Eastern European Political Socialization Modeling Research: A Literature Review

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Camelia Florela Voinea

2014-01-01

Full Text Available This paper presents empirical modeling research on political socialization of the citizens in the new Eastern European democracies. The political socialization issue offers a comparative perspective over the modeling methodologies in analytical paradigms. Eastern European political culture research has revealed features of the electoral behavior and political participation which can be identified in different degrees in all the new democracies in the area: passivity with respect to political activity of parties, elites and institutions, political apathy or lack of reaction to anti-democratic actions, skepticism or distrust in institutions, scarce participation to social movements. Several authors explain the actual political behavior of the Eastern European citizens’ and their low social and political involvement by the (political culture heritage of the communist regimes in which they lived for a long time, and which keeps shaping their political attitudes towards the state, civil society, government and institutions. Research issues in the analysis of political participation are traditionally based on statistics analyses of empirical evidence coming from public surveys. However, scarcity ofempirical data from the communist periode with regard to (political socialization, values and beliefs represent a major obstacle towards a better understanding of the historical roots of current behaviors and attitudes. Scarcity of observational data might be overcome by computational and simulation modeling.

Electoral Mobilization for European Parliament Elections – A Portuguese Quasi-Experimental Plan for The 2004/2009 Elections

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Jorge De Sá

2014-02-01

Full Text Available The European Parliament (EP elections have registered high rates of abstention and Portugal is no different from all the other EU countries. From a relational marketing paradigm, we have tried to define the concept of local proximity-based political communication, the grounds for a research program based on a quasi-experimental plan aimed at verifying a set of assumptions on the effects of local proximity-based political communication on the mobilization of Portuguese voters for the EP elections of 2004 and 2009. The results are clear: the proximity-based political communication generated significant electoral mobilization in those two elections.

Party-political and electoral system of Uruguay

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Samuel Decresci

2015-06-01

Full Text Available The Oriental Republic of Uruguay is seen by many as a pioneer among Latin American nations to modernize its state and its policy. Since the late nineteenth century to the twentieth, Uruguayan political actors operate significant changes such as the separation of church and state, labor regulation, divorce law, women's vote, etc. Because of this and the progressive modernization, it was called the “Switzerland of the Americas”. Today, it still stands out in this area by regularizing abortion, homoaffective marriage, liberalization and access to marijuana. Moreover, noteworthy that such measures were achieved largely because of governance that the executive enjoys in the midst of this political system. Thus, this work aims to analyze such Uruguayan political system. In short, a political system is understood by the government system, the electoral system and the party system. That said, it will be analyzed in the political scenario of the country, their characteristics, party and election rules, political parties, party dynamics and relations between the powers.

Portuguese Electoral Debate: Presidentialization and Linguistic Mitigation Strategies in Situations of Political Confrontation

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Maria Aldina Marques

2017-08-01

Full Text Available In a context of increasing presidentialization of legislative election campaigns, I aim to study mitigation as a feature of the Portuguese electoral political debate, a genre of political discourse marked by the intersection with the television media discourse. It is a discursive genre of confrontation between participants-adversaries, seeking for the adhesion of voters by the proposals that they present and also, if not mainly, by the discredit of the political opponent. However, confrontation is not absolute, as the interlocutors must guarantee basic dimensions of political communication, ensuring by the construction, negotiation and co-management of the interpersonal relationship the preservation of a positive individual image in relation to the electorate. I hypothesize that, in this process, linguistic mitigation constitutes a nuclear strategy, carried out in each moment of the debate according to different linguistic-discursive mechanisms. The electoral debate here analysed was held in May 2011 in RTP between Pedro Passos Coelho, leader of the Social Democratic Party, and future prime minister, and José Sócrates, of the Socialist Party, prime minister in office, at the time.

An Inquiry into the Use of Illegal Electoral Practices and Effects of Political Violence

OpenAIRE

Roxana Gutiérrez-Romero

2012-01-01

This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the s...

SYRIZA’S electoral rise in Greece: protest, trust and the art of political manipulation

OpenAIRE

Tsakatika, Myrto

2016-01-01

Between 2010 and 2015, a period of significant political change in Greece, the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA), a minor party, achieved and consolidated major party status. This article explores the role of political strategy in SYRIZA’s electoral success. It argues that contrary to accepted wisdom, targeting a ‘niche’ constituency or protesting against the establishment will not suffice for a minor party to make an electoral breakthrough. SYRIZA’s case demonstrates that unless a minor...

The electoral feedback effects of welfare reform in mature European welfare states

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Arndt, Christoph

2012-01-01

The electoral hazard of welfare state reforms in mature welfare states has been a widely acknowledged feedback effect in the literature. However, the literature does typically no distinct between party families when it comes to the electoral consequences of welfare state reforms and treats...... electorates as unity. This paper analysis the feedback effects of social policy retrenchment under Third Way social democracy since 1994. The paper argues that Third Way reforms resulted in lasting electoral setback for social democracy since these reforms went against the social policy preferences of social....... The restructuring of mature Western welfare states thus accounts for changing patterns of political behaviour as a consequence of policy feedback....

Effectiveness of political advertising in the electoral process: experience on extraordinary presidential elections – 2014 in Ukraine

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G. V. Muzychenko

2014-07-01

Full Text Available The place and role of political advertising and political agitation in the electoral process as an example of extraordinary presidential elections - 2014in Ukraine are analyzed in the paper. It’s revealed a concept of «political advertising» within the Ukrainian legislation and the peculiarities of the legal regulation of its implementation during the presidential elections in Ukraine. Restrictions relating to forms of political agitation and the volume of financing. It was found that political advertising is a form of agitation and can be financed only with specially crafted by candidate election fund, the size of which, unlike elections to representative bodies of power is not limited. The analysis of the election funds of candidates in terms of establishing relationship between costs and result, which is one of the performance criteria of political advertising effectiveness in the electoral process. For this purpose, analysis of the cost structure of election funds, which are dominated by the cost of the media used. Also examines distribution channels of political advertising and the quality of the TV election advertising products. It is proved that political advertising affects electoral behavior, but direct relationship between the election’s success and amount invested in the political campaign funds are not found. That suggests the expediency consideration of other factors influence the electoral behavior, such as political program of applicants, their political experience, subjective preferences of voters and more.

Financing of Political Parties and Electoral Campaigns in Republic of Macedonia

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Farije ALIU

2016-07-01

Full Text Available Political party in the Republic of Macedonia began to operate after independence and the adoption of the Constitution in November 1991 and has since become an integral part of the political scene and the data from the Central Registry of the Republic of Macedonia registered political parties more than 50 political parties active in the current system. The electoral system in the country is set according to the proportional model where direct and free elections by secret ballot to elect members of Parliament and members of the municipal councils and the City of Skopje for four years, while according to the majority model is the selection of the President of the Republic for a term of five years and the election of mayors of municipalities and the City of Skopje for four years. The legal framework for the financing of political parties in the country is well developed. The main law governing the financing of political parties and their supervision law on financing of political parties and the amendments to the same law. The provisions contained in the law is comprehensive, addressing the financing of the regular activities of political parties and their supervision and demonstrate ensuring transparency and accountability in political financing and a ban on anonymous donations and donations from abroad and determine the rules for cap on private donations and prohibiting quid pro quo agreements. Some provisions relating to the financing of political parties included in the Law on Political Parties and certain provisions governing the various supervisory authorities, in particular the Law on Prevention of Corruption and the Law on State Audit footnote. The basic law that regulates elections is the Electoral Code. Under the provisions of the Electoral Code the political parties and election campaign organizers are required to submit financial reports to the authorities to ensure respect for the principles of transparency and accountability and are

Ideological Consumerism in Colombian Elections, 2015: Links Between Political Ideology, Twitter Activity, and Electoral Results

Science.gov (United States)

Camargo, Jorge E.

2017-01-01

Abstract Propagation of political ideologies in social networks has shown a substantial impact on voting behavior. Both the contents of the messages (the ideology) and the politicians' influence on their online audiences (their followers) have been associated with such an impact. In this study we evaluate which of these factors exerted a major role in deciding electoral results of the 2015 Colombian regional elections by evaluating the linguistic similarity of political ideologies and their influence on the Twitter sphere. The electoral results proved to be strongly associated with tweets and retweets and not with the linguistic content of their ideologies or politicians' followers in Twitter. Finally, suggestions for new ways to analyze electoral processes are discussed. PMID:28080152

Ideological Consumerism in Colombian Elections, 2015: Links Between Political Ideology, Twitter Activity, and Electoral Results.

Science.gov (United States)

Correa, Juan C; Camargo, Jorge E

2017-01-01

Propagation of political ideologies in social networks has shown a substantial impact on voting behavior. Both the contents of the messages (the ideology) and the politicians' influence on their online audiences (their followers) have been associated with such an impact. In this study we evaluate which of these factors exerted a major role in deciding electoral results of the 2015 Colombian regional elections by evaluating the linguistic similarity of political ideologies and their influence on the Twitter sphere. The electoral results proved to be strongly associated with tweets and retweets and not with the linguistic content of their ideologies or politicians' followers in Twitter. Finally, suggestions for new ways to analyze electoral processes are discussed.

THE POLITICAL ACTOR’S BRAND IN THE 2012 BACĂU ELECTORAL CAMPAIGN

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Cristina Cirtita-Buzoianu

2013-12-01

Full Text Available This paper aims to analyze the image and identity of political actors during an electoral campaign, as these two elements are defining for political marketing in attracting and convincing voters. With that in mind we will monitor the image of the two candidates for the position of mayor in the 2012 electoral campaign in Bacău, as it appeared in the written local press. The analysis of the two politicians will be made from the perspective of two pre-established image indicators: the political and the human dimensions. Each of the two dimensions has sub indicators pre-established in order to validate the general mediatized image of the candidate. Regarding the political dimension we will measure the sub indicators: political communication, attitude towards corruption, interest for civil problems, the ability to negotiate and political project, while the human dimension has the following sub indicators: faith, empathy, morality, honesty, charisma, consistency and leadership. Thus, we will try to identify if there are major differences between the two dimensions, for the two candidates, from a quantitative as well as a qualitative perspective.

Spaghetti Politics: Local Electoral Systems and Alliance Structure in Italy, 1984-2001

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Parigi, Paolo; Bearman, Peter S.

2008-01-01

This article describes the impact of the Italian electoral reforms of 1993 on the structure of local political alliances. The reform, which moved Italy from a purely proportional representation system to a mixed, largely majoritarian system, was designed to increase transparency, reduce corruption, limit the number of political parties, and create…

Electoral Proximity and the Political Involvement of Bureaucrats: A Natural Experiment in Argentina, 1904

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Valentín Figueroa

2016-01-01

Full Text Available In this paper, I use a slightly modified version of the Becker–Stigler model of corrupt behavior to explain bureaucratic political involvement. Since bureaucrats prefer higher rewards and not to support losing candidates, we expect them to become politically involved near elections – when rewards are expected to be higher, and information more abundant. Taking advantage of a natural experiment, I employ differences-in-means and differences-in-differences techniques to esti-mate the effect of electoral proximity on the political involvement of justices of the peace in the city of Buenos Aires in 1904. I find a large, positive, and highly local effect of electoral proximity on their political involvement, with no appreciable impact in the months before or after elections.

Electoral democracy, revolutionary politics and political violence: the emergence of Fascism in Italy, 1920-21.

Science.gov (United States)

Elazar, D S

2000-09-01

This study examines the determination of the Italian Fascists' extra-parliamentary, para-military, violent strategy. What were the effects of the socialists' political strategy, relying on electoral democracy, on the creation and strategy of the Fascist Action Squads? A comparison among Italy's 69 provinces, based on quantitative and qualitative historical evidence reveals a distinct pattern in the Fascists' violence. They attacked mainly provinces where the Socialists enjoyed the greatest electoral support. This pattern was a product of two historical processes: (a) the threat of the Socialist party to the landlords' economic and political hegemony, and (b) the landlords' tradition of militant anti-worker organization which culminated in their alliance with the Fascists. The Fascists' struggle for, and takeover of, political power was not an immanent historical necessity. It was first and foremost an anti-socialist reaction. It was shaped both 'from below', by the political power and radicalism of the PSI and the para-military capacity of the Fascist Squads; and 'from above', by the active support the Fascists received from the landlords and the state. Supported by organized landlords and blessed with the authorities' benevolence, the Squads were able to destroy - physically and politically - the legitimately constituted provincial governments of the Socialists. The alliance with the landlords determined the Squads' almost exclusive attacks on Socialist provincial strongholds that constituted the greatest threat to the landlords' interests, while provinces dominated by the ruling Liberal party were excluded from the Squads' path of 'punitive expeditions'.

Politics and population health: Testing the impact of electoral democracy.

Science.gov (United States)

Patterson, Andrew C; Veenstra, Gerry

2016-07-01

This study addresses questions of whether and why electoral democracies have better health than other nations. After devising a replicable approach to missing data, we compare political, economic, and health-related data for 168 nations collected annually from 1960 through 2010. Regression models estimate that electoral democracies have 11 years of longer life expectancy on average and 62.5% lower rates of infant mortality. The association with life expectancy reduces markedly after controlling for GDP, while a combination of factors may explain the democratic advantage in infant health. Results suggest that income inequality associates independently with both health outcomes but does not mediate their associations with democracy. Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Electoral Governance in Brazil

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Vitor Marchetti

2012-06-01

Full Text Available Electoral governance has increasingly more frequently been the object of study of the comparative politics literature. This article examines the electoral governance institutional model adopted in Brazil and its consequences for political/electoral competition. It is argued herein that Brazil’s Electoral Justice System, motivated by the institutional design, has ended up becoming one of the main actors of the country’s recent democratic consolidation, being decisive not only with regard to rule adjudication and application, but also to rulemaking. With the purpose of assessing this governance model in action, three important recent rulings by Brazil’s Electoral Justice System are analysed here: verticalization of the coalitions, reduction in the number of councillors, and party loyalty.

Much More Than Economy: Assessing Electoral Accountability in the CEE Member States

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Fumarola Andrea

2016-12-01

Full Text Available Electoral accountability is considered the mechanism through which voters hold governments responsible for their performance. Questioning the traditional approach of economic voting theory, the article focuses on the influence exerted by the political context—comprehensively considered as government clarity of responsibility, availability of governing alternatives, electoral formula, and freedom of the media—on the accountability mechanism in eleven countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Using individual and aggregate data collected after the 2014 European Elections by the European Election Study (EES, the present article analyses this process in its double dimension of answerability and enforcement (Schedler 1999. Our findings suggest that voters’ ability to express discontent with economic performance in new European democracies is strongly influenced by specific characteristics of the political context. A stable and cohesive government as well as a free media system, in particular, seem to facilitate performance voting in the region.

Framing superiority and closeness: bridging the class gap in Philippine electoral politics

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Rutten, R.

2011-01-01

Contentious politics produces diverse leadership styles that may all be salient to a country’s electorate. This article explores key cultural frames that allow politicians to project both superiority and closeness to lower-class populations, hinged on different criteria of legitimacy. In the

[Electoral demography. The demographic dimension of a political process].

Science.gov (United States)

Herrero, J M

1991-01-01

A complete and reliable knowledge of the potential voters is indispensable for holding elections in a democratic society. In 1990 a new Federal Code of Electoral Institutions and Procedures (COFIRE) was approved in Mexico. A new list of potential voters was to be created based on the 1990 census and without reference to the old list. The planning and implementation of the 1991 electoral rolls required great efficiency in order to complete the work in time for elections, while assuring its validity and legitimacy through a clear and participatory process in which all political parties played a permanent role. COFIRE designated July 1991 as the date for completion, allowing just 10 months for the entire process from planning to completion. The 1991 work represented a political process as much as a technical challenge. A working group from the political parties provided advice on all aspects of the work, from defining the social communications campaign to cartographic review and organization of field work. Although the list potential voters not intended for demographic purposes, its validity, coverage, and variety of information make it a rich source of sociodemographic information. An estimated 95% of individuals included in the 1990 census were included in the lists of prospective voters. Of these, 39,500,000 citizens, or 86% of the census population, actually registered as of the deadline on May 31. The final coverage by states varied from a low of 79.3% in Guerrero to a high of 91.0% in the Federal District.

Electoral institutions, parties, and the politics of class: Why some democracies redistribute more than others

OpenAIRE

Iversen, Torben; Soskice, David

2005-01-01

We develop a general model of redistribution and use it to account for the remarkable variance in government redistribution across democracies. We show that the electoral system plays a key role because it shapes the nature of political parties and the composition of governing coalitions, whether these are conceived as electoral alliances between classes or alliances between class parties. Our argument implies a) that center-left governments dominate under PR systems, while center-right gover...

Transnational Political Rights and Electoral Systems Design

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Elklit, Jørgen

Voting from abroad is possible in slightly more than half of all countries, even though it may not be an option for all a country’s citizens permanently or temporarily out-of-country. This paper looks at the special electoral systems created for this purpose as it focuses on changes and innovations...... in electoral system design in order to cater for the special interests of diaspora voters. Most countries allowing voting from abroad simply includes the votes coming from out-of-country among the votes cast in-country, so no special electoral system has been invented or implemented. But at least 14 countries...... have created exterritorial constituencies, where they in most cases basically use the same electoral system as they do for the ordinary in-country voting. The conclusion is that the creation of new electoral systems for voting from abroad has not – at least not so far – attracted a lot of interest from...

THE 2014 EUROPEAN ELECTIONS IN ROMANIA. TRANSLATING LOW MEDIA SALIENCE INTO ELECTORAL ”SILENCE”?

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Loredana RADU

2016-06-01

Full Text Available European Elections are often perceived as ”second-order” elections, thus enjoying lower visibility and turnout than national/presidential elections. According to the specialized literature, this might be due to the fact the EU is usually seen by the electorate (i.e. citizens of the member states as a far away issue, out of its core area of concern, a phenomenon rooted, for example, into a low degree of europeanization of the national public spheres (Delanty, 2007 or poor European leadership (Habermas, 2012. This paper aims at exploring how European Elections have been approached by the five most popular TV channels in Romania: TVR1, PRIMA TV, Antena 1, Kanal D, and PRO TV. Our paper builds on an extensive content analysis of all of the 3257 prime time news broadcasted by these TV channels between April 25 and May 25 (i.e. during the electoral campaign. Our research focuses on media salience of European Elections, as well as on the key actors present in these news.

Engagement in the electoral processes: scaling laws and the role of political positions.

Science.gov (United States)

Mantovani, M C; Ribeiro, H V; Lenzi, E K; Picoli, S; Mendes, R S

2013-08-01

We report on a statistical analysis of the engagement in the electoral processes of all Brazilian cities by considering the number of party memberships and the number of candidates for mayor and councillor. By investigating the relationships between the number of party members and the population of voters, we have found that the functional forms of these relationships are well described by sublinear power laws (allometric scaling) surrounded by a multiplicative log-normal noise. We have observed that this pattern is quite similar to those we previously reported for the relationships between the number of candidates (mayor and councillor) and population of voters [Europhys. Lett. 96, 48001 (2011)], suggesting that similar universal laws may be ruling the engagement in the electoral processes. We also note that the power-law exponents display a clear hierarchy, where the more influential is the political position the smaller is the value of the exponent. We have also investigated the probability distributions of the number of candidates (mayor and councillor), party memberships, and voters. The results indicate that the most influential positions are characterized by distributions with very short tails, while less influential positions display an intermediate power-law decay before showing an exponential-like cutoff. We discuss the possibility that, in addition to the political power of the position, limitations in the number of available seats can also be connected with this changing of behavior. We further believe that our empirical findings point out to an under-representation effect, where the larger the city is, the larger are the obstacles for more individuals to become directly engaged in the electoral process.

Electoral Offenses in The Common Law System

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Vladimir Mulaj

2013-07-01

Full Text Available Electoral behavior is a new element in the political analysis of democracy in Albania. Distinctive features of the Albanian transition distinguish other models of the former communist countries, as well as significantly differ with Western models and electoral behavior analysis of the relations between political actors and citizens voting. Penal Code of the Republic of Albania remains the basis of criminal law to sanction criminal acts in the election. The object of criminal misconduct are directly related to the normal criminal and legal protection and free elections as well as the Albanian Constitution provides all these obstacles to electoral subjects committed by force or by any other means which directly affect the normal performance electoral system. Barriers can be done with physical or psychological, and consists in blocking commissioners election materials, election materials decay affecting decay electoral system unfairly supported a particular political party or a coalition of political parties that present list candidacy according to the rules defined in the electoral code. Albanian Constitution as the fundamental law of the Albanian state provides for the rightness of the equality of the vote for all Albanian citizens The vote is the democratic way that every citizen expressing the opinion and its political will but to have democratic value ratings should be personal equal, free and secret. The right to vote is a political right provided by the Albanian Constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and as such is closely linked to democracy, the sovereignty of the people and citizens. Total vote, or the right to get to the polls all Albanian citizens, men and women, and in fact is the greatest achievement of the twentieth century. According to the Electoral Code of the Republic of Albania every citizen exercises his right to vote at his polling station, where placed under citizen’s location criteria. Voting centers

Crisis of governance in South Sudan : electoral politics and violence in the world's newest nation

OpenAIRE

Brosché, Johan; Höglund, Kristine

2016-01-01

Since mid-December 2013, thousands of people have been killed in armed conflict in South Sudan. The fighting is entrenched in a power struggle between the main political contenders ahead of elections which were scheduled for 2015. This article examines the violence in South Sudan since the North-South war ended with a focus on the consequences of the introduction of electoral politics. Our research contributes to the literature on state-building and peace-building in war-torn societies, by ex...

Electoral Politics in Zimbabwe: Authoritarianism Versus the People ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

The majority of Zimbabweans are now accustomed to electoral fraud as practised by the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) led by President Mugabe. Elections are generally not conducted in a manner that can be deemed to be free, fair and transparent. The major electoral malpractices ...

Imitating the newcomer. How, when and why established political parties imitate the policy positions and issue attention of new political parties in the electoral and parliamentary arena : the case of the Netherlands

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Otjes, Simon Pieter

2012-01-01

This thesis studies, how, when and why established political parties imitate new political parties. It examines new party effects on both the policy positions of established parties and the attention established political parties spend on issues. It examines this effect in both the electoral and

Polish electoral geography and its methods

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Zbigniew Rykiel

2011-01-01

Full Text Available Differences in the understanding of electoral geography between social sciences are discussed in the article. Main fields and spatial scales of Polish electoral geography are identified. Main methods of multidimensional statistics are discussed. A necessity of a proper choice, based on theories of voting behaviour, of explaning variables to statistical models are emphasised. Regression analysis indicates only a formal usefulness in electoral geography, for quantitative relationships between variables in the model can be evidenced, which may be meaningless not only essentially, but even statistically. The application of canonical analysis in electoral geography brought a methodological turning-point to the statistical approach. This method allowed to combine: (1 the foundation of the selection of input variables on theories of voting behaviour; (2 the analysis of dependence of the electoral results on socio-economic characteristics of areas; (3 an identification of electoral options; (4 a quantification of the role of the historical heritage in the contemporary voting behaviour; and (5 the analysis of the stability of the electoral space. A well grounded opinion was weakened about the general competitiveness of right- and left-wing parties in Poland’s political space. Parties with similar rather than different programmes compete in given areas. It was indicated that elections have only formal influence on the structure of Parliament while the electoral system is decisive. Electoral, including territorial, manipulations also play their part. The empirical analysis indicated that Poland’s political space is polarised between the right-wing-oriented areas of the south-eastern half of the country and the left-wing-oriented areas of the north-western half. The political competition between the left and the right operates merely on the national scale, while it is not reflected territorially.The quantification of the influence of the nineteenth

How campaigns enhance European issues voting during European Parliament elections

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Beach, Derek; Møller Hansen, Kasper; Larsen, Martin Vinæs

2017-01-01

Based on findings from the literature on campaign effects on the one hand, and the literature on European Parliament elections on the other, we propose a model of European Parliamentary elections in which the campaign shift the calculus of electoral support, making differences in national political...... allegiances less important and attitudes about the European project more important by informing voters of and getting them interested in European politics. In effect, we argue that the political campaign leading up to the election makes European Parliament elections less second-order. While previous studies...... have demonstrated that EU attitudes can matter for voting behavior in European Parliament elections, existing research has drawn on post-election surveys that do not enable us to capture campaign effects. Our contribution is to assess the impact of a campaign by utilizing a rolling cross sectional...

Indigenous participation and representation in Venezuelan electoral processes

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Luis Fernando ANGOSTO FERRÁNDEZ

2012-06-01

Full Text Available This article examines the Venezuelan regional elections of 2008 as a contextual event for the analysis of electoral strategies and results associated with the indigenous representation. Three factors intertwined in the electoral moment are analyzed: 1. the existence of minimum guaranteed representation for indigenous population in legislative organs; 2. the participation of indigenous candidates and electors; 3. the maneuvers of political parties and civil organizations that attempt to channel and/or benefit from such indigenous representation and participation. The description of the electoral context facilitates the identification of factors that, beyond the normative structure of the State, condition the agency of individuals and parties involved in electoral processes. Among those factors are the symbolic value of indigeneity in the current process of national identity re-definition, the interest of political parties in controlling the vote of the indigenous representation and the tendency towards the consolidation of professionalized elites within the indigenous activism.

Electoral Offenses in The Common Law System

OpenAIRE

Vladimir Mulaj

2013-01-01

Electoral behavior is a new element in the political analysis of democracy in Albania. Distinctive features of the Albanian transition distinguish other models of the former communist countries, as well as significantly differ with Western models and electoral behavior analysis of the relations between political actors and citizens voting. Penal Code of the Republic of Albania remains the basis of criminal law to sanction criminal acts in the election. The object of criminal misconduct are di...

NATURE OF ELECTORAL MARKETING IN ROMANIA

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DINU GABRIEL

2014-02-01

Full Text Available A serious analysis of the political market is impossible without studying consumer behavior (or user offers political, macro-environment is an essential component of marketing that can be influenced by marketing actions of the political structure. The study of human behavior is essential for understanding how people will react - most often very different - methods of marketing of that structure. The objective of the elector's behavior is to help us understand certain actions and attitude motivations, preferences, self image, social environment, reference groups aiming the family of those whom are going to vote in certain circumstances. As a result of all the influence the elector is exposed to, he exhibits a certain behavior within the elective process.

Political Psychology of European Integration

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Manners, Ian James

2014-01-01

The chapter engages in a survey of what political psychology and European integration have to say to each other in the understanding of the European Union. The chapter draws on five strands of political psychology as part of this engagement – conventional psychology, social psychology, social...... construction, psychoanalysis, and critical political psychology. Within each strand a number of examples of scholarship at the interface of political psychology and European integration are examined. The chapter argues that the study of the EU has much to benefit from political psychology in terms of theories...... and methods of European identity and integration, but it also argues that political psychology can benefit from the insights of European integration by rethinking the processes that drive the marking of inside and outside, interior and exterior, belonging and otherness....

Geography of Electoral Volatility in the Warmia and Mazury Voivodeship of Poland

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Tarasov Ilya N.

2016-12-01

Full Text Available The authors describe the impact of administrative reforms on the electoral volatility in the Warmia and Mazury voivodeship of Poland. The administrative reforms resulted in the formation of a new territorial organization of power. Using three large administrative units of Poland as an example, the authors analyse the experience of the formation of a geographic region by merging several politically diverse territories. The merger took place in a changing political environment. It inevitably affected the strategy and tactics of the development of local self-governance. The formation of the region has been going on in such a manner that differences in the electoral preferences and political behaviour of the urban population (the regional metropolis and the periphery remain unchanged. Having performed the index analysis and a comparative analysis of the electoral data, the authors conclude that the consistency of administrative decisions on the formation of the region and the electoral performance have been weakening over time. During the initial phase, the electoral volatility was mainly due to the sluggishness and inertia of the previous territorial organization. After the phase of stabilization, the electoral volatility indices in different geographical areas changed due to a combination of social and political factors. The authors show that the ‘looseness’ of the Polish party system affect the electoral volatility in the region more than institutional decisions of the administrative reforms.

Romanian Post‑Revolution Electoral Myths

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Alfred Bulai

2015-12-01

Full Text Available The article analyzes some of the political and electoral myths of the post-communist transition, myths that have occupied the political agenda and the public debate throughout this period. Myths are seen as simple or complex narratives that have an explanatory and justificatory function in relation to social life, focused on Romanian society’s problems. They define and legitimizes a certain way to solve them and guides the development of society on the basis of some axiomatic principles. The article analyzes such myths, older or more recent, such as the myth of changing the electoral system, the myth of renewing the political class, the myth of the fundamental power of the referendum, the myth of the reform of the state, or of the constitutional amendments. The proposed analysis highlights the negative effects of using myths as instruments of the political and social changing on public policies and more generally on governance, and also the long-term harmful effects of the use of myths in defining political vision and Romania’s governmental development strategies.

How campaigns polarize the electorate

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Hansen, Kasper M.; Kosiara-Pedersen, Karina

2017-01-01

The minimal effect theory of campaign studies stipulates that intense political competition during campaigns assures and reinforces the initial party choice of the electorate. We find that this reinforcement is two-fold. During the campaign, the party preference of the voters’ in-group party...... an increase in their preference for their most preferred party and a decrease for their least liked party as the campaign progresses. These trends show that the political campaign polarizes the electorate by increasing the affective distance between in-group party and out-group party preferences, thereby...... resulting in stronger political polarization after the campaign than before the campaign. The data utilized in this study is a large six-wave panel-study of Danish voters’ party preferences during the Danish parliamentary election of 2011. Thus, the analysis provides evidence of the minimal effect theory...

Political Disaffection and Stability of Electoral Results in Chilean, 1993-2009

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Octavio Avendaño

2016-01-01

Full Text Available This article analyses the electoral stability vis à vis the increase of unstable votes in 1993 and 2009 parliamentary elections in Chile. In contrast with other academic works which conceive little volatility as corollary of a persistent voter’s behavior, we argue that the electoral results are consequence of the electoral system which in fact generates change in electoral behavior. We have named this phenomenon as “self-compensation”. Data analyzed in this paper show an important decrease in stable voters and that mobility exists. Nevertheless, the special characteristic of the electoral mobility is what gives stability to voter’s behavior during this period. Palabras claves: Chile, sistema de partidos, elecciones, volatilidad, voto no estable. Keywords: Chile, party system, elections, volatility, vote not stable.

Political Psychology of European Integration

OpenAIRE

Manners, Ian James

2014-01-01

The chapter engages in a survey of what political psychology and European integration have to say to each other in the understanding of the European Union. The chapter draws on five strands of political psychology as part of this engagement – conventional psychology, social psychology, social construction, psychoanalysis, and critical political psychology. Within each strand a number of examples of scholarship at the interface of political psychology and European integration are examined. The...

The Electoral College: A Teaching/Learning Design.

Science.gov (United States)

Hamilton, Angela Blackston

This teacher's guide describes a course unit on the electoral college designed to teach eighth grade students about the election process for the President of the United States. The historical significance of the electoral college, its procedures, and its relevance to today's political system are discussed. Ten lesson plans with student objectives,…

The role of authenticity in electoral social media campaigns

NARCIS (Netherlands)

G. Grow (Gabrielle); J.R. Ward (Janelle)

2013-01-01

textabstractAuthenticity is a popular buzzword in electoral politics: Electoral candidates and politicians are expected to be authentic in their public interactions. Since 2008, campaigning via social media has become an integral part of elections in the United States, and continues to gain

Electoral Violence and Democratization Process in Nigeria: A Reference of 2011 and 2015 General Elections

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Lawrence I. EDET

2015-09-01

Full Text Available The general account of Nigeria’s post-independence electoral processes has always been characterized by violence. Nigeria’s 2015 general elections marked the fifth multi-party elections in the country and the second handover of civilian administrations since the inception of the Fourth Republic democratic experiment in 1999. This account cannot be analyzed without issues of electoral violence. Electoral violence had been a permanent feature of Nigeria’s democratic process, except 2015 general elections where the international observers described as a “significant improvement” over the previous elections in terms of violence related cases. Electoral related violence in the country particularly in 2011 got to an unprecedented dimension resulting in destruction of lives and property worth millions of naira. This paper expatiates on electoral violence and its general implications on the democratization process in the country, with major emphasis on the 2011 and 2015 general elections. The paper argued that the high incidence of pre and post electoral violence in the country within the periods has to do with the way Nigerian politicians regard politics, weak political institutions and weak electoral management body as well as bias nature of the security agencies, etc. However, the paper examined the general implications of electoral violence on democratization process and how the country can handle the electoral process to avoid threats associated with the electoral violence. Archival analysis, which widely extracted data from newspapers, journals, workshop papers, books, as well as publications of non-governmental organizations was adopted for the study. The major significance of this study is to expose the negative implications associated with electoral violence and how it can be curbed. The position canvassed in this paper will serve as a useful political literature for political leaders, policy makers and the general reading public who

Divided Wisconsin: Partisan Spatial Electoral Realignment

Science.gov (United States)

Zaniewski, Kazimierz J.; Simmons, James R.

