results did not vary across gender or the three ethnic groups (Caucasian, African American, and Hispanic). Overall, substance use was a longitudinal predictor of risky sexual behavior across the three ethnic groups, with physical dating violence victimization being the only type of dating violence longitudinally predicting risky sexual behavior. Prevention efforts should consider the roles of physical dating violence and substance use in preventing risky sexual behavior.

Why Not Genocide? Anti-Chinese Violence in Aceh, 1965–1966

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Jess Melvin

2013-01-01

Full Text Available This article provides an account of anti-Chinese violence in Aceh between 1 October 1965 and 17 August 1966. Drawing upon original oral history evidence and previously unknown documentary sources, this article builds upon current scholarly understandings that two phases of violence involving members of the ethnic Chinese community can be identified in Aceh during this period, to explain how a third explicitly ethnic-based phase of violence directed against members of the ethnic Chinese community in Aceh can also be identified. Based on this research and a reflection on the precedent set by the Cambodian genocide as to how the current legal definition of genocide can be applied, this article argues that the assessment that the Indonesian killings should not be understood as genocide is premature.

Impact of Political Environment on Business Performance of ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

DR Nneka

stability and absence of violence while business performance was measured by the ... which influence the ability of economic entities in achieving their goal. ..... data on political instability and violence were correlated with data on profitability,.

Hidden consequences of political efficacy: Testing an efficacy-apathy model of political mobilization.

Science.gov (United States)

Osborne, Danny; Yogeeswaran, Kumar; Sibley, Chris G

2015-10-01

Political efficacy-the belief that one can influence politics-is a key predictor of people's involvement in social movements. Political institutions that are open to change should, however, be seen as just. Thus, political efficacy may ironically undermine minority group members' support for collective action by simultaneously increasing their belief in the fairness of the system. The current study aims to examine this possibility in a national sample of Māori-New Zealand's indigenous minority population. Participants (N = 399) were Māori (Mage = 44.22; SD = 13.30) women (n = 272) and men (n = 115; unreported = 12) who completed a survey assessing their levels of (a) political efficacy, (b) system justification, and (c) support for the political mobilization of their group, as well as relevant demographic covariates. Consistent with past research, political efficacy had a positive direct effect on participants' support for the political mobilization of Māori. Nevertheless, political efficacy also had a negative indirect effect on political mobilization support via increases in system justification. These results held after controlling for participants' ethnic identification, self-efficacy, and conservatism. Our findings uncover a hidden consequence of political efficacy and show that, while believing that the political system is receptive to change predicts political mobilization, it can also undermine minorities' support for the mobilization of their group. Thus, our results uncover a previously unknown process that maintains inequality between ethnic minority and majority group members. (c) 2015 APA, all rights reserved).

Mental illness, mass shootings, and the politics of American firearms.

Science.gov (United States)

Metzl, Jonathan M; MacLeish, Kenneth T

2015-02-01

Four assumptions frequently arise in the aftermath of mass shootings in the United States: (1) that mental illness causes gun violence, (2) that psychiatric diagnosis can predict gun crime, (3) that shootings represent the deranged acts of mentally ill loners, and (4) that gun control "won't prevent" another Newtown (Connecticut school mass shooting). Each of these statements is certainly true in particular instances. Yet, as we show, notions of mental illness that emerge in relation to mass shootings frequently reflect larger cultural stereotypes and anxieties about matters such as race/ethnicity, social class, and politics. These issues become obscured when mass shootings come to stand in for all gun crime, and when "mentally ill" ceases to be a medical designation and becomes a sign of violent threat.

The relationship between school multiculturalism and interpersonal violence: an exploratory study.

Science.gov (United States)

Le, Thao N; Johansen, Samantha

2011-11-01

Multiculturalism has been purported to be supportive of positive youth development and outcomes. This study examined the relationship between perceived school multiculturalism-whether youth felt and thought that their school and teachers supported and provided activities for diverse intergroup interactions-and serious interpersonal violence, and explored whether this relation was mediated by civic engagement, ethnic identity, ethnocultural empathy, and positive peers. An ethnically diverse sample of 324 middle-school youth (mean age: 12.5 years; range: 11-15 years; sex: 50% female) from a city in northern California participated in the study. Analyses consisted of structural equation modeling with bootstrapping. The results revealed a negative association between school multiculturalism and interpersonal violence that was fully mediated by positive peers and civic engagement. Although school multiculturalism was positively associated with ethnic identity, ethnic identity, in turn, was not significantly associated with interpersonal violence. School multiculturalism is an important protective factor against youth violence by facilitating positive peer relationships and community engagement among youth. Teachers, administrators, and health officials need to consider the ways in which they can facilitate and encourage greater understanding, openness, and respect for diversity, and promote harmonious interactions among different groups at schools. Greater institutional support for school multiculturalism through implementation of tolerance curriculum and activities, for example, could in turn facilitate favorable youth outcomes. © 2011, American School Health Association.

[Sex/Gender, Violence and Human Rights: Conceptual Perspectives for Approaching Gender-Based Violence against Women from the Health Sector].

Science.gov (United States)

Bello-Urrego, Alejandra Del Rocío

2013-03-01

Based upon the public health sector perspective, this article explores conceptual approaches to address the issue of gender violence against women. To consider the election of an analysis framework regarding the phenomenon of violence against women in the health sector, in the light of the political implications of becoming a woman in the midst of a specific social order. Expert review of scientific literature published on free-access data bases so as to identify the most commonly used interpretation frameworks with regard to the phenomenon of violence against women in order to explain its political implications according to a specific social order. Becoming woman implies participation in social aspects from an inequity stemming from structural power. This is the reason why violence against women can never be considered away from its roots. i.e., a society that assigns to women social roles that imply diminished possibilities of access to the use of power through a sex/gender system which is binary, hierarchic and exclusive. In public health areas, the selection of interpretation frameworks that do not take into account the structural origin of violence against women contribute to their invisibilization and even to perpetuate it, independently from the conscience of the researcher on the basis of the political burden arising from the use of such frameworks to the detriment of others, or the intention of objectivity regarding frameworks with a heavy political burden that contribute to the maintenance of a sex/gender binary, hierarchic and excluding structure. Copyright © 2013 Asociación Colombiana de Psiquiatría. Publicado por Elsevier España. All rights reserved.

Prison violence and the intersectionality of race/ethnicity and gender

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Kerryn E. Bell

2018-03-01

Full Text Available Objective to analyze the history occurrence and development of the problem of prison violence from the viewpoint of the intersectionality of raceethnicity and gender factors. Methods dialectical approach to cognition of social phenomena allowing to analyze them in historical development and functioning in the context of the totality of objective and subjective factors predetermined the following research methods formallogical comparativelegal and sociological. Results Minority men and women are significantly impacted by mass incarceration. Mass incarceration has also resulted in a growth in prison violence and previous studies in this area have focused on individuals and not their interconnected statuses. This study specifically considers the role of intersectional criminology and the commitment of prison violence in a large western state on female inmates. Intersectional criminology is a theoretical approach that enables a critical look at the impact of individuals39 interconnected statuses in relation to crime. The authors do not hypothesize about the reasons for the dependences between raceethnicity and gender factors and the level of prison violence but state that minority females commit more violent infractions in prison than White women. Intersectionality allows coming closer to solving the problem of identifying the incarcerated females as members of criminal groups and study the potential impact of this factor on the violence level. Scientific novelty for the first time the research proves that intersectionality allows receiving more reliable statistical results when estimating the level of prison violence. It has been proved that minority females commit more violent infractions in prison than White women. Thus this study builds upon previous arguments that intersectionality should be more widely used in future research and discusses implications for the findings. Practical significance the main provisions and conclusions of the article

Unmasking: on violence, masculinity, and superheroes in science education

Science.gov (United States)

Broadway, Francis S.; Leafgren, Sheri L.

2012-09-01

Through exploration of public mask/private face, the authors trouble violence and its role in science education through three media: schools, masculinity, and science acknowledging a violence of hate, but dwelling on a violence of caring. In schools, there is the poisonous "for your own good" pedagogy that becomes a "for your own good" curriculum or a coercive curriculum for science teaching and learning; however, the antithetical curriculum of I'm here entails violence—the shedding of the public mask and the exposing of the private face. Violence, likewise, becomes social and political capital for masculinity that is a pubic mask for private face. Lastly, science, in its self-identified cultural, political and educational form of a superhero, creates permanent harm most often as palatable violence in order to save and to redeem not the private face, but the public mask. The authors conclude that they do not know what violence to say one should not do, but they know the much of the violence has been and is being committed. All for which we can hope is not that we cease all violence or better yet not hate, but that we violently love.

Rehabilitation Counseling Master's Students: Beliefs and Attitudes about Domestic Violence toward Women

Science.gov (United States)

Davis, Dytisha Monicke

2013-01-01

Domestic violence is a national concern that affects women of all ages and ethnicities, as well as women with disabilities. Although there is literature focusing on attitudes about domestic violence toward women, the literature review provided no studies that investigated attitudes about domestic violence toward women in relation to domestic…

AHP 40: Review: IN THE LAND OF THE EASTERN QUEENDOM: THE POLITICS OF GENDER AND ETHNICITY ON THE SINO-TIBETAN BORDER

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Robert Entenmann

2016-02-01

Full Text Available This intriguing anthropological study examines local culture and politics in Suopo Township, Danba County, Ganze (Dkar mdzes, Ch: Ganzi Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture 甘孜藏族自治州丹巴县梭坡乡 in western Sichuan, and the township's claim to be the site of the capital of a matriarchal "Eastern Queendom" that may or may not have existed there a thousand years ago. A neighboring town, supported by county authorities, disputes the claim, and the historical record is by no means clear. The stakes – a lucrative ethnic tourist trade – are high, but the dispute also has become an issue defining the cultural identity of the Suopowa 'people of Suopo'. Tenzin Jinba's work offers new perspectives on ethnic representation, gender and ethnic identity, civil associations, and collective action in Southwest China. ...

The Relation Between Contempt, Anger, and Intimate Partner Violence: A Dyadic Approach.

Science.gov (United States)

Sommer, Johannah; Iyican, Susan; Babcock, Julia

2016-08-01

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a persistent problem in our society, and there is strong evidence for the existence of bidirectional violence in heterosexual romantic relationships. Couples' research has long focused on conflict and distressed communication patterns as a source of relationship distress and eventual dissolution. In addition to relationship dissatisfaction, dysfunctional communication also appears to be associated with elevated risk of IPV. In fact, one study found that communication difficulties were one of the most frequently self-reported motivations for committing partner violence in a sample of both males and females arrested for IPV. The current study sought to explore the association between the expression of distressed communication (contempt and anger) during a laboratory conflict discussion and reports of IPV perpetration using a dyadic data analysis method, the Actor Partner Interdependence Model, in a large ethnically diverse sample of heterosexual couples. We found that negative communication in the form of contempt was not only associated with one's own physical assault perpetration, but it was also associated with physical assault perpetration of the other partner. In contrast, anger was only associated with one's own physical assault perpetration. Therefore, our results highlight the potential efficacy of treatments for IPV that target negative communication patterns and affect.

The Relationship of Abortion and Violence Against Women: Violence Prevention Strategies and Research Needs.

Science.gov (United States)

Coyle, Catherine T; Shuping, Martha W; Speckhard, Anne; Brightup, Jennie E

2015-01-01

From the perspective of peace psychology, the role of abortion in acts of violence against women is explored, with a focus on violence-prevention strategies. Setting aside the political debate, this task force report takes the conflict-transformation approach of considering all perspectives that have concern for the right of women to avoid being victims of violence. The evidence that victims of Intimate Partner Violence are disproportionately represented in women presenting for abortion suggests a need for screening at clinics. Coerced abortion is a form of violence and has occurred by government policy in China and as a result of other violence against women: sex trafficking and war situations. Sex-selection abortion of female fetuses, referred to as "gendercide," has reached pandemic proportions and caused a gender imbalance in some countries. Psychology, through empirical research, can make unique contributions to understanding the relationship between abortion and violence and in developing prevention strategies.

Gun violence in Americans' social network during their lifetime.

Science.gov (United States)

Kalesan, Bindu; Weinberg, Janice; Galea, Sandro

2016-12-01

The overall burden of gun violence death and injury in the US is now well understood. However, no study has shown the extent to which gun violence is associated with the individual lives of Americans. We used fatal and non-fatal gun injury rates in 2013 from Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System (WISQARS) and generally accepted estimates about the size of an American's social network to determine the likelihood that any given person will know someone in their personal social network who is a victim of gun violence during their lifetime. We derived estimates in the overall population and among racial/ethnic groups and by gun-injury intent. The likelihood of knowing a gun violence victim within any given personal network over a lifetime is 99.85% (99.8% to 99.9%). The likelihood among non-Hispanic white, black, Hispanic and other race Americans were 97.1%, 99.9%, 99.5% and 88.9% respectively. Nearly all Americans of all racial/ethnic groups are likely to know a victim of gun violence in their social network during their lifetime. Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Triggers and Characteristics of the 2007 Kenyan Electoral Violence

OpenAIRE

Stefan Dercon; Roxana Gutiérrez-Romero

2010-01-01

Following the 2007 disputed Kenyan Presidential election unprecedented levels of violence erupted across the country adding to the history of troubled elections in Africa. This paper offers quantitative and qualitative evidence on the incidence, impacts and issues that triggered electoral violence. Using two surveys conducted before and after the election we find that one out of three Kenyans were affected by the violence regardless of their ethnicity and wealth. The chances of being a victim...

Social participation within a context of political violence: implications for the promotion and exercise of the right to health in Guatemala.

Science.gov (United States)

Flores, Walter; Ruano, Ana Lorena; Funchal, Denise Phe

2009-01-01

Social participation has been understood in many different ways, and there are even typologies classifying participation by the degree of a population's control in decision making. Participation can vary from a symbolic act, which does not involve decision making, to processes in which it constitutes the principal tool for redistributing power within a population. This article argues that analyzing social participation from a perspective of power relations requires knowledge of the historical, social, and economic processes that have characterized the social relations in a specific context. Applying such an analysis to Guatemala reveals asymmetrical power relations characterized by a long history of repression and political violence. The armed conflict during the second half of the 20th century had devastating consequences for a large portion of the population as well as the country's social leadership. The ongoing violence resulted in negative psychosocial effects among the population, including mistrust toward institutions and low levels of social and political participation. Although Guatemala made progress in creating spaces for social participation in public policy after signing the Peace Accords in 1996, the country still faces after-effects of the conflict. One important task for the organizations that work in the field of health and the right to health is to help regenerate the social fabric and to rebuild trust between the state and its citizens. Such regeneration involves helping the population gain the skills, knowledge, and information needed in order to participate in and affect formal political processes that are decided and promoted by various public entities, such as the legislative and executive branches, municipal governments, and political parties. This process also applies to other groups that build citizenship through participation, such as neighborhood organizations and school and health committees.

Socio-ecological correlates of mental health among ethnic minorities in areas of political conflict: a study of Druze adolescents in Israel.

Science.gov (United States)

Scrimin, Sara; Moscardino, Ughetta; Natour, Miras

2014-04-01

Children and youths living in areas of political conflict are at increased risk of mental health problems, but little is known about psychosocial adjustment among ethnic minorities living in war-afflicted settings. This cross-sectional study used an ecological approach to investigate the unique contributions of child, family/social, and minority related factors as well as traumatic exposure and perceived discrimination to the mental health of 167 Druze adolescents in Northern Israel. Outcome measures included participants' self-reported posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms, psychological distress, and emotional and behavioral problems. Adolescents reported high indirect exposure, moderate discrimination, strong ethnic identity and high religious involvement. Regression analyses showed that female gender, number of traumatic events, and perceived discrimination were associated with more severe mental health outcomes. In addition, low social support and high religious involvement predicted increased PTSD symptom severity, while stronger ethnic identity was associated with less emotional and behavioral problems. Findings are discussed in terms of the cultural characteristics of the Druze community and highlight the need to consider additional stressors, such as discrimination, when working with ethnic minority youth in conflict zones.

Gender-Specific Election Violence: The Role of Information and Communication Technologies

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Gabrielle Bardall

2013-11-01

Full Text Available The rising influence of new information and communication technologies (ICTs has paralleled the rapid development of women’s political participation worldwide. For women entering political life or holding public positions, new ICTs are frequently used as tools of gender-specific electoral and political violence. There is evidence of ICTs being used to perpetrate a broad range of violent acts against women during elections, especially acts inflicting fear and psychological harm. Specific characteristics of ICTs are particularly adapted to misuse in this manner. Despite these significant challenges, ICTs also offer groundbreaking solutions for preventing and mitigating violence against women in elections (VAWE. Notably, ICTs combat VAWE through monitoring and documenting violence, via education and awareness-raising platforms and through empowerment and advocacy initiatives.

[Injury mechanisms in extreme violence settings].

Science.gov (United States)

Arcaute-Velazquez, Fernando Federico; García-Núñez, Luis Manuel; Noyola-Vilallobos, Héctor Faustino; Espinoza-Mercado, Fernando; Rodríguez-Vega, Carlos Eynar

2016-01-01

Extreme violence events are consequence of current world-wide economic, political and social conditions. Injury patterns found among victims of extreme violence events are very complex, obeying several high-energy injury mechanisms. In this article, we present the basic concepts of trauma kinematics that regulate the clinical approach to victims of extreme violence events, in the hope that clinicians increase their theoretical armamentarium, and reflecting on obtaining better outcomes. Copyright © 2016. Published by Masson Doyma México S.A.

Gender-based violence and the need for evidence-based primary ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

Gender-based violence is a significant problem globally and in South Africa. The public and political discourse has been dominated by calls for increased penalties and convictions for perpetrators of various types of gender-based violence. However, these responses are unlikely to prevent such violence from occurring in ...

¿Somos iguales? Using a structural violence framework to understand gender and health inequities from an intersectional perspective in the Peruvian Amazon.

Science.gov (United States)

Shannon, Geordan D; Motta, Angelica; Cáceres, Carlos F; Skordis-Worrall, Jolene; Bowie, Diana; Prost, Audrey

In the Peruvian Amazon, historical events of colonization and political marginalization intersect with identities of ethnicity, class and geography in the construction of gender and health inequities. Gender-based inequalities can manifest in poor health outcomes via discriminatory practices, healthcare system imbalances, inequities in health research, and differential exposures and vulnerabilities to diseases. Structural violence is a comprehensive framework to explain the mechanisms by which social forces such as poverty, racism and gender inequity become embodied as individual experiences and health outcomes, and thus may be a useful tool in structuring an intersectional analysis of gender and health inequities in Amazonian Peru. The aim of this paper is to explore the intersection of gender inequities with other social inequalities in the production of health and disease in Peru's Amazon using a structural violence approach. Exploratory qualitative research was performed in two Loreto settings - urban Iquitos and the rural Lower Napo River region - between March and November 2015. This included participant observation with prolonged stays in the community, 46 semi-structured individual interviews and three group discussions. Thematic analysis was performed to identify emerging themes related to gender inequalities in health and healthcare and how these intersect with layered social disadvantages in the reproduction of health and illness. We employed a structural violence approach to construct an intersectional analysis of gender and health inequities in Amazonian Peru. Our findings were arranged into five interrelated domains within a gender, structural violence and health model: gender as a symbolic institution, systemic gender-based violence, interpersonal violence, the social determinants of health, and other health outcomes. Each domain represents one aspect of the complex associations between gender, gender inequity and health. Through this model, we were

Violence, Oppression, and Double Standards in Three Colombian Films

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Melissa R. Meade

2011-08-01

Full Text Available This article compares three Colombian films that tell distinct stories of violence, personal and political oppression, and double standards. The films Confesión a Laura (Confessing to Laura, Jaime Osorio, 1991, La Primera Noche (The First Night, Luis Alberto Restrepo, 2003 and El Rey (The King, José Antonio Dorado, 2004 each highlight the characters’ struggles in the Colombian socio-political landscape. Each  film’s content and themes do not merely offer representations of national culture, but also provide a way in which to discuss the political and social struggles of Colombia. The directors explore these stories of violence and socio-political struggle through the use of mis-en-scène, cinematography, sound, and editing.

Electoral Institutions and Electoral Violence in Sub-Saharan Africa

OpenAIRE

Fjelde, Hanne; Höglund, Kristine

2016-01-01

Political violence remains a pervasive feature of electoral dynamics in many countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, even where multiparty elections have become the dominant mode of regulating access to political power. With cross-national data on electoral violence in Sub-Saharan African elections between 1990 and 2010, this article develops and tests a theory that links the use of violent electoral tactics to the high stakes put in place by majoritarian electoral institutions. It is found that ele...

Electoral Violence and Democratization Process in Nigeria: A Reference of 2011 and 2015 General Elections

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Lawrence I. EDET

2015-09-01

Full Text Available The general account of Nigeria’s post-independence electoral processes has always been characterized by violence. Nigeria’s 2015 general elections marked the fifth multi-party elections in the country and the second handover of civilian administrations since the inception of the Fourth Republic democratic experiment in 1999. This account cannot be analyzed without issues of electoral violence. Electoral violence had been a permanent feature of Nigeria’s democratic process, except 2015 general elections where the international observers described as a “significant improvement” over the previous elections in terms of violence related cases. Electoral related violence in the country particularly in 2011 got to an unprecedented dimension resulting in destruction of lives and property worth millions of naira. This paper expatiates on electoral violence and its general implications on the democratization process in the country, with major emphasis on the 2011 and 2015 general elections. The paper argued that the high incidence of pre and post electoral violence in the country within the periods has to do with the way Nigerian politicians regard politics, weak political institutions and weak electoral management body as well as bias nature of the security agencies, etc. However, the paper examined the general implications of electoral violence on democratization process and how the country can handle the electoral process to avoid threats associated with the electoral violence. Archival analysis, which widely extracted data from newspapers, journals, workshop papers, books, as well as publications of non-governmental organizations was adopted for the study. The major significance of this study is to expose the negative implications associated with electoral violence and how it can be curbed. The position canvassed in this paper will serve as a useful political literature for political leaders, policy makers and the general reading public who

Assumptions about culture in discourse on ethnic minority health

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Jæger, Kirsten

2014-01-01

as contributing to low levels of knowledge about health and to adverse health behavior. Thus, the texts present cultural beliefs and practices as contributing to the high prevalence of lifestyle diseases among ethnic minority population groups. The analysis, however, demonstrates that a more nuanced discourse......This paper is interested in the way the concept of culture is deployed in documents aimed at investigating, informing on and promoting aspects of ethnic minority health. Within a health-political discourse focusing increasingly on individual lifestyles, ethnic minority health became subject...... to increased political and professional interest in the last decades of the twentieth and the first decade of the twenty-first century. Analysis of the discourse on ethnic minority health emerging in five texts addressing health professionals shows that the culture of ethnic minority citizens is primarily seen...

Preferences for group dominance track and mediate the effects of macro-level social inequality and violence across societies

Science.gov (United States)

Kunst, Jonas R.; Sidanius, Jim; Thomsen, Lotte

2017-01-01

Whether and how societal structures shape individual psychology is a foundational question of the social sciences. Combining insights from evolutionary biology, economy, and the political and psychological sciences, we identify a central psychological process that functions to sustain group-based hierarchies in human societies. In study 1, we demonstrate that macrolevel structural inequality, impaired population outcomes, socio-political instability, and the risk of violence are reflected in the endorsement of group hegemony at the aggregate population level across 27 countries (n = 41,824): The greater the national inequality, the greater is the endorsement of between-group hierarchy within the population. Using multilevel analyses in study 2, we demonstrate that these psychological group-dominance motives mediate the effects of macrolevel functioning on individual-level attitudes and behaviors. Specifically, across 30 US states (n = 4,613), macrolevel inequality and violence were associated with greater individual-level support of group hegemony. Crucially, this individual-level support, rather than cultural-societal norms, was in turn uniquely associated with greater racism, sexism, welfare opposition, and even willingness to enforce group hegemony violently by participating in ethnic persecution of subordinate out-groups. These findings suggest that societal inequality is reflected in people’s minds as dominance motives that underpin ideologies and actions that ultimately sustain group-based hierarchy. PMID:28484013

Preferences for group dominance track and mediate the effects of macro-level social inequality and violence across societies.

Science.gov (United States)

Kunst, Jonas R; Fischer, Ronald; Sidanius, Jim; Thomsen, Lotte

2017-05-23

Whether and how societal structures shape individual psychology is a foundational question of the social sciences. Combining insights from evolutionary biology, economy, and the political and psychological sciences, we identify a central psychological process that functions to sustain group-based hierarchies in human societies. In study 1, we demonstrate that macrolevel structural inequality, impaired population outcomes, socio-political instability, and the risk of violence are reflected in the endorsement of group hegemony at the aggregate population level across 27 countries ( n = 41,824): The greater the national inequality, the greater is the endorsement of between-group hierarchy within the population. Using multilevel analyses in study 2, we demonstrate that these psychological group-dominance motives mediate the effects of macrolevel functioning on individual-level attitudes and behaviors. Specifically, across 30 US states ( n = 4,613), macrolevel inequality and violence were associated with greater individual-level support of group hegemony. Crucially, this individual-level support, rather than cultural-societal norms, was in turn uniquely associated with greater racism, sexism, welfare opposition, and even willingness to enforce group hegemony violently by participating in ethnic persecution of subordinate out-groups. These findings suggest that societal inequality is reflected in people's minds as dominance motives that underpin ideologies and actions that ultimately sustain group-based hierarchy.

Spatiality of ethnic identity and construction of sociopolitical interaction in South Sudan

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Kon K. Madut

2017-11-01

Full Text Available This article explores the complexity of the spatial construction of ethnicity, identity, and sociopolitical interaction among South Sudanese ethnic groups. The article focuses on the interplay between social interaction and the construction of ethnic identity as they affect the notion of human interaction and welfare. The narratives are based on the political sociology of South Sudan after its independence from Sudan and challenges endured in the process of sociopolitical transformation towards the reconstruction of national identity and peaceful coexistence. This discourse gives meaning to visible and invisible ethno-cultural constructions that shaped the norms of social and political interactions among various ethnic groups in the country. The analysis concluded that South Sudan society is socially, politically, and culturally constructed along ethnicized communities with variant perceptions of group and regional identities based on both primordial ties and instrumentalists’ perceptions. These unique characteristics of spaces and construction of social structure has created multi-faceted challenges in the process of social, economic and political reconstruction after the independent of South Sudan in July 2011.

DEFINITION OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE: CONTENT AND INTERPRETATION

OpenAIRE

Kaļiņina, Jeļena

2017-01-01

Domestic violence continues to be a global problem that kills and maims – physically, psychologically, sexually and economically. This problem is present in every country, cutting across boundaries of culture, class, education, income, ethnicity and age. Domestic Violence occurs in all kinds of intimate relationships, including married couples, people who are dating, couples who live together, parents, same-sex partners, people who were formerly in a relationship and teen dating relationships...

Degendering (sexual) violence in intimate relationships

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bertelsen, Eva; Østerby Sørensen, William; Jensen, Mathilde Worch

2018-01-01

Even though Denmark in many respects shows some of the most gender equality rates in the world, the rates of physical and/or sexual violence against women in Denmark are among the highest in Europe. In this article we seek to describe state responses to these figures. We do so by investigating...... the symbolic representations of sexual violence in intimate relationships, framing contemporary political/societal developments of the Danish field of welfare work addressing violence in intimate relationships as well as the dominating knowledge production substantiating these. Theoretically, Slavoj Zizek...... and his concept objective violence inform the paper, in order to analyze authoritative representations of ‘sexual violence in intimate relationships’ in three areas: Danish legislation and legal practices, Danish research on sexual violence, and policy-papers. Thus the Danish Criminal Code, selected...

Education of ethnic minority children in Denmark

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Gitz-Johansen, Thomas; Horst, Christian

2010-01-01

This paper explores the dominant approach to education of ethnic minorities in Denmark. Using the concept of hegemony and the political-science distinction between monocultural and multicultural positions as approaches towards a situation of increasing linguistic, ethnic and cultural diversity, t...

Corpses and Capital: Narratives of Gendered Violence in Two Costa Rican Novels

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Laura Barbas Rhoden

2008-01-01

Full Text Available In a region prone to violence and political corruption, Costa Rica has been touted as an ecological paradise, a stable democracy, and an egalitarian society. However, Costa Rican fiction from the late twentieth century contests this idyllic image and presents instead a world of intrigue, violence, and criminality. El año del laberinto (2000 by Tatiana Lobo and Cruz de olvido (1999 by Carlos Cortés are two novels that serve as an excellent introduction to developments in postwar fiction and scholarship from Central America. In my analysis, I first situate the novels in the context of Central American cultural and political developments in recent decades and then consider the linking of narrative, gender, and violence in the novels. My study centers on the authors' use of crime to challenge national myths and to deconstruct narratives that have been instrumental in constructing cherished national identities. Of particular importance is the depiction of gendered bodies and the violence practiced upon them, as well as the politics surrounding bodies and violence in national narratives and in the authors' contemporary stories.

Understanding sexual and reproductive violence: an overview.

Science.gov (United States)

Barzelatto, J

1998-12-01

International agreements recognizing different forms of violence as violations of human rights and the definition provided by the 1993 UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women are taken as a starting point and its implications analyzed, emphasizing gender roles and stereotypes. Violence against women is related to violence in general, to the so-called culture of violence. Factors influencing a culture of violence are discussed, as well as the differences between public and private violence, emphasizing the need to understand their interaction to be effective in preventing violence against women. It is concluded that all violence stems from unbalanced exercise of power, creating injustice and lack of real democratic interaction. When left unchallenged such situations become part of the culture of individuals and societies, reinforcing the use of violence to solve conflicts. Hence, preventing violence against women requires cultural, social, economic, and political changes that are only possible by mobilizing society as a whole.

Bridging the Response to Mass Shootings and Urban Violence: Exposure to Violence in New Haven, Connecticut.

Science.gov (United States)

Santilli, Alycia; O'Connor Duffany, Kathleen; Carroll-Scott, Amy; Thomas, Jordan; Greene, Ann; Arora, Anita; Agnoli, Alicia; Gan, Geliang; Ickovics, Jeannette

2017-03-01

We have described self-reported exposure to gun violence in an urban community of color to inform the movement toward a public health approach to gun violence prevention. The Community Alliance for Research and Engagement at Yale School of Public Health conducted community health needs assessments to document chronic disease prevalence and risk, including exposure to gun violence. We conducted surveys with residents in six low-income neighborhoods in New Haven, Connecticut, using a neighborhood-stratified, population-based sample (n = 1189; weighted sample to represent the neighborhoods, n = 29 675). Exposure to violence is pervasive in these neighborhoods: 73% heard gunshots; many had family members or close friends hurt (29%) or killed (18%) by violent acts. Although all respondents live in low-income neighborhoods, exposure to violence differs by race/ethnicity and social class. Residents of color experienced significantly more violence than did White residents, with a particularly disparate increase among young Black men aged 18 to 34 years. While not ignoring societal costs of horrific mass shootings, we must be clear that a public health approach to gun violence prevention means focusing on the dual epidemic of mass shootings and urban violence.

Childhood Corporal Punishment and Future Perpetration of Physical Dating Violence.

Science.gov (United States)

Temple, Jeff R; Choi, Hye Jeong; Reuter, Tyson; Wolfe, David; Taylor, Catherine A; Madigan, Sheri; Scott, Lauren E

2018-03-01

To test whether experiencing childhood corporal punishment is linked to later perpetration of dating violence. Young adults (n = 758; 61% female; mean age of 20 years), originally recruited for a longitudinal study as 9th- and 10th-grade Texas high school students, were asked about their childhood experiences with corporal punishment and physical abuse, as well as current experiences with dating violence. A path model was used to determine whether childhood corporal punishment was related to recent perpetration of physical dating violence, while controlling for childhood physical abuse, age, sex, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status. In all, 19% of participants (n = 134) reported physical dating violence perpetration and 68% reported experiencing corporal punishment as children (n = 498). Analysis showed a significant positive association between corporal punishment and physical perpetration of dating violence (OR 1.30, 95% CI 1.07-1.59). Even after controlling for sex, ethnicity, age, parental education, and child physical abuse, childhood corporal punishment was associated significantly with physical dating violence perpetration (aOR 1.29, 95% CI 1.02-1.62). The finding that childhood corporal punishment was associated with perpetration of young adult physical dating violence, even after controlling for several demographic variables and childhood physical abuse, adds to the growing literature demonstrating deleterious outcomes associated with corporal punishment. Copyright © 2017 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Ethnic-connectedness and economic inequality: a persisting relationship

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Kalbach, Madeline A.

2002-01-01

Full Text Available EnglishThis paper focuses on the relationship between the retention of ethnic andcultural distinctiveness and economic inequality for Ukrainians, Germans, Italians, Chinese, and southEast Asians. It uses Canadian census data to test predictions arising from assimilation theory byexamining the possible varying effects of religion on economic inequality for the five ethnic groupsin order to determine whether assimilation theory and the multidimensional effect of ethnicity canpredict within group variations. This analysis lends emphasis to the fact that retention of ethnic-connectedness and distinctiveness may create obstacles for the immigrant attempting to achieveeconomic success in Canada.FrenchCet article porte sur la relation entre le maintien du particularisme ethniques ou culturel et l'inégalité économique des Ukrainiens, des Allemands, des Italiens, des Chinois et des ressortissants du Sud-Est asiatique. Les auteurs utilisent des données de recensement canadiennes pour vérifier les prédictions relatives à la théorie de l'assimilation en examinant les divers effets éventuels de la religion sur l'inégalité économique de cinq groupes ethniques dans le but de déterminer si la théorie de l'assimilation et les effets multidimensionnels de l'ethnicité peuvent prédire les écarts au sein d'un groupe. Cette analyse vient renforcer le fait que le maintien de l'interdépendance et du particularisme ethniques peut créer des obstacles pour les immigrants canadiens qui désirent réussir sur le plan économique.

Safety Work with an Ethnic Slant

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David Wästerfors

2014-09-01

Full Text Available Ethnic discrimination in the criminal justice system is a well-researched topic, but the significance of ethnicity in policing activities at more mundane levels has attracted less attention. This article analyzes ethnographic data on municipal ‘safety work’ in a Swedish city troubled with robberies, vandalism, and violence. It shows how the efforts of different safety workers, operating to curb crime and promote security, came to focus on the ‘soft’ policing of young men with various immigrant backgrounds. A set of street-level safety practices, performed within spatial demarcations, was found to represent a more-or-less silent orientation towards local minorities; a focus on non-Swedish ethnicities was embedded in the policing activity. This article points out the importance of implied ethnicities in the contemporary landscape of plural policing.

Violence Against Women and Girls : Introduction

OpenAIRE

Gennari, Floriza; McCleary-Sills, Jennifer; Hidalgo, Nidia

2014-01-01

Violence against women and girls (VAWG) is one of the most oppressive forms of gender inequality and stands as a fundamental barrier to equal participation of women and men in social, economic, and political spheres. Such violence impedes gender equality and the achievement of a range of development outcomes. VAWG is a complex and multifaceted problem that cannot effectively be addressed f...

The Ethnic Factor in the Soviet Armed Forces. The Muslim Dimension

Science.gov (United States)

1991-01-01

2Ronald A. Reminick, Theory of Ethnicity: An Anthropologist’s Perspective, Univer- sity Press of America , New York and London, 1983, p. 2; Donald L...South Asia, Africa, and Latin America ). The main reason for the special intensity of inter-ethnic violence in the developing countries stems from the...language policy as it affected the various ethnic groups, see Isabelle T. Kreindler (ed.), Sociolinguistic Perspectives on Soviet National Languages

Violence and Violence Research in Africa South of the Sahara

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Suren Pillay

2011-07-01

Full Text Available

Emotional, physical and sexual violence among Sami and non-Sami populations in Norway: The SAMINOR 2 questionnaire study.

Science.gov (United States)

Eriksen, Astrid M A; Hansen, Ketil Lenert; Javo, Cecilie; Schei, Berit

2015-08-01

To assess the prevalence and investigate ethnic differences of emotional, physical and sexual violence among a population of both Sami and non-Sami in Norway. Our study was based on the SAMINOR 2 study, a population-based survey on health and living conditions in multiethnic areas with both Sami and non-Sami populations in Central and Northern Norway. Our study includes a total of 11,296 participants: 2197 (19.4%) Sami respondents and 9099 (80.6 %) non-Sami respondents. Almost half of the Sami female respondents and one-third of the non-Sami female respondents reported any violence (any lifetime experience of violence). Sami women were more likely to report emotional, physical and sexual violence than non-Sami women. More than one-third of the Sami men compared with less than a quarter of non-Sami men reported having experienced any violence in their life. Sami men were more likely to report emotional and physical violence than non-Sami men. However, ethnicity was not significantly different regarding sexual violence experienced among men. Violence was typically reported to have occurred in childhood. Sami participants were more likely to report having experienced violence in the past 12 months. For all types of violence, the perpetrator was typically known to the victim. Regardless of gender, Sami respondents were more likely to report interpersonal violence. The prevalence of any violence was substantial in both ethnic groups and for both genders; it was highest among Sami women. © 2015 the Nordic Societies of Public Health.

Losing out on Both Counts: Disabled Women and Domestic Violence

Science.gov (United States)

Thiara, Ravi K.; Hague, Gill; Mullender, Audrey

2011-01-01

The links between disability and domestic violence have been under-examined to date, leading to the marginalisation of disabled women affected by domestic violence in theory, politics, and practice. This paper draws on the findings from the first national study in the United Kingdom of the needs of disabled women experiencing domestic violence and…

Getting the phenotypes right: an essential ingredient for understanding aetiological mechanisms underlying persistent violence and developing effective treatments

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Sheilagh Hodgins

2009-11-01

Full Text Available In order to reduce societal levels of violence, it is essential to advance understanding of the neurobiological mechanisms involved in initiating and maintaining individual patterns of physical aggression. New technologies such as Magnetic Resonance Imagining and analyses of DNA provide tools for identifying these mechanisms. The reliability and validity of the results of studies using these tools depend not only on aspects of the technology, but also on the methodological rigour with which the studies are conducted, particularly with respect to characterizing the phenotype. The present article discusses five challenges confronting scientists who aim to advance understanding of the neurobiological mechanisms associated with persistent violence. These challenges are: (1 to develop evidence-based hypotheses and to design studies that test alternate hypotheses; (2 to recruit samples that are homogeneous with respect to variables that may be linked to neurobiological mechanisms underpinning violent behaviour; (3 to use reliable and valid measures in order to fully characterize participants so that the external validity of the results is evident; (4 to restrict the range of age of participants so as not to confuse developmental change with group differences; and (5 to take account of sex. Our goal is to contribute to elevating methodological standards in this new field of research and to thereby improve the validity of results and move closer to finding effective ways to reduce violence

Quotas and intersectionality: ethnicity and gender in candidate selection

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Celis, K.; Erzeel, S.; Mügge, L.; Damstra, A.

2014-01-01

Gender equality is not fully realised when it is restricted to ethnic majority men and women. This article examines how gender quotas as a form of equality policy affect ethnic minority groups, in particular, the gender balance among ethnic minority candidates for political office. Our analysis

The Protective Effects of Neighborhood Collective Efficacy on Adolescent Substance Use and Violence Following Exposure to Violence

Science.gov (United States)

Wright, Emily M.; Pinchevsky, Gillian M.