2016-01-01

When the Republican and Democratic presidential candidates head into the general election this fall, they will be courting votes from a statewide electorate that has dramatically shifted over time, mirroring the political polarization that is happening across the country. Over the last three decades, Wisconsin's political geography has evolved…

POSICIONES POLÍTICAS VS MERCADO ELECTORAL

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Octaviano Moya Delgado

2011-12-01

Full Text Available This work shows a revision of the divided vote that has generated a process of high competitiveness in Mazatlán, Sinaloa. It confronts the political positions of the voters with the options of electoral competition. To do this on the assumption that the electoral behavior occurs more as a result of the individual analysis of the voters on benefits (utility that offer candidates and parties competing in the elections, which the characteristics of political-ideological of the voters themselves. To check it, it is analyzed three empirical dimensions, in which are: the context and actors in the election, the conditions of competition, positions politico-ideological and utility of the vote.

Performance and institucional identity: the Electoral Tribunal in the 2000 electoral alternance Desempeño e identidad institucional: el tribunal electoral en la alternancia del 2000

OpenAIRE

Héctor DÍAZ-SANTANA; David H. CORROCHANO

2010-01-01

In this article we want to analyse the work made by the "Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF)" and its relation, in its grade and identity, within the presidential elections on the July 2sd, 2000. Our hypothesis is that TEPJF had started an institutional blackmail, which put several doubts on the process, and could limit the democratic advances built until today but also generate a post electoral conflict with political instability consequences in the country.Analiza...

Parameters of measuring of european political consciousness

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M. M. Pikula

2015-09-01

Full Text Available In the article the author analyzes the parameters of European political consciousness, i.e. European research field of political consciousness in qualitative and quantitative terms, which may be based on different indicators. The issue of emergence and development of European political consciousness becomes topical because firstly, its formation as the subjective dimension of European integration policy is not a spontaneous process and, secondly, European integration is carried out not only from the top but from the bottom, requiring deliberate interference of the public with the process; the public possesses the formed European political consciousness. Since the latter is a specific mental construct, the author offers to apply the triad «criteria ­ parameters – indicators». The characteristic that makes it possible to evaluate certain processes or phenomena in the system of Europeanness / Europeanism and specifies the quality system of views and opinions, which are realized in European behavior, is considered to be the criterion of European political consciousness. The European political consciousness parameters are seen to include the relevant historical memory, trends of public opinion and awareness regarding the European Union and position of its members in the European integration process, including the assessment of the existence and development of the EU; knowledge and views on the main EU institutions, assessing the importance of the main institutions of the EU and trust in them; a positive vision for the future of the European Union etc. The author considers the performance and objective characteristics and dimensions, including positive correlation of national and European levels of identity (European identity and European behavior to be the indicatiors of European political awareness. On the basis of these indicators the control of the condition and trends of European political consciousness development will be carried out.

Political Intersectionality and Democratic Politics in the European Public Sphere

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Siim, Birte

2015-01-01

Public Sphere (EPS). It is inspired by results and reflections from the European Gender Project (EGP) , where intersectionality was used as an approach for analysing negotiations between gender and ethno-national diversity in selected European countries and in relation to the European Public Sphere....... The aim of the essay is to further deepen the theoretical and empirical understanding of intersectionality by reflecting on the relations between political intersectionality and democratic politics from a particular European perspective. It thus confronts theory and research findings concerning...... intersections of gender and ethnic diversity in political life at the national and transnational levels across Europe. In this context, political intersectionality refers to the framing of gender and ethnic diversity by major political actors as well as by activities of women’s and anti-racist organisations...

THE ELECTORAL FAILURE OF LIBERAL PARTIES IN CENTRAL EUROPE: A DIRECTIONAL MODEL ANALYSIS

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Alexandru VOLACU

2011-12-01

Full Text Available In this paper we provide a theoretical framework for interpreting the reiterated failure of liberal parties in a series of Central European states (namely Austria, Belgium, Germany, Luxembourg and the Netherlands. We argue that the directional model of spatial analysis elaborated by Rabinowitz and Macdonald (1989 and Macdonald, Listhaug and Rabinowitz (1991 can be an efficient instrument used for understanding why liberal parties are not able to perform as well as their opponents in elections, our hypothesis being, in consistency with the theoretical predictions made by the directional model, that political parties which ideologically diverge from the center without becoming too radical are more likely to increase their electoral percentage then parties which converge toward the ideological center. We test and partially confirm our hypothesis by comparatively studying the ideological shifts and electoral percentages of liberal parties within the 5 states mentioned above, across a period of five consecutive elections, proving that a correlation between ideological shifts and electoral percentages exists in the sense predicted by the directional model for a large majority of cases.

Transparency, political polarization, and political budget cycles in OECD countries

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Alt, James E.; Lassen, David Dreyer

2006-01-01

We investigate the effects of fiscal transparency and political polarization on the prevalence of electoral cycles in fiscal balance. While some recent political economy literature on electoral cycles identifies such cycles mainly in weak and recent democracies, in contrast we show, conditioning ...

Detractors of democracy: overview of electoral crimes and abstentionism in Mexico

OpenAIRE

Rubén Manuel Ibarra-Reyes; Elizabeth Amador-Márquez

2017-01-01

This paper looks at two obstacles to democratic life in Mexico, electoral crimes and abstentionism. Speaking of electoral crimes and rates of abstentionism to analyze two of the most complex obstacles that the political culture and the Mexican democratic life faces and allows action strategies that promote from the legal wing and political inculturation tangible and implementable solutions context national to strengthen the social system. Thus, the characteristics of both problems and their c...

Regional homogeneity of electoral space: comparative analysis (on the material of 100 national cases

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A. O. Avksentiev

2015-12-01

Full Text Available In the article the author examines dependence on electoral behavior from territorial belonging. «Regional homogeneity» and «electoral space» categories are conceptualized. It is argued, that such regional homogeneity is a characteristic of electoral space and can be quantified. Quantitative measurement of government regional homogeneity has direct connection with risk of separatism, civil conflicts, or legitimacy crisis on deviant territories. It is proposed the formulae for evaluation of regional homogeneity quantitative method which has been based on statistics analysis instrument, especially, variation coefficient. Possible directions of study with the use of this index according to individual political subjects and the whole political space (state, region, electoral district are defined. Calculation of appropriate indexes for Ukrainian electoral space (return of 1991­2015 elections and 100 other national cases. The dynamics of Ukraine regional homogeneity on the material of 1991­2015 electoral statistics is analyzed.

Municipal Size and Electoral Participation

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Mouritzen, Poul Erik; Rose, Lawrence; Denters, Bas

are based on a strategy whereby theoretical models are developed and investigated for several different indicators of local democracy in a successive, cumulative fashion using a ‘funnel of causality logic’. This paper reports on results concerning local electoral political participation. We conclude...

Electoral Engineerings in Post‑communist Romania

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Alexandru Radu

2015-12-01

Full Text Available The article reviews the dynamics of voting systems practiced in Romania, as resulting from changes to the legal framework during the 25 years of post-communism, trying to answer the question whether the legislative effervescence in the electoral area materialized in structural changes of the electoral mechanism, changes congruent to the the idea of reform in the field. Following their approach, the authors conclude that the main driver of change in election legislation was represented by the (subjective interests of the mainstream political parties.

The Impact of Electoral System Reform on Taiwan’s Local Factions

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Christian Göbel

2012-01-01

Full Text Available In 2004, the single non-transferable vote (SNTV was abolished in Taiwan. The SNTV had long been seen as a major factor in the sustenance of county- and township-level clientelist networks (“local factions”. It was also associated with phenomena such as extremism, candidate-centred politics, vote-buying, clientelism and organized crime involvement in politics. More recent scholarship, however, has led to doubts that a single formal institution like an electoral system could have such a powerful influence on electoral mobilization. This article puts these positions to an initial test. It examines the impact of the electoral reform on the mobilization capacity of a local faction in a rural county notorious for its factionalism. By illuminating its intricate mobilization structures, it provides support for the second position: These structures are too resilient to be affected by even a radical electoral reform.

Future electoral impacts of having a female mayor

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Paulo Arvate

2017-08-01

Full Text Available We explore an electoral quasi-experiment where a woman nearly won or lost to a man in a mayoral election. Our data combines municipal Brazilian election results, which occur every four years, with municipal level votes for female and male candidates in state and federal deputy elections, whose districts are larger than the municipalities. Our results show that when voters are exposed to a female leader, the relative number of votes given to female candidates increases. This result depends on the political environment in which the exposure occurs. These effects on the electorate's response tend to be stronger: 01. in municipalities where there is a previous higher proportion of female councilors, and 02. when the mayors have higher education levels. Our results provide evidence that the observed electorate's gender preferences in politics are alterable, but that policy interventions aimed to equalize access will be more effective if they are targeted at underrepresented populations that have the correct skill requirements to perform in leadership positions.

The impact of internet-communications on electoral processes in Ukraine (on the example of parliamentary elections of 2012

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Svitlana O. Mykhalchuk

2016-01-01

Full Text Available This paper examines the impact of Internet communications on electoral processes in Ukraine on the example of parliamentary elections in 2012. Internet is an integral part of modern electoral processes and the parliamentary elections of 2012 were not an exception. The author aims at determining the level and efficiency of various channels and forms of network communications implemented in the electoral process. Thus, the role of political sites, blogs, and social networks are analyzed. Internet communications were used by NGOs to monitor the electoral process. The innovation in the election campaign was the video surveillance at polling stations with the ability to stream online. The author shares the view of most researchers that online communications didn’t become the primary means of competition for a place in the parliament. Political parties focused mainly on manipulative potential of television political advertising and traditional political technologies. Thus, Internet was not considered to be the effective mechanism for bringing «political dividends». There are some other reasons why Internet communications had no real influence on the course and the results of the elections (digital divide, mixed electoral system, political parties that tend to be archaic.

Politics 2.0: The Use of Social Networks in Argentinean Politics

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Natalia Romina Dominguez

2012-02-01

Full Text Available This article is part of a doctoral thesis that analyzes the political use of the communication 2.0, specifically of Facebook and Twitter. The political agent chosen is the President, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner in the pre electoral period of the first Simultaneous Open and Compulsory Primary. It is important to mention that she is the first Argentinean president to use the social networks with electoral purposes in pursuit of her reelection, given that the development of these communicational tools is recent and previous presidents did not count with them. In order to analyze the use of social networks by the President in a pre-election period, political discourse was analyzed and compared the treatment of electoral information of three traditional mass media-La Nacion, Clarin and Página/12- and the political material, or management review published, shared and retweeted by the political agent chosen. The study found that the agent used its social networking times during the period. The electoral messages aimed to list the qualities of his first management through specific government measures without making campaign promises. Meanwhile, the media published a significant amount of notes linked to the President but was tiny references to electoral publications on social networks.

Electorally unstable by supply or demand?

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bischoff, Carina Saxlund

2013-01-01

The stability of voters’ partisan choices from election to election is a key feature of democratic politics, but why it varies across advanced industrial democracies and elections is not well understood. This study makes several key contributions to explaining electoral volatility. Firstly...... performance, and strategic incentives—do. Thirdly, earlier contradictory findings with respect to the role of the electoral system are clarified, as its effects are shown to be indirect rather than direct. And finally, the importance of the temporal dimension to stability is demonstrated, as the time since...

Effects of first time voters’ political social media use on electoral behaviour - A smartphone-based measurement of media exposure to political information in an election campaign

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ohme, Jakob; de Vreese, Claes; Jensen, Camilla

in citizens’ political media diet. Especially social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter or YouTube offer an up-to-date stream of information, easy to tune in and with personalized content citizens (or at least their network) are interested in. A recent study by PEW (Mitchell, Gottfried & Matsa, 2015...... for young citizens in an election campaign. Second, it will concentrate on their social media use to gain not only gain information about the platform first time voters use, but digging deeper to distinguish between types of content their social media exposure to political information consists of. Third......, it will determine what effect the exposure to political information on different media channels can have on electoral participation and their first vote in a national election....

Detractors of democracy: overview of electoral crimes and abstentionism in Mexico

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Rubén Manuel Ibarra-Reyes

2017-01-01

Full Text Available This paper looks at two obstacles to democratic life in Mexico, electoral crimes and abstentionism. Speaking of electoral crimes and rates of abstentionism to analyze two of the most complex obstacles that the political culture and the Mexican democratic life faces and allows action strategies that promote from the legal wing and political inculturation tangible and implementable solutions context national to strengthen the social system. Thus, the characteristics of both problems and their current status in the country are presented.

Winning strategies of political campaigns in hybrid electoral spaces. Case study – Iasi County

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Adrian Marius Tompea

2012-10-01

Full Text Available Our material introduces the concept of hybrid electoral area, as a distinct electoral entity set up by special territorial and administrative processes. We analyze specific cases of such spaces in Iasi and we see how the winning electoral strategies have been configured here. We provide examples of campaign activities and actions which ensured the candidates’ success by simultaneously targeting both the electoral sub-spaces and the community seen as whole.

Citizenship rights for immigrants: national political processes and cross-national convergence in western Europe, 1980-2008.

Science.gov (United States)

Koopmans, Ruud; Michalowski, Ines; Waibel, Stine

2012-01-01

Immigrant citizenship rights in the nation-state reference both theories of cross-national convergence and the resilience of national political processes. This article investigates European countries' attribution of rights to immigrants: Have these rights become more inclusive and more similar across countries? Are they affected by EU membership, the role of the judiciary, the party in power, the size of the immigrant electorate, or pressure exerted by anti-immigrant parties? Original data on 10 European countries, 1980-2008, reveal no evidence for cross-national convergence. Rights tended to become more inclusive until 2002, but stagnated afterward. Electoral changes drive these trends: growth of the immigrant electorate led to expansion, but countermobilization by right-wing parties slowed or reversed liberalizations. These electoral mechanisms are in turn shaped by long-standing policy traditions, leading to strong path dependence and the reproduction of preexisting cross-national differences.

Electoral and Partisan Cycles between US Economic Performance and Presidential Popularity

NARCIS (Netherlands)

W. Letterie (Wilko); O.H. Swank (Otto)

1997-01-01

textabstractIn this paper we discuss a recent paper by Stephen E Haynes in which he relates electoral cycles in political support to electoral cycles in economic variables Haynes finds that the cycle in support for Republican presidents is explained by the cycle in economic variables, whereas the

POLITICAL ISLAM IN TUNISIA: ELECTORAL CONFLICT AND COOPERATION IN THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS OF 2004 AND 2009

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Guadalupe Martínez Fuentes

2011-04-01

Full Text Available One of the key points in the future of today’s political transition in Tunisia lies in the Islamists’ willingness to cooperate with the rest of the political parties to promote political change, as well as their electoral performance in the next elections. The aim of this article is to help reduce uncertainty on this issue, by clarifying its antecedents. With this aim, the author adopts as the article’s area of study the strategic-relational dimensions of Tunisia’s Islamist party’s performance in elections. With this in mind, the author analyses the types of interaction that the Islamist party maintained in the presidential elections of 2004 and 2009 with the other political and social parties that were critical of the Ben Ali regime, and examines its causes. As a result of this, the study concludes that up to now, both the party’s alignment with certain secular political and social actors from the structure of opposition to the Ben Ali regime, and its policy of confrontation with certain others, has not been based on any programmatic issue, nor on any issues of sensitivity or religious conception, but rather on the struggle to head political change and to lead a new government.

Old Versus New Europe? Differences in Content and Style of Political Advertising

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Vliegenthart, R.; Zeh, R.; Holtz-Bacha, C.; Novelli, E.; Rafter, K.

2017-01-01

In this chapter, we focus on the idea that national electoral campaigns – and specifically political advertising strategies – differ according to the length of European Union (EU) membership along with other country characteristics. One of the EU’s main paradigms is to balance socio-economic

Modeling Electoral Coordination: Voters, Parties and Legislative Lists in Uruguay Modelando la Coordinación Electoral: Votantes, Partidos y Listas Legislativas en Uruguay

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Ines Levin

2011-01-01

Full Text Available During each electoral period, the strategic interaction between voters and political elites determines the number of viable candidates in a district. In this paper, we implement a hierarchical seemingly unrelated regression model to explain electoral coordination at the district level in Uruguay as a function of district magnitude, previous electoral outcomes and electoral regime. Elections in this country are particularly useful to test for institutional effects on the coordination process due to the large variations in district magnitude, to the simultaneity of presidential and legislative races held under different rules, and to the reforms implemented during the period under consideration. We find that district magnitude and electoral history heuristics have substantial effects on the number of competing and voted-for parties and lists. Our modeling approach uncovers important interaction-effects between the demand and supply side of the political market that were often overlooked in previous research.En cada período electoral, votantes y élites interactúan para determinar el número de agentes políticos postulados para la elección, así como el número de agentes políticos que reciben apoyo de los votantes. En este artículo, modelamos la interacción entre votantes y élites usando un modelo jerárquico de regresiones aparentemente no relacionadas, explicando la coordinación electoral a nivel de distrito en el Uruguay en función de la magnitud del distrito, resultados de elecciones anteriores, y régimen electoral. Las elecciones en este país son particularmente útiles para el estudio de los determinantes institucionales de la coordinación electoral debido a la amplia variación en la magnitud de los diferentes distritos, a la simultaneidad de las elecciones presidenciales y legislativas reguladas por normas electorales diversas, y a las reformas que tuvieron lugar durante el período bajo consideración. Encontramos que la

The Political History of European Integration

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Schulz-Forberg, Hagen; Stråth, Bo

This book adopts a historical perspective to explore the tensions between the idea of a European democracy through a European market, and the observations that there are signs of increasing social disintegration, political extremism and populism in the wake of economic integration. It was shortli......This book adopts a historical perspective to explore the tensions between the idea of a European democracy through a European market, and the observations that there are signs of increasing social disintegration, political extremism and populism in the wake of economic integration...

Political motivations for intra-European migration.

Science.gov (United States)

Bygnes, Susanne; Flipo, Aurore

2017-08-01

Motivations for migrating within the European Union have mainly been attributed to economic, career and lifestyle choices. This article suggests that political dissatisfaction is also an important motivator of recent intra-European migration. In our analysis of in-depth interviews with Romanian migrants in Spain and with Spanish migrants in Norway, we found a common emphasis on the political dimensions of their decision to migrate. In the interviews, the economic component of migration was often related to bad governance and negative perceptions of the state. The similarities of Spanish and Romanian migration narratives are especially striking because Spain and Romania represent substantially different migratory, political and economic contexts. However, migration is more obviously intertwined with conventional acts of political protest in the Spanish case. We suggest that differences in democratic contexts are pivotal in people's reactions to and framing of their deep dissatisfaction with domestic politics, as found in many European countries today.

The Political Psychology of European Integration

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Manners, Ian James

2015-01-01

express for the EU and fellow Europeans, and the passion with which supporters of the EU argue for greater integration and enlargement are today central to understanding European integration. Being mindful of Europe - reflecting on the ways in which psychology and politics are deeply implicated in under......In an era of European crises over political legitimacy, economic austerity, and collapse of confidence in the EU the topic of European integration has be-come a very emotional subject. The anger which protestors demonstrate against economic austerity, the hate which nationalist far-right parties...

Europe – political cleavage in the French presidential elections .

OpenAIRE

Loredana Pătruţiu Balteș

2012-01-01

The French presidential elections of 2012 brought a new political approach concerning the candidates speech, because Europe became one of the main electoral themes within a national election. In full European economic crisis, the French people seem more than ever interested about the future of European construction, and in this context, the presidential candidates had to tackle this topic of interest in their election campaign. Analyzing the speeches of the first three candidates among the Fr...

Unconventional Participation in Time of Crisis: How Ideology Shapes Citizens’ Political Actions

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Vincenzo Memoli

2016-04-01

Full Text Available Since democracy requires the involvement of citizens, the topic of political participation has attracted great attention from both practitioners and scholars. During the current financial and economic crisis, there have been various protest movements in many European countries. In this paper, which employs data from the European Social Survey and analyzes some European countries using a longitudinal study (2002-2012, I measure unconventional political participation considering three types of action - signed a petition, participated in a lawful demonstration and joined a boycott. By linking citizens to government ideology and vote for party government to political action through a multilevel model, this paper argues that both ideology and citizens’ electoral choices have a bearing on unconventional political participation. In times of crisis, government choices do not feed the level of unconventional political participation. However, differences emerge in terms of political behavior when I consider citizens’ ideology, loser status and government ideology.

Electoral Governance: More than Just Electoral Administration

OpenAIRE

Medina Torres, Luis Eduardo; Ramírez Díaz, Edwin Cuitláhuac

2015-01-01

The meaning of "electoral governance" is often equated with "electoral administration". The process, however, can be divided into three distinct stages: 1) formation of regulatory bodies and norms; 2) implementation of these norms; and 3) dispute resolution. Given these three parts, electoral governance amounts to much more than just administration. In this article we explain why many academic studies of electoral governance have neglected the role of conflict resolution, focusing instead on ...

Politics of place. Political representation and the culture of electioneering in the Netherlands, c. 1848-1980s

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Kaal, H.G.J.

2016-01-01

This article is a first attempt to explore how a politics of place has manifested itself in Dutch electoral culture since the middle of the nineteenth century. It aims to move beyond a narrow interpretation of a politics of place as an ‘old-fashioned’ feature of electoral politics to be associated

The electoral offer of the Bloque Nacionalista Galego (BNG at the regional level

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Cristina Ares Castro-Conde

2017-03-01

Full Text Available This piece of research analyses the electoral offer of the Bloque Nacionalista Galego (BNG at the regional level since 1982. Changes in its electoral strategy are examined. Particularly, it assesses the effects of movements along both the left-right and the centre-periphery dimensions on the size of its political group as well as on its options to hold office. Light is also shed on the increasing distance between the BNG´s political preferences and the voters’ positions.

Five political ideas of European contract law

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Hesselink, M.W.

2011-01-01

This paper explores the possible implications of leading contemporary theories of political philosophy for some of the main questions that the political institutions of the European Union will have to decide on concerning the future of European contract law. Thus, it explores what a utilitarian,

From Millennium Development Goals to Sustainable Development Goals: Gender and Inclusive Electoral Politics in Nigeria, 1999 – 2015

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Emeka C. Iloh

2017-07-01

Full Text Available This paper examines the extent to which Nigeria achieved gender parity in the political process between 1999 and 2015 (the period of the Millennium Development Goals and the prospects of sustaining the achievement (if any under the Sustainable Development Goals regime, between 2015 and 2030. Relying mainly on qualitative method and documentary evidence, predicated on the social dominance theory, the study posits that women have been structurally denied access to political power in Nigeria. The patriarchal system which is prevalent in the country ensures that there is no parity between the sexes in the political process. This is despite the fact that women constitute more than 50% of the population but yet, comprise less than 10% of Nigeria’s legislature. This paper, therefore, submits that for Nigeria to achieve the 2030 Agenda on gender parity in the political process, it should move beyond mere policy rehearsals and take concrete steps such as instituting a quota system in its electoral laws. Other countries that have achieved gender parity in the political process did so mainly through constitutional means, rather than mere advocacy.

Partisan Optimism and Political Bargaining

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Jensen, Thomas; Madum, Andreas

Partisan voters are optimistic about electoral outcomes: their estimates of the probability of electoral success for their party or candidate are substantially higher than the average among the electorate. This has large potential implications for political bargaining. Optimism about future...... electoral outcomes can make costly bargaining delay look more favorable, which may induce partisans to punish their party for agreeing to a compromise rather than waiting, for example by not turning out to vote. Therefore, party decision makers should take optimism among partisans into account when...... bargaining. In this paper we use game theoretic modeling to explore the implications of partisan optimism for political bargaining. We show that increased optimism among a partisan group leads to a stronger bargaining position for their party, but may hurt its electoral prospects. Another main finding...

The relationship between campaigning on Twitter and electoral support: present or absent

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Kruikemeier, S.; van Noort, G.; Vliegenthart, R.

2013-01-01

This study investigates the content characteristics of political communication on Twitter during an election campaign and the relationship between candidates’ style of online campaigning (i.e., politically personalized and interactive communication) and electoral support for those candidates.

Opposition Politics and Electoral Democracy in Cameroon, 1992-2007

African Journals Online (AJOL)

2015-05-29

May 29, 2015 ... This article seeks to assess the impact of electoral democracy in. Cameroon especially ... Democratic Party (KNDP), the Cameroon People National Congress (CPNC) and the Cameroon .... The Supreme Court cancelled the election results in seven constituencies ..... Church and the media (Ake 2000:135).

European Union: Gender and politics

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Žunić Natalija

2014-01-01

Full Text Available Political representation is the central issue in contemporary debates on the level of democracy in political institutions and processes in the European Union. Underrepresentation of particular groups in political institutions, decision-making and policy-making processes is perceived as the problem of justice, legitimacy and effectiveness in democratic societies. In this paper, the author analyzes the gender aspects of democratic decision-making processes and political representation of women in the EU member states. The social, historical and political dimension of women's efforts to obtain and promote their civil status and political rights have been the framework for developing the principle of gender equality as one of the founding EU principles. In the past hundred years, one of the most significant trends in politics has been the expansion of formal political representation of women. Yet, even though it has been more than a hundered years since women won their political rights in the 19th and the 20th century (the right to vote and the right to be voted, gender differences in political rights are still a substantial part of debate. Today, women's political representation is still inadequate and their political capacity and power have not been exercised to a sufficient extent (or proportionally through their actual representation in parliament. In March 2012, the European Commisision published a report on gender equality in different areas of social life; the Eurobarometer survey shows that women are generally underrepresented in politics. In national parliaments, only one out of four MPs is a woman. In the European Parliament, three out of ten parliamentarians are women. The statistics shows a huge discrepancy among the EU Member States in terms of women's representation in parliament (44.7% in Sweden as contrasted to 13.3% in Romania. The prevailing view in many studies is that post-industrial democracies are deficient as they have failed

State Independent Electoral Commissions and local government elections in Nigeria

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Johnson O. Olaniyi

2017-11-01

Full Text Available Many state governments have not been allowing their State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs to conduct elections as at when due but rather settle for ‘caretaker committees’. Where elections have been conducted, the party in control of a state apparatus has been known to have cleared the polls. The general objective of this study is to assess the impact of electoral contest at the local government level on the political development of Nigeria. Specific objectives include (1 assessing the role of the political executives of a state in the determination of representation at the local government level in Nigeria; and (2 assessing the activities of SIECs in the management of local government polls. This study adopts comparative cum case study approach to analysing local government polls in Nigeria. This is discussed on a geopolitical basis. Some of the findings of the study include: (1 local government election in Nigeria is not given premium position by many state governments in the political landscape of their state because of the fear of playing into the hands of their political rivals; and (2 SIECs are only independent in name and not in practice. The study recommends, among others, that (1 the country should adopt the arrangement in the aborted Third Republic where the country’s EMB was empowered to conduct all elections at all levels of government and (2 local government elections in Nigeria should key into the electoral process of the country in all ramifications.

The Europeanization of Politics: Building a Terminology for European Studies

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Damir Grubiša

2005-01-01

Full Text Available The article discusses the problem of Europeanisation, one of the key concepts developed within the European Studies in the last ten years or so, since the adoption and entry into force of the Maastricht Treaty. The fi rst part of the article deals with various models of Europeanisation in a context extending beyond the conceptual framework of the European Union, within which the phenomenon of Europeanisation arises. Therefore, the author attempts to develop a typology of broader approaches to the identifi cation of the phenomenon and process of Europeanisation, which includes six conceptions thereof: the fi rst approach is a geographical-political one, where Europeanisation is seen as a change in outer borders of Europe, from the reduction of Europe to the countries of Western Europe and Central Europe, to the extension of the concept of Europe to marginal countries; the second approach links the concept of Europeanisation with the development of political institutions on the European level. The third defi nition identifi es Europeanisation as an export of various forms of political organisation, a process which proceeds from the experience of European colonisation to the diff usion of European values as a role model for other continents; the fourth model of Europeanisation is the identifi cation with the project of European unifi cation, i. e. the process of integration which ends up in a federal, unifi ed Europe; the fi fth subtype is the penetration of national systems of governance by the European model of multilevel governance, which becomes manifest in the adaptation, convergence and harmonisation of the political and legal systems of member nations. The author elaborates on this classic typology by adding the sixth approach, which he calls “retrospective Europeanisation”. It involves Europeanisation as identifi cation with traditional European values that existed before EC and EU, primarily with the preintegration traditional

Electoral Violence in Putin´s Russia: Modern Authoritarianism in Practice

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Michal Mochtak

2017-06-01

Full Text Available The paper identifies and analyses the acts of electoral violence that occurred during the 2011 parliamentary and 2012 presidential elections in the Russian Federation, and connects them with the practices of modern authoritarian regimes. The analytical tool employed is based on an electoral violence research framework, which provides insight into the negative dynamics of an electoral competition and its outcomes. The authors argue that electoral violence is used to advance the Russian authoritarian regime, which is a modern form of authoritarian rule. By analysing the post-electoral turmoil and the response of authorities to public demonstrations, we depict the regime's ability to adapt its position to maximise outcomes in the political conflict and opportunistically select the best tool to achieve its goals. We further argue that Russia, with its authoritarian tendencies, utilises confrontation dynamics during elections in order to allow the politicisation of various latent conflicts (interest- or value-oriented that are impossible to solve in the everyday depoliticised routine of the undemocratic system.

IndElec: A Software for Analyzing Party Systems and Electoral Systems

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Francisco Ocaña

2011-08-01

Full Text Available IndElec is a software addressed to compute a wide range of indices from electoral data, which are intended to analyze both party systems and electoral systems in political studies. Further, IndElec can calculate such indices from electoral data at several levels of aggregation, even when the acronyms of some political parties change across districts. As the amount of information provided by IndElec may be considerable, this software also aids the user in the analysis of electoral data through three capabilities. First, IndElec automatically elaborates preliminary descriptive statistical reports of computed indices. Second, IndElec saves the computed information into text files in data matrix format, which can be directly loaded by any statistical software to facilitate more sophisticated statistical studies. Third, IndElec provides results in several file formats (text, CSV, HTML, R to facilitate their visualization and management by using a wide range of application softwares (word processors, spreadsheets, web browsers, etc.. Finally, a graphical user interface is provided for IndElec to manage calculation processes, but no visualization facility is available in this environment. In fact, both the inputs and outputs for IndElec are arranged in files with the aforementioned formats.

Political Party Funding in Romania - One Step Forward, Two Steps Back?

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Iulian Georgel Savenco

2015-05-01

Full Text Available Within political life, the determining role is given to political parties in their capacity as actors in the electoral campaign and in the race for political power. This is the reason for which we believe that the means of financing political parties and the electoral campaigns in which they partake is an important aspect within the electoral reform, as without an adequate funding their chances of winning the electoral race are drastically reduced. On the other hand, funding of political parties is of great interest as the lack of transparency which usually encircles this process can lead to a dangerous phenomenon, namely corruption. Throughout this article we present the current situation and critically analyze the changes which the Romanian legislature plans to apply to the political party financing law.

Migrant crisis and strengthening of the right wing in the European Union

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Ratković Milijana

2017-01-01

Full Text Available Migrant crisis, slow economic growth and growing disillusionment with the European Union led to strengthening of far-right parties that have achieved electoral success in a number of European countries. The collapse of the national economy has created a huge number of unemployed. New problems such as migrant crisis foster instability in the EU particularly due to the terrorist acts (Paris, Brussels and other forms of violence (Cologne, Vienna that involved migrants from the Middle East. What could represent the biggest problem is the ability of the European radical right parties to constitute it on the joint basis regardless different political backgrounds. The Alliance of European National Movements was formed in Budapest in 2009. Migrant crisis underlined divisions within the European Union, which led to the radicalization of European political scene.