2013-01-01

Research has demonstrated that exposure to violence can result in many negative consequences for youth, but the degree to which neighborhood conditions may foster resiliency among victims is not well understood. This study tests the hypothesis that neighborhood collective efficacy attenuates the relationship between adolescent exposure to violence, substance use, and violence. Data were collected from 1,661–1,718 adolescents participating in the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods (PHDCN), who were diverse in terms of sex (51% male, 49% female), race/ethnicity (48% Hispanic, 34% African American, 14% Caucasian, and 4% other race/ethnicity), and age (mean age 12 years; range: 8–16). Information on neighborhood collective efficacy was obtained from adult residents, and data from the 1990 U.S. Census were used to control for neighborhood disadvantage. Based on hierarchical modeling techniques to adjust for the clustered data, Bernoulli models indicated that more exposure to violence was associated with a greater likelihood of tobacco, alcohol, and marijuana use and perpetration of violence. Poisson models suggested that victimization was also related to a greater variety of substance use and violent behaviors. A moderating effect of collective efficacy was found in models assessing the variety of substance use; the relationship between victimization and substance use was weaker for youth in neighborhoods with higher versus lower levels of collective efficacy. These findings are consistent with literature indicating that social support can ameliorate the negative impact of victimization. This investigation extends this research to show that neighborhood social support can also help to promote resiliency among adolescents. PMID:24170438

The Association of Multiple Identities with Self-directed Violence and Depression among Transgender Individuals

Science.gov (United States)

Lytle, Megan C.; Blosnich, John R.; Kamen, Charles

2016-01-01

Transgender individuals have a high prevalence of self-directed violence; however, there is scant literature focusing on their unique experiences. This study examined the differences in self-harm, suicidal ideation, suicide attempt, and depression based on racial/ethnic identity and sexual orientation among transgender individuals. Data were gathered from the Fall 2008 and Spring 2009 National College Health Assessment. Across racial/ethnic identities, greater proportions of transgender students endorse self-directed violence than their cisgender peers. Among transgender individuals, sexual minorities were more likely to report suicidal ideation than their heterosexual peers, and racial/ethnic minorities had higher odds of attempting suicide than non-Hispanic white individuals. PMID:26916366

Egyptian Film: Gender and Class Violence Three Cycles.

Science.gov (United States)

Al-Obaidi, Jabbar A.

2000-01-01

Examines the level of physical and verbal violence by gender and social class in Egyptian films in three cycles: romantic musicals and melodramas; war and political genres; and drug and gangster films. Concludes that the outrageous level of violence does not accurately reflect the real society. (Contains 20 references.) (LRW)

Good fences: the importance of setting boundaries for peaceful coexistence.

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Alex Rutherford

Full Text Available We consider the conditions of peace and violence among ethnic groups, testing a theory designed to predict the locations of violence and interventions that can promote peace. Characterizing the model's success in predicting peace requires examples where peace prevails despite diversity. Switzerland is recognized as a country of peace, stability and prosperity. This is surprising because of its linguistic and religious diversity that in other parts of the world lead to conflict and violence. Here we analyze how peaceful stability is maintained. Our analysis shows that peace does not depend on integrated coexistence, but rather on well defined topographical and political boundaries separating groups, allowing for partial autonomy within a single country. In Switzerland, mountains and lakes are an important part of the boundaries between sharply defined linguistic areas. Political canton and circle (sub-canton boundaries often separate religious groups. Where such boundaries do not appear to be sufficient, we find that specific aspects of the population distribution guarantee either sufficient separation or sufficient mixing to inhibit intergroup violence according to the quantitative theory of conflict. In exactly one region, a porous mountain range does not adequately separate linguistic groups and that region has experienced significant violent conflict, leading to the recent creation of the canton of Jura. Our analysis supports the hypothesis that violence between groups can be inhibited by physical and political boundaries. A similar analysis of the area of the former Yugoslavia shows that during widespread ethnic violence existing political boundaries did not coincide with the boundaries of distinct groups, but peace prevailed in specific areas where they did coincide. The success of peace in Switzerland may serve as a model to resolve conflict in other ethnically diverse countries and regions of the world.

DOMESTIC VIOLENCE: WHO’S PROBLEM?

OpenAIRE

Krizsan, Andrea; Paantjens, Marjolein

2016-01-01

This article juxtaposes shifts in prevailing frames on domestic violence in the Netherlands, Hungary and the EU. Domestic violence, first brought on the political agenda by women’s rights proponents as a problem related to gender inequalities, has been framed and re-framed under the influence of mainstream policy makers. The analysis of these frames shows how shifts in the gender of governance, particularly the marginalization of feminist NGO voices, have led to shifts in the governance of ge...

Street children and political violence: a socio-demographic analysis of street children in Rwanda.

Science.gov (United States)

Veale, Angela; Donà, Giorgia

2003-03-01

The aims were: (1) to examine the profile of African street children and to assess the link between street children in Africa and political violence; (2) to undertake a systematic examination of causal factors of street children in postgenocide Rwanda; and (3) to situate this analysis in the context of the socio-cultural and political impact of the genocide on Rwandan communities. Observational mapping examined the profile and activities of Rwandan street children. Structured interviews were carried out with 290 children in four regional towns to obtain information on socio-demographic, familial, educational background, causal factors surrounding street life involvement, psychological well-being, and relationship to the street. Focus group discussions and key informant interviews examined the relationship between street children and the broader Rwandan society. Street children in Rwanda were predominantly adolescent boys, almost half of whom were homeless (42%), with a high proportion of orphaned children or children who had lost at least one parent. Two variables predicted homelessness: child's guardian and reason for being in street. Qualitative accounts of children conveyed the impact of death of family members, repatriation, imprisonment of parents, and poverty on their lives. The analysis highlighted the need for community based support for children in alternative guardianship care and for policies to support the reintegration of male youths in postconflict welfare strategies as prevention strategies for street migration.

Weight perceptions, misperceptions, and dating violence victimization among U.S. adolescents.

Science.gov (United States)

Farhat, Tilda; Haynie, Denise; Summersett-Ringgold, Faith; Brooks-Russell, Ashley; Iannotti, Ronald J

2015-05-01

Dating violence is a major public health issue among youth. Overweight/obese adolescents experience peer victimization and discrimination and may be at increased risk of dating violence victimization. Furthermore, given the stigma associated with overweight/obesity, perceptions and misperceptions of overweight may be more important than actual weight status for dating violence victimization. This study examines the association of three weight indices (weight status, perceived weight, and weight perception accuracy) with psychological and physical dating violence victimization. The 2010 baseline survey of the 7-year NEXT Generation Health Study used a three-stage stratified clustered sampling design to select a nationally representative sample of U.S. 10th-grade students (n = 1,983). Participants who have had a boyfriend/girlfriend reported dating violence victimization and perceived weight. Weight status was computed from measured height/weight. Weight perception accuracy (accurate/underestimate/overestimate) was calculated by comparing weight status and perceived weight. Gender-stratified regressions examined the association of weight indices and dating violence victimization. Racial/ethnic differences were also examined. The association of weight indices with dating violence victimization significantly differed by gender. Overall, among boys, no associations were observed. Among girls, weight status was not associated with dating violence victimization, nor with number of dating violence victimization acts; however, perceived weight and weight perception accuracy were significantly associated with dating violence victimization, type of victimization, and number of victimization acts. Post hoc analyses revealed significant racial/ethnic differences. White girls who perceive themselves (accurately or not) to be overweight, and Hispanic girls who are overweight, may be at increased risk of dating violence victimization. These findings suggest a targeted approach to

Economic Liberalization and Political Violence

International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

The liberal promise has permeated international discourses and practices. In the ... Actually, many of the core principles of neoliberalism were specifically conceived of as ...... Di John, J. (2006) “The Political Economy of Taxation and Tax Reform in ...... Malaysia. Ireland. Guatemala. New Zealand. Italy. Honduras. Philippines.

Crimillegal Orders: Revisiting Organized Crime’s Political Power

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Markus Schultze-Kraft

2016-05-01

Full Text Available Despite its relevance to understanding political change and instability in many parts of the global South, the relationship between organized crime and political order remains understudied. This article introduces the novel concept of “crimillegality” to address this issue. Taking recourse to the conceptions of political order put forward by Weber, Fukuyama and North, Wallis and Weingast, I explain how regular patterns of social exchange and interaction - involving public and private, and state and non-state actors - that span an assumed divide between the realms of legality (“legitimate upper world” and criminality (“illegitimate underworld” influence the character, shape and evolution of political order. I suggest that it is in crimillegal orders that organized criminality acquires political power to its fullest and that oligopolies of coercion and violence are constitutive elements of such orders. The article concludes by presenting some ideas about how the concept of crimillegality could be usefully adopted in the fields of peace building and the mitigation of non-armed conflict violence in Latin America and other parts of the contemporary world.

Ethnicity and Transition to Democracy in Nigeria: Explaining the ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

This essay addresses an important variable in Nigerian politics, namely, ethnicity and the ways in which it affects the conduct of national affairs. It represents an effort at theorizing the role and place of ethnicity in the transition from authoritarianism in a multi-ethnic setting such as that represented by Nigeria. Drawing on ...

Exploring Ethnic and Political Boundaries with ArcGIS

Science.gov (United States)

Mann, Matthew

2018-01-01

As students study the political organization of space in the Advanced Placement (AP) Human Geography classroom, they must understand forces behind the creation of modern nation states, challenges to the stability of modern states, and political developments such as supranationalism and devolution (Human Geography Course Description). In this two…

Ethnicity, Identity and Cartography: Possession/Dispossession, Homecoming /Homelessness in Contemporary Assam

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Parag Moni Sarma

2011-11-01

Full Text Available Ethnicity is emerging as a focal consideration in the politics of identity in contemporary Assam, a state of the Indian union in the North East of India. Often identified as a flash point in the subversive politics that question the logistics of the Indian nation, North East India is emerging as a cartographic domain that posits questions of internal colonialism and hegemony. Cartographic reorientation of territory based on factors of linguistic and ethnic identity is perceived as a way to acquire new homelands that will foster self-validation and the ‘all round development’ of the people. The North East of India is dotted with armed insurrection for autonomous territories under the Indian Union or total severance, depending on the population and the spatial domain of the ethnic groups in question. The linkages with questions of social, cultural and political marginalisation, as well as political assertion provide interesting scope for academic exploration. The present paper seeks to understand and trace such assertive movements in Assam to forces of historical neglect as well as the rhetoric of marginalisation that is surfeit in contemporary assertive idioms of different ethnic groups.

The Political and Territorial Development of Nations without States

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Jernej Zupančič

2010-12-01

Full Text Available This paper analyzes the issue of nations without states in contemporary Europe between the Atlantic and the Urals. The political map of the continent comprises forty-seven countries, most of which are nation-states. However, the cultural mosaic of Europe is far more complex; there are around fifty ethnic groups (in addition to historical, territorial, or indigenous ethnic minorities and an enormous number of immigrant ethnic communities lacking a state-based organization. Together, these people add up to 78 million, or almost 15% of the European population. Twenty-seven groups can be considered nations without states; they are culturally and ethnically based and have various forms of territorial integrity and political organization. However, they did not create a state organization, despite many attempts by some through history. Without a state organization, those communities have poorer opportunities to protect their folk culture and to reproduce various elements of ethnic identity. This is why they seek territorial autonomy or independent statehood through nationalist movements. In many cases, these ambitions are encompassed in regional movements. These movements have been popular in Europe, particularly because the idea of a “Europe of regions” as part of the European Union has had broad political support and acceptance. However, it has not actually succeeded. The EU and Europe as a whole are still a Europe of (nation-states. In general, regional movements have been successful and through this some nations without states have attained part of their political ambitions in the form of territorial autonomy. The regionalization of former centralist states (e.g., Spain and the United Kingdom increased the chances of ethnic survival for the Catalans, Basques, Scots, and Welsh. On the other hand, the regionalization of nations without states represented territorial division, a kind of “divide and rule” strategy serving to reduce their

Minority and Immigrant Youth Exposure to Community Violence: The Differential Effects of Family Management and Peers.

Science.gov (United States)

Antunes, Maria João Lobo; Ahlin, Eileen M

2018-02-01

Experiences with neighborhood violence can produce negative consequences in youth, including stress, anxiety, and deviant behavior. Studies report that immigrant and minority youth are more likely to be exposed to violence but less likely to perpetrate it. Similarly, research shows parenting practices are differentially adopted by Blacks, Whites, and Hispanics. Although family management strategies can often act as a barrier to the detrimental effects of exposure to community violence (ETV-C), there is a paucity of investigation on how Hispanic subgroups (e.g., Puerto Rican, Mexican) and immigrant families employ such practices in protecting their children against victimization and violence in the community. Applying an ecological framework, we use data from the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods to examine the role of parenting and peer relationships on youth ETV-C, across race/ethnicity and immigrant generational status. Our sample is drawn from Cohorts 9, 12, and 15, and is over 40% Hispanic-Latino. We investigate the differences in within and outside the home family management strategies in terms of both race/ethnicity and immigrant generational status. Our work also seeks to determine the effects of race/ethnicity and immigrant status on youth ETV-C, while examining the influence of family management and peer relations. Results indicate that the adoption of family management practices is not homogeneous across Hispanic subgroups or immigrant generational status, and parenting practices seem to mediate the relationship between these characteristics and exposure to violence. Variations in parenting practices underscore the need to disentangle the cultural plurality of racial/ethnic grouping and how immigrant generational status influences parenting choices that protect children from exposure to violence in the community.

Gender Role Attitudes and Male Adolescent Dating Violence Perpetration: Normative Beliefs as Moderators

OpenAIRE

Reyes, H. Luz McNaughton; Foshee, Vangie A.; Niolon, Phyllis Holditch; Reidy, Dennis E.; Hall, Jeffrey E.

2015-01-01

Commonly used dating violence prevention programs assume that promotion of more egalitarian gender role attitudes will prevent dating violence perpetration. Empirical research examining this assumption, however, is limited and inconsistent. The current study examined the longitudinal association between gender role attitudes and physical dating violence perpetration among adolescent boys (n=577; 14% Black, 5% other race/ethnicity) and examined whether injunctive (i.e., acceptance of dating vi...

Harassment, discrimination, violence, and illicit drug use among young men who have sex with men.

Science.gov (United States)

Wong, Carolyn F; Weiss, George; Ayala, George; Kipke, Michele D

2010-08-01

We examined the relationship among social discrimination, violence, and illicit drug use among an ethnically diverse cohort of young men who have sex with men (YMSM) residing in Los Angeles. Five Hundred twenty-six YMSM (aged 18-24 years) were recruited using a venue-based, stratified probability sampling design. Surveys assessed childhood financial hardship, violence (physical assault, sexual assault, intimate partner violence), social discrimination (homophobia and racism), and illicit drug use in the past 3 months. Analyses examined main and interaction effects of key variables on drug use. Experiences of financial hardship, physical intimate partner violence and homophobia predicted drug use. Although African American participants were less likely to report drug use than their Caucasian peers, those who experienced greater sexual racism were at significantly greater risk for drug use. Racial/ethnic minority YMSM were at increased risk for experiencing various forms of social discrimination and violence that place them at increased risk for drug use.

Violence on canadian television networks.

Science.gov (United States)

Paquette, Guy

2004-02-01

Over the past twenty years, the question of the effects of violence on television has figured prominently in public opinion and hundreds of studies have been devoted to this subject. Many researchers have determined that violence has a negative impact on behavior. The public, broadcasters and political figures all support the idea of reducing the total amount of violence on television - in particular in shows for children. A thousand programs aired between 1993 and 2001 on major non-specialty television networks in Canada were analyzed: TVA, TQS, as well as CTV and Global, private French and English networks, as well as the English CBC Radio and French Radio-Canada for the public networks. The methodology consists of a classic analysis of content where an act of violence constitutes a unit of analysis. The data collected revealed that the amount of violence has increased regularly since 1993 despite the stated willingness on the part of broadcasters to produce programs with less violence. The total number of violent acts, as well as the number of violent acts per hour, is increasing. Private networks deliver three times more violence than public networks. Researchers have also noted that a high proportion of violence occurs in programs airing before 21:00 hours, thereby exposing a large number of children to this violence. Psychological violence is taking on a more significant role in Canadian Television.

Political change, rape, and pornography in post-apartheid South Africa.

Science.gov (United States)

Maitse, T

1998-11-01

Women in post-apartheid South Africa face greater constitutional privileges than ever before; however, political change has been accompanied by an acceleration of direct and indirect violence against women. The legalization (on the grounds of the right to freedom of expression) of pornography represents an incitement to such violence. Moreover, political and social changes associated with the change to a new regime have exacerbated some men's sense of insecurity. Rape and violence, fueled by pornography, represent a means for men to re-establish personal control. Although South Africa passed a Domestic Violence Bill in 1998, the links between violence and pornography have not been discussed. There has been a failure to recognize that pornography degrades and disempowers women in the home, workplace, and broader society. Like prostitution, pornography contributes to the creation of an image of women as objects--a view that facilitates rape and domestic violence. The pornography industry both creates and feeds on men's need to control women. The contradiction between the Bill of Right's Freedom of Speech clause that permits pornography and commitments made in other sections of the document to gender equality must be addressed.

Critical Routes: Women Facing Violence

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Stela Nazareth Meneghel

2008-11-01

Full Text Available This paper presents the Critical Routes International Seminar – Women Facing Violence , which took place in Porto Alegre in 2008. The seminar was promoted by the Graduate Program on Collective Health at Unisinos and by the Public Health School/RS and was supported by outstanding researchers working in the fields of collective health, and social and human sciences. Initially, we discuss some conceptual aspects about gender violence, its dimensions and its consequences for the health and the life quality of the affected women. Our understanding is that violence is one of the most effective methods of controlling women in societies scarred with gender hierarchies. The structure of the seminar focused on three main discussion themes: breaking up with the violence, mechanisms for working with gender and hearing the services. These themes were chosen aiming at looking for ways to help the women and to explore efficient mechanisms to combat, reduce and, if possible, eliminate the violence perpetrated against women. At the end of the seminar, we reiterate the political commitment on the accomplishment of the public policies to face violence and the fight against all inequality, discrimination and violence forms based on gender.

Economic Integration and Political Disintegration

OpenAIRE

Alberto Alesina; Enrico Spolaore; Romain Wacziarg

1997-01-01

Trade liberalization and political separatism go hand in hand. In a world of trade restrictions, large countries enjoy economic benefits because political boundaries determine the size of the market. In a world of free trade and global markets even relatively small cultural, linguistic or ethnic groups can benefit from forming small and homogeneous political jurisdictions that trade peacefully and are economically integrated with others. This paper provides a formal model of the relationship ...

Unresolved Ethnic Conflict and Religious Revival in Russia: The Chechen Element

National Research Council Canada - National Science Library

Mitchell, Shenequa L

2007-01-01

As social, cultural and political issues have resurfaced between contemporary ethnic Russians and members of the Northern Caucasus-Chechen minority group, this centuries-old-ethnic-conflict continues...

Improving community mental health services for people affected by political violence in Ayacucho, Perú.

Science.gov (United States)

Rivera-Holguin, Miryam; Velazquez, Tesania; Custodio, Elba; Corveleyn, Jozef

2018-01-01

This study describes a model to intervene in communities affected by the political violence impacting the Ayacucho region of Peru since 1980s. Many community members still experience psychosocial consequences to this day due primarily to grief. Thirty-eight professionals from different sectors in the area received specialized training and implemented five community projects that were accompanied and monitored in the field by a team of community psychologists. This article is grounded on the principles of participation, building community capacity, and community strengthening. We present the analysis of five community action plans implemented over a period of 14 months. The results show a process of internal strengthening of community services and the identification of new social and community resources among the people involved in the action plans. The implications of capacity building for improving community mental health are discussed.

65 ETHNICITY AND SOCIAL STABILITY IN NIGERIA: THE PLACE ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

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Abstract. Nigeria is a multi-ethnic nation with appreciable natural and .... Nigeria's under development and have been used by some political ... goods evident in the economic, social and political life of the people. .... disintegration. Hence ...

The Politics of Alliance Government in Nigeria, 1954 – 1957 | Ojo ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

The formation of alliances is one of the permanent features of the politics in most multi-ethnic states. This is because, more often than not, ethnicity and competition for the control of the 'structural frame' and 'system of rewards' always prevent the existence of nation-wide or country-wide political associations and the ...

Beyond Criminal Justice: Toward a New Paradigm for Political ...

International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

Beyond Criminal Justice: Toward a New Paradigm for Political Settlement in Africa. Mass violence in contemporary Africa typically occurs in cycles. Months or years after one wave of violence is brought to an end, another wave overtakes it. Peace agreements are swept away and yesterday's victims emerge as today's ...

Human dignity and professional reputation under threat: Iranian Nurses' experiences of workplace violence.

Science.gov (United States)

Najafi, Fereshteh; Fallahi-Khoshknab, Masoud; Ahmadi, Fazlollah; Dalvandi, Asghar; Rahgozar, Mehdi

2017-03-01

Workplace violence against nurses is a challenging problem in both developed and developing countries. Because the concept of violence bears some cultural load, nurses' understanding is region-specific. This study explores Iranian nurses' perceptions of workplace violence. Using qualitative content analysis, 22 registered nurses underwent unstructured, in-depth interviews. The main themes of threats to human dignity and professional reputation emerged, plus four categories: physical violence, psychological violence, honor insults, and ethnic-religious insults. The term "honor insults," as a unique finding, was used instead of "sexual harassment." These findings may help to redefine workplace violence based on cultural background, design strategies for supporting nurses, and prevent and manage such violence. © 2016 John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd.

'Foreigners', 'ethnic minorities', and 'non-Western allochtoons': an analysis of the development of 'ethnicity' in health policy in the Netherlands from 1970 to 2015.

Science.gov (United States)

Helberg-Proctor, Alana; Meershoek, Agnes; Krumeich, Anja; Horstman, Klasien

2017-01-31

The Netherlands, because of the sustained and systematic attention it paid to migrant and minority health issues during the last quarter of the twentieth century, has been depicted as being progressive in its approach to healthcare for migrants and minorities. Recently, however, these progressive policies have changed, reflecting a trend towards problematising issues of integration in order to focus on the responsibilities that migrants and ethnic minorities bear in terms of their health. This article explores these shifts and specifically the development of particular categories of ethnicity, and examines the wider consequences that have arisen as a result. The analysis presented here entailed a qualitative content analysis of health policies for migrants and ethnic minorities from 1970 to 2015, and examined various documents and materials produced by the institutions and organisations responsible for implementing these healthcare policies during the period from 1970 to 2015. Four distinct periods of political discourse related to health policy for migrants and ethnic minorities were identified. These periods of political discourse were found to shape the manner in which ethnicity and various categories and representation of foreigners, later ethnic minorities, and at present non-Western allochtoons are constructed in health policy and the implantation practices that follow. At present, in the Netherlands the term allochtoon is used to describe people who are considered of foreign heritage, and its antonym autochtoon is used for those who are considered native to the Netherlands. We discuss the scientific reproduction and even geneticisation of these politically produced categories of autochtoon, Western allochtoon, and non-Western allochtoon-a phenomenon that occurs when politically produced categories are prescribed or taken up by other health sectors. The categories of autochtoon, Western allochtoon, and non-Western allochtoon in the health sciences and the

Art therapy and mindfulness with survivors of political violence: A qualitative study.

Science.gov (United States)

Kalmanowitz, Debra L; Ho, Rainbow T H

2017-08-01

This study's objective was to understand how art therapy and mindfulness meditation could be integrated together in the context of different cultures and political violence and in work with asylum seekers suffering from trauma. We conducted a qualitative phenomenological study based on the social construction paradigm. Twelve participants took part in 4 intensive full-day art therapy and mindfulness workshops. The study's setting was an art therapy and mindfulness studio ( Inhabited Studio ) in Hong Kong where participants engaged in art making and in mindfulness-meditation practice. Different aspects of the Inhabited Studio appealed to participants based on each individual's worldview, culture, religion, and coping style. Responses to the Inhabited Studio were organized into 7 thematic clusters. Five themes were categorized into 2 broad categories composed of personal elements (memory, identity) and mediating aspects (emotional/self-regulation, communication, and imagination). The final 2, resilience and worldview, spanned both areas. Participants found the Inhabited Studio culturally compatible and some of the skills they learned helpful in times of stress. This points to how this combination can contribute to building resilience. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved).

The ethno-politics of water security: contestations of ethnicity and gender in strategies to control water in the Andes of Peru

OpenAIRE

Vera-Delgado, J.

2011-01-01

This thesis is the result of a multidisciplinary research which tries to explain water injustices and the threats to water rights access and control experienced by indigenous peasants of the Peruvian Andes. It attempts to contribute to the analysis of the interactions between ethnicity and gender, and to understand how these form an intrinsic part of the contemporary ethno-politics of water. It also critically analyses the role of state interventions and international financial aid programme...

Ethnic Identity and Reconciliation: Two Main Tasks for the Young in Bosnia-Herzegovina

Science.gov (United States)

Hjort, Hanna; Frisen, Ann

2006-01-01

The saliency of ethnicity and ethnic identity is influenced by contextual circumstances. In Bosnia-Herzegovina, due to the current ethno-political situation, ethnicity and ethnic identity most likely are important aspects of adolescents' lives. The main purpose of this study is to describe a group of young Mostarians in relation to ethnic identity…

[The profile of female victims of conjugal violence].

Science.gov (United States)

Vasseur, Philippe

2004-12-18

To define the profile of female victims of conjugal violence examined in the Legal Medicine emergency unit of the Hotel-Dieu hospital in Paris. A self-administered questionnaire with 15 questions was distributed to 100 victims. The 100 victims replied: 86 cases of violence took place usually in the home, 78 episodes of violence were multiple and complaints were rarely lodged after the first episodes. Mental and sexual violence were severe and unrecognized. Eighty women interviewed suffered from mental violence. In 43 cases, alcohol played a determining role in the onset of such violence. Female victims of conjugal violence do not have a specific profile. The law of silence persists, but the increase in the number of complaints from North African and African women is encouraging for the future.

Domestic violence against women in Kersa, Oromia region, eastern Ethiopia

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Shanko, W.; Wolday, M.; Assefa, N.

2013-01-01

Intimate partner violence is common in rural areas of Ethiopia. The aim of this study was to assess the knowledge and prevalence of domestic violence among women in Kersa district of Oromia region and identify the types, perpetuators and triggers for violence. A community-based cross...... husbands. Ever experience of domestic violence among women was significantly related to Amhara ethnicity and age group 30-49 years. Only 33 (19.9%) women who ever experienced violence had reported it to the legal authorities. Women's reasons for failing to report to the legal system were not wanting......-sectional interview-based survey was conducted in 2008 on 858 women of reproductive age. Only 39.7% of women reported that they recognized that violence against women was a problem in their area. Ever experience of violence by an intimate partner was reported by 166 women (19.6%) and 70.3% of the perpetuators were...

Aggression, anger and violence in South Africa

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

M.J. Masango

2004-12-01

Full Text Available This article traces the roots of aggression, anger and violence in South Africa and the rest of the world. The paper is divided into four parts: Aggression, Anger, Catharsis and Violence. As a result of violence against other human beings, especially women and children, a profound respect for human dignity has been lost. People have become extremely aggressive. The last few decades have created a culture of violence because of the suppression or oppression of feelings. The article argues that frustration yields anger that leads to violent acts. The root cause of violence is frustration, which finally (if not attended to produces anger, anxiety, conflict and the eruption of violence. Suicide bombers in Palestine and other parts of the world demonstrate this type of aggression, anger and violence. Anger, on the one hand, is a good defense mechanism. It helps people cope with frustration. Violence, on the other hand, is used as a means of dominance, especially against women and children. In a political situation it is used as a means of changing social structures.

Ethnic-based federalism and ethnicity in Ethiopia : reassessing the experiment after 20 years

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Abbink, G.J.

2011-01-01

One of the core principles instituted by the post-1991 government in Ethiopia that took power after a successful armed struggle was ethnic-based federalism, informed by a neo-Leninist political model called revolutionary democracy. In this model, devised by the reigning Tigray People's Liberation

Ethnic-based federalism and ethnicity in Ethiopia: reassessing the experiment after 20 years

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Abbink, G.J.

2012-01-01

One of the core principles instituted by the post-1991 government in Ethiopia that took power after a successful armed struggle was ethnic-based federalism, informed by a neo-Leninist political model called revolutionary democracy. In this model, devised by the reigning Tigray People's Liberation

'Echoing Silences\\': Ethnicity in post-colonial Zimbabwe, 1980-2007 ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

... structures and institutions which enacted and reproduced ethnicity. Such neglected processes, structures and institutions included unequal development of the provinces and the marginalisation of particular ethnic groups in politics, economy and society. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 7 (2) 2007: pp. 275-297 ...

Politics of Ethno-Nationalism: a Post-Colonial and Post-Socialist Schema

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

ANTON L. ALLAHAR

2010-06-01

Full Text Available The present paper aims to propose a schema for analysing the contemporary politics of national and ethnic identity in post-colonial and post-socialist states. To this end it will seek: (a to provide a comprehensive operational definition of nationalism, (b to qualify that definition by the addition of the adjective ‘ethnic,' (c to assess the extent to which the concept ‘ethnic nationalism' can help us to understand some of the politics of ethnicity and national identity in a post-independence setting, and (d to problematize the notion of ‘false consciousness' in ethno-national political appeals. My argument will be situated within the broad theoretical framework of a non-reductionist, neo-Marxist class analysis, for it is my conviction that ethno-national consciousness and politics are better understood if we are able to trace the concrete class interests and motives of their promoters. In other words, whether as sentiment or as movement, nationalism cannot be divorced from the class interests of its leading promoters. But one must be cautious when absolutizing the class claim, for in the specific case of ethnic nationalism, for example, Robin Williams has noted that "to dismiss ethnicity as false consciousness ignores the clear evidence that ethnies often sacrifice economic interests in favour of symbolic gains" (1994:64-65, and even beyond this, as Ronaldo Munck reminds us, "nationalism matters because people die for it" (1986:2..

The political downside of dual identity: group identifications and religious political mobilization of Muslim minorities.

Science.gov (United States)

Martinovic, Borja; Verkuyten, Maykel

2014-12-01

Research on the political mobilization of ethnic minorities has shown that dual ethno-national identification facilitates involvement in political action on behalf of the ethnic group. This study extends this research by proposing that a dual identity can impede political mobilization on behalf of another relevant in-group--the religious community - especially if this in-group is not accepted by the wider society. Using a sample of 641 Muslims of Turkish origin living in Germany and the Netherlands, dual ethno-national identity (Turkish-German/Turkish-Dutch) was examined in relation to religious Muslim identification and religious political mobilization. Dual identity was expected to be indirectly related to lower mobilization via decreased religious group identification. Further, this mediating process was predicted to be stronger for Turkish Muslims who perceived relatively high religious group discrimination. In both countries we found support for the mediating hypothesis, however, the moderating role of discrimination was confirmed only for the Netherlands. Turkish-Dutch identification was associated with lower support for religious political mobilization because of lower Muslim identification only for Turkish-Dutch participants who perceived high levels of discrimination. These findings indicate that a strong dual (ethno-national) identity can undermine minority members' support for political rights and actions on behalf of a third relevant in-group, and therefore qualify the social psychological benefits of the dual identity model. © 2014 The British Psychological Society.

Ethnic Identities and Christianities between Late Antiquity and Early Medieval Period

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Walter Pohl

2015-06-01

Full Text Available This paper aims to re-read Roman-Barbarian ethnicity as a cultural construct not least based on Biblical models viewed and interpreted as founded as well as authoritative instruments of self-definition. The study intends to overturn the traditional historiographical paradigm, according to which ethnicity emerges as a purely “Barbaric” construction in opposition to the Christian-Roman universalism. Starting from such a model, European history was often represented as a conflict between universalistic and nationalistic issues. According to A.’s analysis, the political role of ethnicity in Latin Europe doesn’t emerge, at least partially, as a Barbarian “import”. Far from representing an antithesis to the Universal Church, ethnicity assumes its politic role through Christianity and, more specifically, on the basis of exegesis as well as of re-adaptation of ethnic self-definitions well attested in Biblical texts.

Iraq: Politics, Elections, and Benchmarks

National Research Council Canada - National Science Library

Katzman, Kenneth

2009-01-01

Iraq's political system, the result of a U.S.-supported election process, is increasingly exhibiting peaceful competition but continues to be riven by sectarianism and ethnic and factional infighting...

Terrorism and Political Parties

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bourne, Angela

In the paper I address the empirical puzzle arising from different responses by political authorities in Spain and the UK to the existence of political parties integrated in the terrorist groups Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Basque Homeland and Freedom) and the Irish Republican Army (IRA). More...... for realization of free speech rights and representation is also emphasized, and where proscription is seen as inimical to resolution of conflict underpinning violence. In the context of party competition, a winning coalition is required for one discourse to predominate. However, I also argued that both ideas...

Agama dan kekerasan anti-Cina pada masa transisi demokrasi Indonesia, 1997-2004

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Laila Kholid Alfirdaus

2015-01-01

Full Text Available In the discussions of anti-Chinese phenomena in Indonesian transition in 1997-2004, religion appears less dominating in regard of economic and political factors of ethnicity. In scientific works, the perception of antiChinese violence was also dominated by the views of politics and economy. In fact, religion also plays crucial role in many cases, ranging from the issue of Chinese infidelity, anti-Islamism and atheism. This is not to argue that politics, economy and social is not important. Otherwise, this paper argues that religion is equally important as politic, economic and social analysis, especially to explain anti-Chinese violence in Indonesia.

Theorizing Violence in Mongolia (book review

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Johan Elverskog

2015-09-01

Full Text Available Franck Billé, Sinophobia: Anxiety, Violence, and the Making of Mongolian Identity. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2014. 272 pp. $57 (cloth. Christopher Kaplonski, The Lama Question: Violence, Sovereignty, and Exception in Early Socialist Mongolia. Honolulu: Univeristy of Hawai'i Press., 2014 280 pp. $54 (cloth. In early 2015 an intellectual kerfuffle erupted about the state of violence in our contemporary world. On one side of this debate were scholars like Steven Pinker (2012 and Richard Bessel (2015, who argue that things are getting better; namely, the amount of violence today is at historical lows. This is an argument that others, such as John Gray and Nassim Nicholas Taleb, find preposterous. Whatever the case may be, it is certainly true that violence still exists in today’s world and that many scholars are trying to explain it. Indeed, understanding such violence is the driving force behind the excellent books under review here—two works that not only bring Mongolia into these larger intellectual debates but do so through an engagement with two distinct theoretical approaches to the question of violence: Giorgio Agamben’s political philosophy and Lacanian psychoanalysis...

Security, Identity, and the Discourse of Conflation in Far-Right Violence

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Jeffrey Stevenson Murer

2011-10-01

Full Text Available In the aftermath of Anders Breivik’s shooting spree and bombing in Norway, many people asked where did the anger and the violence come from?  The article examines the contemporary trends in political and social discourses to conflate opponents with enemies.  Popular discourses, television and on-line media, radio talk shows and even newspaper spread the language of threat and insecurity, and the idea that the biggest threats may be the people in our own neighbourhoods, in our own cities, on our own streets.  These threatening individuals are those that do not quite fit in; they are familiar foreigners.  Similarly it explores the discourses of who should be afforded trust and protection within multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-cultural political and social environments, who exhibits social membership and who should be excluded.  The language of austerity and shortage suggests that security is not a human right that all people are entitled to equally.  Rather if states can only afford to protect certain people, then by default the state chooses to actively not protect others.  This article explores the social and physical consequences these decisions have, particularly when certain individuals decide that they will do what others only talk about: eliminate enemies.

Vision impaired or professionally blind: health education research and firearm violence.

Science.gov (United States)

Price, James H; Khubchandani, Jagdish; Payton, Erica

2015-05-01

In the past three decades, approximately 1 million Americans have been killed with firearms and over 2 million have been injured with firearms. Firearm violence is one of the top 10 causes of premature mortality for racial/ethnic minorities and youths 1 to 19 years of age. However, firearm violence issues are virtually absent in the past 15 years in health education-related journals. We provide several examples of areas of health education where firearm violence is congruent with the professional responsibilities of health educators. Finally, we encourage health educators to become involved in firearm violence research and health education-related journal leaders to become more proactive in soliciting manuscripts that address firearm violence-related issues. © 2015 Society for Public Health Education.

Monitoring the multi-faceted problem of youth violence: the Asian/Pacific Islander Youth Violence Prevention Center's surveillance system.

Science.gov (United States)

Sugimoto-Matsuda, Jeanelle J; Hishinuma, Earl S; Momohara, Christie-Brianna K; Rehuher, Davis; Soli, Fa'apisa M; Bautista, Randy Paul M; Chang, Janice Y

2012-10-01

Youth violence (YV) is a complex public health issue that spans geographic, ethnic, and socioeconomic lines. The Asian/Pacific Islander Youth Violence Prevention Center conducts qualitative and quantitative research on YV in Hawai'i. A critical element in YV prevention involves measuring YV and its risk-protective factors to determine the scope of the problem and to monitor changes across time. Under the Asian/Pacific Islander Youth Violence Prevention Center's (APIYVPC's) surveillance umbrella, a variety of methodologies are utilized. The major forms of active surveillance are a School-Wide Survey for youth, and a Safe Community Household Survey for adults. A variety of secondary data sources are accessed, such as the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance System), the Hawai'i State Department of the Attorney General, the Hawai'i State Department of Education, and the Hawai'i State Department of Health. State data are especially important for the Center, because most of these sources disaggregate ethnicity data for Asian Americans/Pacific Islanders. This paper details the surveillance methodologies utilized by the APIYVPC to monitor YV in one specific community and in Hawai'i, in comparison to the rest of the State and nation. Empirical results demonstrate the utility of each methodology and how they complement one another. Individually, each data source lends valuable information to the field of YV prevention; however, collectively, the APIYVPC's surveillance methods help to paint a more complete picture regarding violence rates and the relationship between YV and its risk-protective factors, particularly for minority communities.

The Politics of Civil Society and Language

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Farah, Abdulkadir Osman

2015-01-01

Within the past two decades Somalia became synonymous with everything from violence, famine to religious extremism. Somalia is a country with contradictions. On the one hand, it is a country with relatively homogeneous people in terms of language, ethnicity, culture and religion. On the other han...

ELT for Peace Education: Negotiating Ethnic and Cultural Plurality

Science.gov (United States)

Chowdhury, Piku

2013-01-01

Multiculturalism and multi-ethnicity have assumed the status of the most charged signs characterizing social contingencies and resultant violence in the increasingly glocalized world today. Minoritization continually interrupts and interrogates the homogeneous, horizontal claim of the projected democratic liberal society. Solidarity turns out to…

Dating Violence Victimization Among High School Students in Minnesota: Associations With Family Violence, Unsafe Schools, and Resources for Support.

Science.gov (United States)

Earnest, Alicia A; Brady, Sonya S

2016-02-01

The present study examines whether being a victim of violence by an adult in the household, witnessing intra-familial physical violence, and feeling unsafe at school are associated with physical dating violence victimization. It also examines whether extracurricular activity involvement and perceived care by parents, teachers, and friends attenuate those relationships, consistent with a stress-buffering model. Participants were 75,590 ninth-and twelfth-grade students (51% female, 77% White, 24% receiving free/reduced price lunch) who completed the 2010 Minnesota Student Survey. Overall, 8.5% of students reported being victims of dating violence. Significant differences were found by gender, grade, ethnicity, and free/reduced price lunch status. Logistic regression analyses demonstrated that being a victim of violence by an adult in the household, witnessing intra-familial physical violence, feeling unsafe at school, and low perceived care by parents were strongly associated with dating violence victimization. Associations of moderate strength were found for low perceived care by teachers and friends. Little to no extracurricular activity involvement was weakly associated with dating violence victimization. Attenuating effects of perceived care and extracurricular activity involvement on associations between risk factors (victimization by a family adult, witnessing intra-familial violence, feeling unsafe at school) and dating violence victimization were smaller in magnitude than main effects. Findings are thus more consistent with an additive model of risk and protective factors in relation to dating violence victimization than a stress-buffering model. Health promotion efforts should attempt to minimize family violence exposure, create safer school environments, and encourage parental involvement and support. © The Author(s) 2014.

Climate Change and Civil Violence

Science.gov (United States)

van der Vink, G.; Plancherel, Y.; Hennet, C.; Jones, K. D.; Abdullah, A.; Bradshaw, J.; Dee, S.; Deprez, A.; Pasenello, M.; Plaza-Jennings, E.; Roseman, D.; Sopher, P.; Sung, E.