Voting patterns and alliance formation in the European Parliament.

Science.gov (United States)

Hix, Simon; Noury, Abdul; Roland, Gérard

2009-03-27

Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) have voluntarily formed transnational political groups and invariably follow the voting instructions of these groups. This is intriguing as there are few obvious incentives for doing so. Unlike national parties, for example, the political groups in the European Parliament are not punished by the electorate if they are divided on key issues, as citizens know very little about what goes on inside the European Parliament. This paper pieces together an explanation of why the European political groups exist and why they have become so powerful by looking at the determinants of group cohesion and by undertaking a spatial analysis of voting in the European Parliament. MEPs who share preferences on a range of issues on the European Union policy agenda have an incentive to establish a division-of-labour contract and to share the costs of collecting information. Once internal party policy specialization and agenda setting has been established, MEPs have incentives to follow the voting instructions of their group owing to the advantages of cohesion in a context of repeated voting.

Politically Induced Regulatory Risk and Independent Regulatory Agencies

OpenAIRE

Strausz, Roland

2015-01-01

Uncertainty in election outcomes generates politically induced regulatory risk. Political parties' risk attitudes towards such risk depend on a fluctuation effect that hurts both parties and an output--expansion effect that benefits at least one party. Notwithstanding the parties' risk attitudes, political parties have incentives to negotiate away all regulatory risk by pre-electoral bargaining. Efficient pre-electoral bargaining outcomes fully eliminate politically induced regulatory risk. P...

The Game Frame and Political Efficacy

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Pedersen, Rasmus Tue

2012-01-01

Several observational and experimental studies have confirmed the ‘spiral of cynicism’ hypothesis: the tendency of the news media to cover politics through a game frame, which focuses on political strategy instead of political issues, leads to cynicism about election campaigns and politicians amo...... on a survey among the electorate and a content analysis of political coverage in newspapers. The study shows that exposure to the game frame is indeed associated with lower levels of internal efficacy, even when controlling for potentially confounding variables.......Several observational and experimental studies have confirmed the ‘spiral of cynicism’ hypothesis: the tendency of the news media to cover politics through a game frame, which focuses on political strategy instead of political issues, leads to cynicism about election campaigns and politicians among...... the electorate. However, such cynicism may in itself be somewhat inconsequential, and so this article suggests that we move beyond cynicism regarding specific electoral campaigns or politicians, and that we turn our attention towards political efficacy. This is done in an empirical study, which is based...

The impact of EU referenda on national electoral politics: evidence from the Dutch case

NARCIS (Netherlands)

de Vries, C.E.

2009-01-01

This study deals with the issue of increasing contention regarding European matters in national arenas. Specifically, it focuses on the impact of European Union referenda on national elections. EU referenda have two important consequences for national politics: they increase inter-party conflict

Race, Class and Voting Patterns in South Africa's Electoral System ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

sulaiman.adebowale

2006-08-29

Aug 29, 2006 ... mainly crime, policing, and public order while those of the Indian and coloured .... and English-speaking whites respectively, developed electoral .... changing the political and socio-economic arrangements of society, the latter.

Structural Violence: Moving beyond ethnicity towards and understanding of electoral violence in kenya

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Owiso, Michael Omondi

2018-01-01

Ethnicity has come to be widely used as an explanation to electoral violence in Kenya. Research on electoral violence has been limited to electoral related violence in relation to the manipulation of the multi-ethnic composition of the country by the political elite. In light of this, this study......, but at the same time expose the disconnect in electoral violence studies. The study is based on desk research and digs into books, journals, memoirs, newspapers and official government documents to unearth the underlying structure of Kenya (the actors, institutions, cultural hegemony, history and ideologies...... wishes to move beyond this otherwise simplistic view of electoral conflict in Kenya and relate these occurrences to the wider problem that the country faces. Taking a structural view, this contribution seeks to join other studies that have emphasized the structural causes of conflict in Kenya...

The Electoral Geography of the 2016 Presidential Election in Portugal

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Giorgian-Ionuţ GUŢOIU

2016-07-01

Full Text Available Portugal elected a new president in January, this year. While the campaign was rather atypical, with a majority of independent candidates and a low involvement of the parties, we employ here an analysis of the election’s electoral geography, in order to identify if the geographical partisan delimitations influenced the electoral outcome. At this election a clear political geographical divide existed between the urban North and the rural South. Our findings suggest that the geographical distribution of the votes follows the candidates’ ideological identity.

LA REFORMA ELECTORAL OAXAQUEÑA EN LOS AYUNTAMIENTOS MIXES

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Teresa Valdivia Dounce

2009-12-01

Full Text Available Se revisan los posibles efectos de las reformas en materia electoral indígena en los municipios de la región mixe de Oaxaca, comparando las tendencias políticas anteriores a las reformas, observadas en investigación de campo, con los resultados de las elecciones federales de 2006 y estatales de 2007.   ABSTRACT This paper reviews the possible effects of indigenous electoral reforms in the municipalities in the Oaxacan Mixe region, comparing political tendencies prior to reforms, as observed in field research, with results from federal elections in 2006 and state elections in 2007.

From the Dog Whistle to the Dog Scream: The Republican Party's (AbUse of Discriminatory speech in Electoral Campaigns and Party Politics

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Luiza-Maria Filimon

2016-12-01

Full Text Available The 2016 U.S. presidential election can be described as nostalgic. On one hand, there was the fond remembrance of the Clinton administration characterized by a period of economic prosperity which overshadowed the more disastrous aftermath of various policies (the crime bill, the welfare reform, the Defense of Marriage Act, the repeal of the 1933 Glass-Steagall Act, etc.. On the other, the 2016 election brought to the surface a dormant longing for a privileged past rooted in open discrimination, inequality, segregation, and white supremacy, echoed by Donald Trump’s campaign. The Republican candidate had won the party’s nomination by openly and devoutly proselytizing against minority groups that allegedly threaten the fabric, integrity, and security of the United States. The more ethnic stereotypical caricatures and outright lies he employed in his speeches, the more successful his primary campaign was and the more he unnerved the Republican establishment, the general electorate, and the media. Yet Donald Trump’s campaign was not innovative by any means. Instead, as this study will argue, Trump’s electoral success during the primary elections can be in part attributed to the Republican Party’s decades-long history of strategic racism that has been instrumental in grooming the party’s base into Donald Trump’s supporters. In order to showcase that Trump’s ascendancy to the top of the Republican primary election was not a political accident, but a natural progression of decades-old officially sanctioned electoral policies, the study analyzes the origins behind the “dog whistle” practice, based on the model of strategic racism advanced by Ian Haney López. In conducting this research, I provide examples from U.S. public officials – past and present – and also highlight the role of the media in the propagation and cultivation of dog whistle politics.

A Foreign Correspondent's View of the Electoral Process.

Science.gov (United States)

Gardner, Mary A. Ed.

According to their personal points of view regarding United States politics, a panel of foreign correspondents from other nations evaluated the United States electoral process and discussed the difficulties involved in conveying the complexities of this process to an audience. This document contains an edited transcript of the panel's comments.…

Political Education Manual.

Science.gov (United States)

League of United Latin American Citizens, Washington, DC.

Written to help Hispanics understand the electoral process more thoroughly and to encourage them to participate more actively in the political arena, this manual begins by describing the present status of the Hispanic electorate and then explains how laws are made, how Hispanics can influence legislation, and how to organize a voter registration…

Intermediate Conditions of Democratic Accountability: A Response to Electoral Skepticism

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J. S. Maloy

2015-08-01

Full Text Available Attempts to respond to “democratic deficits” in modern constitutional republics must contend with the broad scholarly trend of electoral skepticism. While generally casting doubt on periodic competitive elections’ suitability as vehicles of accountability, electoral skepticism does not necessarily entail an absolute devaluation of elections. Some normative and empirical research responds to this trend by refocusing attention on values other than popular power, such as civil peace, which might be served by periodic competitive elections. Another response short of abandoning the value of popular power, however, is to draw out possibilities for institutional design from the restricted conditions under which previous study has found electoral accountability to be plausible or likely. This second task requires an empirically informed exercise in political theory. Pursuing it in a programmatic and policy-relevant way requires descending from the grand, systemic level of constitutional structures and electoral formulae to intermediate (or middle-range institutional conditions of accountability, such as rules about parties, campaigns, and election administration. My analysis reinterprets principal-agent models to develop four general types of crucial condition for electoral accountability, and then ramifies this scheme by reference to recent empirical research. The result is a “top ten” list of specific institutional factors that could be theoretically decisive in helping or hindering electoral accountability. These ten conditions could guide future research designs and reform proposals alike.

Was Memphis's Electoral Structure Adopted or Maintained for a Racially Discriminatory Purpose?

OpenAIRE

Kousser, J. Morgan

1992-01-01

Two themes run throughout this chronologically organized, extensively documented paper: The first is the pervasiveness of racial issues and racial conflicts in Memphis from 1955 to 1971, the period on which the paper centers. The second is the interconnection between electoral politics and electoral rules. That these are central and tragic themes in southern history is precisely the point: Memphis has never entirely outgrown the worst parts of its southern heritage. The two themes imply on...

Electoral Violence and the Crisis of Democratic Experiment in Post-Colonial Nigeria

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Ehinmore Omolere Monday Ph.D

2013-06-01

Full Text Available  This study discusses the peculiar nature of political participation as well as the attendant violence that characterize it in post independent Nigeria. Central to discussion is identification of the various factors which influence electoral violence and the extent to which it has inhibited national cohesion and democratic values. The study concludes that, Nigeria should produce selfless and visionary leaders, educated masses as well as operating within the frame work of true federalism so as to make appreciable improvement on her development strides. The study therefore recommends discouragement of use of money and material gift during elections, reduction of remuneration of political office seekers, commensurate punishment for culprits’ as well as independence of the independent Electoral Commission should be truly granted.

Electoral Violence and the Crisis of Democratic Experiment in Post-Colonial Nigeria

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Ehinmore Omolere Monday Ph.D

2013-06-01

Full Text Available This study discusses the peculiar nature of political participation as well as the attendant violence that characterize it in post independent Nigeria. Central to discussion is identification of the various factors which influence electoral violence and the extent to which it has inhibited national cohesion and democratic values. The study concludes that, Nigeria should produce selfless and visionary leaders, educated masses as well as operating within the frame work of true federalism so as to make appreciable improvement on her development strides. The study therefore recommends discouragement of use of money and material gift during elections, reduction of remuneration of political office seekers, commensurate punishment for culprits’ as well as independence of the independent Electoral Commission should be truly granted.

Getting the message across: perceived effectiveness of political campaign communication

NARCIS (Netherlands)

van Spanje, J.; Boomgaarden, H.G.; Elenbaas, M.; Vliegenthart, R.; Azrout, R.; Schuck, A.R.T.; de Vreese, C.H.

2013-01-01

Do political actors communicate effectively during electoral campaigns? We introduce a novel concept in electoral research, the "perceived effectiveness of political parties' election campaigns." This evaluation concentrates on the extent to which a party is seen as getting its message across to the

Electoral reform and public policy outcomes in Thailand: the politics of the 30-Baht health scheme.

Science.gov (United States)

Selway, Joel Sawat

2011-01-01

How do changes in electoral rules affect the nature of public policy outcomes? The current evidence supporting institutional theories that answer this question stems almost entirely from quantitative cross-country studies, the data of which contain very little within-unit variation. Indeed, while there are many country-level accounts of how changes in electoral rules affect such phenomena as the number of parties or voter turnout, there are few studies of how electoral reform affects public policy outcomes. This article contributes to this latter endeavor by providing a detailed analysis of electoral reform and the public policy process in Thailand through an examination of the 1997 electoral reforms. Specifically, the author examines four aspects of policy-making: policy formulation, policy platforms, policy content, and policy outcomes. The article finds that candidates in the pre-1997 era campaigned on broad, generic platforms; parties had no independent means of technical policy expertise; the government targeted health resources to narrow geographic areas; and health was underprovided in Thai society. Conversely, candidates in the post-1997 era relied more on a strong, detailed national health policy; parties created mechanisms to formulate health policy independently; the government allocated health resources broadly to the entire nation through the introduction of a universal health care system, and health outcomes improved. The author attributes these changes in the policy process to the 1997 electoral reform, which increased both constituency breadth (the proportion of the population to which politicians were accountable) and majoritarianism.

Normative changes and gender equity. From electoral quotas to parity in Latin America: the cases of Bolivia and Ecuador

OpenAIRE

Nélida ARCHENTI; María Inés TULA

2014-01-01

This study, aimed at analyzing the impact of institutional factors on the efficacy of gender parity policy in Latinamerica. It compares regulatory changes and electoral results in Bolivia and Ecuador, the only two countries in Latinamerica that have implemented parity on national elections. These data demonstrate the persistence of obstacles for gender political parity effectiveness derived from electoral systems and from party aligned strategies channeled by electoral rationality.

Normative changes and gender equity. From electoral quotas to parity in Latin America: the cases of Bolivia and Ecuador

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Nélida ARCHENTI

2014-03-01

Full Text Available This study, aimed at analyzing the impact of institutional factors on the efficacy of gender parity policy in Latinamerica. It compares regulatory changes and electoral results in Bolivia and Ecuador, the only two countries in Latinamerica that have implemented parity on national elections. These data demonstrate the persistence of obstacles for gender political parity effectiveness derived from electoral systems and from party aligned strategies channeled by electoral rationality.

Political values in a European museum

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Molema, Marijn; Huistra, Pieter; Wirt, Daniel

2014-01-01

The last decades have seen the rise of a European politic of cultural identity. One of the most recent initiatives in this respect, dating from 2007, is the House of European History that is due to open its doors in 2015. In this article, we investigate the recent history of the House, in particular

Performance and institucional identity: the Electoral Tribunal in the 2000 electoral alternance Desempeño e identidad institucional: el tribunal electoral en la alternancia del 2000

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Héctor DÍAZ-SANTANA

2010-07-01

Full Text Available In this article we want to analyse the work made by the "Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF" and its relation, in its grade and identity, within the presidential elections on the July 2sd, 2000. Our hypothesis is that TEPJF had started an institutional blackmail, which put several doubts on the process, and could limit the democratic advances built until today but also generate a post electoral conflict with political instability consequences in the country.Analizamos el desempeño del Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF relacionándolo con su grado y tipo de identidad en la coyuntura de las elecciones presidenciales del 2 de julio del 2000. Para ello partimos de la premisa que las instituciones no sólo deben tener un buen desempeño, sino que éste debe ser trasmitido ante la ciudadanía. Nuestra hipótesis es que el TEPJF tuvo un buen desempeño pero carecía de identidad lo que facilitó la puesta en marcha de un "chantaje" institucional que marcó la incertidumbre del proceso, pudo limitar los avances democratizadores construidos hasta la fecha, y generar un conflicto postelectoral con consecuencias para la estabilidad política del país.

New discursive strategies within Political Communication. Case study: Parliamentary Parties in Romania

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Cristina Ariton-Gelan

2013-07-01

Full Text Available The development of new technologies, implicitely that of Internet contributed to the reconfiguration of the political communication field. In this respect, politicians report themselves to an electorate that is more detached from institutionalized politics and political ideologies, electorate that has the possibility to participate to debating alternative forms of the political, through some social movements and through online forums. Generally, new media created the possibility that journalists and media production agencies imagine more dynamic media formats from the point of view of interaction with citizens and visual strategies. Within the new context coming from the relation between politician, media and electorate, the Internet, through its functions, generates a special kind of „political communication management”.

Suffrage and Electoral Rights of Expatriates

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Marc Gjidara

2015-01-01

Full Text Available This paper points out the historical aspect of suffrage and electoral rights. The practice of the Court of the European Union, the European Court for the protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the opinion and recommendation of the European Commission on the voting rights of citizens who live abroad are pointed out. This is illustrated by the example of the Republic of France. Finally, the Residency Act of the Republic of Croatia, which was enforced on 14 December 2012, is analysed in detail. To conclude, according to the author’s opinion, the deficiencies of Croatian law are pointed out as well as the possible problems in practice.

Franchise and Electoral Participation of Third Country Citizens Residing in the European Union and of European Union Citizens Residing in Third Countries

OpenAIRE

Arrighi, Jean-Thomas; Bauböck, Rainer; Collyer, Michael; Hutecheson, Derek; Moraru, Madalina; Khadar, Lamin; Shaw, Jo

2013-01-01

This Study analyses some key trans-border situations in which citizens may finddifficulties in exercising their electoral rights – both to vote in elections, and to stand as candidates. It focuses on the electoral rights of EU citizens when resident outside the state where they are citizens, and on the electoral rights of third country citizens resident in the EU Member States. It also covers several complementary issues by examining the consular representation of EU citizensoutside the terri...

Two Dogs Fight and a Third Grabs the Bone. Reasons for the Electoral Success of Unexpected Candidates – the Croatian Political Scene after the Last Two Parliamentary Election Cycles (2015–2016

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Mikucka-Wójtowicz Dominika

2017-10-01

Full Text Available The last two years in Croatian politics can be seen as an important turning point. The most recent two parliamentary election cycles (2015-2016, as well as the presidential race held a year earlier, were both more interesting and more unpredictable than the previous elections. The objective of this article is to analyse and identify their distinguishing features as well as their significance and implications for the further functioning of the Croatian political scene. Owing to the fact that in both electoral cycles an important voice in the shape of the ruling coalition went to the party that came third in the election and, also surprisingly, this was both a newly established formation and to a great extent with an anti-establishment appeal, particular attention is focused on the appearance on the party scene of new political groupings. The article attempts to place them within the framework of the existing new party typologies and point to the main reasons for their electoral success, as well as evaluating their chances for survival on the party scene.

Los medios en los modelos clásicos de comportamiento electoral

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Gustavo Nicolás Menin

2018-01-01

Full Text Available [es] El objetivo del presente artículo es la revisión bibliográfica de la noción de medios de comunicación en los modelos clásicos de comportamiento electoral. Según el modelo de Columbia tienen función de activar, reforzar o convertir, teniendo en cuenta las variables, y, los valores del elector en el Índice de Predisposición Política (IPP, que influencia la selectividad de tipos de medios y recepción de información. Según el modelo Michigan son un componente intermediario entre la percepción no-política-externa y la político-personal. Tales evaluaciones se sostienen en una selectividad alta, tanto en el consumo de medios como en su contenido. Por último, el modelo económico propone que los medios son fuentes y flujos gratuitos de información de carácter persuasivo por su “selección de hechos parciales” para favorecer o no a una determinada fuerza política en términos del beneficio real o hipotético que deduce el votante y, por lo tanto, también con capacidad para corromper al Gobierno y a la oposición. [en] The aim of this article is the bibliographical review of the notion of media in the classical models of electoral behavior. According to the Columbia model, they have the function of activating, reinforcing or converting, taking into account the variables, and the values of the elector in the Political Predisposition Index (IPP, which influences the selectivity of media types and information reception. According to the Michigan model, they are an intermediary component between non-political-external and political-personal perception. Such evaluations are held in high selectivity, both in media consumption and in content. Finally, the economic model proposes that the media are sources and free flows of information of a persuasive nature by their ´selection of partial facts´ to favor or not to a certain political force in terms of the real or hypothetical benefit that the voter deduces and, therefore, also

ELECTORAL PRESCRIBERS. WHO ARE THEY?

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Constantin SASU

2016-12-01

Full Text Available The decision to vote and choosing among the candidates is an extremely important one with repercussions on everyday life by determining, in global mode, its quality for the whole society. Therefore the whole process by which the voter decides becomes a central concern. Prescribers, supposed to have a big influence on the electoral market, are a component of the microenvironment political organizations. These are people who occupy important positions that can influence the behavior of others. In the political environment, prescribers are known under the name of "opinion formers", "opinion leaders", "mediators" (Beciu, 2009 or "influencers" (Keller and Berry, 2003 Weimann, 1994. This paper aims to review the central opinions on what is the influence prescribers, opinion makers on voting behavior, voting and decisions on whether and how they act?

Un potencial comunicativo desaprovechado. Twitter como mecanismo generador de diálogo en campaña electoral

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Laura Alonso-Muñoz

2016-10-01

Full Text Available El uso de Twitter como herramienta estratégica para la comunicación política se ha incrementado notablemente durante los últimos años, especialmente en periodo de campaña electoral. El objetivo de esta investigación es examinar el grado de cumplimiento de los principios dialógicos atribuidos a las redes sociales. Para ello se aplica la técnica del análisis de contenido cuantitativo a los tuits publicados por los principales partidos españoles (PP, PSOE, Podemos y Ciudadanos durante las elecciones generales de 2015. Los resultados demuestran que pese al elevado número de publicaciones realizadas por los cuatro partidos, ninguno aprovecha el potencial dialógico de Twitter. Untapped communication potential. Twitter as a mechanism for generating dialogue in an electoral campaign Abstract The use of Twitter as strategic tool for political communication has increased considerably in recent years, particularly during electoral campaigns. The main goal of this paper is to examine the degree of compliance with the principles of dialogue attributed to social media. To achieve this, a quantitative content analysis was carried out on the tweets shared by the main Spanish political parties during the 2015 General Elections. The results show that although a high number of tweets were made by the four political parties during this period, none of them took advantage of the full potential of dialogue on Twitter. Keywords: Twitter, social media, political communication, electoral campaign, digital media

Legality, separation of powers, stability of electoral law: The impact of new voting technologies

OpenAIRE

Driza Maurer, Ardita

2016-01-01

Legality, separation of powers and stability of electoral law are some of the principles of the European constitutional heritage. They should be respected and implemented throughout the electoral process, including when new voting technologies are used. This paper discusses e-voting specific implementations of the principles or challenges to it. Ongoing and proposed improvements in legislation or practice are pinpointed.

Gender, risk assessment, and political ambition.

Science.gov (United States)

Sweet-Cushman, Jennie

2016-01-01

In the United States, women have long held the right to vote and can participate fully in the political process, and yet they are underrepresented at all levels of elected office. Worldwide, men's dominance in the realm of politics has also been the norm. To date, scholars have focused on supply-side and demand-side explanations of women's underrepresentation but differences in how men and women assess electoral risk (the risk involved in seeking political office) are not fully explained. To fill this gap, I explore how evolutionary theory offers insights into gendered differences in political ambition and the evaluation of electoral risk. Using the framework of life-history theory, I hypothesize that both cognitive and environmental factors in human evolution, particularly as they relate to sexual selection and social roles, have shaped the psychology of ambition in gendered ways affecting contemporary politics. Cognitive risk-assessment mechanisms evolving in the hominid line came to be expressed differently in females and males, in women and men. These gendered expressions plausibly reflect differentiable environmental pressures in the past and may help explain behaviors in and barriers to women's electoral political activity in the present. If so, then the success of efforts to increase such activity - or, regressively, to suppress it - may be better understood.

Political consequences of the electoral calendar in Latin America: Advantages and disadvantages of simultaneous and separate parliamentary and presidential elections Consecuencias políticas del calendario electoral en América latina: ventajas y desventajas de elecciones simultáneas o separadas para presidente y legislatura

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José Enrique MOLINA V.

2010-07-01

Full Text Available The paper analyzes the ideas put forward by Shugart and Carey (1992 and Mainwaring and Shugart (1997 regarding the combined effect of presidential electoral systems and the timing of the parliamentary elections over political representation and governability. The hypotheses of these authors are contrasted with the results of Latin American presidential elections (1996-2000. The conclusion is reached that, as expected, the timing of presidential and parliamentary elections and the electoral system for president tend to influence the chance that the party or coalition of the president has a sizeable or majority parliamentary representation.El trabajo analiza los planteamientos desarrollados por Shugart y Carey (1992 y Mainwaring y Shugart (1997 con relación al efecto que sobre la gobernabilidad y la representatividad tienen las distintas combinaciones de sistema electoral para presidente de la República con la fecha en que se realizan las elecciones legislativas (simultáneas o separadas con las presidenciales, confrontando las hipótesis que se derivan de estos análisis con los resultados de las elecciones presidenciales celebradas en los países de América Latina entre 1996 y 2000. Se llega a la conclusión de que los resultados electorales tienden a corroborar las hipótesis sobre el efecto combinado del calendario electoral y el sistema electoral presidencial sobre la gobernabilidad y la representatividad, y en particular sobre la posibilidad de que el presidente electo cuente con una fuerza parlamentaria mayoritaria o sólida.

Political Transmigrants: Rethinking Hmong Political Activism in America

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Nengher N. Vang, Ph.D

2011-12-01

Full Text Available Since the initial resettlement of the Hmong in the United States in the mid-1970s, they have maintained strong political and military relationships with the Lao People‘s Democratic Republic (LPDR. Yet, there is little research on that relationship and the involvement of the Hmong in the United States in political developments in Laos. Most works on Hmong political activism have focused on the electoral participation and representation of Hmong Americans in relation to American domestic politics. In this article, using archival, ethnographic, and interview data that I have collected between 2006 and 2009 in Laos, Thailand, and the United States, I describe and analyze the non-domestic or transnational form of Hmong American political expression and participation. I argue that Hmong political activism in America not only was transnational from the outset, but that their transnational involvement in political developments in Laos and their relations with the Lao PDR government also had a significant impact on their ethnic politics. Many Hmong political activists made their entry into ethnic politics through the door of transnational politics, and many were motivated by transnational political issues to participate in domestic American politics. By exploring their transnational involvement in political developments in Laos and their relations with the Lao PDR government, we get a more complete and dynamic understanding of Hmong political activism in the United States than is possible by focusing exclusively on domestic and electoral participation. Examining their transnational politics also allows us to see the transnationality of not only their culture, identity, and community but also that of their political activities and aspirations.

Personality, Political Behavior, and Political Views about Mexico’s 2012 Presidential Election

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Alejandro Moreno

2014-04-01

Full Text Available People’s electoral behavior is understood as political predispositions and attitudes in specific institutional contexts. Recent scholarly work has included personality as a key explanatory factor in individual-level models of political participation. In this paper we build upon these recent efforts. We utilize the Big Five approach to assess the effects of different personality traits on people’s likelihood of political engagement during the 2012 presidential election in Mexico. We focus on the effects of personality on voting in the election and on individual views about the integrity of the electoral process. We use post election survey data collected for the Comparative National Elections Project in the 2012 Mexican presidential election. Our findings show that extraversion is a critical individual-level factor accounting for the propensity to turnout in this election as well as to encourage political discussion with family members, friends, neighbors, and co-workers.

The Impact of Negative Income Tax on Participation in Electoral Politics.

Science.gov (United States)

Heffernan, Joseph

This paper reports on the impact of the Rural Income Maintenance Experiment on participation in the electoral process. Paradigms of the left and of the right predict dramatically different consequences of universal income supplement, the left wing seeing such a program as essential for minimal democratic processes while the right sees in universal…

The Nature and Functions of European Political Borders

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Jernej Zupančič

2008-07-01

Full Text Available The political border limits a state’s territory and symbolizes the extent of a state’s power and ownership. Borders give integrity to the inner state territory which they enclose (the role of establishing national integrity and at the same time form an outer boundary segregating the state territory from the surrounding politicial entities (the segregation role. European borders are old and reflect the political history of an old continent. The last major border changes happened after World War II. Over the centuries borders were merely lines separating one territory from another. Such borders were understood as »frontiers«. Forming an effective barrier against enemies was the overriding function of borders. Many borders were fortified and further enhanced by means of various defensive systems. In the second half of the 20th century the character of political borders changed. They became a contact area between countries, nations and cultures. Contemporary European borders reflect the colourful history of an old continent. They are predominantely functional markers: they represent the political and juridical delimitation of territories, they mark economic barriers and show their defensive nature and reveal the extent of cultural contact. As a result of European integration processes, the nature of political borders has changed: instead of division, their integration role is brought to the fore. A united Europe is nevertheless still not a borderless Europe! The borders within the »Schengen-area« have retained their political and administrative functions, it is just that the customs and security checks at the borders have been removed. During the period of European integration, borderlines were stabilized in accordance with the 1974 Helsinki Agreement. But despite this we can still observe ongoing changes to state borders, particularly in areas of conflict such as the Balkan peninsula. It seems after all that the process of demarcation

Desempeño e identidad institucional: el tribunal electoral en la alternancia del 2000

OpenAIRE

Corrochano, David H.; Díaz-santana, Héctor

2001-01-01

In this article we want to analyse the work made by the "Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF)" and its relation, in its grade and identity, within the presidential elections on the July 2sd, 2000. Our hypothesis is that TEPJF had started an institutional blackmail, which put several doubts on the process, and could limit the democratic advances built until today but also generate a post electoral conflict with political instability consequences in the country. Ana...

Political parties in the Sverdlovsk region: stages of development

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Mukhametov Ruslan Salikhovich

2013-12-01

Full Text Available This article analyzes the processes of party building in the Russian Federation. On the example of a single region – the Sverdlovsk region – we study the evolution of political parties. The factors favoring the process of formation and functioning of regional political parties and political movements in the Middle Urals are identified and classified. Much attention is paid to such factors of development of the parties in the region as a party-electoral law and the electoral system view.

Neoliberalism and the Unfolding Patterns of Young People’s Political Engagement and Political Participation in Contemporary Britain

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James Hart

2017-11-01

Full Text Available Recent trends suggest that young people in Britain are increasingly rejecting electoral politics. However, evidence suggests that British youth are not apolitical, but are becoming ever more sceptical of the ability of electoral politics to make a meaningful contribution to their lives. Why young people are adopting new political behaviour and values, however, is still a point of contention. Some authors have suggested that neoliberalism has influenced these new patterns of political engagement. This article will advance this critique of neoliberalism, giving attention to three different facets of neoliberalism and demonstrate how they combine to reduce young people’s expectations of political participation and their perceptions of the legitimacy of political actors. We combine ideational and material critiques to demonstrate how young people’s political engagement has been restricted by neoliberalism. Neoliberalism has influenced youth political participation through its critiques of collective democracy, by the subsequent transformations in political practice that it has contributed to, and through the economic marginalisation that has resulted from its shaping of governments’ monetary policy. This approach will be conceptually predicated on a definition of neoliberalism which acknowledges both its focus on reducing interventions in the economy, and also its productive capacity to modify society to construct market relations and galvanise competition amongst agents. From this definition, we develop the argument that neoliberal critiques of democracy, the subsequent changes in political practices which respond to these criticisms and the transformation in socioeconomic conditions caused by neoliberalism have coalesced to negatively influence young people’s electoral participation.

Rethinking State Politics: The Withering of State Dominant Machines in Brazil

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André Borges

2007-03-01

Full Text Available Research on Brazilian federalism and state politics has focused mainly on the impact of federal arrangements on national political systems, whereas comparative analyses of the workings of state political institutions and patterns of political competition and decision-making have often been neglected. The article contributes to an emerging comparative literature on state politics by developing a typology that systematizes the variation in political competitiveness and the extent of state elites’ control over the electoral arena across Brazilian states. It relies on factor analysis to create an index of “electoral dominance”, comprised of a set of indicators of party and electoral competitiveness at the state level, which measures state elites’ capacity to control the state electoral arena over time. Based on this composite index and on available case-study evidence, the article applies the typological classificatory scheme to all 27 Brazilian states. Further, the article relies on the typological classification to assess the recent evolution of state-level political competitiveness. The empirical analysis demonstrates that state politics is becoming more competitive and fragmented, including in those states that have been characterized as bastions of oligarchism and political bossism. In view of these findings, the article argues that the power of state political machines rests on fragile foundations: in Brazil’s multiparty federalism, vertical competition between the federal and state governments in the provision of social policies works as a constraint on state bosses’ machine-building strategies. It is concluded that our previous views on state political dynamics are in serious need of re-evaluation.

Political public relations in the European Union

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Valentini, Chiara

2013-01-01

This article examines the state of political public relations in the European Union by specifically focusing on reputation management and relationship management. Its arguments are based on a theoretical review of the literature of political public relations, reputation and relationship management......, and EU communication. The article suggests an in-depth examination of the nature of some of the EU’s major problems in political public relations, and contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the possibilities and limitations of applying reputation and relationship management constructs...