2009-05-01

The manifestations of climate change can result in humanitarian impacts that reverse progress in poverty- reduction, create shortages of food and resources, lead to migration, and ultimately result in civil violence and conflict. Within the continent of Africa, we have found that environmentally-related variables are either the cause or the confounding factor for over 80% of the civil violence events during the last 10 years. Using predictive climate models and land-use data, we are able to identify populations in Africa that are likely to experience the most severe climate-related shocks. Through geospatial analysis, we are able to overlay these areas of high risk with assessments of both the local population's resiliency and the region's capacity to respond to climate shocks should they occur. The net result of the analysis is the identification of locations that are becoming particularly vulnerable to future civil violence events (vulnerability hotspots) as a result of the manifestations of climate change. For each population group, over 600 social, economic, political, and environmental indicators are integrated statistically to measures the vulnerability of African populations to environmental change. The indicator time-series are filtered for data availability and redundancy, broadly ordered into four categories (social, political, economic and environmental), standardized and normalized. Within each category, the dominant modes of variability are isolated by principal component analysis and the loadings of each component for each variable are used to devise composite index scores. Comparisons of past vulnerability with known environmentally-related conflicts demonstrates the role that such vulnerability hotspot maps can play in evaluating both the potential for, and the significance of, environmentally-related civil violence events. Furthermore, the analysis reveals the major variables that are responsible for the population's vulnerability and therefore

Pension prospects of minority ethnic groups: inequalities by gender and ethnicity.

Science.gov (United States)

Ginn, J; Arber, S

2001-09-01

Minority ethnic groups have low income in later life from private pensions, partly due to shorter employment records in Britain since migration. Yet disadvantage and discrimination in the labour market, as well as differences in cultural norms concerning women's employment, may lead to persistence of ethnic variation in private pension acquisition. Little is known about the pension arrangements made by men and women in minority ethnic groups during the working life. This paper examines the extent of ethnic disadvantage in private pension scheme arrangements and analyses variation according to gender and specific ethnic group, using three years of the British Family Resources Survey, which provides information on over 97,000 adults aged 20-59, including over 5,700 from ethnic minorities. Both men and women in minority ethnic groups were less likely to have private pension coverage than their white counterparts but the extent of the difference was most marked for Pakistanis and Bangladeshis. Ethnicity interacted with gender, so that Blacks showed the least gender inequality in private pension arrangements, reflecting the relatively similar full-time employment rates of Black men and women. A minority ethnic disadvantage in private pension coverage, for both men and women, remained after taking account of age, marital and parental status, years of education, employment variables, class and income. The research suggests that minority ethnic groups - especially women - will be disproportionately dependent on means-tested benefits in later life, due to the combined effects of low private pension coverage and the policy of shifting pension provision towards the private sector.

Profile of intimate partner violence in Family Health Units.

Science.gov (United States)

Rafael, Ricardo de Mattos Russo; Moura, Anna Tereza Miranda Soares de; Tavares, Jeane Marques Cunha; Ferreira, Renata Evelin Moreno; Camilo, Glauce Gomes da Silva; Neto, Mercedes

2017-01-01

To estimate the profile of intimate partner violence involving women in a scenario of Family Health Strategy in the municipality of Nova Iguaçu (Rio de Janeiro). A transversal study was conducted in four units with a sample of 640 women between the ages of 25 to 64. The phenomena of violence was determined using the tool Revised Conflict Tactics Scales, validated for Brazil. Statistical analysis took into consideration an estimation of prevalence in the calculation of the p values. The situations of violence and the sociodemographic profiles demonstrated a statistically significant relationship with the variables of educational level and housing conditions. Age, ethnicity and economic class demonstrated an association with certain types of violence, varying in type and severity. The study investigated the profile of these situations of violence and enabled reflection regarding the approaches adopted by the Family Health Strategy teams.

Dating Norms and Dating Violence among Ninth Graders in Northeast Georgia: Reports from Student Surveys and Focus Groups

Science.gov (United States)

Reeves, Patricia M.; Orpinas, Pamela

2012-01-01

This mixed-methods study describes the norms supporting male-to-female and female-to-male dating violence in a diverse sample of ninth graders. The quantitative study, based on student surveys (n = 624), compared norms supporting dating violence by sex, race/ethnicity, and dating status, and it examined the relation between dating violence norms…

Ingroup friendship and political mobilization among the disadvantaged.

Science.gov (United States)

Sengupta, Nikhil K; Milojev, Petar; Barlow, Fiona K; Sibley, Chris G

2015-07-01

This study investigated the effects of ingroup contact in a large, national sample of Māori (a disadvantaged ethnic group; N = 940) on political attitudes relevant to decreasing ethnic inequality in New Zealand. We tested the role of 2 mediating mechanisms-ethnic identification and system justification-to explain the effects of ingroup contact on the dependent variables. Time spent with ingroup friends predicted increased support for the Māori Party and support for symbolic and resource-specific reparative policies benefiting Māori. These effects were partially mediated by increased ethnic identification. Although ingroup contact also reduced levels of system justification among Māori, its effects on policy attitudes and party preference were not mediated by system justification. This suggests that a key antecedent to system challenging political attitudes is an increased sense of identification with a disadvantaged group resulting, in part, from interactions with ingroup friends. (c) 2015 APA, all rights reserved).

Planning responds to gender violence: evidence from Spain, Mexico and the United States.

Science.gov (United States)

Sweet, Elizabeth L; Escalante, Sara Ortiz

2010-01-01

Urban planning has been largely ineffective in addressing urban violence and particularly slow in responding to gender violence. This paper explores the public and private divide, structural inequalities, and issues of ethnicity and citizenship, in terms of their planning implications for gender violence. Drawing on evidence from Spain, Mexico and the United States, it examines how economic and social planning and gender violence intertwine. The three case studies demonstrate that the challenge is not only to break constructed structural inequalities and divisions between public and private spheres, but also to promote changes in the working models of institutions and organisations.

Dodging Bullets

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Witte, Caroline T.; Burger, Martijn J.; Ianchovichina, Elena I.

2017-01-01

and geographic constraints on location choice. In the nonresource sector, the least geographically diversified firms are most sensitive to conflict. Other types of political violence, including intermittent violence in the form of terrorist acts and assassinations, or persistent but low-impact events......The relationship between political violence and greenfield foreign direct investment is contingent on the type of violence, the characteristics of the investment-receiving sector, and the international scope of the investing firm. Analysis using a dynamic fixed effects model for a panel of 90...... developing countries shows that nationwide political conflict is negatively associated with total and nonresource-related greenfield FDI, but not with resource-related greenfield FDI. The insensitivity of resource FDI to political conflict is explained by the high profitability of natural-resource extraction...

Political Anger: The Basis for Contemporary Lack of Civility in ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

The incidence of political anger and its dynamics calls for concern in the political arena. It has left in its trail all forms of casualties and threat to political and democratic stability in Nigeria. This paper argued that high stakes in politics, limited avenues for ventilating anger, the tendency to focus on majority ethnic groups while ...

Victimized Majority: Latent Politics of Ethnic Discrimination in post-Soviet Russia

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Kirill N. Babichenko

2014-07-01

Full Text Available This paper represents the brief analysis of one of the most important problems of the Russian Federation – the ethnic conflicts. Such a phenomenon has various dimensions and manifestations: from discrimination on the labor market to the extreme of ethnic cleansing during wars in Chechnya. The author focuses on the previously unexplored side of the problem: structural oppression conducted by minorities against the cultural majority of the country with a special regard to the republics of North Caucasus where the scope and intensity of ethnic strife found the most dangerous and explosive forms threatening with disintegration of the state.

Persisting problems related to race and ethnicity in public health and epidemiology research

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Jean-Claude Moubarac

2013-02-01

Full Text Available A recent and comprehensive review of the use of race and ethnicity in research that address health disparities in epidemiology and public health is provided. First it is described the theoretical basis upon which race and ethnicity differ drawing from previous work in anthropology, social science and public health. Second, it is presented a review of 280 articles published in high impacts factor journals in regards to public health and epidemiology from 2009-2011. An analytical grid enabled the examination of conceptual, theoretical and methodological questions related to the use of both concepts. The majority of articles reviewed were grounded in a theoretical framework and provided interpretations from various models. However, key problems identified include a a failure from researchers to differentiate between the concepts of race and ethnicity; b an inappropriate use of racial categories to ascribe ethnicity; c a lack of transparency in the methods used to assess both concepts; and d failure to address limits associated with the construction of racial or ethnic taxonomies and their use. In conclusion, future studies examining health disparities should clearly establish the distinction between race and ethnicity, develop theoretically driven research and address specific questions about the relationships between race, ethnicity and health. One argue that one way to think about ethnicity, race and health is to dichotomize research into two sets of questions about the relationship between human diversity and health.

The scandal of manhood: 'Baby rape' and the politicization of sexual violence in post-apartheid South Africa.

Science.gov (United States)

Posel, Deborah

2005-05-01

This paper traces the genealogy of sexual violence as a public and political issue in South Africa, from its initial marginalization and minimization during the apartheid era, through to the explosion of anguish and anger which marked the post-apartheid moment, and most dramatically the years 2001 and 2002. Of particular interest is the question of how and why the problem of sexual violence came to be seen as a scandal of manhood, putting male sexuality under critical public scrutiny. The paper argues that the sudden, intense eruption of public anxiety and argument about sexual violence which marked the post-apartheid period had relatively little to do with feminist analysis and politics (influential though this has been in some other respects). Rather, the key to understanding this politicization of sexual violence lies with its resonances with wider political and ideological anxieties about the manner of the national subject and the moral community of the country's fledgling democracy.

Bidirectional Relations Between Dating Violence Victimization and Substance Use in a Diverse Sample of Early Adolescents.

Science.gov (United States)

Taylor, Katherine A; Sullivan, Terri N

2017-09-01

Substance use and dating violence victimization are common in adolescence and represent significant public health concerns. Although theoretical accounts suggest a bidirectional association between substance use and victimization within dating relationships, this has not been tested during early adolescence. Thus, the current study examined bidirectional associations between physical and psychological dating violence victimization and substance use across 6 months among an ethnically diverse sample of early adolescents. Sex was also examined as a moderator. Participants included two cohorts of sixth graders from 37 schools who were in dating relationships in the last 3 months at Wave 1, in the fall of sixth grade, and 6 months later at Wave 2, in the spring of sixth grade ( n = 2,022; 43% female; 55% Black, 17% Latino/a, 16% White, 9% as multiracial, and 3% as another race/ethnicity). Students reported on the frequency of dating violence in the past 3 months and substance use in the past 30 days. Multilevel models, with students at Level 1 and classes (i.e., clusters of students in the same cohort at the same school; n = 74) at Level 2, tested hypotheses that positive reciprocal relations between physical and psychological dating violence victimization and substance use would be found over time, and that relations would be stronger for girls than boys. Sex, race/ethnicity, and family structure variables were included as Level 1 covariates; intervention condition and neighborhood concentrated disadvantage were included as Level 2 covariates. Results showed that higher levels of physical dating violence victimization at Wave 1 predicted increased substance use at Wave 2. Higher levels of substance use at Wave 1 predicted increased physical and psychological dating violence victimization at Wave 2. Findings highlight the importance of prevention efforts for dating violence and substance use early in adolescence.

Moderating Effects of Resilience on Depression, Psychological Distress, and Suicidal Ideation Associated With Interpersonal Violence.

Science.gov (United States)

Fedina, Lisa; Nam, Boyoung; Jun, Hyun-Jin; Shah, Roma; Von Mach, Tara; Bright, Charlotte L; DeVylder, Jordan

2017-12-01

Resilience has been found to attenuate the effects of negative mental health symptomology associated with interpersonal victimization; however, existing research has largely focused on resilience traits, such as individual cognitive and environmental factors that promote resilience. In addition, empirical knowledge on the extent to which resilience mitigates suicidal symptomology associated with interpersonal violence victimization is particularly limited. This study assesses whether the relationship between interpersonal violence (i.e., IPV and nonpartner sexual violence) and mental health symptomology (i.e., depression, psychological distress, and suicidal ideation) is moderated by resilience using a general population sample of women ( N = 932). A cross-sectional, observational survey was administered in four U.S. cities (Baltimore, New York City, Philadelphia, and Washington, D.C.). Bivariate results indicated that women exposed to interpersonal violence reported significantly higher rates of suicidal ideation, depression, and psychological distress compared with women without exposure to interpersonal violence. Regression models revealed significant positive associations between interpersonal violence and depression, distress, and suicidal ideation, adjusting for sociodemographics. Resilience did not significantly moderate the relationship between interpersonal violence victimization and any associated mental health outcomes. However, subgroup analyses reveal significant interaction effects between resilience and IPV within specific racial and ethnic minority subgroups, suggesting that attenuating effects of resilience on mental health symptoms (i.e., depression and psychological distress) associated with IPV likely vary across race and ethnicity. Implications for future research and clinical interventions focused on resilience among survivors of interpersonal violence are discussed.

Domestic Violence: Women’s Profile With Social Care

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Francisco González Sala

2010-01-01

Full Text Available The profile of women having suffered domestic violence is presented. It is based on a study made on 297 women who receive social care from the Valencia Council. 37,3% of the women in this group has suffered domestic violence. The profile of these women, compared with the ones belonging to the same group who don’t suffer domestic violence, is characterized by the following features: non-gypsy ethnic group, one-parent familiar structure, marital status separated, several previous sentimental relationships, and psychological problems. In other features which characterize the women receiving social care, like studies level, labour situation, familiar and non-familiar support, no significant differences where appreciated. Based on the present information’s, advise on prevention and community intervention is considered.

Candidate nomination, intra-party democracy, and election violence in Africa

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Seeberg, Merete Bech; Wahman, Michael; Skaaning, Svend-Erik

2018-01-01

. When local-level or national-level competition between parties is low, as in much of Africa, electoral politics become a matter of intra-party rather than inter-party competition. Nominations are a part of the electoral process often left to the discretion of poorly institutionalized parties, free......This article introduces a special issue on candidate nomination, intra-party democracy, and election violence in Africa. Although a burgeoning literature on African democratization has focused on the topic of electoral violence, little attention has been given to violence during party nominations...... of the involvement of electoral management bodies and external monitors, and violence often results. Rather than developing an elaborate theoretical framework on the causes of nomination violence, our ambition in this introduction is to introduce the concept of nomination violence and situate it in the literatures...

Special Report: Political Violence and Democratic Uncertainty in Ethiopia

National Research Council Canada - National Science Library

Smith, Lahra

2007-01-01

The pardon and release of thirty-eight political detainees, mostly from the leadership of the main opposition party, may give impetus to political negotiations in Ethiopia after more than two years crisis and stalemate...

Profile of intimate partner violence in Family Health Units

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Ricardo de Mattos Russo Rafael

Full Text Available ABSTRACT Objective: To estimate the profile of intimate partner violence involving women in a scenario of Family Health Strategy in the municipality of Nova Iguaçu (Rio de Janeiro. Method: A transversal study was conducted in four units with a sample of 640 women between the ages of 25 to 64. The phenomena of violence was determined using the tool Revised Conflict Tactics Scales, validated for Brazil. Statistical analysis took into consideration an estimation of prevalence in the calculation of the p values. Results: The situations of violence and the sociodemographic profiles demonstrated a statistically significant relationship with the variables of educational level and housing conditions. Age, ethnicity and economic class demonstrated an association with certain types of violence, varying in type and severity. Conclusion: The study investigated the profile of these situations of violence and enabled reflection regarding the approaches adopted by the Family Health Strategy teams.

Perceived discrimination predicts increased support for political rights and life satisfaction mediated by ethnic identity: A longitudinal analysis.

Science.gov (United States)

Stronge, Samantha; Sengupta, Nikhil K; Barlow, Fiona Kate; Osborne, Danny; Houkamau, Carla A; Sibley, Chris G

2016-07-01

The aim of the current research is to test predictions derived from the rejection-identification model and research on collective action using cross-sectional (Study 1) and longitudinal (Study 2) methods. Specifically, an integration of these 2 literatures suggests that recognition of discrimination can have simultaneous positive relationships with well-being and engagement in collective action via the formation of a strong ingroup identity. We test these predictions in 2 studies using data from a large national probability sample of Māori (the indigenous peoples of New Zealand), collected as part of the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study (Ns for Study 1 and 2 were 1,981 and 1,373, respectively). Consistent with the extant research, Study 1 showed that perceived discrimination was directly linked with decreased life satisfaction, but indirectly linked with increased life satisfaction through higher levels of ethnic identification. Perceived discrimination was also directly linked with increased support for Māori rights and indirectly linked with increased support for Māori rights through higher levels of ethnic identification. Study 2 replicated these findings using longitudinal data and identified multiple bidirectional paths between perceived discrimination, ethnic identity, well-being, and support for collective action. These findings replicate and extend the rejection-identification model in a novel cultural context by demonstrating via cross-sectional (Study 1) and longitudinal (Study 2) analyses that the recognition of discrimination can both motivate support for political rights and increase well-being by strengthening ingroup identity. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved).

Contradictions of Ethnic Loyalty and the Quest for National ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

Many analysts have located the primary obstacle to Nigeria‟s development and integration in the multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multicultural nature of the country. The ethnic, cultural and political diversities of the country have been perceived as the source of its fragility and instability as well as its inability to evolve a ...

National Identity: Conceptual models, discourses and political change

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Harder, Peter

2014-01-01

of conceptual models or discourses. This is especially important in cases that involve conflictive political issues such as national and ethnic identity. The article reports on a historical project with a linguistic dimension in my department (PI Stuart Ward, cf. Ward 2004), which aims to throw light......Cognitive Linguistics has demonstrated the applicability of a conceptual approach to the understanding of political issues, cf. Lakoff (2008) and many others. From a different perspective, critical discourse analysis has approached political concepts with a focus on issues involving potentially...... divisive features such as race, class, gender and ethnic identity. Although discourses are not identical to conceptual models, conceptual models are typically manifested in discourse, and discourses are typically reflections of conceptualizations, a theme explored e.g. in Hart and Lukes (2007). As argued...

Methodological Reflections: Inter- ethnic Research

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Singla, Rashmi

2010-01-01

with both youth and the parental generation with ethnic minority background in Denmark. These reflections include implications and challenges related to researcher’s national, ethnic background and educational, professional position in encounter with   diverse ‘researched persons’ such as youth......This article reflects on the methodological and epistemological aspects of the ethical issues involved in encounters between researcher and research participants with ethnic minority background in contexts with diversity. Specific challenges involved in longitudinal research (10 - 15 years......) are also considered. The issues related to the social relevance of the research deriving from psycho political validity implying consideration of power dynamics in the personal, relational and collective domains are included. The primary basis for these reflections is a follow-up study concerning young...

Constitutional Openness in 1991, Ethnic and Cultural Diversity, and Political System: a Philosophical-Political Approach

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Nelson Jair Cuchumbé Holguín

2012-08-01

Full Text Available The multicultural approach seems to be the most praiseworthy instrument through which the acknowledgement of cultural diversity could renew the deontic structure legitimised by the socio-political order in Colombia. Facing a State model based on the denial and exclusion of diversity, the multicultural State allows for pluralism to be articulated into it. In this way, the formation of political unity becomes a matter determined by dialogue, mutual acknowledgement and cultural enhancement. Nevertheless, the multicultural interpretation lacks plausibility if the formation of the State is understood in a pragmatic and universalistic way. From this perspective, the inclusion of the Other is likely only if social actors promote interactions regulated by a political culture based on constitutional principles, active participation, public deliberation and the organisational ability of communities. A shared political culture of this nature seems unavoidable if the purpose is to form a citizenship more suited to living in a democracy.

Dispelling a myth: developing world poverty, inequality, violence ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

Dispelling a myth: developing world poverty, inequality, violence and social fragmentation are not good ... African Journal of Psychiatry ... However, the reality is that significant political, social and economic ills that characterize many countries ...

Essays in Labor Economics and Political Economy

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Harmon, Nikolaj Arpe

This dissertation consists of three chapters, each representing a self-contained research paper in labor economics and political economy. The first chapter studies the impact of immigration and ethnic diversity on political outcomes in immigrant-receiving countries, focusing on the case of immigr......This dissertation consists of three chapters, each representing a self-contained research paper in labor economics and political economy. The first chapter studies the impact of immigration and ethnic diversity on political outcomes in immigrant-receiving countries, focusing on the case...... in particular. The effects appear present both in municipal and national elections, despite the very different issues decided at the two levels of government. The second chapter (co-authored with Raymond Fisman, Emir Kamenica and Inger Munk) studies the effect of a salary reform in the European Parliament...... to learn about the impact of salaries on the behavior and composition of legislators. Increases in salaries cause large increases in the willingness to hold office but do not affect the level of effort exerted while in office. For the composition of legislators, increases in salaries leads to elected...

Expanding the TRI Network for Doctoral Researchers in the Fields of Terrorism, Political Violence and Armed Conflict to the United States of America and Russia

OpenAIRE

Alex P. Schmid; Gordon Clubb; Jason Rineheart; Yulia  Netesova

2011-01-01

In September 2011, the Terrorism Research Initiative (TRI) announced the creation of a post-graduate terrorism research network in the United Kingdom. The idea was to compile a list of post-graduates conducting research in the UK in the overlapping fields of terrorism, political violence, and armed conflict. While much research is conducted in these three overlapping fields, those involved in research are often unsure what is going on outside their own university department. They also wonder ...

Macropsychology of Violence and the Modern World

Czech Academy of Sciences Publication Activity Database

Feierabend, I. K.; Klicperová-Baker, Martina

2004-01-01

Roč. 10, č. 1 (2004), s. 36-60 ISSN 1211-216X R&D Projects: GA AV ČR IAA7025303 Institutional research plan: CEZ:AV0Z7025918 Keywords : violence * aggression psychology * political science Subject RIV: AN - Psychology

Origin of political conflict in Arctic wilderness areas

Science.gov (United States)

James N. Gladden

2002-01-01

There are several important factors related to political conflict associated with arctic wilderness areas: scientific studies, economic interests, ethnic identities, geographic differences, and national histories. How groups with an interest in these wilderness areas inject their values into these factors stimulates political debate with each other and with stewarding...

An Indirect Approach to Map Ethnic Identities in Post-conflict Societies

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bochsler, Daniel; Schläpfer, Basil

2016-01-01

Ethnicity remains one of the most salient layers of individuals' social identities, and information about the distribution of ethnic identities turns out to be crucial for many studies that investigate political or social processes in divided societies. In the aftermath of civil wars, however, ce...

Blind Spot? Security Narratives and Far-Right Violence in Europe

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Arun Kundnani

2012-06-01

Full Text Available This Research Paper discusses the challenges of countering far-Right political violence in the wake of the terrorist attack carried out by Anders Behring Breivik in Norway in July 2011. With brief case studies of Britain, the Netherlands, Denmark and Belgium, it argues that classic neo-Nazi groups are being supplemented by new “counter-jihadist” far-Right movements, which use various modes of political action, including participation in elections, street-based activism and terrorist violence. Building on recent interest among scholars and practitioners in the role of narratives and performativity in counter-terrorism, this paper argues that official security discourses tend to hinder efforts to counter far-Right violence and can unwittingly provide opportunities for counter-jihadists to advance their own narratives. When leaders and officials of Western European governments narrate issues of multiculturalism and radical Islamism in ways that overlap with counter-jihadist ideology, it suggests a need for reflection on the unintended side-effects of their security discourse. The Research Paper concludes with a discussion of how governments can rework their security narratives to oppose far-Right violence.

Transformation of armed violence: specific features and trends

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

O. B. Balatska

2016-08-01

Full Text Available Social transformations occurring in the world today became a result of globalization, information, changes in the international balance of power, and are reflected in all aspects of political development. One of the most pressing challenges of our time, a consequence of these processes, is the evolution of forms and methods of armed violence. This publication is devoted to determining the specific and major trends transforming the forms and methods of armed violence. Instead of the traditional military conflicts, new forms and means of armed confrontation emerge. Asymmetrical conflicts taking place with the participation of non-state parties and irregular armed groups, are quite common at the moment. «Hard power» methods associated with the use of direct violence are supplemented by means of «soft power». Violent but non-traditional (non-military means of confrontation widen, with informational and psychological influence becoming particularly prominent. Infotechnological and infopsychological methods of intervention have become an integral part of modern military-political confrontation, taking form of hybrid, network and network-centric warfare. The hybrid military conflicts are typically distinguished by asymmetry, latency, priority of small-scale combat actions and dynamic use of indirect violence. Network-centric warfare focused on achieving information superiority over the enemy, complex effects on the enemy’s physical, informational and cognitive domains, strategic flexibility and adaptability, priority of horizontal ties over traditional vertical hierarchy. Horizontal network infrastructure, consisting of multiple independent, highly specialized and geographically dispersed units, determines the effectiveness of network war strategy today. Apart from qualitative changes associated with emergence and proliferation of new forms of armed violence on a global scale, there is a definite global increase in its quantitative

Political Regimes in Central Asia: Crisis of Legitimacy, Political Violence and Uncertain Prospects

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Mohammad-Reza Djalili

2005-10-01

Full Text Available This article analyses the present-day transition and political context of each of the states that comprise the former Soviet region of Central Asia since their independence: the internal changes they have undergone, the creation of their own institutions and regional and international relations. This evolution, especially with regard to the deficiencies in democracy and legitimacy of the majority of the current governments, based, in many cases, on personalist, authoritarian regimes, points to an uncertain future for a region in which, too frequently, its rulers have used all the means at their disposal (persecution of political opposition, disregard for human rights, constraint of the mass media and NGOs, etc. to guarantee their continuance in power. This article also includes an analysis of the most recent events, such as the Andijan (Uzbekistan massacre, the‘revolution’ without changes in Kyrgyzstan, and the authoritarian drift of Turkmenistan, which leads to conclusions filled with uncertainties for future political scenarios.

Political remittances, connectivity, and the trans-local politics of place: An alternative approach to the dominant narratives on ‘displacement’ in Colombia

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Velez Torres, Irene; Agergaard, Jytte

2014-01-01

communities, whose building process binds socio-political spaces beyond de-territorialisation. In this respect, we argue that social and normative categories such as ‘displacement’ and ‘ethnic territories’ need to be reinterpreted to include the interactive political ideas and actions that connect societies...... forced into motion....

Ethnicity, Governance and Prevention of Conflict: State of the Issue ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

The paper presents the issues of ethnicity, governance, and prevention of conflicts in terms of their political management through the proper exercise of power. Conflict cannot be prevented. It can only be managed. The crucial determining factor is ethnic, gender and class relations in power. The paper traces notion of power ...

“Some of the Best Movement People Are Political Ecologists at Heart”: An Interview About Political Ecology With Nancy Peluso

OpenAIRE

Melanie Pichler

2016-01-01

Nancy Peluso pioneered political ecology research in Southeast Asia with her book on Rich Forest, Poor People (1992) that untangles peasant resistance and state control in Indonesian forest politics. Since then, the professor of political ecology at UC Berkeley, California, has done extensive ethnographic research on the effects of social difference (ethnic identity, class, gender) on resource access and control, dealing with forests, land, mining, and water conflicts in Indonesia and Malays...

The Relationship between Violence Exposure and Academic Achievement in African American Adolescents Is Moderated by Emotion Regulation

Science.gov (United States)

King, Vinetra L.; Mrug, Sylvie

2018-01-01

Compared with other ethnic groups, African American adolescents are exposed to higher levels of family and community violence, which contribute to poorer academic achievement. This study examines whether emotion regulation moderates the effects of exposure to family and community violence on academic achievement among low-income African American…

Ethnicity and nationality among Ethiopians in Canada's census data: a consideration of overlapping and divergent identities.

Science.gov (United States)

Thompson, Daniel K

2018-01-01

This article addresses the intersection of 'homeland' politics and diaspora identities by assessing whether geopolitical changes in Ethiopia affect ethno-national identifications among Ethiopian-origin populations living abroad. Officials in Ethiopia's largest ethnically-defined states recently began working to improve diaspora-homeland relations, historically characterised by ethnically-mobilized support for opposition and insurgency. The emergence of an 'Ethiopian-Somali' identity indicated in recent research, previously regarded as a contradiction in terms, is the most striking of a series of realignments between ethnicity and nationality. Such realignments reflect new orientations towards the homeland that impact diaspora engagement in politics and development. While diaspora returnees constitute a visible presence in some formerly marginalized areas of Ethiopia-including the historically disputed Somali region-large-sample data on ethnicity and nationality from Canadian censuses suggest that diaspora outreach efforts to historically marginalized groups have not (yet) effected large-scale changes in ethno-national identity, and that ongoing tensions in Ethiopia's federal politics may have different impacts on the identities of different ethnic populations.

A Black Experience-Based Approach to Gender-Based Violence

Science.gov (United States)

Bent-Goodley, Tricia B.

2009-01-01

Gender-based violence (GBV) affects women across race, ethnicity, age, socioeconomic status, religion, sexual orientation, and geographic boundaries. No segments of society are immune from the vestiges of this problem. Yet GBV has been particularly harmful within communities of African ancestry African American communities suffer with greater…

Ethnicity: Fault Lines among “Our People”

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Lidija Mavra

2013-04-01

Full Text Available This paper addresses the extent to which migrants’ identity in a new place is contingent on ideas of “ethnicity”, using the case study of Serbs in London. It aims firstly to examine what “ethnicity” means, and the different dimensions of identity and circumstance that inform this. It then aims to deconstruct the notion of ethnicity by exploring the different ways in which ethnic markers are used in different spaces, and interactions with ”other” ethnic groups in the city. The research methodology consisted of qualitative, semi-structured, in-depth interviews with 66 Serbian migrants, and participant observation with a further 20 households, in London. The sampling strategy was reflexive in order to ensure the inclusion of a wide range of migrant experiences according to different socio-political, economic and spatial backgrounds. The findings reveal a diversity of conceptualisations of what ”being Serbian” means, signifying that this is not a concrete or quantifiable measure. However, certain broad patterns did emerge, in the sense that those who expressed the ability to ”choose” their ethnicity were more likely to be those with sufficient cultural, economic, social and human capital that enabled them to negotiate this situationally.\tAnother key feature that emerged was that ”ethnicity” may be the easy label given to what are in fact class and migrant status-based identities, depending on where people are positioned within the socio-political matrix. This, and particularly workplace based identities and migrant status – rather than ethnic qualities – also affected the perceived boundedness from ethnic “others” within the city.

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African Journals Online (AJOL)

DR Nneka

2015-01-13

Jan 13, 2015 ... Ethnicity, religious fundamentalism and threats to National ..... security policy should have political accommodation as a primary and persistent aim. ... Reasons Advanced for Ethnicity, Religious Extremism and Internal Security.

Workplace Violence against Residents in Emergency Department and Reasons for not Reporting Them; a Cross Sectional Study.

Science.gov (United States)

Hedayati Emam, Gilava; Alimohammadi, Hossein; Zolfaghari Sadrabad, Akram; Hatamabadi, Hamidreza

2018-01-01

Due to the stressful nature of emergency Department (ED), residents in ED are at risk of violence from patients or their associates. This study aimed to determine the prevalence of workplace violence against ED residents and the reasons for not reporting them. This cross-sectional study was conducted on ED residents of three educational hospitals, Tehran, Iran, during 2015. The national questionnaire about workplace violence was used for data gathering. In addition, prevalence of reporting the violence and the reasons for not reporting them were determined. 280 questionnaires were analyzed. The mean age of residents was 32.2 ± 4.6 years (58.4% female). 224 (80%) residents stated that they had not passed any educational courses on violence management. The most prevalent type of violence was verbal (90.7%) and patients' associates (85.4%) were the most common source of aggression. The frequency of physical violence was higher in male aggressors (p = 0.001), resident age > 30 years (p = 0.044), aggressor age > 30 years (p = 0.001), and night shift (p = 0.001). The same trend was observed regarding verbal and racial-ethnic violence. There was no significant relationship between residents' sex, resident's specialty, and presence of security and police with frequency of violence. 214 (76.4%) residents did not report the violence, and the main reasons for not reporting from their viewpoint were uselessness of reporting (37.4%) and insignificance of the violence (36.9%). Based on the findings of the present study more than 90% of ED residents had experienced at least one type of verbal, physical, or racial-ethnic violence during their shifts. It is necessary for residents in EDs to be trained about violence control and also report and follow these issues through legal channels.

Ethnicity and the ethics of otherness in I.N.C. Aniebo's The ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

... novel, Aniebo deeply interrogates and problematizes received notions of ethnicity and nationhood in order to provoke critical intellectual responses and attitudinal change. He graphically and solidly relates Nigeria's socio-political instability to disruptive ethnic prejudices and myopia, and the divisive ethics of otherness.

Suffering in silence: consequences of sexual violence within marriage among young women in Nepal

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Shah Iqbal

2011-01-01

Full Text Available Abstract Background Despite the grave consequences of sexual violence, and it's persistence both within and outside marriages, this subject has received relatively little attention from researchers, policy makers, and programme managers in Nepal. This paper explores the definition of sexual violence and its various forms and consequences as reported by young married women in Nepal. In addition, it describes the coping mechanisms used by young married women to avoid sexual violence perpetrated against them by their husbands. Methods This paper analyzes data collected during the qualitative study on "Sexual violence among young couples in Nepal", conducted amongst two major ethnic groups - Brahmin/Chhetri and Tharu - between 2006 and 2007. The data is comprised of 39 free-lists and 15 in-depth case histories with married women aged 15-24 years. The average rank and Smith's Salience were calculated from the free-listing data. The thematic analysis approach was used for the analysis of information from the case histories. Results Approximately three-quarters (74% of the young women mentioned 'sex against one's wishes' as sexual violence within marriage (SVWM. Sixty-two percent of respondents described 'forced sex during illness' and 'forced sex after consumption of alcohol' as SVWM. About half of young women (48.7% who participated in the free-listing exercise reported having experienced SVWM. The types of SVWM ranged from unwanted sexual touch to forced sex. Backache, headache, lower abdominal pain, vaginal bleeding and thoughts of suicide were the most commonly reported negative physical and psychological health consequences of SVWM. Women reported various coping strategies including 'trying to convince husbands', 'sleeping in a separate room', 'visiting maternal home', 'waking up the children', and 'using pretexts such as being ill or menstruating', to avoid SVWM. However, in most cases, women reported that these coping strategies were

The Concept of Ethnic Minorities. International Law and the German-Austrian Response

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Samuel Salzborn

2009-12-01

Full Text Available Following World War I, the League of Nations promoted a liberal system of minority rights conceived on the basis of individual rights and designed to provide human rights protection against discrimination. In reaction to this conception of minorities as deserving democratic protection, an alternate, ethnicallyoriented concept was developed in German-speaking territories, particularly in Germany and Austria, which was based on collective rights and whose goal was ethnically-based legislation (called “Volksgruppenrecht” or “ethnic-group law”. This political concept was gradually developed into a system of international standards. Supporters hoped that ethnically based law would replace international liberal-democratic law. This paper examines how the political paradigm of collective rights was redefined during the 1920s to produce a conceptual system of legal standards, and how successful efforts were in providing a legal foundation for the sociotheoretical concept of “Volksgruppe” (“ethnic group”.

[Demographic pressure: a factor in political instability].

Science.gov (United States)

Tallon, F

1991-01-01

A review of population trends in Rwanda is presented. They include the growing pressure on available land and resources due to an increase in the numbers of people and cattle. The author finds that this pressure, combined with ethnic tensions, has created an explosive political situation. He concludes that political stability is possible only if a vigorous population policy is implemented.

Youth violence prevention comes of age: research, training and future directions.

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Williams, Kara; Rivera, Lourdes; Neighbours, Robert; Reznik, Vivian

2007-01-01

Youth violence is recognized as a major public health problem in the United States and the world. Over the past ten years, progress has been made in documenting the factors that contribute to violent behavior. Emerging research is deepening our understanding of the individual and societal influences that contribute to and protect against youth violence. However, much work still remains to be done in this field, both in examining potential causes and in designing effective intervention strategies. This chapter highlights specific dimensions of youth violence prevention selected by the authors because these dimensions are the focus of public attention, are emerging as critical issues in the study of youth violence, or have a unique place in the current political and social context. We focus on the developmental pathways to violence, factors that mediate and moderate youth violence, the role of culture and media in youth violence, school-based violence such as school shootings and bullying, and the training of health care professionals.

Religion and Political Violence in Apartheid South Africa | Matheba ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

In analyzing religion and violence in apartheid South Africa, the article expresses the hope that churches and other civil society organs will reclaim their watchdog role in entrenching democracy even more deeply in a post-apartheid South African society. (The Journal of Cultural Studies: 2001 3(1): 108-123) ...

Ending Violence against Women in Latin America : Feminist Norm Setting in a Multilevel Context

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Roggeband, C.

Latin American feminists brought up the issue of violence in the 1970s under military rule or situations of armed conflict. These contexts made feminists specifically concerned with state violence against women. Women's organizations pointed to torture and rape of political prisoners and the use of

Selective pressures on the once and future contents of ethnic stereotypes: effects of the communicability of traits.

Science.gov (United States)

Schaller, Mark; Conway, Lucian Gideon; Tanchuk, Tracy L

2002-06-01

It is hypothesized that traits that are most likely to be the subject of social discourse (i.e., most communicable) are most likely to persist in ethnic stereotypes over time and that this effect is moderated by the extent to which an ethnic group is the subject of social discourse. Study 1 yielded communicability ratings of 76 traits. Study 2 tested the relation between a trait's communicability and its presence in stereotypes of 4 Canadian ethnic groups. Study 3 tested the relation between a trait's communicability and its persistence over time in stereotypes of 8 American ethnic groups. Results supported the hypotheses. A communication-based analysis of stereotypes appears helpful in predicting persistence and change in the contents of stereotypes of real groups in the real world.

Ethnic identity, territory and sustainable development

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Carmona Maya, Sergio Ivan

1998-01-01

This article explores, within the relationship between territory and society, the various points concerning cultural, social and ethnic identity through which the social contract on sustainable development must confront its greatest contradictions. The political position taken as regards sustainable development seeks cultural unity as a necessary condition for establishing modern forms of behavior to deal with styles of development and the management of the environment, for which to reconcile cultural diversity and the permanent social interaction between different ethnic groups, which is both imperative and of the utmost urgency

Gender Role Attitudes and Male Adolescent Dating Violence Perpetration: Normative Beliefs as Moderators.

Science.gov (United States)

Reyes, H Luz McNaughton; Foshee, Vangie A; Niolon, Phyllis Holditch; Reidy, Dennis E; Hall, Jeffrey E

2016-02-01

Commonly used dating violence prevention programs assume that promotion of more egalitarian gender role attitudes will prevent dating violence perpetration. Empirical research examining this assumption, however, is limited and inconsistent. The current study examined the longitudinal association between gender role attitudes and physical dating violence perpetration among adolescent boys (n = 577; 14 % Black, 5 % other race/ethnicity) and examined whether injunctive (i.e., acceptance of dating violence) and descriptive (i.e., beliefs about dating violence prevalence) normative beliefs moderated the association. As expected, the findings suggest that traditional gender role attitudes at T1 were associated with increased risk for dating violence perpetration 18 months later (T2) among boys who reported high, but not low, acceptance of dating violence (injunctive normative beliefs) at T1. Descriptive norms did not moderate the effect of gender role attitudes on dating violence perpetration. The results suggest that injunctive norms and gender role attitudes work synergistically to increase risk for dating violence perpetration among boys; as such, simultaneously targeting both of these constructs may be an effective prevention approach.

Effects of Youth´s Exposure to Community Violence: The MORE Project

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Michele Cooley-Strickland

2011-07-01

Full Text Available Research on chronic community violence exposure focuses on ethnic minority, impoverished, and crime-ridden communities while treatment and prevention focuses on the perpetrators of the violence, not on the youth who are its direct or indirect victims. School-based treatment and preventive interventions are needed for children at elevated risk for exposure to community violence. This paper describes The Multiple Opportunities to Reach Excellence (MORE Project, a longitudinal, community epidemiological study currently being fielded to better understand the impact of children´s chronic exposure to community violence on their emotional, behavioral, substance use, and academic functioning with an overarching goal to identify malleable risk and protective factors which can be targeted in preventive and intervention programs.