Social media effects on opinion polarization and political participation during the 2015 European immigration movements

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ohme, Jakob

The selective exposure to likeminded political viewpoints on algorithmic social media platforms is seen as a potential source for opinion polarization. But so far, little is known about how realistic this proposed mechanism is. It is furthermore an open question, what effects a potential opinion...... polarization invoked by social media use has on citizens’ democratic behavior, especially in a non-electoral context. Focusing on the issue of immigration during the refugee influx to Europe in autumn 2015, this study investigates the effects of social media usage on attitude polarization and connects...... it to political participation in refugee-related activities. A panel study conducted among Danish citizens (n=847) reveals that frequent social media usage contributes to a reinforcement of existing attitudes and at the same time mobilizes political participation. However, citizens who become more extreme...

Political Values in a European Museum

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Pieter Huistra

2014-02-01

Full Text Available The last decades have seen the rise of a European politic of cultural identity. One of the most recent initiatives in this respect, dating from 2007, is the House of European History that is due to open its doors in 2015. In this article, we investigate the recent history of the House, in particular through an analysis of the Conceptual Basis that was meant to be its foundation. We analyse the two narrative strategies that are employed in the formation of a shared European past and cultural identity. The first is that of continuity, in which Europe’s deep roots are traced. The second is that of a shared European destiny. Finally, we investigate the criticism these plans have received.

Framing the Discussion: Elections as Components of Larger Political and Cultural Geographies

Science.gov (United States)

Knopp, Larry

2016-01-01

It is important to remember that elections are but one piece--albeit an important one--of much larger processes of politics and governance. Moreover, in the United States they are increasingly implicated in the construction of identities and places. What goes on in the course of electoral politics (creating electoral systems and voting districts,…

Assessing Presidential Character: Degradation Rituals in Political Campaigns.

Science.gov (United States)

Bennett, W. Lance

1981-01-01

Considers the consequences of taking political blunders seriously as central objects of electoral discourse. Explores gaffes as possible degradation rituals and as contributions to the definition of the electoral process and to the information needs of voters who must make decisions within that process. (PD)

The Role of the Mass Media in the Nigerian Electoral Process ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

This paper focuses generally on the role of the mass media in Nigerian electoral process as it pertains to overall development of Nigeria. The background is the recognition of the central role of the media in political and social affairs as a natural outcome of its unlimited communicative strength and outreach. The statement of ...

Thai Electoral Campaigning: Vote-Canvassing Networks and Hybrid Voting

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Anyarat Chattharakul

2010-01-01

Full Text Available Based on evidence gathered through participant observation, this article illuminates the nature of vote-canvassing, previously a black box in Thai electoral studies. Offering a close-up study of the internal mechanisms of an individual Thai election campaign, this article reveals that vote-canvasser networks are underpinned by long-term dyadic relationships, both hierarchical and horizontal, between the candidate, vote-canvassers and voters. These networks continue to be the most important factor in winning elections. This article documents how candidates draw up an election campaign map and identify voters along residential lines to maximise their vote-canvassing strategy. The findings of this article challenge Anek’s 1996 concept of “two democracies”, which argues that rural voters are influenced by money, local leaders, political factions and corrupt politicians while more well-educated, urban, middle-class voters are more oriented toward the alternative policies offered by competing parties. The case study of Kom’s election campaign showed that the role of the much-vaunted middle-class voters is not decisive, even in suburban areas of Bangkok. While political marketing has grown in importance in Thai elections, it has not displaced traditional electoral practices. Thai society is, in fact, deeply fragmented and diverse – too complex to be divided in such a simplistic manner. This article suggests that rather than undergoing a linear transformation, political hybridisation is a key trend in Thai election campaigns.

The European Politics of Brain Drain

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Hasselbalch, Jacob

This qualitative multi-method studymaps the politics of brain drain at the level of the European Union and follows the evolution of the issue over the last four parliamentary periods. By utilizing a novel combination of interviews with a content and network analysis of parliamentary questions...

Social movements, public spheres and the European politics of the environment: green power Europe?

NARCIS (Netherlands)

van der Heijden, H.A.

2010-01-01

This book examines how the European environmental movement, as part of an emerging European civil society, has impinged on the problem definitions and solution strategies in the European politics of the environment. Examining core case studies in European environmental policy - biodiversity politics

“If you don’t take off your clothes, we’re going to kill you” : Sexual electoral violence as a silent weapon in Burundi and implications for humanitarian action

OpenAIRE

van Baalen, Miriam

2017-01-01

Previous research on electoral violence has explored the variation in manifestation, perpetrators, victims and causes or motivations.  While explanations have prescribed to structural and electoral factors or the nature of politics, nature of elections and electoral institutions, the causes and motivations behind sexual electoral violence has been under-researched. This in-depth single case study of sexual violence against women associated with the opposition in Burundi explores the possibili...

Newcomers in Politics? The Success of New Political Parties in the Slovak and Czech Republic after 2010?

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Viera Žúborová

2015-12-01

Full Text Available The last election in the Slovak and Czech Republic was special. It not only took place before the official electoral period (pre-elections, but new political parties were “again” successful. The article focuses not only on both elections in the last two years in a comparative perspective, but it analyses the opportunity structure of success as well, including types of new political parties (according to Lucardie. The article seeks to answer the question: why are new political parties electorally successful, able to break into parliament and even become part of a coalition government? We assume that the emergence and success of new political parties in both countries relied on the ability to promote “old” ideas in a new fashion, colloquially referred to as “new suits” or “old” ideological flows in new breeze.

Media Competition and Electoral Politics

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Piolatto, A.; Schuett, F.

2013-01-01

Abstract: We build a framework linking competition in the media market to political participation, media slant, and selection of politicians. Media outlets report on the ability of candidates running for office and compete for audience through their choice of slant. Citizens derive utility from

The Politics of Electoral Reforms in Post-Communist Countries : The 6 March 2005 Parliamentary elections in the Republic of Moldova

OpenAIRE

Sulima, Snejana

2007-01-01

The article deals with the March 6th 2005 parliamentary election in the Republic of Moldova. It mentions the changes that occurred in the electoral system after the 1991 declaration of independence of the country. The article cites electoral legislation, describes the running of the electoral process and analyses the election results of the 2006 process. It also contains information about the implication of international bodies in the Moldavian elections.

Regional electoral process in a context of discussion about the project of the electoral codex of Russia

OpenAIRE

Елена Олеговна Лисянская

2009-01-01

In the given article are analyzed pluses and minuses of different electoral systems, their applicability to the Russian conditions, considering the reforms of the electoral legislation of Russia. The project of the Electoral Codex as possible document that regulates regional electoral process put under consideration.

Media competition and electoral politics

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Piolatto, A.; Schütt, F.

2015-01-01

We build a framework linking competition in the media market to political participation. Media outlets report on the ability of candidates running for office and compete for audience through their choice of slant. Citizens consume news only if the expected utility of being informed about candidates'

Regional electoral process in a context of discussion about the project of the electoral codex of Russia

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Елена Олеговна Лисянская

2009-12-01

Full Text Available In the given article are analyzed pluses and minuses of different electoral systems, their applicability to the Russian conditions, considering the reforms of the electoral legislation of Russia. The project of the Electoral Codex as possible document that regulates regional electoral process put under consideration.

The Digital Dimension of European Cultural Politics: Index, Intellectual Property and Internet Governance

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Nanna Thylstrup

2011-10-01

Full Text Available The Internet and the World Wide Web (WWW have become dominant fields for European Union (EU politics. What used to be at the outer fringes of the EU policies has now taken centre stage. The transnational and dialogical structure of the Internet has hardwired it for international cultural politics, yet the very same structure also works to erode the very territorial foundation of traditional cultural politics. Given the delicate and complex terrain cultural politics traverse in international politics, and the trailblazing progression of the Internet, it seems on-line cultural politics is not just the application of existing cultural politics to cyberspace but a new field to be explored, analyzed and taught. The present article maps a constituent European cultural boundary on the WWW as the EU has circumscribed it and places this cultural node within a wider array of Europeanization and globalization processes.

The divided Electorate: Media Use and Political Involvement

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Aarts, Kees; Semetko, Holli A.; Semetko, H.

2003-01-01

Research examining media effects on political attitudes has put forth broadly conflicting explanations: media use diminishes knowledge and involvement and contributes to political cynicism and declining turnout; media use contributes to learning, political involvement, trust, efficacy, and

Electorate redistricting for a single-member district plurality, two-ballot voting system: Taiwan’s electoral reform

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Lin Pei-Chun

2014-01-01

Full Text Available In this study, we formulated a mathematical model for electorate demarcation in line with Taiwan’s electoral reforms, minimizing legislative seats for the main opposition party in Taipei City. The model is compared with historical election data to establish characteristics that are most contested and germane to the reform. Examination of the constituency demarcation for the Seventh Legislator Election ascertains that electorate demarcation can/can not be manipulated to create electoral advantage. Demonstrable evidence of a bias toward disproportionate representation in the single-member district plurality, two-ballot voting system ultimately attests the importance of scenario analysis before adopting new electorate systems.

Pink programming across Europe: exploring identity politics at European LGBT film festivals

OpenAIRE

Dhaenens, Frederik

2018-01-01

LGBT film festivals curate programs that are expected to cater to LGBT identity politics, conform to normative cinematic standards of European film festivals and consider the manifold desires of their target audiences. Since programmers are crucial to this process, the present study investigated European programmers’ approaches to identity politics. The analysis of in-depth expert interviews with 24 film programmers from 17 film festivals in 17 European countries revealed that most programmer...

Politics and Policies of Promoting Multilingualism in the European Union

Science.gov (United States)

Romaine, Suzanne

2013-01-01

This article examines the politics of policies promoting multilingualism in the European Union (EU), specifically in light of the recently released European Union Civil Society Platform on Multilingualism. As the most far-reaching and ambitious policy document issued by the European Commission, the Platform warrants close scrutiny at a significant…

Cultura política y elecciones en México. El Instituto Federal Electoral y la educación cívica

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María Carmen ALANIS FIGUEROA

2009-11-01

Full Text Available RESUMEN: Se presentan un conjunto de reflexiones en torno a la cultura política de los mexicanos, la participación electoral y las actividades que realiza el Instituto Federal Electoral para fomentar la cultura cívica. En este sentido se puede decir que en México se vive una democracia que es producto de un proceso de transición pacífica fundado en modificaciones constitucionales y legales que allanaron el camino para la participación incluyente de nuevas fuerzas políticas y la celebración de elecciones confiables y transparentes. Dentro de este proceso de democratización el ámbito de desarrollo más importante fue el de los ciudadanos. La tarea pendiente de la consolidación democrática en México es fomentar la participación activa de una ciudadanía comprometida e informada. Es en esta perspectiva que se inscriben los esfuerzos del Instituto Federal Electoral por construir un sólido anclaje en dos dimensiones de cultura política del ciudadano mexicano: la conductual que se refiere al activismo político y la actitudinal que hace referencia a la aprobación de los ideales democráticos.ABSTRACT: The article talks about a series of reflections about the Mexican’s political culture, election participation and the activities of the Federal Electoral Institute. You could say that Mexico lives in a democracy, which is a product of a process, based upon a pacific political transition, constitutional and legislative changes, which set way for the participation of new influent political forces and the celebration of trustworthy and transparent elections. In this process of democratization the most important development factor was the citizens. For the democratic consolidation of Mexico there is still the pending task of involving an informed and compromised citizenship. It is here where the efforts of the Federal Electoral Institute are focusing to build a solid anchoring of two dimensions of political culture: the behavior of

Transnational networks, diffusion dynamics, and electoral revolutions in the postcommunist world

Science.gov (United States)

Bunce, Valerie; Wolchik, Sharon L.

2007-05-01

Since 1996, eight elections have taken place in postcommunist Europe and Eurasia that have replaced illiberal with liberal governments. There is ample evidence that these “electoral revolutions” reflected the cross-national diffusion of a distinctive model of regime change that was developed elsewhere and that was designed to promote democratization in authoritarian political contexts featuring semi-competitive elections. This electoral model spread throughout the postcommunist region because of both shared perceptions by opposition groups of similar local conditions and the existence of transnational democracy promotion networks that included local, regional and American participants. As these revolutions spread, however, they were less successful in carrying through democratic change-in part because local conditions were less supportive and in part because authoritarian leaders and their international allies were both forewarned and forearmed.

Voting frequentia as an indicator of political activity

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V. V. Kryvoshein

2017-07-01

Found that the amount of voting frequentia depends on the political regime, the form of government and the level elections. Determined that democracies characterized by an autonomous form of voting frequentia and for undemocratic – mobilizational form of voting frequentia. Followed that the highest rate of participation in voting observed in countries with a parliamentary form of government and proportional electoral system, more than 2/3 of the voting frequentia observed in countries with a parliamentary form of government and majoritarian electoral systems, lowest level of voting frequentia observed in countries with a presidential form of government. It also notes that increased voting frequentia observed in countries where compulsory voting is set. Observed trend of dependency and level elections: electoral activity of elections on the local, regional and supra-national representative authority is much lower than in the presidential and parliamentary elections. Attention is drawn to in explaining the voting frequentia considered rational and irrational factors, since voting is a two-tiered process: active, politically defined part of the voters voted party ideologically and politically unbiased – rationally.

Non-discriminatory Rules and Ethnic Representation: The Election of the Bosnian State Presidency

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bochsler, Daniel

2012-01-01

. Following the 2009 judgment of the European Court of Human Rights, Bosnia was urged to reform its electoral law. This paper discusses alternative practices of ethnically based political representation and their possible application in the Bosnian state presidency elections. Several innovative electoral...... models that satisfy fair political and legal criteria for desirable electoral dynamics in divided societies can be envisaged in the Bosnian context. Specifically, these are: the introduction of a single countrywide electoral district, the adoption of the single non-transferable vote, and the application...

U.S. Presidential Election – 2012: trends tone in marketing and political PR

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Aurelia Peru-Bălan

2013-04-01

Full Text Available This article is a synthesis of political PR strategies used in the U.S. presidential campaign of November 6, 2012. Also, we elucidated electoral profiles of the two candidates-Republican and Democrat - campaign themes impact on American voting decision. Article contains U.S. electoral marketing trend analysis, design principles of electoral spots, negative advertising in campaign.

U.S. Presidential Election – 2012: trends tone in marketing and political PR

OpenAIRE

Aurelia Peru-Bălan

2013-01-01

This article is a synthesis of political PR strategies used in the U.S. presidential campaign of November 6, 2012. Also, we elucidated electoral profiles of the two candidates-Republican and Democrat - campaign themes impact on American voting decision. Article contains U.S. electoral marketing trend analysis, design principles of electoral spots, negative advertising in campaign.

Economic populism, partial deregulation of transport fuels and electoral outcomes in India

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Srinivasan, Sunderasan

2014-01-01

The Indian political class is known to employ populist, albeit economically unsustainable, measures to replace intrinsic ‘valence’, especially shortly prior to election windows. Such measures include loan-waivers, interest rate concessions, provision of free electricity for agriculturists, etc. The union government’s leverage to maneuver and to micro-manage retail fuel prices within partially deregulated environments is hypothesized to provide incumbents with an advantage over rival contestants in the electoral process. This paper analyzes the evolution in the retail prices of diesel and petrol (gasoline), and the transfer of such evolution, into the inflation index of the ‘all commodity’ basket. It is observed that when international benchmark prices are relatively low and domestic inflation is moderate, the transfer occurs within about 42 weeks. During periods of high oil prices-frequently above USD 100 a barrel-and high inflation-higher than 5.00–5.50%-prices of petroleum distillates tend to feed into overall inflation more rapidly, within about 34–40 weeks. The study, covering a total of 82 elections for the central and state (provincial) governments during the period 2000 to 2013, concludes that even as patterns of manipulation of prices are apparent, ceteris paribus, such leverage does not necessarily seem to translate into favorable electoral outcomes. This conclusion reiterates observations that economic im/prudence may not necessarily determine electoral outcomes, and that the basis for electoral choices made by the Indian voter–consumer remains subjective. - Highlights: • Incumbent politicians’ influence on fuel pricing. • Fuel prices manipulated and increases delayed until after elections. • Price reductions brought forward. • ex ante Inflation expectations of voter–consumers. • Electoral outcomes. • Price manipulation found irrelevant to electoral performance

Romanian’s Legislative Elections or Confirmation of the Political Periphery Theory

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Aurelian Giugăl

2013-04-01

Full Text Available Despite a formal liberal-democratic society and a supposed legal-rational authority (according to German sociologist Max Weber’s definition, post-communist Romania has continued to be a semi-peripheral country based on status. The perpetuation of the organization model where the personal status always prevails is the main effect on the parties appeared in post-communist political and economic context, which is basically the same as in interwar and communist periods. Thus parties’ development is closely linked to the charisma of their members, and their connection with the electorate/society has no sense concerning political ideology (as it is dominated by the context and electoral clientelism of short notice – one electoral cycle.

A Pragmatic Study of Barak Obama's Political Propaganda

Science.gov (United States)

Al-Ameedi, Riyadh Tariq Kadhim; Khudhier, Zina Abdul Hussein

2015-01-01

This study investigates, pragmatically, the language of five electoral political propaganda texts delivered by Barak Obama. It attempts to achieve the following aims: (1) identifying the speech acts used in political propaganda, (2) showing how politicians utilize Grice's maxims and the politeness principle in issuing their propaganda, (3)…

The Youth and Political Ideology in Ghanaian Politics

African Journals Online (AJOL)

chifaou.amzat

2012-10-31

Oct 31, 2012 ... Abstract. The youth of Ghana have played an important role in both local and national politics since the inception of the Fourth Republic. Among other things, they have served as the foot-soldiers and channels through which party manifestoes have been transmitted to the electorate and polling agents ...

Tendencias en el estudio del comportamiento electoral en México / Trends in Electoral Behavior Studies in Mexico

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Rubén Flores González

2017-03-01

Full Text Available El estudio del comportamiento electoral, en lo que se refiere a la manera en cómo los ciudadanos toman la decisión de por quién votar en una democracia, es un tema que adquiere relevancia en México a partir de las elecciones de 1988, derivado del surgimiento de fuerzas políticas que pueden competir electoralmente contra el partido hegemónico: el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI. Debido a lo reciente de este acontecimiento, muchas de las investigaciones realizadas en el país sobre este campo de estudio corresponden a esfuerzos aislados y poco sistematizados. Por esta razón, el objetivo del presente trabajo es sistematizar, mediante una revisión documental, el conocimiento disponible en México sobre el comportamiento electoral de los votantes mexicanos. De esta revisión se concluye que los estudios electorales en México han buscado adaptar a la realidad del país los constructos y las teorías creadas y probadas en Estados Unidos. Esta adaptación ha resultado positiva la mayoría de las veces y hoy existen instituciones y asociaciones académicas que han consolidado este campo de estudio. / The study of electoral behavior regarding how citizens decide who to vote for in a democracy has become important in Mexico since the 1988 elections. That is because in that year, political forces emerged that were able to compete at the polls with the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI, until then hegemonic. Since this is still very recent, many of the initial research projects in this field in Mexico have been isolated efforts that were not very systematic. For this reason, the aim of this article is to systematize the information available in Mexico about voter behavior through a review of the literature. This review concludes that electoral studies in Mexico have attempted to adapt to Mexico’s situation constructs and theories created and tested in the United States. This adaptation has been positive in most cases, and today

Electoral Violence Prevention:What Works?

OpenAIRE

Birch, Sarah; Muchlinski, David

2017-01-01

Elections are in theory democratic means of resolving disputes and making collective decisions, yet too often force is employed to distort the electoral process. The post-Cold War increase in the number of electoral authoritarian and hybrid states has brought this problem into relief. In recent years the prevention of electoral violence has played an increasingly large role in the democratic assistance activities undertaken by international agencies, following increased awareness within the i...

PARTICIPACIÓN ELECTORAL EN LAS ELECCIONES PRIMARIAS EN URUGUAY

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Daniel Buquet

2011-12-01

Full Text Available So far Uruguay is the only country in the world in which parties carried out open and simultaneous primary elections in order to select their presidential candidates. The effects of employing primaries on the election results are determined by the particular characteristics of the electorate who voluntarily participate in them. From survey data, we analyze the factors affecting participation in such instances and their effects on the type of presidential candidates tend to be elected. The results show that in primary elections vote citizens more educated, more interested in politics, identified with political parties and with more extreme ideological positions. As a result we observe that through primaries, candidates away from the median voter are more likely to be winners than with DSV system.

Forms And Methods Of Modern Russian Youth Involvement Into The Electoral Process

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Aleksey D. Maslov

2015-03-01

Full Text Available In the present article authors analyzes forms and methods of modern Russian youth involvement in the electoral process. Involving young people in the electoral process is directly related to the problem of increasing the level of political culture in the society. This article presents the main forms of work to attract young people to participate in elections in our country, according to the Central Election Commission (CEC of Russia, some of the regional election commissions, the Russian Public Opinion Research Center (WCIOM. Authors note that at present there are more than one hundred and sixty legislative acts of the Russian Federation, which reflect certain aspects of the state youth policy. All these measures stimulate the political activity of young people, but in our opinion, that is not enough. The fundamental change in the attitude of young people to politics, to the institution of elections is possible only when young people feel like a real part and the subject of transformation processes in our country. In conclusion authors summarizes, that a fundamental change in the relationship of young people to politics, the institution of elections is possible only, when very young feel a real party and the subject of transformation processes in our country. This is possible only when the state is really and not formally prioritizes youth policy. Young people should have a daily state support for education, starting a business, implementation of acquired skills for a decent fee, starting a family, buying a house, etc.

Protest Demonstrations, Political Partici

African Journals Online (AJOL)

DR Nneka

2015-04-14

Apr 14, 2015 ... the Era of Terrorism: Nigeria's Public Order Act and the ... Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and other international laws. But owing to the .... little sense to limit analysis of political participation to voting and electoral.

Echilibru partinic și reprezentare electorală în democraţiile estice

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Silviu-Petru Grecu

2011-08-01

Full Text Available The success of democratic order in post-communist countries depends on the balance of political parties, the equilibrium of electoral systems and the role played by the social capital in spreading the rules of democracy. This paper is focused on a quantitative-multivariate analyse of political and party dynamics in Eastern Europe. The main objective of this article is to underline the party dynamics and evolution in a comparative case study between Romania and Poland. We want to create a comprehensive image of election and party evolution in post-communist countries.

Politics representation scenarios and elec toral behavior - study case: Porto Alegre's municipal elections in 2004

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Fernanda Barth

2008-06-01

Full Text Available The purpose of this article is to reflect about the influence of the political surveys in the definition of the electoral behavior analyzing the scenarios of political representation, the mechanism of public opinion formation and the specificities of the behavior of the gaucho electorate. We believe the publicity built upon the surveys had a great impact in the Porto Alegre mayor election results in 2004. The methodology we chose was the qualitative approach, that is, content analysis. In the end, we confirm the behavior of the gaucho electorate shows a receptive predisposing to the appeal to the useful vote.

Dialogue: Intersectionalizing European politics: bridging gender and ethnicity

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Mügge, L.; de Jong, S.

2013-01-01

This Dialogues section brings together research from two hitherto separate interdisciplinary strands of European scholarship on politics: Gender Studies, and Migration and Ethnic Studies. Combining theories, concepts, methods, and findings, the papers demonstrate what each field can learn from the

Beyond Essentialist and Functionalist Analyses of the "Politicisation of Religion": The Evolution of Religious Parties in Political Catholicism and Political Islam

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Joerg Baudner

2014-03-01

Full Text Available The debate about “politics and religion” has already rejected essentialist claims of fundamental differences in the impact of religion on politics in different cultures. This article will argue that political Islam in Turkey and political Catholicism in Italy and Germany adopted remarkably similar patterns of cross-class coalitions and policies for a “reconciliation of capitalism and democracy”. First, religious parties developed as mass integration parties which already encompassed cross-class coalitions. Second, in the aftermath of political and economic crises these parties transformed into catch-all parties with a pronounced neo-liberal agenda which was given a religious justification. Third, at the same time these parties continued to sponsor policies and organizations which cushioned and supplemented an uneven economic development. Fourth, the parties kept traditional family policies which helped attracting a significant female electorate. “Organized religion” provided religious parties with a potential electorate, ancillary organizations and ideological concepts; however, their role in this political evolution changed. The conclusion will discuss whether these findings can be generalized.

Partis politiques et médias en Grande-Bretagne : entre rivalité et complicité Political Parties and Media in Great Britain Rivals or Partners ?

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Karine Rivière De Franco

2005-01-01

Full Text Available During the weeks preceding a General Election, British political parties try to convince the electorate to vote for them, but given the limited degree of direct communication, the parties need the media to transmit their messages. Their relationships are complex and behind an apparent antagonism, a real partnership sometimes develops. Indeed, political parties endeavour to influence the media in order to benefit from positive coverage, by resorting to political marketing, by hiring advisers, by giving the media the type of news that they need and by controlling press conferences and press releases. The media do not accept this manipulation and react by making independent political choices, by finding other sources of political news or by revealing the methods used by the political parties to convince voters. In other circumstances, the political parties and the media become partners, since the media enable the parties to transmit their messages without any external modification through electoral broadcasts and advertisements and sometimes they even take an active part in the parties’ electoral campaigns. Even if the political parties and the media need each other, they use and manipulate each other. During electoral campaigns, these relationships are not to be neglected because they can either facilitate or hinder the persuasion of the electorate.

Words and figures. A socio-semiotic approach of the electoral poster

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Daniela ROVENTA-FRUMUSANI

2015-07-01

Full Text Available At the beginning of the third millennium, in a “risk society” threatened by crisis we witness a reconfiguration of the individuals relationship to media messages which becomes more and more complex. Political action change (“Arab spring”, “Bucharest civic winter”, discourses emphasize the interactive components (debates, polemics, acid commentaries, channels multiply (SMS, Blogs, social networks, media genre and perspectives also change. In the framework characterized by: i fragmentation of public space, ii new forms of social interaction ; iii specific media stories and representations, we analyze the political mediated discourse on the basis of the emotion/argumentation dichotomy. Our corpus is constituted by electoral messages (outdoors from the last Romanian Parliamentary elections (December 2012 and web sites of the main political parties. The methodological approach will be based on a semiotic and discourse analysis of political advertising messages compared to commercial advertising.

Careerism, Committee Assignments and the Electoral Connection

OpenAIRE

Katz, Jonathan N.; Sala, Brian R.

1996-01-01

Most scholars agree that members of Congress are strongly motivated by their desire for reelection. This assumption implies that members of Congress adopt institutions, rules, and norms of behavior in part to serve their electoral interests. Direct tests of the electoral connection are rare, however, because significant, exogenous changes in the electoral environment are difficult to identify. We develop and test an electoral rationale for the norm of committee assignment "property rights...

ELECTORAL POPULISM VERSUS ECONOMIC STABILITY

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Ilie Mihai

2017-03-01

Full Text Available It is well known that in election years, political parties compete in measures and promises that are more or less extravagant, designed to attract votes from voters. The situation is understandable to a certain extent, this practice being common in other countries as well, important being not to "jump the horse" as unfortunately happens in Romania, where in four years the politicians, in their desire to obtain a mandate in local or parliamentary elections, replete with all kinds of promises, without regard to the impact that their application might have on the stability of the overall economy. As the electoral legislation has become more stringent, attracting voters by giving them attentions and gifts (buckets, packages of food with sugar, oil, etc., or gourmet was forbidden and election promises have climbed the first rung of the strategy of attracting voters. On the other hand, the old local and central political structures at the end of their mandate try, for the last hundred meters, to adopt populist, hoping both to renew mandates and to solve personal interests relating to special pensions bonuses and all sorts of pecuniary advantages, according to the principle "after us the deluge".

What Kind of Animal is Electoral Integrity?

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Elklit, Jørgen

This discussion paper attempts to take a comprehensive look at electoral integrity. The concept is initially defined in a way which follows the ordinary language use of “integrity”, i.e. as something which has not in any way been damaged or ruined. Electoral integrity thus refers to the perfect......”, or “acceptable” elections. “Electoral acceptability” is maybe the concept best covering “real-world electoral integrity”, so that the relationship between the two might remind one of the relationship between “Dahl’s democracy” and “polyarchy”? The opening discussion is followed by a presentation and discussion...... of some key points in relation to the eight attributes of electoral integrity suggested here. The conclusion is that electoral integrity is a complicated concept to work with and that it is not enough to measure it solely based on election observation reports or the average of perceptions of a sample...

Electoral Quotas: Should the UK learn from the rest of the world?

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Chris Game

2009-05-01

Full Text Available UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown would surely love his political legacy to include a significant contribution to constitutional reform. Certainly he inherited, on succeeding Tony Blair in 2007, a substantial agenda of unfinished constitutional business: devolution, House of Lords reform, the electoral system, a bill of rights, a written constitution. Two years on, though, major progress on any of these ‘big’ topics seems most unlikely before a probable 2010 General Election. Which might mean a rather modest constitutional legacy, based mainly on bringing some prerogative powers under MPs’ scrutiny and control, and, in other comparatively minor ways, boosting the role of Parliament. One such low profile, though not unimportant, initiative is Brown’s revival of the Speaker’s Conference, a constitutional device that many supposed had become extinct with the creation in 2000 of the Electoral Commission.

The Noisy Counter-Revolution: Understanding the Cultural Conditions and Dynamics of Populist Politics in Europe in the Digital Age

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Lars Rensmann

2017-12-01

Full Text Available The article argues for a cultural turn in the study of populist politics in Europe. Integrating insights from three fields—political sociology, political psychology, and media studies—a new, multi-disciplinary framework is proposed to theorize particular cultural conditions favorable to the electoral success of populist parties. Through this lens, the fourth wave of populism should be viewed as a “noisy”, anti-cosmopolitan counter-revolution in defense of traditional cultural identity. Reflective of a deep-seated, value-based great divide in European democracies that largely trumps economic cleavages, populist parties first and foremost politically mobilize long lingering cultural discontent and successfully express a backlash against cultural change. While the populist counter-revolution is engendered by profoundly transformed communicative conditions in the age of social media, its emotional force can best be theorized with the political psychology of authoritarianism: as a new type of authoritarian cultural revolt.

The costs of electoral fraud: establishing the link between electoral integrity, winning an election, and satisfaction with democracy.

Science.gov (United States)

Fortin-Rittberger, Jessica; Harfst, Philipp; Dingler, Sarah C

2017-07-03

Previous research has shown that voters' perception of electoral fairness has an impact on their attitudes and behaviors. However, less research has attempted to link objective measurements of electoral integrity on voters' attitudes about the democratic process. Drawing on data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and the Quality of Elections Data, we investigate whether cross-national differences in electoral integrity have significant influences on citizens' level of satisfaction with democracy. We hypothesize that higher levels of observed electoral fraud will have a negative impact on evaluations of the democratic process, and that this effect will be mediated by a respondent's status as a winner or loser of an election. The article's main finding is that high levels of electoral fraud are indeed linked to less satisfaction with democracy. However, we show that winning only matters in elections that are conducted in an impartial way. The moment elections start to display the telltale signs of manipulation and malpractice, winning and losing no longer have different effects on voter's levels of satisfaction with democracy.

Social media analysis during political turbulence.

Science.gov (United States)

Antonakaki, Despoina; Spiliotopoulos, Dimitris; V Samaras, Christos; Pratikakis, Polyvios; Ioannidis, Sotiris; Fragopoulou, Paraskevi

2017-01-01

Today, a considerable proportion of the public political discourse on nationwide elections proceeds in Online Social Networks. Through analyzing this content, we can discover the major themes that prevailed during the discussion, investigate the temporal variation of positive and negative sentiment and examine the semantic proximity of these themes. According to existing studies, the results of similar tasks are heavily dependent on the quality and completeness of dictionaries for linguistic preprocessing, entity discovery and sentiment analysis. Additionally, noise reduction is achieved with methods for sarcasm detection and correction. Here we report on the application of these methods on the complete corpus of tweets regarding two local electoral events of worldwide impact: the Greek referendum of 2015 and the subsequent legislative elections. To this end, we compiled novel dictionaries for sentiment and entity detection for the Greek language tailored to these events. We subsequently performed volume analysis, sentiment analysis, sarcasm correction and topic modeling. Results showed that there was a strong anti-austerity sentiment accompanied with a critical view on European and Greek political actions.

Nonverbal Messages in Televised Presidential Political Advertising--Pragmatic Politics with Electoral Benefits.

Science.gov (United States)

Conti, Delia B.

Television politics, emphasizing emotions over rational decision making, has been accused of warping the political process, especially in the election of the president. In the incomplete medium--the collection of dots--that is television, the viewer completes the circle of communication, filling in the image with his or her own attitudes. The…

AN APPLICATION ON BRAND POSITIONING ACTIVITIES OF POLITICAL PARTIES: GAZIANTEP SAMPLE

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Bülent DEMİRAĞ

2018-01-01

Full Text Available The aim in political marketing is to be able to determine the needs and desires of the voters correctly, to form and implement the policies towards the electorate and finally to be able to sustain the electorate in the political process and to form the electoral loyalty accordingly. Particularly, regardless of the voting rate, in the elections, the second party is considered to have lost the election, and for this reason, it is very important for the political parties that are political practitioners to come to the forefront in the politically high society where competition is experienced in the ruthless dimensions. In order to create this differentiation, it is crucial that the competitors, the market and other variables are analyzed well, the segmentation of the market, the formation and application of positioning-related policies and recertification-related strategies. The aim of the work is to measure perceptions of the characteristics of voters who are thought to be influential in political party preferences. In this context, it has been investigated whether 11 different characteristics determined by voters make a meaningful difference with their demographic characteristics. The identification of these characteristics and their importance will provide significant advantages for political parties in their positioning strategies. Within this scope, face to face surveys and data were collected from the voters voting in the province of Gaziantep. The obtained data were subjected to statistical analysis. In this context, it was concluded that the factors affecting political party election differed significantly with demographic criteria.

Internet and Electoral Competition: The Case of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya [ENG

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2013-01-01

Full Text Available This paper tests the equalization hypothesis at the vote level. A good number of studies have examined whether the Internet is levelling the playing fi eld in electoral competition by offering fringe parties opportunities to increase their visibility. To test the infl uence of use of the Internet in vote choice, we analyze the behaviour of ERC voters. Using survey data, we test whether online exposure to political information affects vote choice among these voters. We fi nd that online exposure to political information increases the probability of voting for Solidaritat Catalana relatively to voting again for ERC. The analysis provides empirical evidence to support the idea that the Internet works as a differentiated media environment in which political messages compete in more equal terms.

Migration, Multiple Citizenships, and the Right toParticipate in Official Electoral Bodies in Mexico

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Francisco Antonio Rojas Choza

2017-07-01

Full Text Available El fenómeno migratorio en México y el recono-cimiento de la ciudadanía múltiple ha abierto dis-tintas problemáticas en torno al ejercicio de los derechos políticos, en particular, el derecho a in-tegrar autoridades electorales. El objetivo del pre-sente texto es reflejar cuantitativamente la posible dimensión de la ciudadanía múltiple en México, producto de la creciente migración internacional, y realizar un análisis jurídico de las restricciones por motivo de la ciudadanía múltiple en el ejerci-cio de la función electoral. Para el caso de Méxi-co, dichas restricciones son discriminatorias y no guardan razonabilidad ni proporcionalidad entre los distintos cargos, sean autoridades electorales administrativas o jurisdiccionales. / Migration and the recognition of multiple citizenship have opened up different problems in the exercise of political rights, and specifically, the right to be part of official electoral bodies. This article aims to quantify the possible effects of multiple citizenship in Mexico due to growing international migration, as well as to analyze the legal restrictions on the exercise of electoral rights due to multiple citizenship. In the case of Mexico, these restrictions are discriminatory and neither reasonable nor proportional to the different administrative or jurisdictional electoral positions.

The Youth and Political Ideology in Ghanaian Politics: The Case of ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

The youth of Ghana have played an important role in both local and national politics since the inception of the Fourth Republic. Among other things, they have served as the foot-soldiers and channels through which party manifestoes have been transmitted to the electorate and polling agents during registration and voting ...

The Role of Parliaments in Times of Transition: The Impact of Participatory Politics on Social Cohesion and the Quality of Governance in Post-Authoritarian Settings

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Afsah, Ebrahim

The Role of Parliaments in Times of Transition: The Impact of Participatory Politics on Social Cohesion and the Quality of Governance in Post-Authoritarian Settings This contribution presents the theoretical basis for the normative preference given to electoral politics and investigates the insti......The Role of Parliaments in Times of Transition: The Impact of Participatory Politics on Social Cohesion and the Quality of Governance in Post-Authoritarian Settings This contribution presents the theoretical basis for the normative preference given to electoral politics and investigates...... the institutional prerequisites if competitive electoral politics are to lead to better governance outcomes and greater social stability. Examining why these preconditions are largely lacking in the Arab world, this contribution investigates what could be done to redress these shortcomings....

Online Political Campaigning during the 2014 Regional Elections in Poland

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Paweł Baranowski

2015-12-01

Full Text Available This article is dedicated to the analysis and evaluation of political communication on a regional level. Without any doubt, the Internet revolution affected electoral campaigning on every level. Online campaigning before local elections is often marginalized by political scientists and other scholars researching political marketing. However, the question emerges: are the candidates aware of the possibilities that new media has brought to political communication? Content analysis of all the major online communication tools has allowed the author to analyze the patterns of using websites, official Facebook profiles and Twitter accounts of candidates during the 2014 Lower Silesian Regional assembly elections. The Lower Silesian Voivodeship is among the fastest developing regions in Poland with high Internet penetration rate. Is the Internet campaign treated as a second-class way to communicate with potential voters, or is it perceived as an opportunity to reach electorate online?

THE UNINOMINAL VOTE AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE ROMANIAN ELECTORAL SYSTEM

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PORUMBACEAN CLAUDIU

2011-04-01

Full Text Available Since 1990, after the first democratic elections inRomania, before each election, there were debates about the technical way inwhich elections should be conducted. If, as of May 20th 1990 and till the autumnof 2004, parliamentary elections held in Romania were conducted in the form ofproportional representation, by voting on political party lists, in electoraldistricts strictly drawn by type and capital district, after the 2004 electiondebates around the modification of the voting system were approached withincreased interest and very intense discussions at the decision – making levelswere initiated.Thus, after lengthy debates in parliament and inside the civil society, and alsofollowing the referendum on 25th of November 2007, initiated by the Presidentunder the Constitution of Romania (in consultation with the Parliament, it wasdecided that the Romanian electoral system would be modified from theproportional party lists voting method into the uninominal majority vote inelectoral constituencies and uninominal colleges (districts.The decision being thus taken by the voters, the Parliament started to discuss thesuggested bills and finally Law no. 35/2008 was passed in March 2008, this lawbeing known as the "law of the single vote".Law no. 35/2008 confirms the modification of the Romanian electoral systemand the November 2008 parliamentary elections were held under itsprerogatives. The consequences of the electoral changes are still commentedupon by the most prominent public life players in Romania.

Electoral Violence in Africa

OpenAIRE

Adolfo, Eldrigde; Söderberg Kovacs, Mimmi; Nyström, Daniel; Utas, Mats

2012-01-01

In the time period 2012–2013, over 20 national elections and two constitutional referendums are scheduled in Africa. In several of these elections, violence is anticipated to play a prominent role. There is great urgency to support the establishment of effective and legitimate electoral institutions and electoral frameworks; institute reforms aimed at lowering the stakes of elections; encourage the devolution of powers; improve the socio-economic standing of the populace; and devise strategie...

El marketing electoral en el ámbito local: el caso del municipio de Temamatla, Estado de México, 2012

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Ana Esthela Benítez Garcés

2015-07-01

Full Text Available En este trabajo se examina la importancia de las estrategias de marketing electoral en la contienda por la Presidencia Municipal de Temamatla, Estado de México, en 2012. Con el fin de alcanzar este objetivo, en la primera parte de la investigación se analiza, en líneas generales, qué es la democracia, así como la importancia de los partidos políticos y de la publicidad electoral; en la segunda se es-tudia cómo las estrategias de mercadotecnia han adquirido relevancia en el ámbito comicial, y en la última se aborda específicamente cómo influyó la propaganda en las elecciones de 2012 en el muni-cipio mencionado / This work examines the importance of the electoral marketing strategies on the elections for Municipal President in Temamatla, State of Mexico in 2012. In order to reach this objective, the first part of the investigation analyzes, in general terms, what democracy is and the importance of the political parties and the electoral publicity. The second part presents the study on how the marketing strategies have become more relevant in the electoral sphere. Finally, the last part presents how the propaganda influenced the 2012 elections in this municipality.

El marketing electoral en el ámbito local: el caso del municipio de Temamatla, Estado de México, 2012

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Ana Esthela Benítez-Garcés

2016-08-01

Full Text Available En este trabajo se examina la importancia de las estrategias de marketing electoral en la contienda por la Presidencia Municipal de Temamatla, Estado de México, en 2012. Con el fin de alcanzar este objetivo, en la primera parte de la investigación se analiza, en líneas generales, qué es la democracia, así como la importancia de los partidos políticos y de la publicidad electoral; en la segunda se estudia cómo las estrategias de mercadotecnia han adquirido relevancia en el ámbito comicial, y en la última se aborda específicamente cómo influyó la propaganda en las elecciones de 2012 en el municipio mencionado. / This work examines the importance of the electoral marketing strategies on the elections for Municipal President in Temamatla, State of Mexico in 2012. In order to reach this objective, the first part of the investigation analyzes, in general terms, what democracy is and the importance of the political parties and the electoral publicity. The second part presents the study on how the marketing strategies have become more relevant in the electoral sphere. Finally, the last part presents how the propaganda influenced the 2012 elections in this municipality.

Indigenous participation and representation in Venezuelan electoral processes Participación y representación indígena en los procesos electorales venezolanos

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Luis Fernando ANGOSTO FERRÁNDEZ

2012-06-01

Full Text Available This article examines the Venezuelan regional elections of 2008 as a contextual event for the analysis of electoral strategies and results associated with the indigenous representation. Three factors intertwined in the electoral moment are analyzed: 1. the existence of minimum guaranteed representation for indigenous population in legislative organs; 2. the participation of indigenous candidates and electors; 3. the maneuvers of political parties and civil organizations that attempt to channel and/or benefit from such indigenous representation and participation. The description of the electoral context facilitates the identification of factors that, beyond the normative structure of the State, condition the agency of individuals and parties involved in electoral processes. Among those factors are the symbolic value of indigeneity in the current process of national identity re-definition, the interest of political parties in controlling the vote of the indigenous representation and the tendency towards the consolidation of professionalized elites within the indigenous activism.Este artículo examina los comicios regionales de 2008 en Venezuela como evento contextual para el análisis de estrategias y resultados electorales vinculados a la representación indígena. Se analizan tres factores interrelacionados en el momento electoral: 1. la existencia de representación mínima garantizada a la población indígena en los órganos legislativos; 2. la participación de candidatos y electores indígenas en los comicios; 3. las maniobras de partidos políticos y organizaciones civiles que intentan canalizar y/o beneficiarse de dicha representación y participación. La descripción del contexto electoral permite identificar factores que, más allá de la estructura normativa estatal, condicionan la agencia de individuos y partidos involucrados en los comicios. Entre esos factores se encuentran el valor simbólico de la indigenidad en el actual proceso

Sistemas electorales y justicia electoral a debate

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Dieter Nohlen

2015-07-01

Full Text Available Despliega conceptos y planteamientos en torno a los sistemas electorales y la justicia electoral. El autor inicia con una descripción estricta de los sistemas electorales para orientar, en una segunda parte, un debate sobre la justicia electoral, que marca dos tendencias: la judicialización de la política y la politización de la administración y la jurisdicción electoral. Concluye que el desarrollo de la justicia electoral en América Latina, en sus múltiples dimensiones, es comprensible sólo con referencia al contexto sociocultural y político de la región

Partisan optimism and political bargaining

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Jensen, Thomas; Madum, Andreas

2017-01-01

to explore the implications of partisan optimism for political bargaining. We show that increased optimism among a partisan group leads to a stronger bargaining position for their party, but may hurt its electoral prospects. Another main finding is that even high levels of partisan optimism do...

The Impact of Race and Ethnicity, Immigration, and Political Context on Participation in American Electoral Politics.

Science.gov (United States)

Logan, John R; Darrah, Jennifer; Oh, Sookhee

2012-01-01

This study uses national survey data in federal election years during 1996-2004 to examine voter registration and voting. It shows that racial/ethnic disparities in socio-economic resources and rootedness in the community do not explain overall group differences in electoral participation. It contradicts the expectation from an assimilation perspective that low levels of Latino participation are partly attributable to the large share of immigrants among Latinos. In fact net differences show higher average Latino participation than previously reported. The study focuses especially on contextual factors that could affect collective responses of group members. Moving beyond past research, significant effects are found for the group's representation among office holders, voting regulations, and state policies related to treatment of immigrants.

Divisor-based biproportional apportionment in electoral systems

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Maier, Sebastian; Zachariassen, Petur; Zachariasen, Martin

2010-01-01

in an electoral system context. By performing experiments on real-life benchmark instances (election data with multimember districts), we evaluate the general quality of divisor-based apportionments with respect to, e.g., deviation from quota, reversal orderings, and occurrences of ties. For example, we studied......Biproportional apportionment methods provide two-way proportionality in electoral systems where the electoral region is subdivided into electoral districts. The problem is to assign integral values to the elements of a matrix that are proportional to a given input matrix, and such that a set of row...... the frequency in which a party with a higher vote count in a district ended up with fewer seats in that district....

The European Union’s normative power in global politics

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Manners, Ian

2012-01-01

comparison. Both political and scholarly assessments argue that ‘we are one of the most important, if not the most important, normative powers in the world’ (Barroso in Peterson, 2008: 69) and that ‘Europe has tremendous normative power’ (Moravcsik, 2010: 18). The normative power approach set out here makes...... it possible to explain, understand, and judge the EU in global politics by rethinking the nature of power and actorness in a globalising, multilateralising and multipolarising era. The EU uses normative power in global politics but the question is whether it is more prone than other actors to do so? In areas...... which are core to the ‘European project’, it seems clear that the EU is more disposed to use normative power....

Una piedra en el camino: el sistema de partidos de la nueva democracia electoral nicaragüense de los noventa

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Salvador Santiuste

2001-06-01

Full Text Available This paper examines the party system in Nicaragua in the light of the electoral processes that have been developing in the country since the defeat of the Sandinist revolution in the 1990 elections. Particularly, the work aims at two ends: to find out the distinctive features that define this system and to assess its influence in democratization. This study shows that the new electoral democracy risen in Nicaragua is characterized by a party system where two apparently contradictory situations coexist: a structure of political competence definitely two-sided, and a high degree of partyfragmentation.

Elements of European Political Culture in the Central Asian National Outskirts of the Russian Empire: Perception Specifics of Foreign Cultural Innovations (late 19th – early 20th

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Yuliya A. Lysenko

2015-12-01

Full Text Available The article considers the main results of political modernization in the Central Asian national outskirts of the Russian Empire taken place in the late 19th – early 20th centuries. The concept “Central Asian national outskirts” includes Stepnoy and Turkistan Governorate Generals, the two administrative-territorial entities founded in the 1860s as a result of a complete joining of the Kazakh camping grounds of the Junior, Middle and Elder zhuzhes; after the Kokand and Khivinsk khanates inhabited by nomads ( the Kirghiz, the Kara-Kalpaks as well as the settled population (the Uzbeks were conquered. The analysis of the sources and materials conducted by the authors asserts that the political modernization of the Central Asian national outskirts proposed by the Russian Empire was carried out in line with the fundamental characteristics of West European civilization and the basis of its political culture. Thus the system of local government was established and the democratic electoral system was introduced by means of expanding the voter’s base, with the region’s population participating in social and political life. The principles of bourgeois ideology based on such concepts as “equality”, “freedom”, “self-determination” were also formed. However, the political modernization of the Central Asian national outskirts should not be considered as complete. Up to 1917 the political sphere of the region’s population was characterized by the predominance of traditional mores, values and laws, whereas clan ideology, tribalism and Muslim ethno-consciousness were characteristic of the social sphere. All these factors affected the process of adapting to western political culture. The institutionalization of the new structures did not go along with the de-institutionalization of the traditional ones, and so resulted in the combination and coexistence of the traditional and modern structures.

Do Leadership Changes Improve Electoral Performance?

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Helboe Pedersen, H.; Schumacher, G.; Cross, W.; Pilet, J.-B.

2015-01-01

Does changing the leader improve a party’s electoral performance? And does it matter who for electoral performance who selects the leader? We hypothesize that in parties with inclusive selectorates leadership change is beneficial because the competition for the leadership is more open, receives more

Tobacco control policy development in the European Union: do political factors matter?

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Bosdriesz, Jizzo R.; Willemsen, Marc C.; Stronks, Karien; Kunst, Anton E.

2015-01-01

There has been much variation between European countries in the development of tobacco control policy. Not much is known about the factors that shape this variation. This study aimed to assess the role of political factors in tobacco control policy development. We used data from 11 European

Getting elections right? Measuring electoral integrity

NARCIS (Netherlands)

van Ham, C.T.

2015-01-01

Holding elections has become a global norm. Unfortunately, the integrity of elections varies strongly, ranging from “free and fair” elections with genuine contestation to “façade” elections marred by manipulation and fraud. Clearly, electoral integrity is a topic of increasing concern. Yet electoral

Testing with Values: the Refugee Problem and Political Prospects of the “Alternative for Germany”

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Алена Васильевна Федина

2018-12-01

Full Text Available The article analyses the reasons for the electoral success of the “Alternative for Germany” party at the federal and state levels in 2016-2017. Looking at the ideological spectrum of German political parties through the research lens of a two-dimensional coordinate system that, alongside the traditional ideological dimension includes the value axis, the author points out the fact that the problem of the refugees, which appeals to the values of the nation, perplexed German parties, as the choice of a particular strategy in regard to the refugees involved high risks of losing a significant number of votes. As a result, those parties, which managed to clearly articulate their system of values, above all the “Alternative”, benefited from this situation. The author states that the rise of the “Alternative” was caused by the “value vacuum” in the party life in Germany stemming from the progressive “open-door” refugee policy introduced by Chancellor Merkel in order to resolve the European refugee crisis. Much consideration is given to the reasons that led the CDU to adopt such an unusual strategy for a predominantly centrist party. In conclusion the author suggests that, in spite of its electoral success, political influence of the “Alternative” will be seriously limited by the unwillingness on the part of other parties to establish contacts and build inter-party ties with an inexperienced political player, which is prone to neglect the achievements of German democracy and does not fit into the framework of modern political mainstream. From the other hand, the tightening of the immigration policy weakens the protest potential of German voters.

Credibility enacted : Understanding the meaning of credible political leadership in the Dutch parliamentary election campaign of 2010

NARCIS (Netherlands)

van Zuydam, Sabine; Hendriks, Frank

2018-01-01

In times of perception politics, the credibility of electoral candidates is a crucial asset in political marketing. This raises the question to which political leaders citizens attribute credibility and how political credibility is gained and lost through media performance. We analyze and compare

Credibility enacted : Understanding the meaning of credible political leadership in the Dutch parliamentary election campaign of 2010

NARCIS (Netherlands)

van Zuydam, Sabine; Hendriks, Frank

2015-01-01

In times of perception politics, the credibility of electoral candidates is a crucial asset in political marketing. This raises the question to which political leaders citizens attribute credibility and how political credibility is gained and lost through media performance. We analyze and compare

Variaciones en el comportamiento electoral en Paraguay

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Liliana DUARTE RECALDE

2012-06-01

Full Text Available El proceso electoral en Paraguay se ha visto condicionado históricamente por el control de la Asociación Nacional Republicana, partido hegemónico durante los años del régimen de Stroessner y los años de la transición democrática. Por este motivo, la alternancia al mando del Poder Ejecutivo ocurrida en el año 2008, como resultado del proceso electoral, marcó un hito en la historia política del país y resaltó la importancia del análisis del comportamiento electoral de los paraguayos, sus tendencias y los elementos coyunturales y estructurales que las condicionan. En el presente trabajo se describen los parámetros de comportamiento electoral en las tres últimas elecciones generales celebradas en el país considerando los índices de volatilidad electoral resultantes de estos comicios y los niveles de participación efectiva registrados, analizándolos a partir del contexto sociopolítico en que se desarrollan.

Elementos del sistema electoral del Congreso Mexicano

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Aldo Medina García

2013-08-01

Full Text Available El presente artículo es un estudio de los componentes del sistema electoral, diseñado por el legislador mexicano para integrar al parlamento federal. Estudio desarrollado a sabiendas de la importancia que reviste el sistema electoral como un medio que permite a los ciudadanos convertir su voto expresado en las urnas en escaños a favor de determinado candidato o partido. En dicho análisis tomamos en cuenta la evolución constitucional del sistema electoral mexicano, la participación de las fuerzas minoritarias en la integración del Senado y de la Cámara de Diputados, la división que se hace del territorio en circunscripciones electorales, la barrera electoral que se fija a los partidos políticos para acceder a la representación en el Parlamento, la fórmula de asignación que se aplica a la votación obtenida, para finalmente concluir que el sistema electoral mexicano es esencialmente mayoritario aun cuando se vista de proporcional.

Political participation in European welfare states: Does social investment matter?

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Marx, Paul; Nguyen, Christoph

2018-01-01

The role of the welfare state has expanded beyond passive assistance and decommodificaton. In many countries, social investment policies now actively encourage (re)integration into the labour market. While the effectiveness of these policies is debated, we know even less about their broader social...... and political effects. In this contribution, we explore the impact of social investment policies on one key aspect of social life: political participation. Combining insights from social psychology with institutional analysis, we investigate the impact of three social investment policies (early childhood...... education, secondary education, active labour market policies) on two disadvantaged groups: young individuals from low-skill backgrounds; and single parents. Combining the European Social Survey with data on social investment, we find that these risk groups have reduced political efficacy and political...

Research of features and structure of electoral space of Ukraine in 2014 with the use of synthetic approach

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M. M. Shelemba

2015-02-01

Full Text Available The article is aimed at the ground of expediency of the use of synthetic authorial model for research of features and structure of electoral space of Ukraine in 2014 year. Methodological principles of the use of synthetic model are expounded with the use of quality and quantitative methods researches of electoral space, among that methods of factor and cross­correlation analysis. A synthetic model (approach that is built on the basis of the use of the best scientific approaches takes into account features and progress of electoral space of Ukraine trends. The analysis of features and structure of electoral space of Ukraine is conducted in 2014 with the use of an offer model. The application author synthetic model allows the study of the use of association factor and correlation analysis to justify support to political parties during election campaigns, respectively, depending on the factors and the most important correlates. It was found that electoral choice depends on the actions of those factors in the highest degree the expectations of the region. This article has shown that the use of Ukraine at this stage of the investigated during election campaigns as the most significant social correlates of «Human Development Index» is reasonable and one that makes it possible to obtain reliable results. It is proved that a high level of correlation holds at a high level of support the party and, consequently, high sense of social correlates all variants of expert research.

The European politics of animal experimentation: From Victorian Britain to 'Stop Vivisection'.

Science.gov (United States)

Germain, Pierre-Luc; Chiapperino, Luca; Testa, Giuseppe

2017-08-01

This paper identifies a common political struggle behind debates on the validity and permissibility of animal experimentation, through an analysis of two recent European case studies: the Italian implementation of the European Directive 2010/63/EC regulating the use of animals in science, and the recent European Citizens' Initiative (ECI) 'Stop Vivisection'. Drawing from a historical parallel with Victorian antivivisectionism, we highlight important threads in our case studies that mark the often neglected specificities of debates on animal experimentation. From the representation of the sadistic scientist in the XIX century, to his/her claimed capture by vested interests and evasion of public scrutiny in the contemporary cases, we show that animals are not simply the focus of the debate, but also a privileged locus at which much broader issues are being raised about science, its authority, accountability and potential misalignment with public interest. By highlighting this common socio-political conflict underlying public controversies around animal experimentation, our work prompts the exploration of modes of authority and argumentation that, in establishing the usefulness of animals in science, avoid reenacting the traditional divide between epistemic and political fora. Copyright © 2017 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.. All rights reserved.

Politics of Interest, Politics of Care: Representation and “Women’s Singularity”

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Luís Felipe Miguel

2001-01-01

Full Text Available This article discusses different strategies for justifying the adoption of sex-based electoral quotas, emphasizing the type that claim a different moral status for women. The latter advocate introduction of a new type of politics, more unselfish and altruistic, which is supposed to reflect women’s social training as those who are responsible for the care of those who are weaker (beginning with children. However, this “politics of care” or “maternal politics” ends up perpetuating the subordinate position of women in the world of politics, to the extent that the very grounds for their admission—their “entrance ticket”, as it were—represents the negation of action in defense of women’s own interests.

Towards a European public sphere? Vertical and horizontal dimensions of Europeanised political communication

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Koopmans, R.; Erbe, J.

2004-01-01

In this paper we address the alleged communication or public sphere deficit of the EU. We develop a systematic approach to the Europeanization of public spheres, which distinguishes three forms of Europeanized political communication: supranational, vertical and horizontal. We propose that the

How the European debt crisis reshaped national political space : The case of Greece

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Katsanidou, Alexia; Otjes, Simon

2016-01-01

Where some authors saw a limited impact of Europeanisation on national party politics, others proposed that in addition to the pre-existing economic left-right dimension a separate European Union dimension structures the national political space. This article looks at the Greek bail-out during the

The Dataset of Countries at Risk of Electoral Violence

OpenAIRE

Birch, Sarah; Muchlinski, David

2017-01-01

Electoral violence is increasingly affecting elections around the world, yet researchers have been limited by a paucity of granular data on this phenomenon. This paper introduces and describes a new dataset of electoral violence – the Dataset of Countries at Risk of Electoral Violence (CREV) – that provides measures of 10 different types of electoral violence across 642 elections held around the globe between 1995 and 2013. The paper provides a detailed account of how and why the dataset was ...

Expert advice and political choice in constructing European banking union

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Donnelly, Shawn

2016-01-01

International actors promoted the transfer of regulatory authority and financial resources from national governments to the European Union (EU) in the context of establishing the prerequisites for financial stability in Europe through banking union. It was supplied, however, by a political process

New social movements as a political subculture

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Zwick, M.M.

1990-01-01

The contribution is based on a topical panel set especially adjusted to the requirements of political culture research, electoral research, and movement research. The book is centered around empirically verified findings of political-cultural modernization and differentiation processes, and the development of German political culture. It was possible to empirically confirm the main thesis in particular: The new social movements call for rigid and quick social changes in emancipatory, equalitary, ecological and fundamental-democratic orientation. Apart from the Greens, an independent political subculture has formed itself, which is, even in the present phase with little movement-specific mobilization, politically effective and empirically ascertainable. (orig.) [de

El recurso de amparo electoral

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Luis Diego Brenes Villalobos

2006-01-01

Full Text Available Analiza la figura procesal del recurso de amparo electoral, su génesis, naturaleza jurídica,carácter residual, y otras características propias de su evolución y desarrollo, que lo diferencian con el recurso contencioso-electoral, para lo cual se realiza un amplio análisis de la jurisprudencia emanada tanto del Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones, como de la Sala Constitucional de la Corte Suprema de Justicia

Politics of the aged: orientations and behavior in major liberal democracies.

Science.gov (United States)

Edinger, L J

1985-01-01

Do the political outlook and electoral behavior of the elderly differ notably from that of younger adults in leading capitalist democracies? A cross-national examination of poll data suggests that on the whole they do not. Among the aged certain cross-national differences in rates of political participation beyond voting may be related to differences in national socio-political structures as well as differences in individual attributes.

How does single party dominance influence civil society organisations' engagement strategies? Exploratory analysis of participative mainstreaming in a 'regional' European polity.

Science.gov (United States)

Chaney, Paul

2016-04-01

A raft of United Nations Treaties, European Union Directives and domestic laws oblige governments in 180 + countries to apply the Participative Democratic Model of mainstreaming equalities to public administration by involving those targeted by equality initiatives at all stages in their design and delivery. Notwithstanding Participative Democratic Model's deeply political nature, extant work has overlooked how governing party turnover influences civil society organisations' (CSOs) strategies. Here, this lacuna is addressed using a negative 'extreme case study' research design involving qualitative accounts from civil society organisations in Wales, a 'regional' European polity characterised by one-party dominance. The findings reveal how the absence of turnover distorts the Participative Democratic Model in relation to diverse factors including: strategic bridging, extraparliamentary politics, cognitive locks and party institutionalisation. Inter alia, the wider contribution of this analysis lies in showing the importance of turnover to effective engagement, the 'pathologies' associated with one-party dominance and the need for adaptive civil society strategies tailored to prevailing electoral politics and governing party turnover in liberal democracies.

Resistance to the political representation of alien populations: the European paradox.

Science.gov (United States)

Moulier-boutang, Y

1985-01-01

This article addresses the issue of the resistance of European nations to granting unnaturalized citizens the right to vote in local, regional, and national elections. It argues that this political inflexibility contrasts with the economic flexibility these nations demonstrated when they made a call for labor to overseas populations, former colonies, and other countries, and which they exhibit now as they work to modernize production systems in their industries. Because of this lack of political representation, local authorities have proven disinterested in migrants' concerns and migrants have become subjects of the labor market, rather than of the law. Overall "political underdevelopment" will only intensify the turbulence projected for Europe's economy.

The power of likes: Social media logic and political communication

OpenAIRE

Kalsnes, Bente

2016-01-01

Political communication on social media is the topic of this dissertation. The Internet and social media platforms have provided participants in the public sphere with new ways to connect, communicate and distribute information. This study examines how and why the three main actor groups within political communication – political actors, media actors and citizens – connect and interact on social media during the electoral process in Norway in 2013. This hybrid media landscape is characterized...

PARTICULARITIES OF PARLIAMENTARY OVERSIGHT IN DIFFERENT POLITICAL REGIMES

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Silvia-Claudia CĂLIN-MIHALCEA

2015-07-01

Full Text Available The quality and intensity of the parliamentary oversight performed over the Government are shaped by several major criteria: political regime, electoral system, structure of the Parliament (unicameral/bicameral, parliamentary culture and tradition. This paper emphasizes some distinctive elements and particular mechanisms of the control exercised over the activities of the executive power, from the point of view of the political regime established in states with modern democracies.

Enseñanza del Derecho Electoral en Costa Rica

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Luis Antonio Sobrado González

2016-07-01

Full Text Available La ponencia pretende revisar cuál ha sido el tratamiento académico que los estudios electorales (en general y el derecho electoral (en particular han recibido en Costa Rica, así como profundizar en la importancia de la enseñanza del derecho electoral en nuestro país. Mediante un repaso a la reconocida autonomía del derecho electoral, así como los abordajes que su estudio ha tenido en los contextos universitario y profesional, la ponencia concluye que el plan de estudios de la carrera de licenciatura en Derecho debe contemplar al menos un curso de Derecho Electoral, sea mediante uno específico en la materia (preferiblemente, o bien, mediante el reconocimiento expreso de la enseñanza del derecho electoral como parte medular e integral del curso de Derecho Constitucional (en su defecto.

Apathy, alienation and young people: the political engagement of British millennials

OpenAIRE

Fox, Stuart

2015-01-01

Conventional wisdom holds that today’s young people, often known as ‘the Millennials’, are a politically alienated generation. Their hostility towards political parties, association with protest movements, and low electoral turnout are all said to indicate their alienation from the processes and institutions of Western democracy. This conventional wisdom stands, however, on shaky ground. Previous research has given too little attention to the definition and measurement of political alienation...

The electoral campaign through Social Media. Case Study – 2014 Presidential elections in Romania

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Tasențe Tănase

2015-03-01

Full Text Available Developing a real network-society, the political communication through Social Media is no longer performing unidirectional, the political actors and the journalists do not have the same influence on the masses, as they had in the classic systems of political communication and the online opinion leaders have become key-factors in all this equation. In this sense, the main purpose of online campaign staff is to empower fans to interact with the posts of the candidate. Thus, any kind of feedback – like, comment or share – decentralizes the political message in social groups of fans, where he has a greater influence than the political actor. Once the message is discussed in social groups, strong ties (friends of the fans are persuaded to become, in their turn, fans of the political actor and the conversion rate increase and this process will continue as long as interaction rate is high. In this paper, we aim to analyse the communication process through Facebook in the electoral campaign for the 2014 Romanian Presidential Elections and to compare the level of support for candidates on Facebook and for the real vote.