Digitized Ethnic Hate Speech: Understanding Effects of Digital Media Hate Speech on Citizen Journalism in Kenya

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Kimotho, Stephen Gichuhi; Nyaga, Rahab Njeri

2016-01-01

Ethnicity in Kenya permeates all spheres of life. However, it is in politics that ethnicity is most visible. Election time in Kenya often leads to ethnic competition and hatred, often expressed through various media. Ethnic hate speech characterized the 2007 general elections in party rallies and through text messages, emails, posters and…

Promoting Ethnic Tolerance and Patriotism: The Role of Education System Characteristics

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Janmaat, Jan Germen; Mons, Nathalie

2011-01-01

The literature on political socialization has overlooked the influence of system characteristics of schooling on civic values and youth political identities. This article addresses that gap by investigating the degree to which system differentiation relates to the values of ethnic tolerance and patriotism. We distinguish between pedagogical…

Political Correctness, Historically Speaking.

Science.gov (United States)

Lipset, Seymour Martin

1992-01-01

This historical review examines conservative and liberal attitudes on U.S. campuses in terms of political, ethnic, racial, gender, and religious issues. Discussed are the era of protest (1960s), the era of quiescence and move toward conservatism (1970-84), reversing the trend via increasing faculty liberalism, and contemporary opinion (a…

Multicultural Politics In Governor Candidates Of Dki Jakarta 2017 In Tempo.Co

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Diya Sri Widiyanti

2017-06-01

Full Text Available The purpose of this research is how to comprehend the politics of Indonesian people for accepting ethnic, racial, religious and tribal diversity in occupying government seat (governor’s election of Jakarta in the context of multicultural country. This research uses Michel Foucaul’s theory, especially in implementing the discourse of  " indigenous Indonesian leader " in people’s mind.  Foucaul’s critical discourse analyses alone does not fully answer the issues of politics in Indonesia, therefore this research also uses Jacques Ranciere's theory in its democratic spirit and the multicultural view of Bhikhu Parekh. The result of the research are society’s heterophobia of multicultural politics, the emerging burden of multicultural politics in Indonesia, antagonism,  failures in politics, and epilogue, becoming a difference border. The conclusion is, issue of SARA (ethnicity, religion, race, intergroups still exists, especially in a country with multicultural status. Politics and multicultural discourses which do not find the logic of the equation is not the dissensus, but consensus.

The census categorization of ethnic identity: Between theoretical comprehensions and statistical practice

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Knežević Aleksandar

2016-01-01

Full Text Available Theoretical debates about ethnic identity during the second half of the 20th century did not just attract attention of academic circles, but they influenced creation of political discourse which determined public life in almost every multinational society, regardless the level of socio-economic development. In recent decades, many theories about ethnic identity have emerged, especially those about ethnicity as a relatively new concept, which caused a great deal of controversy that has been ongoing since the 1960s. Modern demography deals with problems of great social importance, especially when it comes to anthropological, social and political demography, whose results often take lead in the modern political debate. In that sense, a lot of theoretical approaches tried to emphasize the decline of importance of traditional elements of ethnic identity, even their disappearance in favor of supranational concepts, over the past more than half a century. However, in practice, the opposite processes are constantly repeating and the awareness of belonging to certain ethnic group, not only remained the important part of social life, but its significance rapidly grew in certain periods and societies. Ethnic and social pluralism of modern societies, together with massive migration flows, have initiated the review of sustainability, not only the traditional definitions of ethnic identity, but also the various supranational concepts which have mostly emerged from ethnic identification and legal nationality. The fear that ethno-cultural pluralism will have negative effects on ethno-demographic differentiation increased the need for quantitative researches of demographic characteristics of population towards ethnic marks, also for reviewing of methodological solutions of ethno-statistic evidence, starting from definitions, categorizations and statistic classification, as far as the ways of collecting and publishing the data. In that sense the censuses are

Brief report: Associations between adolescent girls' social-emotional intelligence and violence perpetration.

Science.gov (United States)

Gower, Amy L; Shlafer, Rebecca J; Polan, Julie; McRee, Annie-Laurie; McMorris, Barbara J; Pettingell, Sandra L; Sieving, Renee E

2014-01-01

This study examined associations between social-emotional intelligence (SEI) and two measures of violence perpetration (relational aggression and physical violence) in a cross-sectional sample of high-risk adolescent girls (N = 253). We evaluated three aspects of SEI: stress management, intrapersonal, and interpersonal skills. Results of a multiple linear regression model accounting for participants' age, race/ethnicity, and experiences of relational aggression victimization indicated that girls with better stress management skills were less likely to perpetrate relational aggression. A parallel model for perpetration of physical violence showed a similar pattern of results. Study findings suggest that SEI, and stress management skills in particular, may protect adolescent girls - including those who have been victims of violence - from perpetrating relational aggression and physical violence. Interventions that build adolescent girls' social and emotional skills may be an effective strategy for reducing their perpetration of violence. Copyright © 2013 The Foundation for Professionals in Services for Adolescents. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Gender Expression, Violence, and Bullying Victimization: Findings from Probability Samples of High School Students in 4 US School Districts

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Gordon, Allegra R.; Conron, Kerith J.; Calzo, Jerel P.; White, Matthew T.; Reisner, Sari L.; Austin, S. Bryn

2018-01-01

Background: Young people may experience school-based violence and bullying victimization related to their gender expression, independent of sexual orientation identity. However, the associations between gender expression and bullying and violence have not been examined in racially and ethnically diverse population-based samples of high school…

War without Violence: Leveraging the Arab Spring to Win the War on Terrorism

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Pat Proctor

2012-01-01

Full Text Available After a decade of war, the United States has failed to eradicate the threat of salafist jihadism. No matter how hard it tries, the United States cannot kill its way to victory in the war on terrorism. Sweeping changes across the Middle East—dubbed the "Arab Spring" by the media—have presented the West with a unique opportunity to pursue an alternative approach. Rather than engaging in war (politics through violence, the United States should engage in mass politics (war without violence to compel the Arab world to reject the salafist jihadism idea. This article proposes a strategy calibrated to defeat international terrorism without unnecessarily antagonizing non-jihadist salafists and political salafists who enjoy broad-based support in the Arab world. The article goes on to identify key political figures already espousing elements of this counternarrative, and it describes the methods the United States should use to empower these and other anti–salafist jihadism activists.

Food Insecurity and Violence in the Home: Investigating Exposure to Violence and Victimization Among Preschool-Aged Children.

Science.gov (United States)

Jackson, Dylan B; Lynch, Kellie R; Helton, Jesse J; Vaughn, Michael G

2018-03-01

Children experiencing or witnessing violence in the home are at risk of a number of cognitive, social, and behavioral challenges as they age. A handful of recent studies have suggested that food insecurity may be one factor associated with violence against children in the home. The present study uses data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study-Birth Cohort to explore the link between household food insecurity during the first three waves of data collection (i.e., the first few years of life) and witnessing or being the victim of violence in the home among very young children (~ age 4). The results suggest that the predicted probability of early childhood exposure to violence and/or victimization in the home is nearly 6 times more likely in persistently food-insecure households (i.e., households that are food insecure across all three waves) relative to food secure households. Limitations and avenues for future research are noted.

Sociodemographic, psychosocial and physical health correlates of common mental disorder symptoms among mothers in Trinidad and Tobago: Examining ethnic variations.

Science.gov (United States)

Krishnakumar, Ambika; Narine, Lutchmie; Roopnarine, Jaipaul L; Logie, Carol

2016-08-22

Historical and cultural experiences have shaped the life experiences of cultural communities in Trinidad and Tobago. Using a cultural focus, the goal of this investigation was to examine ethnic variations both in the prevalence of common mental disorder (CMD) symptoms as well as in the associations between sociodemographic, psychosocial, physical health correlates and CMDs among mothers in Trinidad and Tobago. Participants included 1002 mothers (359 African-, 353 Indo- and 290 Mixed-Ethnic Trinidadian). Mean comparisons indicated similarities in the levels of depression, somatisation and anxiety across ethnic groups. The associations between physical ill health, experiences of pain and depression and between physical ill health and somatisation were stronger for Mixed-Ethnic Trinidadian than Indo-Trinidadian mothers. The relationship between early experiences of domestic violence and depression was stronger for Indo-Trinidadian than Mixed-Ethnic Trinidadian mothers. The associations between early experiences of domestic violence and depression and between experiences of pain and somatisation were stronger for African Trinidadian than Mixed-Ethnic Trinidadian mothers. Thus beyond the direct effects, mothers belonging to specific ethnic groups indicated greater or lesser vulnerabilities to CMDs depending on their exposure to specific correlates. Results have applicability for the development of culturally sensitive interventions for mothers experiencing CMDs. © 2016 International Union of Psychological Science.

Domestic Violence in Arab Society: A Comparison of Arab and Jewish Women in Shelters in Israel.

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Ben-Porat, Anat; Levy, Drorit; Kattoura, Ola; Dekel, Rachel; Itzhaky, Haya

2017-09-01

The aim of the current study was to address a gap in the literature by determining prevalence, specific types of violence, and risk factors of intimate partner violence (IPV) among Israeli born Arab women compared with Israeli born Jewish women. The following measures were compared: demographic and socioeconomic measures; measures relating to the characteristics of the violence, that is, the three types of violence (physical, emotional, and verbally threatening), sense of danger, and history of violence in childhood; family support levels; and perpetrator characteristics. The sample consisted of 154 Israeli born Arab women and 149 Israeli born Jewish women who were staying in shelters for victims of domestic violence in Israel. A comparison of the two groups revealed that the Arab women were exposed to more physical violence and received less family support than did their Jewish counterparts. The proportion of Arab perpetrators with access to weapons was higher than that of Jewish perpetrators, whereas the proportion of police complaints against Jewish perpetrators was higher than that against Arab perpetrators. Arab women were also younger, less educated, and less a part of the workforce than Jewish women. The contribution of the woman's age to the variance in levels of physical violence was negative and significant. In contrast, the contribution of her sense of danger, and various perpetrator characteristics, was positive. Moreover, the interaction between sense of danger × ethnicity contributed significantly to levels of violence. This study extends the existing knowledge about the contribution of ethnicity as one of many variables that play a role in the lives of women who are victims of domestic violence and highlights the need to develop, in particular, unique individual, community, and social interventions for Arab women in Israeli society.

Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests

National Research Council Canada - National Science Library

Goldman, Stuart D

2007-01-01

.... Federal forces have suppressed large-scale military resistance in Chechnya and in 2006 succeeded in killing most of the remaining top Chechen rebel military and political leaders, although sporadic violence continues...

Serious, Violent Young Offenders in South Africa : Are They Life-Course Persistent Offenders?

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Souverein, F.A.; Ward, C.L.; Visser, I.; Burton, P.

2016-01-01

Life-course persistent offending contributes greatly to violent offending in any country. South Africa has high rates of violence; this study investigated what proportion of young South African offenders might be identified as life-course persistent, and what risk factors identified this group.

Promoting Informal and Professional Help-Seeking for Adolescent Dating Violence.

Science.gov (United States)

Hedge, Jasmine M; Hudson-Flege, Matthew D; McDonell, James R

2017-05-01

The present study examined factors that differentiate adolescents with varied intentions of informal and professional help-seeking for dating violence. Help-seeking intentions among 518 ethnically diverse adolescents from a rural, southern county who participated in a longitudinal study of teen dating violence were categorized into three groups: adolescents unlikely to seek any help, adolescents likely to seek only informal help, and adolescents likely to seek informal and professional help. Multinomial logistic regression found that gender, family functioning, problem-solving competency, dating status, having an adult to talk to about a dating relationship, and acceptability of family violence significantly predicted membership in the help-seeking groups. Implications for promoting informal and professional help-seeking and recommendations for future research are discussed.

Promoting Informal and Professional Help-Seeking for Adolescent Dating Violence

Science.gov (United States)

Hedge, Jasmine M.; Hudson-Flege, Matthew D.; McDonell, James R.

2016-01-01

The present study examined factors that differentiate adolescents with varied intentions of informal and professional help-seeking for dating violence. Help-seeking intentions among 518 ethnically diverse adolescents from a rural, southern county who participated in a longitudinal study of teen dating violence were categorized into three groups: adolescents unlikely to seek any help, adolescents likely to seek only informal help, and adolescents likely to seek informal and professional help. Multinomial logistic regression found that gender, family functioning, problem-solving competency, dating status, having an adult to talk to about a dating relationship, and acceptability of family violence significantly predicted membership in the help-seeking groups. Implications for promoting informal and professional help-seeking and recommendations for future research are discussed. PMID:28584387

The Intersecting Identity Politics of the Ecuadorian Evangelical Indians

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Rickard Lalander

2013-02-01

. The focus is placed on the social movement 'Ecuadorian Federation of Evangelical Indians '(FEINE and its political-electoral movement 'Amauta Jatari', as well as their complex relationships to the broader Indigenous movement. As for the theoretical-methodological approach, the article leans on ideas on 'Intersectionality '– originally emerging from women´s studies – on relationships between socio-cultural identities and categories, which will be integrated into a sociological-political scientific analytical framework. This approach is valuable for problematizing, as well as better comprehending the complex mixture of identities that influence collective and individual behavior in society. Is there a certain hierarchic order between ethnic and religious identification among ethnically defined peoples with specific religious beliefs? Is this imaginable hierarchy persistent, or does it change according to differing social and political contexts?

“We Are All Part of the Same Family”: China’s Ethnic Propaganda

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Anne-Marie Brady

2012-01-01

Full Text Available The Chinese Communist Party (CCP government works hard to promote an image of ethnic harmony in China and downplays ethnic conflict by carefully controlling public information and debate about ethnic affairs. Despite such efforts, the recent clashes in Tibetan areas in 2008 and violent riots in Urumqi in 2009 reveal the weaknesses of this approach. This paper surveys the broad themes of ethnic propaganda (民族宣传, minzu xuanchuan in present-day China, looking at the organisations involved, the systems of information management they utilise, and the current “go” and “no-go” zones for debate. The paper forms part of a larger study of the politics of ethnicity in China. It is based on primary- and secondary-source research in Chinese, secondary sources in English, and extensive interviews with Chinese bureaucrats and scholars regarding China’s ethnic affairs conducted during fieldwork in China in 2002, 2004, 2005–2006, 2007, 2009, 2010 and 2012. Ethnic issues in China concern not only the minority peoples there, but also the majority Han – hence, my definition of ethnic propaganda incorporates materials relating to all of China’s ethnic groups. The paper uses the events in Tibetan areas in 2008 and in Urumqi as case studies to demonstrate how these policies play out in periods of crisis. It concludes with a discussion of the role that ethnic propaganda plays in maintaining China’s long-term political stability and its international affairs.

Special Report: Political Violence and Democratic Uncertainty in Ethiopia

National Research Council Canada - National Science Library

Smith, Lahra

2007-01-01

...; the institutional and constitutional structure of the Ethiopian state; and the best way to ensure equality of ethnic and religious communities, were brought to the fore during the past election cycle...

Is ethnic prejudice declining in Britain? Change in social distance attitudes among ethnic majority and minority Britons.

Science.gov (United States)

Storm, Ingrid; Sobolewska, Maria; Ford, Robert

2017-09-01

Most literature on racial prejudice deals with the racial attitudes of the ethnic majority and ethnic minorities separately. This paper breaks this tradition. We examine the social distance attitudes of white and non-white British residents to test if these attitudes follow the same trends over time, whether they are driven by the same social processes and whether they are inter-related. We have three main findings. Firstly, social distance from other ethnic groups has declined over time for both white and ethnic minority Britons. For the white majority there are both period and cohort elements to this decline. Secondly, we see some evidence that social distance between the majority and minority groups is reciprocal. Specifically, minorities who experience rejection by the white British feel a greater sense of distance from them. Thirdly, we find that all groups share the perception of the same ethnic hierarchy. We see evidence of particularly widespread hostility towards Muslim Britons from all ethnic groups suggesting that Muslims are singled out for negative attention from many British residents of all other backgrounds, including a large number who do not express hostility to other groups. © London School of Economics and Political Science 2017.

Engendering women's political recruitment and participation in ...

International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

Engendering women's political recruitment and participation in Myanmar ... process and promote economic growth that benefits women and men of all ethnicities. ... under the call “Gender equality and decentralization”, launched in July 2017.

Human rights, State Violence and Political Resistance

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Signe Larsen

2013-11-01

Full Text Available This article investigates Hannah Arendt’s and Giorgio Agamben’s critiques of human rights and argues that the two thinkers share a blind spot with regard to the radical potentials of human rights. The problem is that they do not break with two fixed imaginaries which still haunt liberal democracies: (1 the historical essentialist understanding of human rights and (2 nation-states and individuals as the principal loci for political rights, power, and action. Based on the work of Jacques Rancière, Costas Douzinas, and Étienne Balibar this article argues that human rights can be thought of as a constituent part of a radical political praxis and resistance movement. If human rights are thought of as a praxis of “right-ing” (Douzinas or a “dissensus” (Rancière, which both contest the current “distribution of the sensible,” a new “cosmopolitics of human rights” can be imagined where human rights are conceived as a borderline concept (Balibar.

[Domestic violence: a current issue to take into account in diagnostic imaging].

Science.gov (United States)

Santos Corraliza, E; Larrañaga Hernando, G; Neve Lete, I; Sánchez García, A

2014-01-01

Domestic violence is currently an issue of great political and social importance. The real incidence of domestic violence is difficult to determine due to the environment where it takes place and the reluctance of victims to report abuse. On the other hand, all types of violence represent an important public health problem. We report the case of a young woman who presented with thromboembolic phenomena at different sites due to domestic violence. We emphasize that it is necessary for radiologists and other healthcare professionals to consider the possibility of domestic violence when establishing the diagnosis. This can be important for determining the incidence of abuse, diminishing its sequela, and help increase its reporting. Copyright © 2011 SERAM. Published by Elsevier Espana. All rights reserved.

Media created violence: a social determinant of mental health.

Science.gov (United States)

Begum, Shamshad; Khowaja, Shaneela Sadruddin; Ali, Gulnar

2012-12-01

In today's high technological world, scientific discoveries contribute remarkable development to human life, but it could also have an adverse impact on mankind. Among all these advancements, media is one of the inventions which aims at capturing a countless group of viewers and transmit information via various mediums. Media violence is considered one of the hampering determinants which harms an individual psychologically. The primary goal of a health professional is to work for the maintenance of mental health. Therefore, it is imperative to create an understanding about the impact of media violence on mental health, particularly in the Pakistani context. Violence has become a major public health problem in Pakistan. The main cause of violence seems to be anger and frustration due to poverty, political conflicts, lack of education, and the overall governance approach in the country. Therefore, there is a prime need to think and work on this neglected area like conducting research and increasing public awareness, and to curb media violence.

Reoccupying Public Space by Hatred and Ethnic Cleansing. Case study: Banja Luka

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Srđan Šušnica

2013-03-01

Full Text Available The article analyses the symbolism and the meaning of ethno-religious graffiti, slogans and stickers especially as they are used on the streets of Banja Luka. The city used to be a strategic centre for armed forces but is today the political centre of Republika Srpska (RS, supposedly a legitimate military conquest of the people of Serbia. Responses in ethno-religious graffiti can be turbulent. In our case, narrative and visual codes transmit dominant messages and myths of the Serbian ethnical corpus which can easily become hate speech, especially in the post-war context, in which ethno-religious differences are being brought to the fore, war crimes and armed victories are being exalted and expressions of non-tolerance are common. This aggressive visibility of »ours« pushes all the rest and anyone who is different into invisibility and self-censoring. The article researches characteristics and the quality of connection between the production and the results of ethno-fascistic speech in graffiti and in the messages of the RS ethno-political elites in public forums, regulations and media spaces. A contextual interpretation of a graffiti discourse, which was formed in the midst of civil war, ethnic cleansing, attacks on and the separation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and activities of political elites in RS, is offered. The intimate connection between street discourse and that of political elites shows that a populist legitimization of the activities of the RS is still a political goal that also triggers the process of forgetting the region’s multi-ethnic past. In Banja Luka, this process offers a »national and spiritual« legitimacy for the existence of RS and seeks to make the city a part of the Serbian ethnic community. It offers an unconvincing cultural-political and war-emancipatory »continuity« and »normality« for the RS and covers up its real intention of bloodshed from which it had emerged. In this it is consistent with Eco’s notion

Parent refugee status, immigration stressors, and Southeast Asian youth violence.