Engaging with European Politics through Twitter and Facebook

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bossetta, Michael; Dutceac Segesten, Anamaria; Trenz, Hans-Jörg

2017-01-01

, partisan, and moral) and four degrees of engagement (making, commenting, diffusing, and listening). Moreover, we argue that differences in Twitter and Facebook’s “digital architectures” encourage certain styles and degrees of engagement over others, and that the two social platforms sustain different...... levels of transnational activity. Supporting our argument with European cases, we suggest that Twitter is more suitable to fulfill social media’s transnational promise than Facebook, which is better adept at stimulating political participation....

Do progressive goverments undertake different debt burdens? Partisan vs. electoral cycles

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I.M. García-Sánchez

2011-06-01

Full Text Available Public debt has traditionally been explained mainly by two political factors: a progressive ideology and the electoral cycle. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate how these two factors influence the behavior of Spanish local governments as regards indebtedness, and also how indebtedness is influenced by the interaction of ideology and the electoral cycle.Different dependence models were estimated using panel data methodology based on a sample comprised of Spanish provincial capitals and towns with populations over 50,000, for a total of 148 town councils. The time frame corresponds to the fiscal years 1988 to 2008, inclusive. The results show that in an electoral year all politicians behave opportunistically, giving rise to an important increase in public debt in relation to municipal revenue, although progressive incumbents incur three times more debt than those of the opposite ideology. Moreover, the presence of conservative parties in government has tended to significantly attenuate this behavior in years prior to elections, whereas progressive or left-wing parties have not. It must also be noted that partisan and electoral business cycles have been mitigated since 2002, when the Budgetary Stability Law came into effect, imposing limits on the debt of subnational administrations.The empirical evidence obtained points to the need to perfect internal and external control mechanisms in order to avoid a breakdown in the stability policy and the risk of debt becoming untenable, thus achieving greater budgetary discipline.RESUMENEl nivel de endeudamiento público ha sido explicado mediante dos factores políticos, principalmente, la ideología progresista y el ciclo electoral. El objetivo de este trabajo es evidenciar como influyen ambos factores en el comportamiento de los municipios españoles en relación con la deuda que estos asumen dada su capacidad, y como este esfuerzo se ve influenciado por la interacción entre los ciclos partidista y

Perceiving Promotion Activities İn Politic Marketing By Gazi University’ Students

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Ahmet ÇATLI

2013-06-01

Full Text Available Political parties determine the marketing strategies about affecting electors, who have customer property. What, when and how do they want? After they can meet these wantings, needs and can subordinate other parties. Promotion activities also can be defined as election drive, is an mix of marketing. But as the seen changing of electors' wantings also in politic marketing, kinds and variations of promotion activities, especially in our technological age are more important than classic promotions. With this project inquiry work that consists of 9 parts also has done to know about how the university students are affected and which promotion activities affect the students more. İnquiry appliers are students in University of Gazi TTEF. In the inquiry, questioned to students that students' gender, incomes, the place they live, their enroling in political parties, being affected by promotion activities, if they are affected, by which promotion activity and how much they are affected, advertsement, public relations,personal marketing and marketing development.

FROM CONVENIENT HIBERNATION TO CIRCUMSTANTIAL DESPERATION: HATE SPEECH, PARTY POLITICAL COMMUNICATION AND THE NIGERIA’S 2015 GENERAL ELECTIONS

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Mike Omilusi

2018-02-01

Full Text Available Until a few months to the 2015 general elections, many political parties that have conveniently hibernated for a better part of their existence, perhaps owing to lack of proper organizational structure or support base, uncoordinated programmes or were registered because of pecuniary gains or admittance of anticipated poor electoral outing, suddenly began to jostle for political space. The main opposition party and the ruling party were either perfecting a merger processes or engulfed in internal wrangling such that communication with the electorate on fundamental issues became inconsequential. In fact, the two dominant parties, the Peoples Democratic Party and All Progressive Congress only produced their presidential candidates less than five months to the election; and the electoral campaign assumed desperate contestation in a climate of prejudice and intolerance. Hate speeches and violence were the hallmarks of their electoral campaigns. The 2015 general elections therefore, offer a unique context to interrogate the place of party political communication in an emerging democracy and specifically how hate campaigns among political gladiators/contending parties could generate violence, and if not tamed, derail democratic consolidation. This essay affirms that hate speech is not only inspired by some social circumstances but also part of a general democratic process. It attests to the fact that Nigerian politicians have become more desperate and daring in taking and retaining political power; and more intolerant of opposition, criticism and efforts at replacing them. Relying extensively on secondary sources with the aid of descriptive and narrative tools, this essay concludes that the political culture of a country determines the behavior and attitude of the population towards the political system and that democratic transition from one administration to another, particularly in emerging democracies, has often been accompanied by violence

La influencia de la atmósfera política local sobre la conducta electoral. Un estudio del voto socialista en las elecciones locales andaluzas de 2011

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Ortega Villodres, Carmen

2013-12-01

Full Text Available This paper incorporates the contextual perspective in the analysis of electoral behavior. Whilst focusing on the partisan orientation of the vote, this paper takes up one of the classic questions of contextual electoral literature: the influence of the community’s political environment on voting behavior of its inhabitants. We examine the influence of the political composition of Andalusian municipalities on the socialist vote in the 2011 local election. Our analysis shows that the local political atmosphere had a minimal but significant effect on the voting of its residents in the local elections. Accordingly, the political environment in Andalusian localities, pushed voters, whose immediate surroundings did not provide politically relevant information or were independent, to follow the local socialist majority. Urbanization weakens this local effect on the socialist vote. The other main finding of our research is the importance of informal social interaction in explaining the socialist vote, through conversations taking place in the environment immediate to the individual.Este artículo incorpora la perspectiva del “lugar” en el análisis del comportamiento electoral. Aunque centrado en la orientación partidista del voto, este trabajo retoma uno de los interrogantes clásicos de la literatura contextual: la influencia de la atmósfera política de la comunidad sobre la conducta electoral de sus residentes, a través de la observación casual o interacción de baja intensidad. Con esta finalidad, hemos examinado el efecto de la composición política de los municipios andaluces sobre el comportamiento del electorado socialista en los procesos locales de 2011. Nuestro análisis pone de manifiesto que la atmósfera política local tuvo un efecto mínimo, pero significativo sobre la orientación del voto de sus residentes en las pasadas consultas locales. Así, el clima predominantemente socialista de las localidades andaluzas empujó a los

The Political Economy of Financial Systems : Evidence from Suffrage Reforms in the Last Two Centuries

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Degryse, H.A.; Lambert, T.; Schwienbacher, A.

2013-01-01

Abstract: Initially, voting rights were limited to wealthy elites providing political support for stock markets. The franchise expansion induces the median voter to provide political support for banking development as this new electorate has lower financial holdings and benefits less from the

Global and local football : politics and Europeanization on the fringes of the EU [Book Review

OpenAIRE

Mayo, Peter

2010-01-01

This book, focusing on one of international football’s minnows, Malta, is intended to provide a case study concerning the dialectic of the local and the global within the context of the politics of European and world football. The authors stir up football memories, for people of my age, against the backdrop of important political events occurring in a country which has just joined the European Union. It draws heavily on the work of Carmel Baldacchino , rightly regarded by the authors as Malta...

Reportaje interactivo acerca del panorama político electoral en Ecuador de 2016 a 2017.

OpenAIRE

Rojas Cajamarca, Juan Carlos

2017-01-01

This study is an interactive report of the 2016 to 2017 electoral panorama in Ecuador, it focuses in building a multimedia product, which would be used to classify the profiles and campaign plans of the different candidates, synthetizing the huge amount of information in existence. For this purpose we have sustained our research in the analysis done from the perspective of political communication, study of its different narratives, and with this we have elaborated a transmedia product utilizi...

An Analysis of Malaysian Political Communication and Its Role in Electoral Process

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Saabar Suhaimee Saahar

2017-01-01

Full Text Available This paper attempts to discuss political communication in Malaysia especially after the 12th General Elections (GE12. The purpose of this study is to analyse the political efficacy or sense making process which involve analysing the techniques and creative execution that had been used by political parties and its effects on Malaysian voters. The results of GE 12 had fashioned a political tsunami that influenced many important aspects in the Malaysian political landscape, be it national and economic policies, social unity or campaign strategies. Therefore, the main focus of this paper is to discuss the elements and importance of political communication research in Malaysian political communication campaign by focusing on the aspects of creative execution, political information efficacy and sense making process and its impact on the choice of communication tools amongst Malaysian voters.

Decomposing the Relationship Between Candidates' Facial Appearance and Electoral Success

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Laustsen, Lasse

2014-01-01

Numerous studies show that candidates’ facial competence predicts electoral success. However, a handful of other studies suggest that candidates’ attractiveness is a stronger predictor of electoral success than facial competence. Furthermore, the overall relationship between inferences from...... candidates’ faces and electoral success is challenged in two ways: (i) non-facial factors in candidate photos such as clothing and hair style as well as (ii) parties’ nomination strategies are suggested as potential confounds. This study is based on original data about all 268 candidates running in three...... local elections in 2009 in Denmark and supports a two-component structure of the relationship between candidates’ facial appearance and their electoral success. Facial competence is found to mediate a positive relationship between candidates’ attractiveness and electoral success, but simultaneously...

Positioning as a Part of Political Marketing

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Natalia Liutko

2015-11-01

Full Text Available The political subject is defined as the consumer of goods in the form of political power, political ideas, political leaders, and parties. Political marketing is understood as the identification of political relations and processes with different forms of market exchange and the process of electoral choice as a specific market (the act of purchase and sale. The concept of political positioning appeared as the result of relevant categories of commercial research in the political sphere. Political positioning should be considered as the process of political communication aimed at acquiring by political actor his position in political marketing. It is the most difficult type of political and communication strategic campaigns. This approach allows the candidate (party to compare his image with electorate’s views of desired (acceptable candidate, political party; compare his image with the image of an opponent; explore the pros and cons of alternative positions; and choose those the most advantageous position for a candidate (party.

Political Strategies and Language Policies: The European Union Lisbon Strategy and Its Implications for the EU's Language and Multilingualism Policy

Science.gov (United States)

Krzyzanowski, Michal; Wodak, Ruth

2011-01-01

This paper explores the interplay between the politics and policies of multilingualism by looking at the role of political macro-strategies in shaping language and multilingualism policies within the European Union. The paper focuses on the relationship between the European Union's 2000-2010 Lisbon Strategy on the European Knowledge-Based Economy…

El spot electoral negativo

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Palma Peña-Jiménez

2011-01-01

Full Text Available l spot político tiene durante la campaña un objetivo final inequívoco: la consecución del voto favorable. Se dirige al cuerpo electoral a través de la televisión y de Internet, y presenta, en muchos casos, un planteamiento negativo, albergando mensajes destinados a la crítica frontal contra el adversario, más que a la exposición de propuestas propias. Este artículo se centra en el análisis del spot electoral negativo, en aquellas producciones audiovisuales construidas sin más causa que la reprobación del contrincante. Se trata de vídeos que, lejos de emplearse en difundir las potencialidades de la organización y las virtudes de su candidato –además de su programa electoral–, consumen su tiempo en descalificar al oponente mediante la transmisión de mensajes, muchas veces, ad hominem. Repasamos el planteamiento negativo del spot electoral desde su primera manifestación, que en España data de 1996, año de emisión del conocido como vídeo del dóberman, sin olvidar otros ejemplos que completan el objeto de estudio.

Role of political parties in the formation of civil society in Uzbekistan

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Сирожжон Насипкулович Бердикулов

2015-06-01

Full Text Available The article considers the role of political parties in the development of civil society and the rule of law, as well as issues of political parties differ from other public organizations, the concept of a multi-party system, the importance of a multi-party system in ensuring political pluralism, inter-party competition, constructive opposition, the expression of the interests of the electorate, the space of political parties in parliament and local councils (soviets

Modelling loans and deposits during electoral years i n Romania

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Nicolae - Marius JULA

2015-06-01

Full Text Available This paper analyzes the effect of electoral years on loans and deposits for population in Romania. Using monthly data regarding the total loans and deposits, we identify the significance of the electoral timing on population´s behavior regarding financial decisions. We estimate that there are small changes in population´s affinity for increase in the indebtedness or for savings. We use dummy variables for electoral periods, and when these are econometrically significant there is an evidence of the influence of the electoral timings in population´s financial decisions.

A Typology of Political Participation Online

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Dutceac Segesten, Anamaria; Bossetta, Michael

2017-01-01

This study investigates how, and to what extent, citizens use Twitter as a platform for political mobilization in an electoral context. Conceptualizing political participation as a process, we develop a typology of political participation designed to isolate mobilizing calls for action from...... the rest of the political discussion online. Based on Twitter data collected one week prior to the 2015 British general election, we then identify the top 100 most retweeted accounts using the hashtag #GE2015, classify them by actor type, and perform a content analysis of their Twitter posts according...... to our typology. Our results show that that citizens – not political parties – are the primary initiators and sharers of political calls for action leading up to the election. However, this finding is largely due to an uneven distribution of citizen-driven mobilizing activity. A small number of highly...

oas electoral observations vs. unasur accompaniment in the last elections in Venezuela

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Víctor Carlos PASCUAL PLANCHUELO

2017-06-01

Full Text Available Electoral observation has become an essential exercise for the development of electoral democracy. The proliferation of organizations monitoring elections makes necessary to distinguish real «election observation activities», from other similar activities, such as «electoral accompaniment». Independence is an essential element that must be respected by true electoral observation organizations. Accordingly, the lack of independence in some of these organizations transforms them into «intervened electoral observation» actors, dowgrading its credibility and reliability. Hence, the last electoral processes that have taken place in Venezuela, provide the necessary factual basis to distinguish oas election observation missions, from unasur accompaniment missions.

BUSINESS CYCLES, ELECTORAL CYCLES. TOWARD A THEORETICAL FRAME OF INTERACTION

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BOGDAN-LUCIAN DOSPINESCU

2015-06-01

Full Text Available The idea of cyclical movement of a system: be it political, economic, institutional, is one of the constants of critical thinking. In this sense, there is a natural cyclic movement that cannot be avoided (only amplified or diminished and is connected with the nature of these systems. The economy follows a cyclical movement; a period of growth follows a period of decline, and so on. So does popularity for political parties or leaders. In this paper, I explore the links between the business cycles and electoral cycles. For this purpose, I introduce the concept of electoral perception cycles. My hypothesis is that popularity of political parties and leaders follow a cyclical evolution, both on short and long term. I show how perception cycles can impact the “political business cycle theory”. There is great interest in political science literature for the factors that influence the fluctuations in Presidents’ popularity, especially from United States. However, very little has been said about Romania’s case. I investigate the hypothesis of electoral perception cycles looking at the popularity of former president Traian Basescu, over his two terms. The variable used to measure popularity is favorability, measured in national surveys, done face to face, on representative samplez, of around 1000 subjects. I’ve correlated the fluctuations in favorability over time, with key public events or political decisions taken by Traian Băsescu. The main findings are as follows. Firstly, there are significant short term fluctuations (short term perception cycles and they are correlated with major events on the agenda. I would point the following key moments: 1. The referendum for dismissal of the President in May 2007 – Traian Băsescu’s favorability increased by 7 percentage points; 2. The referendum for unicameral Parliament with 300 MPs in the fall of 2009. Coupled with victory in the presidential election, it lead to an increase of 10 percentage

Trump's electoral speeches and his appeal to the American white working class.

Science.gov (United States)

Lamont, Michèle; Park, Bo Yun; Ayala-Hurtado, Elena

2017-11-01

This paper contributes to the study of social change by considering boundary work as a dimension of cultural change. Drawing on the computer-assisted qualitative analysis of 73 formal speeches made by Donald Trump during the 2016 electoral campaign, we argue that his political rhetoric, which led to his presidential victory, addressed the white working class's concern with their declining position in the national pecking order. He addressed this group's concern by raising their moral status, that is, by (1) emphatically describing them as hard-working Americans who are victims of globalization; (2) voicing their concerns about 'people above' (professionals, the rich, and politicians); (3) drawing strong moral boundaries toward undocumented immigrants, refugees, and Muslims; (4) presenting African Americans and (legal) Hispanic Americans as workers who also deserve jobs; (5) stressing the role of working-class men as protectors of women and LGBTQ people. This particular case study of the role of boundary work in political rhetoric provides a novel, distinctively sociological approach for capturing dynamics of social change. © London School of Economics and Political Science 2017.

How political candidates use Twitter and the impact on votes

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Kruikemeier, S.

2014-01-01

This study investigates the content characteristics of Twitter during an election campaign, and the relationship between candidates’ style of online campaigning (i.e., politically personalized and interactive communication) and electoral support for those candidates. Thereby, it provides a better

Local Politics and a Self-assessment of Political Practice. Perspective of a Neighbourhood Leader in Mexico City on their Political Trajectory

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Hélène Combes

2018-01-01

Full Text Available This article analyses politics at the local level through the perspective of a neighbourhood leader in Mexico City. Drawing on the comprehensive sociology approach and the study of a specific career trajectory, it analyses how a neighbourhood leader works to construct beneficiaries for neighbourhood level social programs and broker resources that would not be leveraged without their work. The analysis presents an alternative vision to other analysts who have emphasized the capture of public funds for electoral purposes by neighbourhood leaders. The objective is to invite researchers to rethink the role of the local political ‘broker’ or intermediary and to consider the complexity of this role. The moral and political dilemmas that condition the behaviour of such leaders are also considered. From here, without making a moral judgement, we consider how political brokerage and the activities that it involves combine instrumental considerations with moral and ideological dimensions.

Electoral Politics and ETA’s ceasefire

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Javier Argomaniz

2011-01-01

Full Text Available The recent Euskadi ta Alkartasuna (ETA ceasefire declaration has been received with much interest and fanfare by the international media. The same announcement was met instead with a tangible lack of enthusiasm by Spanish and Basque political figures.  The Spanish president Zapatero, the Basque president Lopez and Urkullu, the leader of the most voted Basque nationalist party (PNV, agreed that the communiqué was a ‘step forward’ but ultimately ‘insufficient’ and ‘not the news the country had been hoping for’. Such mix of scepticism and disappointment is partly a product of the previous failed experience with the 2006 ETA truce. Months of painstakingly slow negotiations between ETA and government representatives were then shattered with a bomb attack at Madrid airport that killed two people. The outcome left the Zapatero’s government frustrated and unwilling to get their fingers burnt again.

Politics-business interaction paths

OpenAIRE

Belloc, Marianna; Pagano, Ugo

2009-01-01

Most pre-crisis explanations of the various corporate governance systems have considered the separation between ownership and control to be an advantage of the Anglo-American economies. They have also attributed the failure of other countries to achieve these efficient arrangements to their different legal and/or electoral systems. In this paper we compare this view with the co-evolution approach based on the hypothesis that politics and corporate governance influence each other, generating c...

How Context Matters? Mobilization, Political Opportunity Structures and Non-Electoral Political Participation in Old and New Democracies

Czech Academy of Sciences Publication Activity Database

Vráblíková, Kateřina

2014-01-01

Roč. 47, č. 2 (2014), s. 203-229 ISSN 0010-4140 R&D Projects: GA ČR(CZ) GAP408/12/1474 Institutional support: RVO:68378025 Keywords : Political participation * political opportunity structure * national institutions Subject RIV: AD - Politology ; Political Sciences Impact factor: 2.028, year: 2014

Revisiting democratic civil peace: Electoral regimes and civil conflict

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bartusevicius, Henrikas; Skaaning, Svend-Erik

2018-01-01

to use force. Building on this framework, we distinguish between five regime types according to their electoral features—non-electoral autocracies, single-party autocracies, multi-party autocracies, minimalist democracies, and polyarchies—and specify hypotheses regarding the likelihood of conflict...... in each. In a global statistical analysis spanning 1817‒2006 and employing the new Lexical Index of Electoral Democracy (LIED), we find that polyarchies, characterized by unconstrained contestation, have a lower risk of conflict than any other regime type (although minimalist democracies are only slightly......) elections and minimal electoral competition. Overall, our study underscores the importance of focusing on the central attributes of democracy and sheds new light on the relationship between particular regime features (or types) and conflict, thereby contributing to the growing efforts in conflict research...

The electoral volatility in Serbia: Comparison and explanation

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Antonić Slobodan

2005-01-01

Full Text Available In the first part of this article the electoral volatility in Serbia is compared to those in other countries. The Pedersen’s Index for Serbia from 1990 to 2003 is 19.6, which means there is high electoral volatility. However, compared to other countries in transition, the volatility in Serbia turns out to be average. Therefore, I conclude that the causes of high volatility in Serbia could not be specific, but similar to the reasons in other post-communist countries. In the second part, I analyze the general reasons for the increased volatility. They are: the large number of parties participating in political life, and insufficient time, passed since the restoration of multiparty elections, for the voters to become more seriously tied to the parties, or for the parties to become socially anchored. In the third part, I analyze the particular causes of the increased volatility that are specific, first of all, for Serbia and other post-communist societies. They are: the fast change of social structure, which leads to a general feeling of social and personal insecurity, as well as the widespread dissatisfaction with the gap between the increase of social inequality and the number of social winners, which increases the frequency of protest voting. At the end, I conclude that, in time, some of these factors would probably lose their significance, so the volatility in Serbia would decrease. However, a noticeable decrease could hardly be expected during the next ten years at least.

The change in the dynamics of Costa Rica’s electoral set up: a case of dealignment Cambio en la dinámica electoral en Costa Rica: un caso de desalineamiento

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Fernando SÁNCHEZ CAMPOS

2010-10-01

Full Text Available The results of the last two general elections (1998 and 2002 in Costa Rica, suggest that the country’s electoral dynamics have exited their apparent stability and entered a process of change. The present study evaluates the main signs of this change (rising levels of absenteeism, ticket-splitting, electoral volatility, and support for third parties, and defines it as an «electoral dealignment» process. Moreover, it argues that there is evidence to conclude that electoral dealignment in Costa Rica seems to be a result of a process of «partisan dealignment».Los resultados de las últimas dos elecciones generales (1998 y 2002 en Costa Rica sugieren que la dinámica electoral del país ha superado su aparente estabilidad para entrar en un proceso de cambio. El presente estudio evalúa las principales señales de este cambio (aumentos en los niveles de abstencionismo, quiebra del voto, volatilidad electoral y apoyo a terceros partidos, y lo define como un proceso de «desalineamiento electoral» (electoral dealignment. Además plantea que existe evidencia para concluir que este desalineamiento electoral pareciera ser el resultado de un proceso de «desalineamiento de partidos» (partisan dealignment.

Los conservadores bonaerenses y la reforma de la ley electoral provincial (1910-1913

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Pablo Fernández Irusta

2009-12-01

Full Text Available Este artículo analiza las tensiones y los conflictos políticos que mediaron en la promulgación de la reforma de la ley electoral bonaerense de 1913. La hipótesis principal del trabajo sostiene que la política democrática impulsada durante la presidencia de Roque Sáenz Peña redefinió las pautas de lucha interna del gobernante Partido Conservador de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, induciendo a sus distintas fracciones a vincular sus intereses particulares al nuevo contexto institucional. En consecuencia, lejos de ofrecer una respuesta en bloque o dividirse en torno al apoyo o rechazo de la democratización, los conservadores bonaerenses produjeron una serie de iniciativas "reformistas" que reflejaban sus propias divisiones internas. En este sentido, la orientación de la ley electoral promulgada en 1913 implicó tanto una respuesta a las demandas reformistas de la época como una fórmula de compromiso surgida tras la resolución de las tensiones acumuladas en los años precedentes.This article analyzes the political conflicts and tensions arising from the promulgation of the 1913 Buenos Aires electoral law reform. The main hypothesis supports that the democratic policy fostered during Roque Sáenz Peña's presidency redefined the guidelines of the internal struggle within the ruling Conservative Party of the Buenos Aires Province, thus inducing its different fractions to link their private interests to the new institutional context. As a result, far from offering a Block response or announcing themselves in favour of, or against, democratization, Buenos Aires conservatives generated between 1910 and 1913 a series of 'reforming' initiatives, which reflected their own internal divisions. In this sense, the direction of the electoral law issued in 1913 implied not only a response to the reforming demands of the era, but also a commitment arising from the solution to the tension built up in the preceding years.

Sructure in political beliefs. A new model for Stochastic Unfolding with Application to European Party Activists

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Schuur, Hendrik van

1984-01-01

This study investigates interrelationships among the political beliefs of more than ten thousand active members of fifty political parties in nine countries of the European Community. These interrelationships are explored in part with a newly developed model for the analysis of preferences:

Dublin and Irish politics in the age of Charles Lucas.

Science.gov (United States)

Hill, J

2015-09-01

In addition to his contributions to medicine, Charles Lucas had a long career in politics, starting in the 1740s as a guild representative on the lower house of Dublin corporation, and culminating in his election to the Irish House of Commons in 1761. By examining the background in Dublin and Irish politics, this paper explores Lucas' impact on the electorate, and how it was that he was able to win a parliamentary seat in Dublin and retain it for a decade while he campaigned in support of a range of important Patriot issues. Lucas had none of the qualifications that would normally be required for a successful politician. His father held some land, but as a younger son who had to make a living, Charles was apprenticed to a Dublin apothecary. Nor did he have the political connections that might have compensated for a lack of land, wealth, or status. But Lucas possessed other advantages, notably an education that enabled him to read the city's medieval charters, identifying areas where the Dublin freemen had lost 'ancient rights', and some experience of publishing, so that he could appeal to the electorate. Lucas' remarkable political success stemmed from both local circumstances and his own personal qualities.

SOCIAL CLEAVAGES IN THE AMERICAN SOCIETY AS A FACTOR OF 2016 PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN

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P. S. Kanevskiy

2017-01-01

Full Text Available Current article is dedicated to analysis of social cleavages in the American elections and the ways they influenced on presidential election in 2016. Originally developed by S. Rokkan and S.M. Lipset, social cleavages became a classic theme for contemporary political sociology. However, despite the fact that the theory has been developing primarily by Americans, it has been rarely used to analyze electoral system in the USA. Traditionally it’s been aimed at European and developing countries where electoral fragmentation is seen more clearly. But recent changes in the American society and the political system demonstrate the emergence of social cleavages that had not been inherent before. The article shows how American electoral space transformed since the 1980s and how it became more fragmented under the influence of social, economic and ideological factors. Elections in 2016 became a watershed for social cleavages that accumulated through time and aggravated even more considering internal crises in the Democratic and more so in the Republican parties. Donald Trump’s victory is an impersonation of the American party system crisis and of the mainstream politicians’ inability to find proper explanation of the changing electorate. Author shows that American society today is polarized even more than many European countries while group identification determines vectors of political change.

Sistema electoral costarricense, seis décadas de probada efectividad

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Zetty Bou Valverde

2010-07-01

Full Text Available Las fortalezas del sistema electoral costarricense no descansan, exclusivamente, en las previsiones normativas o en la fortaleza del organismo electoral sino, también, en el sistema de partidos políticos y la participación de los ciudadanos, pilares esenciales y que no deben ser descuidados si se quiere seguir viviendo en democracia. El nuevo Código Electoral, que entró en vigencia el 2 de setiembre de 2009, incorpora al derecho electoral costarricense importantes principios, mecanismos jurisdiccionales e instituciones que ya habían sido desarrollados por la jurisprudencia del TSE, así como otros novedosos, que vienen a dar más efectividad y seguridad al proceso democrático

Signs of Fascism Rising: A European Americanist Looks at Recent Political Trends in the U.S. and Europe.

Science.gov (United States)

Kroes, Rob

2017-01-01

This paper's central concern is with signs of fascism in recent political developments in a number of European countries and the United States. It takes the reader back to earlier periods in European and American history when this same anguished question was raised. Thus a longer intellectual history of concerns about the viability of democratic systems is drawn to guide us in our current political evaluations.

The transnational circulation of scientific ideas: importing behavioralism in European political science (1950-1970).

Science.gov (United States)

Boncourt, Thibaud

2015-01-01

This article aims to deepen our understanding of the transatlantic circulation of scientific ideas during the Cold War by looking at the importation of behavioralism in European political science. It analyses the social, institutional, and intellectual dynamics that led to the creation, in 1970, of a transnational organization that aimed to promote behavioralism in Europe: the European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR). Using qualitative material drawn from archives and interviews, the study shows that the creation of the ECPR was the joint product of academic, scientific, and political rivalries. It argues that the founding of the organization served a purpose for several agents (chiefly, academic entrepreneurs and philanthropic foundations) who pursued different strategies in different social fields in the context of the Cold War. More broadly, it suggests that the postwar development of the social sciences and the circulation of scientific ideas are best accounted for by mapping sociological interactions between scientific fields and neighboring social spheres. © 2015 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Politics, Programs, and Local Governments: The Case of Community Colleges.

Science.gov (United States)

Bers, Trudy Haffron

1980-01-01

Focuses on two aspects of governance and policy: the electoral process by which community college trustees are selected and the responsiveness of colleges to their communities as manifested by their programs. Available from Journal of Politics, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611. (Author/IRT)

Expressive voting and political ideology in a laboratory democracy

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Wiese, Rasmus; Jong-A-Pin, Richard

2017-01-01

We test the theory of expressive voting in relation to political ideology in a laboratory experiment. After deriving our hypotheses from a decision theoretic model, we examine voting decisions in an experiment in which we use the size of the electorate as the treatment variable. Using a Heckman

The political attack ad

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Palma Peña-Jiménez, Ph.D.

2011-01-01

Full Text Available During election campaigns the political spot has a clear objective: to win votes. This message is communicated to the electorate through television and Internet, and usually presents a negative approach, which includes a direct critical message against the opponent, rather than an exposition of proposals. This article is focused on the analysis of the campaign attack video ad purposely created to encourage the disapproval of the political opponent among voters. These ads focus on discrediting the opponent, many times, through the transmission of ad hominem messages, instead of disseminating the potential of the political party and the virtues and manifesto of its candidate. The article reviews the development of the attack ad since its first appearance, which in Spain dates back to 1996, when the famous Doberman ad was broadcast, and examines the most memorable campaign attack ads.

Migrația primarilor și efectele ei electorale: alegerile din România (2014. (The Effects of Mayors Switching Parties on the 2014 Romanian Elections

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Aurelian GIUGĂL

2015-09-01

Full Text Available In 2014, between the two electoral ballots, the European Parliamentary elections and presidential elections respectively, as a consequence of an Emergency Government Ordinance, the mayors were able to move from one party to another without losing their mayor position, as it was ruled in the electoral law. Thereby, almost 20 per cent from the total number of the mayors have chosen to migrate, especially towards the social-democrats. In the present article we investigate the change of the electoral behaviour based on this political exodus. Using electoral data at the European Parliamentary and presidential elections held in 2014, in this study shows the significant role which is played by the mayors in shaping the electoral behaviour, especially in small underdeveloped rural communities. The electoral results indicate the fact that the key role of the mayors is more obvious in South and East Romanian localities and far more insignificant in the Centre and Western regions of the country. Accordingly, this study points towards the need for new and more complex investigations that incorporate ecological data in reaching their conclusions.

Curbing Electoral Violence in Nigeria: The Imperative of Political ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

User

to choose those who will run the affairs of the state in a given period. ..... short and long term deepen our political culture and socialization processes. Therefore .... Commemoration of Shehu Yar'Adua Memorial Forum delivered on March. 19.

Muslim Politics in Malaysia and the Democratization Process

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Lukman Thaib

2013-06-01

Full Text Available This article will address the Muslim politics in Malaysia in the light of the broader shifts towards democratization and Islamization by focusing on politics among the majority ethnic Malay community, followed an overview of the ideological rivalry between UMNO and PAS, with special reference to the electoral performances of these parties in the past three general elections (November 1999, March 2004 and March 2008 . It then explores the underlying reason for the perceived importance of Islam in understanding the voting trend among the Malay-Muslim electorate which raised the question to what extent was the discourse on Islam instrumental in persuading the Malays to switch their support from PAS to the UMNO during the 2004 elections, and in the process of continued participation as an ‘Islamic Party’ in Malaysian mainstream politics what factors were that encouraged the PAS leaders to compromises and to play by the ‘rule of democracy’. In the concluding part of the article the writer also provide with an overview on reform agenda of Civilizational Islam (Islam Hadhari under premiership of Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and the current Malaysia’s Transformation Programme (GTP under the leadership of Dato’ Sri Mohd Najib Tun Abdul Razak.

Environment protection and other political spheres of the European Community

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Rengeling, H.W.

1993-01-01

It has long been known that environment protection is largely a cross-sectional task. The provision of Article 130 r Section 2 Clause 2 of the EEC Treaty that states that environment protection forms an integral part of all the other polticial spheres of the Community is not only a plank in the platform of the Community but also a juridical innovation. Time will tell what concrete legal claims can be derived from this provision, particularly on the part of the European Court of Justice. The lectures relate amongst others to the following topics: Environment protection and competition politics, environment protection and energy poltics, environment protection and development aid politics. Eight of the lectures were abstracted individually. (orig./HSCH) [de

The specifics of the aplication of social and structural approach to electoral processes analysis

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V F Kovrov

2009-06-01

Full Text Available The analysis of a number of problems of the investigation of the electoral process viewed as a social phenomenon contributes to the overcoming of a number of theoretical and methodological obstacles in the process of its sociological cognition. The complexity and delicacy of the electoral process entails the application of a set of distinct approaches, research and description techniques. The article provides the rationale for the most complete insight into the social component of the electoral process via social and structural approach application. The given approach enables one to give concrete expression to the subject matter of electoral sociology at strategic, operational and tactical levels, define the elements of the electoral process, the outcome of the electoral practice, to reveal the invariability of the electoral conscience, psychological attitudes and values of different groups of voters as well as to analyze the evolution of the objective-transforming practice, the electoral activity of the population and to provide the extensive analysis of the results of the material and cultural assimilation of the electoral practice.

European communion

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Manners, Ian James

2013-01-01

Political theory of European union, through an engagement between political concepts and theoretical understandings, provides a means of identifying the EU as a political object. It is argued that understanding the projects, processes and products of European union, based on ‘sharing’ or ‘communion......’, provides a better means of perceiving the EU as a political object rather than terms such as ‘integration’ or ‘co-operation’. The concept of ‘European communion’ is defined as the ‘subjective sharing of relationships’, understood as the extent to which individuals or groups believe themselves to be sharing...... relations (or not), and the consequences of these beliefs for European political projects, processes and products. By exploring European communion through an engagement with contemporary political theory, using very brief illustrations from the Treaty of Lisbon, the article also suggests that European...

European integration in crisis? Of supranational integration, hegemonic projects and domestic politics

Science.gov (United States)

Bulmer, Simon; Joseph, Jonathan

2015-01-01

The European Union is facing multiple challenges. Departing from mainstream theory, this article adopts a fresh approach to understanding integration. It does so by taking two theoretical steps. The first introduces the structure–agency debate in order to make explicit the relationship between macro-structures, the institutional arrangements at European Union level and agency. The second proposes that the state of integration should be understood as the outcome of contestation between competing hegemonic projects that derive from underlying social processes and that find their primary expression in domestic politics. These two steps facilitate an analysis of the key areas of contestation in the contemporary European Union, illustrated by an exploration of the current crisis in the European Union, and open up the development of an alternative, critical, theory of integration. PMID:29708125

Screening the 'War on Terror' : the politics and aesthetics of torture in American and European cinema

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Bodde, O.C.

2016-01-01

Cinema and society interact. This given becomes fascinating when socio-politically sensitive issues are adapted in films that confront spectators with the frames of reference they use to make sense of society. This thesis studies how North-American and European films depict political torture in the

Base de datos Electores de Costa Rica (1897-1909.

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Iván Molina Jiménez

2011-08-01

Full Text Available La Constitución francesa de 1791 definió la estructura básica de las votaciones indirectas al diferenciar entre ciudadanos y electores: los primeros, en asambleas primarias, escogían a un número reducido de los segundos, quienes elegían, a su vez, a los diputados. Este modelo de representación política fue el que inspiró la Constitución de Cádiz de 1812, la cual organizó la emisión del sufragio en tres grados –ciudadanos, electores de parroquia y electores de partido

Evaluating the Results of Quota Systems in Politics in Latin America

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Mala Htun

2001-01-01

Full Text Available This article discusses the varying effects of quota systems, as they emerge from a scenario of women’s increased inroads into politics in Latin America, expressed in the increased number of women in elected offices, the implementation of quota systems and increased presence of the issue of gender equality in political agendas. The character of the electoral system, as based on “open” or “closed” lists; the absence or presence of a norm of a compulsory competitive position for women within political parties and political parties’ commitment to quota policies are the crucial factors that determine variation.

Group dynamics in the Citizens' Assembly on Electoral Reform

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Jongh, M.S. de

2013-01-01

In 2006, the Dutch Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations set up a national citizen assembly on electoral reform. One hundred and forty Dutch citizens were asked to work together for nine months to investigate various electoral systems for choosing members of the Parliament, and eventually

The Differentiation of Parties through the Lens of an Electoral Campaign

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Rossana Sampugnaro

2015-03-01

Full Text Available Parties restructure their organizations to prepare themselves for new challenges. In many cases, the changes involve a reduction of the subsystems structure, dropping the number of territorial units or finding leaner solutions and outsourcing of activities which were once fulfilled within the boundaries of the party organization. Specifically, the phenomenon of outsourcing concerns, on the one hand, aggregation of interests and policymaking and, on the other, electoral mobilization and management of political communication. Looking for new solutions – flexible, without a unique centre – can lead to a process of de-differentiation that characterizes organization in postmodern society: a new definition of levels of hierarchy and "transgression of boundaries", through a continuous exchange of resources with the environment, which is unpredictable and constantly changing. As in other organizations, parties en-courage the formation of horizontal links with new external actors - associations, informal groups, indi-viduals and influencers - in order to build networks that cooperate to exchange essential resources for the party itself. In this framework, the study aims to interpret de-differentiation in political parties from a specific point of view: the analysis of political campaigns as indicators of this process. The “outside campaign”, created by a set of non-party actors, is growing: the sector of organized interests, that, unlike in the past, is "de-aligned" from the political parties and does not respond to traditional socio-political cleavage, is present in parties and candidates’ campaigns with greater resources than was the case formerly.

Re-Thinking Normative Democracy and the Political Economy of Education

Science.gov (United States)

Carr, Paul R.

2010-01-01

Normative thinking around democracy often emphasizes the supremacy of electoral politics, underplaying the salience of education as a defining feature to produce a more meaningful, engaged, inclusive form of democracy. Critical pedagogy can be an extremely useful, illuminating and transformative means and process of deconstructing how democracy is…

Controlling the EU Executive? The Politics of Delegation in the European Union

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Brandsma, Gijs Jan; Blom-Hansen, Jens

Every year the EU Commission issues thousands of rules based on powers delegated by the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament. But delegation is carefully controlled. Traditionally, control has been exerted through a system of committees of member state representatives (‘comitology......’). However, this system was contested by the European Parliament which was left without any influence. The Lisbon Treaty introduced a new control regime for delegated powers, the so-called delegated acts system, which was meant to supplement the existing system. The new system involves direct control...... by the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament and thus for the first time gave the European Parliament real influence over delegated powers. However, the choice over which delegation regime to use in practice has turned into one of the most vehement institutional conflicts in the EU political system...

Adoption of E-Voting System to Enhance the Electoral Process in Developing Countries

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Agbesi, Samuel

2018-01-01

The literature reviewed confirm challenges in the electoral process in developing countries like Ghana. These challenges are mainly Institutional and Technical Challenges. The Institutional challenges come from the electoral commission, security agencies such as the Police, and civil society groups...... that are not well equipped to lend their full support to the electoral process, and also electoral challenges can be identified in three stages, pre-election, during an election, and after the election. And it is assumed that e-voting system when adopted will resolve this electoral challenges, but the system design...... should be approached from the Socio-technical perspective so that the system will not fail after implementation....

México: contexto econômico e estratégias eleitorais Mexico: economic context and electoral strategies

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Alejandro Alvarez Béjar

2000-01-01

Full Text Available Este "exercício de economia política para a análise da conjuntura" examina diversas dimensões do desempenho recente da economia mexicana para no final orientar a análise para a dimensão política, especialmente no que concerne aos mecanismo de sustentação do poder do PRI e às alianças das principais forças eleitorais.This "exercise in political economy directed to the analysis of the conjuncture" examines several dimensions of the recent performance of the Mexican economy, finishing by focusing the analysis on the political dimension, specially concerning the mechanisms for buttressing the power of the PRI and the alliances between the main electoral forces.

Pentecostalismo y política electoral en Colombia (1991-2014)

OpenAIRE

Beltrán, William Mauricio; Quiroga, Jesús David

2017-01-01

RESUMEN: El artículo presenta un balance de la participación del movimiento evangélico-pentecostal en la política electoral colombiana, en el periodo 1991-2014. Describe la génesis de la participación electoral de este movimiento religioso y da cuenta de la trayectoria de sus principales líderes y organizaciones políticas (partidos o movimientos). Presenta las estrategias que estos han implementado para aprovechar su autoridad religiosa en el campo electoral. Finalmente, hace un balance de l...

El proceso electoral de 2006 y las reformas electorales necesarias

OpenAIRE

Cárdenas, Jaime

2007-01-01

En este artículo se abordan los principales acontecimientos del proceso electoral de 2006 y algunos previos como la integración del actual Consejo General del Instituto Federal Electoral. El autor considera que la elección del 2 de julio de 2006 debió anularse por que no cumplió con los principios constitucionales de libertad y autenticidad. También señala que las autoridades electorales de México, incluyendo al Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación, no estuvieron a la altura...

Toward Electoral Security: Experiences from KwaZulu-Natal

OpenAIRE

Kristine Höglund; Anna K. Jarstad

2011-01-01

There is a growing recognition of the dangers of electoral violence. Yet, the theoretical foundation for systematic research and for adequate policy is still underdeveloped. This article aims to develop the theoretical understandings of strategies to manage and prevent electoral violence. This is accomplished by integrating research conducted within the two academic discourses on democratization and conflict management and also by drawing on the experiences from the conflict-ridden province K...

THE ROLE AND IMPLICATIONS OF THE EVENT BASED COMMUNICATION IN THE ELECTORAL CAMPAIGN

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Tatu Cristian Ionut

2011-12-01

Full Text Available The electoral campaigns are considered to be among the most delicate challenges for a marketer due to the limited time available, the sensible margin for error, the high impact of each statement and the condensation of a quite large amount of resources in a 30 day period. While the ultimate goal for the campaign staff is to bring the global electoral package closer to the electorate and earn their votes most, of the time various competitors use disappointingly similar tactics that create confusion among the electorate. The campaign related events turned out to be one of the tactics that allows for a pin-point targeting of the electorate and a better control on the receivers of the message. This paper focuses on the types of events used that can be used in an electoral campaign reinforced with their particularities and effects registered in previous campaigns.

The idea of civil control in the European political and legal thought

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T D Sokolova

2015-12-01

Full Text Available The article discusses the problem of defining the role and functions of civil control from the political and legal thought perspective and in the context of the possible ways of civil society and state authorities interaction. The demand for external evaluation as a prerequisite for the development of political system and the demand for establishing an effective feedback mechanism within it together with the lack of a unified approach to the interpretation of civil control in the political science and legal doctrines determined the relevance of the study of the established traditions in the interpretation of civil control in social sciences and humanities. Whereas social and power relations always develop within a specific legislative framework, whose maturity and consistency largely determine the state of civil society, it is not possible to evaluate control functions of the public sector otherwise than through the study of the legal framework of the state. Thus, the article describes the evolution of the views on possible formats of social and power relations in the context of transformations of the European social thought and political and legal approaches to the perception of power institutions, building a dialogue between social and political organizations, defining the forms of civic participation in political decision-making and interpretation of civil control.

Elecciones, electores y partidos en América Latina en la década de 1990

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Manuel ALCÁNTARA SÁEZ

2009-11-01

Full Text Available RESUMEN: En este artículo el autor aprovecha la reciente experiencia electoral latinoamericana para realizar un estudio de los sistemas electorales de la región, analizando aspectos como la fórmula electoral y la relación entre el sistema electoral y la gobernabilidad. Seguidamente estudia la relación entre leyes electorales y sistemas de partidos, así como las tendencias del comportamiento del electorado y de los partidos latinoamericanos. Finalmente se extraen conclusiones globales a la luz de los recientes procesos electorales.ABSTRACT: In this article, the author takes the most recent electoral experience in Latin America to make a study on the different electoral systems of the region, by analyzing various aspects like the electoral formula and the connection between electoral system and governability. Next, the article studies the connection between electoral laws and party system, as well as the Latin America elector' & parties' behaviourial trends. Finally, several global conclusions are inferred in the light of the most recent electoral processes.

Elecciones 2009 en Uruguay: permanencia de lealtades políticas y accountability electoral

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Lucía Selios

2012-06-01

Full Text Available En este artículo se indagan las principales características asociadas al comportamiento electoral en las elecciones nacionales uruguayas en el año 2009. Através de la estimación de modelos probit en base a una encuesta electoral, se encuentra que la evaluación de la gestión del gobierno, la percepción de la economía y los aspectos ideológicos aparecen jugando fuertemente en esta elección caracterizada por la baja volatilidad. Estos hallazgos indican la existencia de fuertes lealtades a los partidos agrupados en familias ideológicas, combinadas con aspectos evaluativos sobre el desempeño económico y político, que pautan el voto de los uruguayos en esta elección.This paper inquires about the main characteristics of voting behavior in uruguayan national elections in 2009. Using a probit analysis based on an election poll it is found that government management, perception of economy and ideological issues play an important role in this election characterized by low volatility. These findings indicate strong party loyalties aggregated in "ideological families" as well as evaluative aspects about political and economic performance that determine the Uruguayan vote.

Why politicians like electoral institutions: Self-interest, values, or ideology?

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Bowler, Shaun; Donovan, Todd; Karp, J.A.

2006-01-01

We examine whether MPs and candidates for parliament are motivated by electoral self-interest, values, ideology, or all of these when evaluating proposals for changing electoral institutions. Using survey data from four countries (Australia, Germany, the Netherlands, and New Zealand), we find that

Reformas eleitorais na América Latina: grandes expectativas, poucos casos, resultados perversos Electoral reforms in Latin America: great expectations, few cases, perverse outcomes

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André Marenco

2012-12-01

Full Text Available Este texto pretende realizar um balanço de reformas eleitorais nas regras para a escolha de cadeiras legislativas na América Latina a partir da terceira onda da democracia. Na primeira parte, é feita uma revisão dos estudos sobre sistemas eleitorais, considerando, em particular, os efeitos políticos provocados pelas regras de conversão de votos em mandatos eletivos e os fatores que contribuem para a realização de reformas eleitorais. Na segunda parte, são examinadas as reformas eleitorais promovidas na América Latina, buscando identificar fatores que tenham contribuído para sua realização. Na terceira seção, foram analisadas as consequências provocadas pelas mudanças nos sistemas eleitorais, especialmente aquelas relacionadas ao grau de competição partidária, volatilidade eleitoral e a desestruturação dos sistemas partidários após a implementação das reformas.This article seeks to compare electoral reforms aimed at changing the rules for the choice of legislative seats in Latin America, since the third wave of democracy. In the first section, it is presented a literature review on electoral systems studies, considering especially the political effects of the rules on how seats are distributed according to votes, and the factors that contribute to induce electoral reforms as well. In the second section, the electoral reforms promoted in Latin America are analyzed with the purpose of identifying the factors that contributed to produce such reforms. In the third section, the consequences of changes in the electoral systems are analyzed, focusing those associated to the degree of party competition and electoral volatility.

Electoral system, pesonal votes, and party choice

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Thomsen, Søren Risbjerg

Using local elections in Denmark as an example this paper shows that individual party choice is influenced both by individual level, municipality level, and national level characteristics. Some hypotheses about the effects of the electoral system on personal votes derived from a theory by Carey...... & Shugart (1995) are first tested using a fixed-effects model. The effect of the personal reputation of the candidates, measured by personal votes, on party choice is then tested using a multilevel multinomial logit model suggested by Rabe-Hesketh and Skrondal (2008). The paper shows that both the electoral...

THE ROMANIAN MEDIA REPRESENTATION OF THE DIASPORA IN AN ELECTORAL CONTEXT: DISCURSIVE IDENTITIES AND FORMS OF COMMITMENT

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CAMELIA BECIU

2016-08-01

Full Text Available The article looks at the media representation of the diaspora in the context of the presidential elections in Romania, in 2014. In a voting situation, how are the discoursive construals of the diaspora reconfigured and how is the public problem of intra-EU migration redefined? Within the frame of a critical discourse analysis, the study examines the media representation of the diaspora and of the public from the perspective of discursive strategies specific to identity construction in the contexts of action at a distance: distance-proximity strategies and, correspondingly, inclusion/exclusion strategies, as well as the configuration of particular forms of commitment. The corpus consists predominantly of political talk shows on two television channels specialized in news broadcasting and political commentary, but different in terms of practices of mediation of the political sphere. The study shows that certain representations of migrants, which have been naturalized over the years, continue to be reproduced in the political and media sphere, but, in an electoral context, they are differently constituted, especially as regards the migrants’ agency

CONSPIROLOGICAL APPROACHES TO THE REPRESENTATION OF POLITICAL PROCESSES

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Наталья Владимировна Кадурина

2013-08-01

Full Text Available The author of the paper makes an attempt to synthesize the effect of conspirological approaches on ideas of particular social groups of community about the existing political events around the world. Conspirological concepts are proving very popular in postmodern society as most modern political technologists try to treat unexplainable events of political reality through different conspiracy theories. Media actively uses conspirological concepts to attract readers and audiences, and political technologists use them as one of the means to influence the electoral processes.A growing interest to conspiracy theory determines its connection with political science. The general disadvantage of conspirological approach is poor evidences which show, according to some researches, its parascientific basis. A wide spread of conspirological concepts among political technologists and mass-media distorts the representation of political processes. To form a scientific vision of political processes the transparency of political situation is required which enables to decrease the role of conspirological approaches to political process.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2218-7405-2013-6-26

From Rebellion to Electoral Violence. Evidence from Burundi

OpenAIRE

Andrea Colombo; Olivia D'Aoust; Olivier Sterck

2014-01-01

We aim at understanding the triggers of electoral violence, which spoiled 80% ofelections in Africa during the last decades. We focus on Burundi, a country wherepolls were organized in 2010, only few months after the end of a long-lasting civilwar. We find that an acute polarization between ex-rebels’ groups is highly conduciveto electoral violence. In particular, we predict a five-fold increase in electoralviolence between the lowest- and highest-polarized municipality. However, neitherethni...

La reforma de la ley electoral: respuesta al Profesor Nohlen

OpenAIRE

JORGE DE ESTEBAN

1982-01-01

Se aportan ideas relativas a la reforma del sistema electoral español, ya avanzadas en el diario El País los días 16, 18 y 19 de agosto de 1981. Se critica a Dieter Nohlen por su concepto de "normas mínimas para la reforma electoral", ya que se considera inadecuado para captar la complejidad del actual debate. Se tratan temas como el abstencionismo, el conflicto y división de partidos, la influencia del sistema electoral en el sistema de partidos y el problema básico de establecer un régimen ...

Political shocks and public debt: The case for a conservative central bank revisited

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Beetsma, R.M.W.J.; Bovenberg, A.L.

2006-01-01

We explore the dynamics of public debt and optimal institutions in the presence of political shocks arising from electoral uncertainty. Under commitment, optimal stabilization is established by combining an inflation target with a debt target. The inflation target should be contingent on the

Political legitimacy and European monetary union: contracts, constitutionalism and the normative logic of two-level games

Science.gov (United States)

Bellamy, Richard; Weale, Albert

2015-01-01

ABSTRACT The crisis of the euro area has severely tested the political authority of the European Union (EU). The crisis raises questions of normative legitimacy both because the EU is a normative order and because the construction of economic and monetary union (EMU) rested upon a theory that stressed the normative value of the depoliticization of money. However, this theory neglected the normative logic of the two-level game implicit in EMU. It also neglected the need for an impartial and publically acceptable constitutional order to acknowledge reasonable disagreements. By contrast, we contend that any reconstruction of the EU's economic constitution has to pay attention to reconciling a European monetary order with the legitimacy of member state governance. The EU requires a two-level contract to meet this standard. Member states must treat each other as equals and be representative of and accountable to their citizens on an equitable basis. These criteria entail that the EU's political legitimacy requires a form of demoicracy that we call ‘republican intergovernmentalism’. Only rules that could be acceptable as the product of a political constitution among the peoples of Europe can ultimately meet the required standards of political legitimacy. Such a political constitution could be brought about through empowering national parliaments in EU decision-making. PMID:26924935

Political legitimacy and European monetary union: contracts, constitutionalism and the normative logic of two-level games.

Science.gov (United States)

Bellamy, Richard; Weale, Albert

2015-02-07

The crisis of the euro area has severely tested the political authority of the European Union (EU). The crisis raises questions of normative legitimacy both because the EU is a normative order and because the construction of economic and monetary union (EMU) rested upon a theory that stressed the normative value of the depoliticization of money. However, this theory neglected the normative logic of the two-level game implicit in EMU. It also neglected the need for an impartial and publically acceptable constitutional order to acknowledge reasonable disagreements. By contrast, we contend that any reconstruction of the EU's economic constitution has to pay attention to reconciling a European monetary order with the legitimacy of member state governance. The EU requires a two-level contract to meet this standard. Member states must treat each other as equals and be representative of and accountable to their citizens on an equitable basis. These criteria entail that the EU's political legitimacy requires a form of demoi cracy that we call 'republican intergovernmentalism'. Only rules that could be acceptable as the product of a political constitution among the peoples of Europe can ultimately meet the required standards of political legitimacy. Such a political constitution could be brought about through empowering national parliaments in EU decision-making.

El proceso electoral del 7 de febrero de 2010 y sus actores

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Mario Seing Jiménez

2011-07-01

Full Text Available La participación ciudadana de una importante cantidad de personas en organización y jornada electoral garantiza la pureza del voto. El presente ensayo ofrece una breve descripción de las funciones, que amparadas en el Código Electoral, cumplieron cada uno de los actores que participaron en la jornada electoral costarricense del 7 de febrero de 2010.

El proceso electoral del 7 de febrero de 2010 y sus actores

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Mario Seing Jiménez

2011-07-01

Full Text Available La participación ciudadana de una importante cantidad de personas en organización y jornada electoral garantiza la pureza del voto. El presente ensayo ofrece una breve descripción de las funciones, que amparadas en el Código Electoral, cumplieron cada uno de los actores que participaron en la jornada electoral costarricense del 7 de febrero de 2010

Learned voices of European citizens: from governmental to political subjectivation

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Simons MAARTEN

2013-07-01

Full Text Available The article focuses on the way in which voice operates within the current discourse of democracy, citizenship, and learning. Based on an analysis of «learning devices» and «citizenship devices» we will show that the individual is asked to articulate him or herself in particular ways as evidence of engagement, of inclusion, and of participatory democracy. It is someone’s «personhood» –issues related to identity, preferences, feelings of ownership– that comes to count as evidence of civic engagement and political involvement. This process of personalization –the inscription of the individual as a person that turns him or her into a European citizen– will be described as an important aspect of the current mode of governmental subjectivation. To address this we explore, in line with Jacques Rancière, the notion of «political subjectivation». While governmental subjectivation involves a process of identification with the order of society, political subjectivation is a paradoxical process of deidentification with the social order. It is about the articulation of one’s voice as equal within a social order in which one has no voice according to the ruling organisation of positions.

Dealing with correlated choices: how a spin-glass model can help political parties select their policies.

Science.gov (United States)

Moore, M A; Katzgraber, Helmut G

2014-10-01

Starting from preferences on N proposed policies obtained via questionnaires from a sample of the electorate, an Ising spin-glass model in a field can be constructed from which a political party could find the subset of the proposed policies which would maximize its appeal, form a coherent choice in the eyes of the electorate, and have maximum overlap with the party's existing policies. We illustrate the application of the procedure by simulations of a spin glass in a random field on scale-free networks.

Perspectives of the mercosur parliament performance according to south american political organization

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Clarissa Franzoi Dri

2007-04-01

Full Text Available The signature of the MERCOSUR Parliament Constitutive Protocol, in 2005, has opened new parliamentary perspectives to the integration process which takes place in the South Cone. The nomination “parliament”, the universal suffrage prevision and new legislative and control functions evidence possibilities for an outstanding actuation. But is it possible to consider that this new organ was created in the middle of political conditions favorable to an effective functionality? Looking for traces to an answer, the paper examines political and electoral characteristics common to the South American States. First, we study the daily relations between the Executive and Legislative Powers in South American presidential regimes. Then, we verify to what extent the proportional open-list electoral system, largely used in the election of the lower houses members in the continent, influences such relations. At the end, we discuss the new assembly perspectives of effectiveness based on the regional characteristics studied.

«Vote by vote… box by box…». From the post-electoral slogan to the citizen mobilization

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Diana GUILLÉN RODRÍGUEZ

2011-06-01

Full Text Available From direct observation and hemerography sources, this article reconstructs the mobilizations that took place in Mexico city on June 8, 16 and 30 of 2006, in protestation of the results of the previous electoral day. An important challenge was set out for the institutions behind the slogan «Vote by vote... box by box» and a basic right to democracy was demanded, even in its more limited version: the certainty that what was individually expressed on the ballot boxes, would be counted according to reliable and dependable criteria and procedures. These mobilizations represented an unknown experience in the Mexican context. In contrast to previous actions against electoral fraud, one of the driving forces on this particular protest was the certainty that, from society, people could and should intervene. From such perspective, and regardless of the sympathies or dislikes that it might create, they constitute a milestone for social, political and contemporary history in Mexico. Hence, to recover and to systematize its central characteristics is of great importance.

Los artífices de la legislación electoral: una aproximación a la teoría del gobierno representativo en España (1845-1870

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Rafael Zurita

2006-08-01

Full Text Available This article will study from a prosopographical point of view the differing ideas about representative government offered by the various political strands of mid-19th century Spain. With the progressive implementation of liberalism in Spain, the debate about the philosophy and mechanisms of political representation in the construction of the liberal state reached a critical point. Although there was only occasionally political and intellectual debate along the lines of that of France or Great Britain, it is possible to isolate the issues that concerned deputies by studying parliamentary debates on electoral legislation.

The Politics of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs Post-Reformation 1998

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Aditya Perdana

2016-01-01

. Even though CSOs have used these political opportunities, these organizations faced seriously challenges in political field such as the fragmented of CSOs to endorse many policy reform and changes. In addition, there is lack of supporting changes in political culture structures which are still continuing patronage relations legacies among political actors. This study strengthens Aspinall (2013a and Mietzner (2013 arguments about how the CSOs take political opportunity after Reformasi and their challenges and response in order to adapt in Suharto’s political legacy in two political arenas: the policy making process and electoral politics. Moreover, Indonesian CSOs are fragmented and weakened for endorsing some progressive issues in law making process in the House and their weakness to gain electoral support for winning the CSOs candidates in election. To gather relevant data about CSOs political activities in these arenas, this study applies process tracing method. The study’s findings confirm that even though there is more openness on political opportunity to participate in political arena, however, it seems that there are no supporting changes in political structures which are patronage relations among political actors. Therefore, Indonesian CSOs are fragmented and weakened for endorsing some progressive issues in law making process in the House and their weakness to gain electoral support for winning the CSOs candidates in election.  

La influencia moral en Asia. Práctica política y corrupción electoral en Filipinas durante la dominación colonial española

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Inarejos Muñoz, Juan Antonio

2012-06-01

Full Text Available From a microhistory and comparative approach, the paper traces the mechanisms of political representation and local power in Philippines during the Spanish colonial rule. The indigenous political leaders —appointed for the Spanish colonial authorities for diverse political, economic and religious reasons— played a crucial role in building resistance or allegiance to the metropolitan government in the oriental dominions. These are the main lines of a study that also compares the electoral process in the Philippine colonial territories with the strategies of political control and élites dispute in the metropolitan power during the nineteenth century. But also the scrutiny of the meaning of the electoral reform of 1893 and the obstacles encountered by the colonial authorities to eradicate the vices and moral influence, by act or omission, they had promoted for decades.En el artículo se rastrean los mecanismos de representación y el ejercicio del poder local en Filipinas durante la dominación colonial española. Seleccionadas por las autoridades coloniales en función de criterios políticos, económicos y religiosos, las clases dirigentes nativas desempeñaron un papel ineludible en las resistencias o las lealtades que despertó el gobierno de la metrópoli en las posesiones orientales. Estos aspectos constituyen las principales líneas de estudio de un análisis concebido en clave comparativa con los mecanismos ensayados en la península en torno al acceso y control del poder local durante el siglo XIX. El desbroce de sus analogías y disimilitudes ocupa un lugar central junto al escudriñamiento del significado de la reforma electoral de 1893 y los obstáculos que encontraron las autoridades coloniales para erradicar los vicios o influencia moral que, por acción u omisión, habían fomentado durante décadas.

La reforma de la ley electoral: respuesta al Profesor Nohlen

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JORGE DE ESTEBAN

1982-01-01

Full Text Available Se aportan ideas relativas a la reforma del sistema electoral español, ya avanzadas en el diario El País los días 16, 18 y 19 de agosto de 1981. Se critica a Dieter Nohlen por su concepto de "normas mínimas para la reforma electoral", ya que se considera inadecuado para captar la complejidad del actual debate. Se tratan temas como el abstencionismo, el conflicto y división de partidos, la influencia del sistema electoral en el sistema de partidos y el problema básico de establecer un régimen viable política y económicamente.

Digital Communication and Politics in Aragon. A two-way communication formula for the interaction between politicians and citizens

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María Ruiz-Carreras

2010-01-01

Full Text Available This research presents blogs as an innovative and rich tool for political communication. Blogs can facilitate two-way communication and true interaction between citizens and politicians. The article analyses in depth the content, uses, and characteristics of five weblogs written by Aragonese politicians. Although the study detects some weaknesses in the current political use of blogs, it encourages political parties to use blogs and other online resources, not only during electoral campaigns to improve the reputation of political leaders but also continuously and particularly in situations of special interest for the citizenship. The study shows that the use of blogs by Aragonese politicians is no longer just a transitory phenomenon and has become a reality. The article also demonstrates that politicians use blogs mostly as a pre-electoral tooland to a much lesser extent as an element of communication to promote democracy. It has been observed that politicians’ blogs are used as a tool to overcome situations of crisis and to compensate negative opinions caused by questionable acts.

Political pugilists: recuperative gender strategies in canadian electoral politics.

Science.gov (United States)

Maiolino, Elise

2015-05-01

This paper offers the concept recuperative gender strategies to describe how political leaders work to restore their public gender identities. The author examines a charity-boxing match between two Canadian politicians, Justin Trudeau and Patrick Brazeau. Trudeau is the current leader of the Liberal Party of Canada and son of former Prime Minister, Pierre Trudeau. Brazeau was a Conservative Senator. Through a discourse analysis of 222 national newspaper articles published on the match, this paper chronicles Justin Trudeau's transition from "precariously masculine" to "sufficiently masculine" and discusses the significance of this transformation for Trudeau's suitability for Liberal Party leadership. Cet article propose le concept de stratégies de récupération des sexes pour décrire et expliquer comment des dirigeants politiques travaillent à rétablir leurs identités sexuelles publiques. J'analyse la couverture médiatique du combat de boxe caritatif datant de mars 2012 et opposant deux politiciens canadiens : Justin Trudeau, le chef du Parti libéral du Canada, et Patrick Brazeau, un sénateur conservateur. En m'appuyant sur une analyse de discours de 222 articles de journaux nationaux publiés au sujet de ce combat, je détaille la transition de Justin Trudeau d'une forme de masculinité « précaire » à une « masculinité suffisante », et je discute de l'importance de cette transformation pour l'aptitude perçue de Trudeau comme chef du Parti libéral. © 2015 Canadian Sociological Association/La Société canadienne de sociologie.

Analysis of the European union’s supranationalism crisis within the political-institutional paradigm

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O. V. Bashtannyk

2014-04-01

So, the same logic of integration policy has caused deferred manifestation of the contradictions that have not been resolved by the development of such a grand united project. It is determined that the investigation of this problem is possible by applying methodological tools of historical institutionalism within political­institutional paradigm of political science. In such kind of analysis it becomes possible to conduct qualitative research and perspective political component of European integration phenomenon’s nature. Economic crisis was the challenge for those unifying international institutions that were considered “post­national polity” and whose institutional framework seemed never shaken. This proves once again that it is impossible to cancel on the willful way the influence of the historical patterns in principle and “path dependence” in particular.