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Spencer, James H; Le, Thao N

2006-10-01

To assess the effects of parents' experience of traumatic events on violence among Southeast Asian and Chinese youth. The study examines independent effects of parents' refugee camp experiences and immigration stress on serious or family/partner violence among youth. Findings contribute evidence on the intergenerational effects of community-level trauma that can help policy makers better integrate family and community strategies to reduce youth violence. Obtained cross-sectional, face-to-face interview data including peer delinquency, parental engagement, parental discipline, serious violence, and family/partner violence from a sample of 329 Chinese and Southeast Asian adolescents. Measures of socioeconomic status, refugee status, and immigration stressors were collected from their respective parents. Data were analyzed using LISREL 8.54 for structural equation modeling. Findings show that parents' refugee status facilitated serious violence, and was fully mediated by peer delinquency and parental engagement, but for Vietnamese only. Parents' refugee status was also significantly related to family/partner violence, and mediated by peer delinquency. This relationship was not observed among the other Asian ethnic groups. The immigration stress variable had no significant effects on either serious violence or family/partner violence. Refugee communities may not transform easily into stereotypical immigrant Asian communities characterized by little youth violence. Results suggest that the refugee process, as experienced second-hand through the children of refugees, has a strong effect on externally oriented violence (serious violence) and on family/partner violence for particular subgroups. Therefore, community-oriented policy makers should join social workers in developing programs to address youth violence in Southeast Asian families and communities. Findings have implications for other forms of community trauma such as natural disasters.

School Engagement and Civic Engagement as Predictors for the Future Political Participation of Ethnic Chinese and South Asian Adolescents in Hong Kong

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Celeste Y. M. Yuen

2013-12-01

Full Text Available This paper reports the findings of a large study on the relationship between school and civic engagement and the self-perceived participation in political activities of ethnic Chinese and South Asian immigrant students in Hong Kong. Data was col¬lected from a sample of 5,574 6th – 11th graders aged 12−19. The nature of school engagement was assessed by a self-rated questionnaire against the affective, behavioral and cognitive domains. Students’ civic engagement was measured by the ICCS student questionnaire (Schulz et al., 2009. Before running the regression analyses, Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA was performed and the results showed that both instruments had good construct validity and internal consistency. Consistent with the primary aim of this study, MANOVA analyses indicate significant student group differences in school engagement, and civic related self-belief and behaviours. Our findings showed that non-Chinese speaking South Asian students (NCS scored higher than their mainstream Chinese and newly arrived students from Mainland China (NAS counterparts across the dimensions of both instruments. Results of hierarchical regressions confirmed that school engagement was significant in pre¬dicting expected political participation in the future. The effects of school and civic engagement on future political participation varied significantly between all studied groups.

Political Terrorism in Southeast Asia and US Policy Issues: Case Studies of Thailand and Indonesia

National Research Council Canada - National Science Library

McDonald, George

1998-01-01

.... As a result, the possibility of an increase in terrorism, separatist violence, ethnic disputes, and stained regional relations takes on greater significance, both for United States foreign policy...

Germany 1918-1819: A Revolution in Violence | Alemania 1918-1919: la revolución de la violencia

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Mark Jones

2016-12-01

Full Text Available This article examines the role of violence in the German revolution of 1918-1919, after the defeat of Germany in the First World War. It demonstrates that the brutal violence employed by the new social democratic government against the revolutionary left was a turning point in the history of the German state. The period between November 1918 and mid-January 1919 was marked by the persistence of war mentalities that allowed for the use of violence in politics. However, government violence was not only a simple product of the war experience. It had a performative role: demonstrating and reinforcing the authority of the new state. | Este artículo examina el papel de la violencia en la revolución alemana de 1918-1919, que siguió a la derrota del país en la Primera Guerra Mundial. Se demuestra que el brutal uso de la violencia por parte del nuevo gobierno socialdemócrata para aplacar a la izquierda supuso un punto de inflexión en la historia de la violencia del estado alemán, y se argumenta que el periodo entre noviembre de 1918 y mediados de enero de 1919 se caracterizó por las persistencia de mentalidades bélicas sobre las que se basó el extendido recurso a la violencia. No obstante, La violencia gubernamental, más que entenderse como simple producto de continuidades en las prácticas violentas procedentes de la guerra, tuvo la importante función: demostrar e imponer la autoridad del nuevo estado emergente.

A 16-year examination of domestic violence among Asians and Asian Americans in the empirical knowledge base: a content analysis.

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Yick, Alice G; Oomen-Early, Jody

2008-08-01

Until recently, research studies have implied that domestic violence does not affect Asian American and immigrant communities, or even Asians abroad, because ethnicity or culture has not been addressed. In this content analysis, the authors examined trends in publications in leading scholarly journals on violence relating to Asian women and domestic violence. A coding schema was developed, with two raters coding the data with high interrater reliability. Sixty articles were published over the 16 years studied, most atheoretical and focusing on individual levels of analysis. The terms used in discussing domestic violence reflected a feminist perspective. Three quarters of the studies were empirical, with most guided by logical positivism using quantitative designs. Most targeted specific Asian subgroups (almost a third focused on Asian Indians) rather than categorizing Asians as a general ethnic category. The concept of "Asian culture" was most often assessed by discussing Asian family structure. Future research is discussed in light of the findings.

Violence Prevention, Access to Justice, and Economic ...

International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Digital Library (Canada)

Women and inequality in Latin America Women's economic empowerment and the reduction of violence against women have become urgent priorities in the political and social agendas of Latin American countries. This is particularly true given ... Equidad de Género: Ciudadanía, Trabajo y Familia, A.C.. Pays d' institution.

developing world poverty, inequality, violence and social

African Journals Online (AJOL)

(DOSMeD) or Ten-Country Study)2 and the International. Study of ... rates in relation to variables such as geographical site, urban. Dispelling a myth: ... violence and social fragmentation ... However, the reality is that significant political, social and economic ills that ... schizophrenia “is fertile ground for the generation of new.

The Role of Ideas in Education Politics: Using Discourse Analysis To Understand Barriers To Reform in Multiethnic Cities.

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Sidney, Mara S.

2002-01-01

Examines how the presence of multiple racial/ethnic groups complicates educational politics. Interviews with participants in education politics in four cities highlight a complex arena of problem definitions and assessment of reforms. The arena is so infused with issues of race/ethnicity that groups agreeing upon some elements of the education…

From Public Outrage to the Burst of Public Violence

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Nizamani, Sarwat; Memon, Nasrullah; Galam, Serge

2014-01-01

This study extends classical models of spreading epidemics to describe the phenomenon of contagious public outrage, which eventually leads to the spread of violence following a disclosure of some unpopular political decisions and/or activity. Accordingly, a mathematical model is proposed...... in turn yield the dynamics of spreading of each type of agents among the population. The process is stopped with the deactivation of the associated issue. Conditions coinciding with a twofold spreading of public violence are singled out. The results shed a new light to understand terror activity...... and provides some hint on how to curb the spreading of violence within population globally sensitive to specific world issues. Recent world violent events are discussed....

Systems Architecture of a Sea Base Surface Connector System in a 2020 Humanitarian Assistance/Disaster Relief Joint Operational Environment

Science.gov (United States)

2010-09-01

groups; each group divided into multiple tribes and sub-tribes. The four main ethnic groups are the Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba , Igbo and Ijaw. Figure 41...major cities. The Hausa-Fulani dominate northern Nigeria and control Nigeria’s economic, military and political life. The Yoruba primarily reside in...2. Community and Ethnic Violence Nigeria has many cultures , constituting several different communities. Communities, from small villages to large

Ethnicity, class, and civil war

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Hechter, Michael Norman; Siroky, David

2016-01-01

of political instability. These two types of conflict result from distinct principles of group solidarity – ethnicity and class – and since each individual is simultaneously a member of an ethnic group (or many such groups) and a particular class, these two principles vary in the degree to which......Why are some countries prone to ethno-nationalist conflict, whereas others are plagued by class conflict? This is a question that has seldom been raised and rarely been examined empirically. This paper presents a social-structural theory to account for the variable incidence of these two forms......-group inequalities are high, and within-group inequalities low, ethnicity should be the dominant principle of group solidarity and serve as the primary basis of group conflict. By contrast, in countries where between-group inequalities are low, and within-group inequalities high, class is more likely to serve...

Danish Political Culture: Fair Conditions for Inclusion of Immigrants?

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Olsen, Tore Vincents

2011-01-01

and discursive opportunity structures immigrants face as ethnic and religious minorities. The article analyzes the Danish political culture with regard to the potential barriers it has for the inclusion of immigrants in national political life. It finds that the predominantly liberal, secular and republican......In the age of migration, the inclusion of immigrants in national politics is crucial for democratic reasons, and because it increases the coordination and cooperation ability of society. The informal norms, values and beliefs of the political culture are one aspect of the institutional...

Large-group psychodynamics and massive violence

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Vamik D. Volkan

2006-06-01

Full Text Available Beginning with Freud, psychoanalytic theories concerning large groups have mainly focused on individuals' perceptions of what their large groups psychologically mean to them. This chapter examines some aspects of large-group psychology in its own right and studies psychodynamics of ethnic, national, religious or ideological groups, the membership of which originates in childhood. I will compare the mourning process in individuals with the mourning process in large groups to illustrate why we need to study large-group psychology as a subject in itself. As part of this discussion I will also describe signs and symptoms of large-group regression. When there is a threat against a large-group's identity, massive violence may be initiated and this violence in turn, has an obvious impact on public health.

Psychological Abuse, Mental Health, and Acceptance of Dating Violence Among Adolescents.

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Temple, Jeff R; Choi, Hye Jeong; Elmquist, JoAnna; Hecht, Michael; Miller-Day, Michelle; Stuart, Gregory L; Brem, Meagan; Wolford-Clevenger, Caitlin

2016-08-01

Existing literature indicates that acceptance of dating violence is a significant and robust risk factor for psychological dating abuse perpetration. Past work also indicates a significant relationship between psychological dating abuse perpetration and poor mental health. However, no known research has examined the relationship between acceptance of dating violence, perpetration of dating abuse, and mental health. In addition to exploring this complex relationship, the present study examines whether psychological abuse perpetration mediates the relationship between acceptance of dating violence and mental health (i.e., internalizing symptoms of depression, anxiety, and hostility). Three waves of longitudinal data were obtained from 1,042 ethnically diverse high school students in Texas. Participants completed assessments of psychological dating abuse perpetration, acceptance of dating violence, and internalizing symptoms (hostility and symptoms of anxiety and depression). As predicted, results indicated that perpetration of psychological abuse was significantly associated with acceptance of dating violence and all internalizing symptoms. Furthermore, psychological abuse mediated the relationship between acceptance of dating violence and internalizing symptoms. Findings from the present study suggest that acceptance of dating violence is an important target for the prevention of dating violence and related emotional distress. Copyright © 2016 Society for Adolescent Health and Medicine. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

African American legislators' perceptions of firearm violence prevention legislation.

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Payton, Erica; Thompson, Amy; Price, James H; Sheu, Jiunn-Jye; Dake, Joseph A

2015-06-01

Firearm mortality is the leading cause of death for young African American males, however, few studies have focused on racial/ethnic minority populations and firearm violence. The National Black Caucus of State Legislators advocates for legislation that promotes the health of African Americans. Thus, the purpose of this study was to collect baseline data on African American legislators' perceptions regarding firearm violence in the African American community. A cross-sectional study of African American legislators (n = 612) was conducted to investigate the research questions. Of the 612 questionnaires mailed, 12 were not deliverable, and 170 were returned (28%). Utilizing a three wave mailing process, African American legislators were invited to participate in the study. The majority (88%) of respondents perceived firearm violence to be very serious among African Americans. Few (10%) legislators perceived that addressing legislative issues would be an effective strategy in reducing firearm violence among African Americans. The majority (72%) of legislators perceived the most effective strategy to reducing firearm violence in the African American community should focus on addressing societal issues (e.g. crime and poverty). After adjusting for the number of perceived barriers, the number of perceived benefits was a significant predictor of legislators' perceived effectiveness of firearm violence prevention legislation for 8 of the 24 potential firearm violence prevention legislative bills.

Cultures of Violence and Acts of Terror: Applying a Legitimation-Habituation Model to Terrorism

Science.gov (United States)

Mullins, Christopher W.; Young, Joseph K.

2012-01-01

Although uniquely positioned to provide insight into the nature and dynamics of terrorism, overall the field of criminology has seen few empirically focused analyses of this form of political violence. This article seeks to add to the understanding of terror through an exploration of how general levels of violence within a given society influence…

Nonreciprocal and Reciprocal Dating Violence and Injury Occurrence among Urban Youth

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Swahn, Monica H

2010-08-01

Full Text Available Objective: Dating violence is a significant health problem among youth that leads to adverse health outcomes, including injuries. Reciprocal violence (perpetrated by both partners is associated with increased injury in adults, but very little is known about the prevalence and context for reciprocal violence, as well as injury rates, among youth. We sought to determine the prevalence and scope of reciprocal dating violence and injury occurrence among urban youth in a high-risk community. Methods: Analyses were based on data from the Youth Violence Survey, conducted in 2004, and administered to over 80% of public school students in grades 7, 9, 11, and 12 (N=4,131 in a high-risk, urban school district. The current analyses were restricted to those who reported dating in the past year and who also reported any dating violence (n=1,158. Dating violence was categorized as reciprocal (the participant reported both violence perpetration and victimization and non-reciprocal (the participant report either violence perpetration or victimization, but not both. Results: Dating violence reciprocity varied by sex. Girls who reported any dating violence were more likely to report reciprocal dating violence (50.4% than were boys (38.9%. However, reciprocity did not vary by race/ethnicity or grade level. Reciprocal dating violence was more common among participants who reported more frequent violence experiences. Reciprocal violence was also associated with greater injury occurrences relative to non-reciprocal relationships (10.1% versus 1.2%. Conclusion: Reciprocal dating violence is common among adolescents and leads more often to injury outcomes. In particular, relationships in which boys report reciprocal violence against their partner appear to lead to more frequent injury occurrences. These findings underscore the importance of addressing dating violence and factors that increase risk for reciprocal violence and therefore exacerbate injury occurrence

Discourse and Practice of Violence in the Italian Extreme Right: Frames, Symbols, and Identity-Building in CasaPound Italia

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Pietro Castelli Gattinara

2014-09-01

Full Text Available An investigation of the neo-Fascist organization CasaPound Italia, focusing on how political violence is framed in its public discourse, and on the role it plays as a constitutive element of the group’s collective identity. Starting from the conceptualization of violence in Italian Fascism, we focus on CasaPound’s practices, discourse, and ideology. The analysis combines findings from nineteen in-depth interviews with CasaPound members and participant observation at protest events and activities. This paper disentangles CasaPound’s relationship with political violence, differentiating its discursive, aesthetic, and identity-building dimensions. Although in the external discourse of the group, violent activities are only accepted as a tool of self-determination and self-defence, we find that a cult of violence inspired by traditional Fascism emerges from the semiotic repertoire mobilized by CasaPound, and is reiterated by means of experiences of collective socialization based on violence.

Musical Manner Against Violence in Society

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Alaattin CANBAY

2015-07-01

Full Text Available Violence is one of the biggest social problems that present societies and humanity exposure. All kinds of discriminations performed among people, inequality, div isions of items and opportunities in a unbalanced way stir up violence factor. Children, who met games including violence in their childhood years and started to enjoy them, are constantly obligated to live with socio - cultural effects and act of violence i nterbedded in their next years. Especially in the third word, colonial countries and semi - colonized countries and social structures, violence rate is increasing gradually and the wrong methods and practices that are used underwhelm. The gradually increasin g of violence at school, home, work, in street and every social place where people live makes us think the consequence of some concepts like politeness, kindness and esthetics that are forgotten. Can the value that art and esthetics add to human's life sol ve this problem? As a communication and expression language, can music which is indispensable in human life contribute for solving this problem in every part of the life? This study existing in the axist of these questions, by using music, which is one of the most effective facility in human's life, aims to submit attitudes and proposals about providing solutions to violence with a descriptive method. In this sense, particularly in education and in every part of the life and field, the contribution of music used with the help of scientific methods and alterations are discussed and the studies done in this field are included.

Analyzing the microfoundations of human violence in the DRC - intrinsic and extrinsic rewards and the prediction of appetitive aggression

OpenAIRE

Haer, Roos; Banholzer, Lilli; Elbert, Thomas; Weierstall, Roland

2013-01-01

BackgroundCivil wars are characterized by intense forms of violence, such as torture, maiming and rape. Political scientists suggest that this form of political violence is fostered through the provision of particular intrinsic and extrinsic rewards to combatants. In the field of psychology, the perpetration of this kind of cruelty is observed to be positively linked to appetitive aggression. Over time, combatants start to enjoy the fights and even the perpetration of atrocities. In this stud...

A 16-Year Examination of Domestic Violence among Asians and Asian Americans in the Empirical Knowledge Base: A Content Analysis

Science.gov (United States)

Yick, Alice G.; Oomen-Early, Jody

2008-01-01

Until recently, research studies have implied that domestic violence does not affect Asian American and immigrant communities, or even Asians abroad, because ethnicity or culture has not been addressed. In this content analysis, the authors examined trends in publications in leading scholarly journals on violence relating to Asian women and…

Violence and other stressful life events as triggers of depression and anxiety: what psychosocial resources protect African American mothers?

Science.gov (United States)

Mitchell, Stephanie J; Ronzio, Cynthia R

2011-11-01

Understanding the risk and protective factors related to maternal mental health problems is important for improving the well-being of mothers and children, particularly in African American populations which may be at greater risk for maternal depression and resulting child behavior problems. This study explored whether three psychosocial resources--emotional resilience, social support, and ethnic identity--serve as protective factors in the face of specific stressful events that may trigger African American mothers' depression and anxiety symptoms. Standard self-report measures of depression, anxiety, negative life events, community violence, abuse, emotional resilience, social support, and ethnic identity were administered to African American mothers (N=209) of 2-18 month-old children. Linear regression models revealed main effects of negative life events and abuse on increased depression and anxiety symptoms, while emotional resilience and social support predicted decreased symptoms. There was also a significant interaction revealing a protective-reactive effect of ethnic identity on the associations of witnessed community violence with depression and anxiety symptoms. It is important for primary care providers to screen African American mothers for negative life events and abuse to identify those at increased risk for maternal depression and anxiety symptoms. Treatment programs should target emotional resilience, enhanced social support, and stronger ethnic group affiliation, which may be most effective at preventing mental health problems among mothers exposed to relative lower levels of community violence.

Trajectories of dating violence: Differences by sexual minority status and gender.

Science.gov (United States)

Martin-Storey, Alexa; Fromme, Kim

2016-06-01

The purpose of this study was to examine how sexual minority status (as assessed using both identity and behavior) was associated with trajectories of dating violence. University students from a large Southwestern university completed questions on their sexual minority identity, the gender of their sexual partners, and about experiences of dating violence for six consecutive semesters (N = 1942). Latent growth curve modeling indicated that generally, trajectories of dating violence were stable across study participation. Sexual minority identity was associated with higher initial levels of dating violence at baseline, but also with greater decreases in dating violence across time. These differences were mediated by number of sexual partners. Having same and other-sex sexual partners was associated with higher levels of dating violence at baseline, and persisted in being associated with higher levels over time. No significant gender difference was observed regarding trajectories of dating violence. Copyright © 2016 The Foundation for Professionals in Services for Adolescents. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.