La elección uruguaya después de la reforma electoral de 1997: los cambios que aseguraron la continuidad

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Daniel Buquet

2000-06-01

Full Text Available In this paper an hypothesis is presented in order to explain the 1999 Uruguayan presidential election won by the candidate of the ruling Colorado Party, considering the changes in the electoral system. In this respect the results are not surprising given the behavior of the traditional parties since the 1997 reform. Finally a scene is described to foresee the evolution of the political system in the short and long terms.

Black lives matter: Differential mortality and the racial composition of the U.S. electorate, 1970-2004.

Science.gov (United States)

Rodriguez, Javier M; Geronimus, Arline T; Bound, John; Dorling, Danny

2015-07-01

Excess mortality in marginalized populations could be both a cause and an effect of political processes. We estimate the impact of mortality differentials between blacks and whites from 1970 to 2004 on the racial composition of the electorate in the US general election of 2004 and in close statewide elections during the study period. We analyze 73 million US deaths from the Multiple Cause of Death files to calculate: (1) Total excess deaths among blacks between 1970 and 2004, (2) total hypothetical survivors to 2004, (3) the probability that survivors would have turned out to vote in 2004, (4) total black votes lost in 2004, and (5) total black votes lost by each presidential candidate. We estimate 2.7 million excess black deaths between 1970 and 2004. Of those, 1.9 million would have survived until 2004, of which over 1.7 million would have been of voting-age. We estimate that 1 million black votes were lost in 2004; of these, 900,000 votes were lost by the defeated Democratic presidential nominee. We find that many close state-level elections over the study period would likely have had different outcomes if voting age blacks had the mortality profiles of whites. US black voting rights are also eroded through felony disenfranchisement laws and other measures that dampen the voice of the US black electorate. Systematic disenfranchisement by population group yields an electorate that is unrepresentative of the full interests of the citizenry and affects the chance that elected officials have mandates to eliminate health inequality. Copyright © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Personalised parliamentary behaviour without electoral incentives : the case of the Netherlands

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Louwerse, Tom; Otjes, Simon

2016-01-01

Most theories of legislative behaviour explain the behaviour of MPs through electoral incentives. However, they fail to explain variation in parliamentary activity when individual electoral incentives are largely absent. This article studies MPs’ activity in such a parliament: the Dutch Tweede

Populism and Anti-Establishment Politics in Kosovo: A Case Study of Lëvizja Vetëvendosje

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Bilge Yabanci

2016-12-01

Full Text Available Few studies have systematically examined the rising political and social unrest in the Balkans. This paper investigates the local dynamics and consequences of widespread anti-establishment discontent in Kosovo through the analytical framework of populism. By focusing on the case of Lëvizja Vetëvendosje (LVV, the paper sets out to consider two related questions: the unique populist style of the LVV and the complex reasons behind its electoral breakthrough and continuing support among various groups. Based on a qualitative documentary analysis of the party programme, manifesto, party publications, speeches of the leadership and interviews, the paper finds that the LVV successfully melds a populist political style, leftist/social democratic agenda and contentious politics as a means to disperse its message. The second part of the article offers three arguments to explain its appeal: structural factors (electoral availability and party system, societal dynamics (political and economic dissatisfaction and the agency of the LVV (internal organisation, cohesion and leadership. The article contributes to the thriving literature on populism through a novel empirical scope, and to the literature on Southeast Europe through a focus on local agency, voter preferences and party system.

The Vote of the Mexican Immigrants. An Analysis of the Results of the 2006 Presidential Election, to the light of political behavior theories

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Mgt. Octavio Adolfo Pérez Preciado

2007-01-01

Full Text Available The 2 of July of the 2006, the Mexican residents abroad could for the first time voted in a presidential election. According to the results given by the electoral federal institute (IFE, Felipe Calderon, candidate by the National Action Party (PAN of right oriented, was the one that obtained the majority of these suffrages, followed by Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, candidate of the “alliance for the good of the people,” of leftist orientation. These was the most competitive election ever take place in Mexico. In the essay, electoral results of this election are analyzed to the light of different theories about the voting behavior of the emigrants. We concludes the vote of the Mexicans abroad reproduces and reflects so much the way in which the emigrants in their native place vote, as well as the political and cultural influence that exerts the conduct of the voter the political and electoral system of the new country of residence.

Propuesta de reforma del sistema electoral de Canarias

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Adolfo López Carmona

2015-06-01

Full Text Available El actual sistema electoral canario produce discordancias entre votos recibidos y escaños asignados a los partidos debido (1 a la doble barrera electoral, (2 a que se usan las islas como circunscripciones donde se realizan repartos independientes de escaños a los partidos, (3 y a que el tamaño de estas circunscripciones no es proporcional a sus poblaciones. Ante estas discordancias proponemos como alternativa la técnica del reparto biproporcional, la cual considera tanto los votos totales que reciben los partidos así como un reparto de escaños entre circunscripciones (islas más ajustado a la población actualizada según el último padrón de cada una de ellas. The current canary electoral system produces discordances between the votes received and the seats allocated to parties due to (1 the double electoral barrier, (2 the use of the islands as constituencies where independent distributions of seats are made to parties, (3 and the fact that the size of these constituencies is not proportional to their populations. Given these discordances, this paper presents the technique of biproportional allocation as an alternative to the current method. Biproportionality considers both the total votes received by the parties as well as a distribution of seats among constituencies (islands that is more adjusted to the updated population according to the last census of each one.

Statistical analysis of Brazilian electoral campaigns via Benford's law

Science.gov (United States)

Gamermann, Daniel; Antunes, Felipe Leite

2018-04-01

The principle of democracy is that the people govern through elected representatives. Therefore, a democracy is healthy as long as the elected politicians do represent the people. We have analyzed data from the Brazilian electoral court (Tribunal Superior Eleitoral, TSE) concerning money donations for the electoral campaigns and the election results. Our work points to two conclusions that combined may be in conflict with the democratic principle: money is the determining factor on whether a candidate is elected or not (opposed to representativeness); secondly, the use of Benford's Law to analyze the declared donations received by the parties and electoral campaigns shows either possible manipulations in the declarations or a significant number of donations that might not have been spontaneous from the donors. The better term that describes Brazil's government system is plutocracy (govern by the wealthy).

The Political Economy of Financial Systems: Evidence from Suffrage Reforms in the Last Two Centuries

OpenAIRE

Degryse, Hans; Lambert, Thomas; Schwienbacher, Armin

2013-01-01

Abstract: Initially, voting rights were limited to wealthy elites providing political support for stock markets. The franchise expansion induces the median voter to provide political support for banking development as this new electorate has lower financial holdings and benefits less from the uncertainty and financial returns from stock markets. Our panel data evidence covering 1830-1999 shows that tighter restrictions on the voting franchise induce a greater stock market development, whereas...

REFORMING THE ETHIOPIAN ELECTORAL SYSTEM: LOOKING ...

African Journals Online (AJOL)

Russia, Hungary and Chile replaced their electoral systems by new ones in response to ... inclusive. The article rather examines the practical consequences of FPTP .... programs but rather were inclined to hate mongering propagandas. The.

Expression of the Objectives of Interactive Electoral Communication: The Study of 2011 Municipal Council Elections

OpenAIRE

Šuminas, Andrius

2011-01-01

The process of interactive electoral communication initiated by politicians in social media is the object of the dissertation. The aim of the paper is to develop a comprehensive research approach to politicians’ electoral communication in social media and to use the approach in describing the specificity of electoral communication taking place in social media, determining the features of expression of the candidates’ electoral objectives, and making an analysis of the communication that took ...

Percepciones públicas del fraude electoral en México

OpenAIRE

Andreas Schedler

1999-01-01

After a long history of electoral fraud, Mexicana entered the 1990s with deep skepticism towardspolitical elections. Subsequent electoral reforma succeeded to bring fraud under control. How did Mexican citizens react to these institutional changes f Did they hibernate under theprotectivecover of un unchanging "culture ofdistrust"? Or did they adapt their expectations to thenew realities? Thearticlesupports the hypothesis ofchange. Analyzing a set of formerly disperse opinwn poli data, it arri...

El principio de confiabilidad en el registro electoral. La experiencia cubana

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Raudiel Peña Barrios

2015-01-01

Full Text Available Este artículo pretende dar una panorámica acerca del contenido del principio de confiabilidad en materia registral, específicamente, en sede del registro de electores. Abordaremos las implicaciones que dicho principio tiene para la información que es manejada por los registros electorales, así como las medidas que pueden desarrollarse con el objetivo de lograr niveles cada vez más altos de confiabilidad. En este sentido, expondremos experiencias que se basan fundamentalmente en la utilización de la biometría y en el fortalecimiento del registro civil, como sustento, este último, de un registro electoral eficiente teniendo en cuenta la relación natural que existe entre ambos. Además, ofreceremos un análisis detallado de los puntos de ruptura del registro de electores cubano con el citado principio, con el objetivo de analizar la experiencia de Cuba. Por último, expondremos algunas ideas generales que pudieran contribuir al perfeccionamiento del registro electoral cubano

Energy Security and Climate Change Policy in the OECD: The Political Economy of Carbon-Energy Taxation

Science.gov (United States)

Lachapelle, Erick

Why do countries tax the same fuels at widely different rates, even among similarly situated countries in the global political economy? Given the potentially destabilizing effects of climate change, and the political and economic risks associated with a reliance on geographically concentrated, finite fossil fuels, International Organizations and economists of all political stripes have consistently called for increasing tax rates on fossil-based energy. Despite much enthusiasm among policy experts, however, politicians concerned with distributional consequences, economic performance and competitiveness impacts continue to be wary of raising taxes on carbon-based fuels. In this context, this thesis investigates the political economy of tax rates affecting the price of fossil fuels in advanced capitalist democracies. Through an examination of the political limits of government capacity to implement stricter carbon-energy policy, as well as the identification of the correlates of higher carbon-based energy taxes, it throws new light on the conditions under which carbon-energy tax reform becomes politically possible. Based on recent data collected from the OECD, EEA and IEA, I develop an estimate of the relative size of implicit carbon taxes across OECD member countries on six carbon-based fuels and across the household and industrial sectors. I exploit large cross-national differences in these carbon-energy tax rates in order to identify the correlates of, and constraints on, carbon-energy tax reform. Applying multiple regression analysis to both cross-section and time-series cross-sectional (TSCS) data, this thesis leverages considerable empirical evidence to demonstrate how and why electoral systems matter for energy and environmental tax policy outcomes. In particular, I find considerable empirical evidence to support the claim that systems of proportional representation (PR), in addition to the partisan preferences of the electorate, work together to explain

Internet Effects in Times of Political Crisis: Online Newsgathering and Attitudes toward the European Union.

Science.gov (United States)

Baccini, Leonardo; Sudulich, Laura; Wall, Matthew

2016-01-01

This paper evaluates the influence of online news consumption on attitudes toward the European Union in a context of protracted economic crisis. Using data from the 2011 Irish National Election Study, we combine location-specific information on broadband availability with respondent geo-location data, which facilitates causal inference about the effects of online news consumption via instrumental variable models. Results show that Irish citizens who source political information online are more prone to blame the EU for the poor state of the economy than those who do not. There is evidence of preference reinforcement among those with negative predispositions toward the EU, but not among pro-EU citizens. We complement this analysis with a study of voting behavior in the European Fiscal Compact Referendum, employing a similar methodological approach. The results from this second survey confirm the anti-EU influence of online news consumption among Irish citizens, although evidence suggests a pro-EU effect among voters who browsed the website of the politically neutral Irish Referendum Commission. Our paper contributes to the literature on public opinion, the EU, and political attitudes in times of crisis.

Democracy, Corruption and the Politics of Spirits in Contemporary Indonesia

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bubandt, Nils Ole

Indonesia has been an electoral democracy for more than a decade, and yet the political landscape of the world’s third-largest democracy is as complex and enigmatic as ever. Indonesia is simultaneous a country that has achieved a successful transition to democracy and a flawed, illiberal......, and predatory democracy. This book provides a portrait of Indonesia’s contradictory democracy through a series of biographical accounts of political entrepreneurs, from the political ‘periphery’ of North Maluku and the ‘political centre’ of East Java respectively. Each biographical account is focused on one...... contentious area of democracy in Indonesia – elections, corruption, decentralization, and regional representation. The chapters explore the intimate ways in which the political world and the spirit world are entangled. The core argument of the book is that Indonesia’s seemingly peculiar problems...

School Food Politics: The Complex Ecology of Hunger and Feeding in Schools around the World. Global Studies in Education, Volume 6

Science.gov (United States)

Robert, Sarah A., Ed.; Weaver-Hightower, Marcus B., Ed.

2011-01-01

The essays in "School Food Politics" explore the intersections of food and politics on all six of the inhabited continents of the world. Including electoral fights over universally free school meals in Korea, nutritional reforms to school dinners in England and canteens in Australia, teachers' and doctors' work on school feeding in…

Refugee Migration and Electoral Outcomes

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Damm, Anna Piil; Dustmann, Christian; Vasiljeva, Kristine

2016-01-01

find that – in all but the most urban municipalities - allocation of larger refugee shares between electoral cycles leads to an increase in the vote share not only for parties with an antiimmigration agenda but also for centre-right parties, while the vote share for centre-left parties decreases...

Political Stability and Fianancial Crisis: What the data say for the European Union’s countries.

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Evangelos Vasileiou

2016-01-01

Full Text Available This paper tries to examine in detail political stability in the European Union’s (EU countries during the period 2002-12. Firstly, it examines the causality relationship between political stability and economic growth, which is an issue that has puzzled scholars for decades. Using the Granger causality test the empirical findings suggest that in the case of the EU’s countries, causality is one directional, moving from political stability to economic growth. Secondly, it examines the factors that affect political stability. Using the fixed effects panel data model, we may suggest that the long term recession, the increased unemployment ratios and the high levels of inflation significantly threaten political stability. However, there are other factors that are not exclusively due to economics, such as transparency, public health care, education etc., which may significantly reduce the previously mentioned consequences.  Finally, this study suggests some reforms of the EU’s regulation according to the migration policy that may smooth social and humanitarian disparities.

Political Stability and Fianancial Crisis: What the data say for the European Union’s countries.

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Evangelos Vasileiou

2014-03-01

Full Text Available This paper tries to examine in detail political stability in the European Union’s (EU countries during the period 2002-12. Firstly, it examines the causality relationship between political stability and economic growth, which is an issue that has puzzled scholars for decades. Using the Granger causality test the empirical findings suggest that in the case of the EU’s countries, causality is one directional, moving from political stability to economic growth. Secondly, it examines the factors that affect political stability. Using the fixed effects panel data model, we may suggest that the long term recession, the increased unemployment ratios and the high levels of inflation significantly threaten political stability. However, there are other factors that are not exclusively due to economics, such as transparency, public health care, education etc., which may significantly reduce the previously mentioned consequences.  Finally, this study suggests some reforms of the EU’s regulation according to the migration policy that may smooth social and humanitarian disparities.

Political dimension of European constitutionalism

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Kaplánová Patricia

2015-04-01

Full Text Available Author in the article tries to analyse different elements of document called European Constitution. Analysis is supported with theoretical framework of federalism, presented by Brezovšek. Authors is playing with idea of (confederal and international organization elements of European Constitution and their mix. They are also trying to set some connections between so called common European identity as necessary condition to give legitimacy to the European Constitution. This became important question after „votes of non-confidence“ to the European Constitution in France, despite it should be addressed already before. However, European Constitution is important document on the path of European integration and lack of support to it will slow down this process of widening and deepening European ties.

Precarious Voices? Types of “Political Citizens” and Repertoires of Action among European Youth

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Lara Monticelli

2017-01-01

Full Text Available This article’s goal is to explore the existence of ‘political citizens’ profiles across three European cities (Turin, Cologne and Lyon and to ascertain the role of an unstable occupational status on the repertoires of action deployed. For this purpose, a technique called latent class cluster analysis (LCCA is applied to a large sample, including young precarious and regular workers (deployed as a reference group. This technique allowed us to derive five descriptive probabilistic profiles of ‘political citizens’ and their repertoires of action in each city. The empirical findings underline the emergence of hybrid repertoires of action together with ‘single-issue’ or ‘cause-oriented’ forms of political participation. This study represents an attempt to encourage the dialogue between two strands of research in social sciences, namely sociology of work and political participation and to foster the formation of an innovative research agenda crossing these two fields.

Are Empires Striking Back? A Political and Cultural Comparison of the European Union and Russia

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Dumetz Jérôme

2016-12-01

Full Text Available The article is a position paper focusing on the current standoff between two regional powers, the European Union and Russia. Following a series of crises, in particular the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014, the relationship between Russia and many of its neighbours has significantly deteriorated. This shift has led to various geopolitical opinions, often opposite and seemingly irreconcilable. A holistic and historical approach to this new reality leads some to question the validity of the current world order through the prism of the anachronistic concept of Empires. Subsequent to a review of definitions, the author analyses historical characteristics and political factors of the two territories on focus: the European Union and Russia. There are two outcomes of this study: On the one side, the European Union has become an organisation that shares many characteristics of an Empire, but several key elements exclude it from this political construction. On the other side, the geopolitical actions of Russia have shaped the position of the country into a structure that bears many of the artefacts of an Empire with key essential features. The conclusion of this argument states that the European Union is not an Empire by design, despite many resembling features; whilst Russia lives in an anachronistic paradigm of an Empire, without having the means of being one.

Seizing Political Opportunity

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Citi, Manuele; Justesen, Mogens Kamp

2016-01-01

Political actors need to be nimble and respond to the opportunity to reform old policies and initiate new ones. The article looks at how the European Commission takes advantage of politically opportune moments (the ‘gridlock interval’) in the European Parliament to put forward new legislation...

Innovations In Greek Political Communication And Consequences: Significant changes from 1981-2009

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Anastasia Deligiaouri

2011-12-01

Full Text Available The introduction of new communicative ethics in politics has imposed new procedures and values in politics. The close inter-relation of media and politics has many facets and effects on the way politics is exercised and on how it is perceived by the citizens. This article investigates how new methods of political communication have been internalized into Greek media democracy, dividing the period from 1981 to the present into five periods of media democracy based on significant events that signaled the transition towards new communicative and political ethics. A study of articles from two newspapers provides useful insights into the role of the media, especially during electoral campaigns and in politics in general. Our research also reflects how the specific socio-political context of the country interferes and affects the adoption of "imported" methods in political communication and how these methods affect citizens’ political behavior.

Searching for (un)sustainabilty in pangasius aquaculture: A political economy of quality in European retail

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Bush, S.R.; Duijf, M.

2011-01-01

Drawing on a political economy of food quality, this paper investigates the main sources of uncertainty over the environmental sustainability of Vietnamese pangasius catfish in European markets and how retailers subsequently respond to these uncertainties. Based on media survey and interviews with

Presidentialism, Decentralization, and Distributive Politics in Latin America

OpenAIRE

Santos, Felipe Nunes dos

2015-01-01

My dissertation focuses on how presidents allocate discretionary funds to localities. I study national leaders who often face a dilemma about how to allocate limited distributional resources to their greatest political advantage. I argue that the president's resource allocation strategy depends on the level of decentralization in a country. Presidents wish to allocate resources to their supporters in the electorate, and in centralized countries, they can do so directly, without any interferen...

Interior Immigration Enforcement and Political Participation of U.S. Citizens in Mixed-Status Households.

Science.gov (United States)

Amuedo-Dorantes, Catalina; Lopez, Mary J

2017-12-01

The 2000s have witnessed an expansion of interior immigration enforcement in the United States. At the same time, the country has experienced a major demographic transformation, with the number of U.S. citizens living in mixed-status households-that is, households where at least one family member is an unauthorized migrant-reaching 16 million. U.S. citizens living in mixed-status households are personally connected to the struggles experienced by their unauthorized family members. For them, immigration policy is likely to shape their current and future voting behavior. Using data from the 2002-2014 Current Population Survey Voting and Registration Supplements, we examine whether intensified immigration enforcement has affected the political engagement of U.S. citizens living in mixed-status households. We find that immigration enforcement has chilled their electoral participation by lowering their propensity to register by 5 %; however, it has not visibly affected their voting propensity among those registered. Importantly, their lower voting registration likelihood does not seem to reflect indifference for community and public matters, given that it has been accompanied by greater involvement in civic forms of political participation, such as volunteering. Understanding how immigration policy affects the political participation of a fast-growing segment of the electorate is imperative because they will inevitably constitute a rapidly rising political force in future elections.

Electoral Entry and Success of Ethnic Minority Parties in Central and Eastern Europe: A Hierarchical Selection Model

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bernauer, Julian; Bochsler, Daniel

2011-01-01

and electoral demand, measured here as the size of ethnic groups and the saliency of ethnic issues. In line with these expectations, parties only run if they can expect electoral support sufficient to pass the electoral threshold. This finding would have been overlooked by a na??ve model of electoral success...... which does not take self-selection into account. ?? 2011 Elsevier Ltd....

Listen to us! Regional and local public affairs in the Dutch and European political arena

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Figee, Edward Leopold

2017-01-01

The research in this dissertation is focused on the question what processes decentralized governments (i.e., municipalities and provinces) have to overcome in order to intervene in the Dutch and European political arena and to acquire attention for their interests. In the introduction (ch. 1) PA is

“People”, constitutions and politics in Antioquia, 1810-1877

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Renzo Ramírez Bacca

2014-07-01

Full Text Available This article analyzes the term people which is used in the provincial constitutions of Antioquia and Colombia. The interest lies on presenting their representations and usage in different phases of the Colombian political and constitutional history. The intention is to understand its correlation with the electoral and participative citizenship practice with respect to the State, and also to point out contradictions between different discourses (the constitutional and the political party ones around the people and its actors: women, artisans and farmers. This is a hermeneutic understanding with a historicist focus which, in turn, develops a diachronic analysis based on constitutionals texts and primary sources.

El registro electoral en la historia constitucional cubana (1901-1958

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Raudiel Peña Barrios

2014-07-01

Full Text Available Este artículo pretende analizar la regulación existente en los textos constitucionales cubanos de 1901, 1940 y en los Estatutos Constitucionales del Gobierno de Fulgencio Batista de 1952, así como en sus leyes complementarias, sobre la inscripción en el registro electoral. En vista de esto, analizaremos los diferentes sistemas empleados para la inscripción de los electores, mientras que veremos cómo se va desarrollando la institución del registro a causa del fortalecimiento de todo el marco legal e institucional que sobre este se va configurando, paulatinamente, durante esta etapa. Además, podremos apreciar cómo en determinado momento de la historia cubana esta institución fue comprometida en su cometido político-social lo que puede ser interpretado como una herramienta de fraude electoral.

Los modelos latinoamericanos y europeos de control electoral

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Pedro Martínez Ruano

2012-01-01

Full Text Available Tres son las modalidades clásicas de control del proceso electoral: el control parlamentario, el control jurisdiccional y el control constitucional. A estos tres modelos clásicos se añaden el control realizado por órganos administrativos y jurisdiccionales ad hoc y el control mixto. El interés del estudio es poner de manifiesto la eficacia real de los mecanismos y controles en el ámbito electoral, al objeto de que se evidencien las virtudes y deficiencias de cada uno de los sistemas, en favor de los ciudadanos y de una mayor profundización en el sistema democrático.

PENDEKATAN PEMASARAN POLITIK (POLITICAL MARKETING DALAM PEMILIHAN UMUM

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Joko Sutarso

2017-01-01

Full Text Available Political Marketing Approach (Political Marketing in Indonesia began to be known in Indonesia in the general election in the era of reform. This approach is increasingly recognized in line with the success of new parties that perform this approach in a variety of campaigns so as to obtain a significant number of seats in representative institutions. As an approach, the political marketing does not guarantee victory, but at least can provide a means of understanding that politics can be offered using a commercial product marketing approach. One of the things that are important in this approach is to attempt an understanding of the electorate by grouping them in a particular group or so-called segmentation. Each segment is considered homogeneous so that effective programs can be arranged for the group. The introduction to the audience of voters is an important part in the preparation of the election campaign program.

INSTITUTIONAL COMMUNICATION IN THE ELECTORAL DEBATES BETWEEN CANDIDATES TO THE PRESIDENCY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF SPAIN IN THE GENERAL ELECTIONS (2008 AND 2011

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María Gallego Reguera

2013-11-01

Full Text Available The Academy of Sciences and the Arts of Spanish Television, as Institution that represents the professionals of the audiovisual sector, was in charge of organizing, producing, issuing and communicating the electoral debates between the candidates for the Presidency of the Government in Spain in the Elections General held in 2008 and 2011. This article describes and analyzes the institutional communication policy of these major political events and the consequent national and international repercussions.

From Minimum Wage to Standard Work Hour: HKSAR Labour Politics in Regime Change

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Lawrence K. K. Ho

2013-01-01

Full Text Available This paper aims to highlight the significance of labour issues – namely, the minimum wage (MW and standard working hours (SWH – in shaping candidates’ electoral platforms in the 2012 chief executive (CE election of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR under the sovereignty of the People’s Republic of China (PRC. We first offer a brief review of labour politics regarding the MW case as a precursor to the SWH drafting and enactment process. We then provide an analytical delineation of some of the labour and socio-economic dimensions of the CE electoral contest by comparing the candidates’ campaign planks in relation to SWH. We then attempt to predict the likely course of the SWH debate under the leadership of Leung Chun-ying, who eventually won the CE election and assumed power on 1 July 2012. We conclude by examining Leung’s social engineering attempts to increase popular support amongst low- and middle-income (LMI households as part of his long-term strategy for the 2017 CE elections and his broader Beijing-entrusted political agenda.

Percepciones públicas del fraude electoral en México

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Andreas Schedler

1999-06-01

Full Text Available After a long history of electoral fraud, Mexicana entered the 1990s with deep skepticism towardspolitical elections. Subsequent electoral reforma succeeded to bring fraud under control. How did Mexican citizens react to these institutional changes f Did they hibernate under theprotectivecover of un unchanging "culture ofdistrust"? Or did they adapt their expectations to thenew realities? Thearticlesupports the hypothesis ofchange. Analyzing a set of formerly disperse opinwn poli data, it arrives at an optimisticpicture: Trust in elections has steadily increased since 1988.

Social Networks As Internet-technologies in Electoral Campaigns: the International View

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Александр Александрович Свинин

2013-12-01

Full Text Available Social networks as internet-technologies became a useful instrument for politicians during the electoral campaigns. The main reason for that is the fact that social networks today are the next step in development of communications between people. In the article the author investigates the history of social networks, different cases of application of social networks in electoral campaigns.

Ballotage versus colegio electoral. Sistemas electorales y elecciones presidenciales en Argentina

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Ernesto CABRERA

2009-11-01

Full Text Available RESUMEN: El autor analiza la evolución electoral argentina desde la redemocratización de 1983. En todos los ámbitos territoriales se observa una creciente fragmentación que cuestiona el tradicional bipartidismo entre peronistas y radicales, y afecta a la estabilidad institucional del país —específicamente al colegio electoral—. En este contexto, se produce la reforma constitucional de 1994.ABSTRACT: The author analyzes the Argentinian electoral evolution from the 1983 redemocratization. There is a growing fragmentation in all territorial frameworks which questions the traditional bipartidism among Peronists and Radicals, and which affect the institutional stability of this country —specifically the electoral college. In this context, the 1994 constitutional reform is approved.

The Impact of Politics 2.0 in the Spanish Social Media: Tracking the Conversations around the Audiovisual Political Wars

Science.gov (United States)

Noguera, José M.; Correyero, Beatriz

After the consolidation of weblogs as interactive narratives and producers, audiovisual formats are gaining ground on the Web. Videos are spreading all over the Internet and establishing themselves as a new medium for political propaganda inside social media with tools so powerful like YouTube. This investigation proceeds in two stages: on one hand we are going to examine how this audiovisual formats have enjoyed an enormous amount of attention in blogs during the Spanish pre-electoral campaign for the elections of March 2008. On the other hand, this article tries to investigate the social impact of this phenomenon using data from a content analysis of the blog discussion related to these videos centered on the most popular Spanish political blogs. Also, we study when the audiovisual political messages (made by politicians or by users) "born" and "die" in the Web and with what kind of rules they do.

El Estado Autonómico y el procedimiento electoral en España: Reforma de la Ley Electoral de Castilla-La Manch

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María Martín Sánchez

2010-07-01

Full Text Available El Sistema Electoral de Castilla-La Mancha es un sistema de listas cerradas y bloqueadas, en el que la circunscripción es la provincia, y que se rige por un criterio mixto de representación territorial y poblacional, en atención a la exigencia constitucional del artículo 152.CE. Está regulado en su norma institucional básica, Estatuto de Autonomía de Castilla-La Mancha, y desarrollado mediante la Ley Electoral de 23 de diciembre de Castilla-La Mancha, reformada recientemente por Ley 12/2007, de 8 de noviembre.

Principios de la actividad electoral en la era digital : una aproximación al control administrativo colombiano de la propaganda electoral en Internet

OpenAIRE

Tovar Niño, Tsetian

2016-01-01

El desarrollo tecnológico y la expansión de las formas de comunicación en Colombia, no solo trajeron consigo grandes beneficios, sino también nuevos retos para el Estado Moderno. Actualmente, la oferta de espacios de difusión de propaganda electoral ha aumentado, mientras persiste un marco legal diseñado para los medios de comunicación del Siglo XX. Por tanto, este trabajo no solo realiza un diagnóstico de los actuales mecanismos de control administrativo sobre la propaganda electoral en Inte...

La experiencia mexicana en materia de reforma política-electoral (1977-2008

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Arturo Núñez Jiménez

2008-07-01

Full Text Available El artículo estudia el proceso de fortalecimiento democrático en México, partiendo de un sistema de partido hegemónico, hasta el establecimiento de partidos políticos competitivos. Las reformas electorales se identifican. Centra el análisis de la reforma político electoral en tres ejes: la creación y consolidación del Instituto Federal Electoral, el proceso de formación de un sistema integral de justicia electoral y el fortalecimiento de un sistema de partidos competitivo

The multidimensional politics of inequality: taking stock of identity politics in the U.S. Presidential election of 2016.

Science.gov (United States)

McCall, Leslie; Orloff, Ann Shola

2017-11-01

Many Democrats hoped that a particular kind of identity politics - women's - would help Hillary Clinton win the White House. In the aftermath of the election, some commentators bemoaned the fact that a majority of white women had voted for Trump, and called it a kind of betrayal, underlining their expectation that women would naturally, on the basis of their gender identity, support a woman with women-friendly politics. Indeed, this kind of thinking about identity politics has been widespread with reference to a number of demographic groups. Meanwhile, identity politics is lamented from the right and left by those who favour a greater emphasis on class-based inequalities, or a greater national identity, some of whom blame identity politics for spawning or justifying a backlash of right-leaning populism in the US. We argue for a turn to a more robust definition of identity as multidimensional and politically mediated for understanding political alignments over the past several decades. The multidimensionality of inequality - intersectionality or complex inequality - is widely accepted in the study of gender and race across the social science disciplines but has yet to be as successfully integrated into studies of electoral politics. Thinking about women's positioning in systems of complex inequality, and how the political parties have or have not articulated the concerns of different groups of women, helps us to understand the 2016 election, as well as past and potentially future political developments. © London School of Economics and Political Science 2017.

Can the EU’s constitutional framework accommodate democratic politics?

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Scicluna Nicole

2017-11-01

Full Text Available The robustness of the EU’s constitutional framework – and its ability to accommodate democratic politics – is challenged as never before. The growing disconnect between formally democratic procedures and substantive choice is well illustrated by the Greek crisis. Since its first bailout in May 2010, Greece has held four general elections and a referendum. Yet, the anti-austerity preferences of the Greek electorate have not been effectively translated into policy.

Online Social Media and Political Awareness in Autoritarian Regimes

OpenAIRE

John Reuter; David Szakonyi

2012-01-01

Does online social media undermine authoritarianism? We examine the conditions under which online social networks can increase public awareness of electoral fraud in non-democracies. We argue that a given online social network will only increase political awareness if it is first politicized by elites. Using survey data from the 2011 Russian parliamentary elections, we show that usage of Twitter and Facebook, which were politicized by opposition elites, significantly increased respondents' pe...

El modelo de comunicación político–electoral mexicano

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Lorenzo Córdova Vianello

2013-01-01

Full Text Available El modelo de comunicación política en México es resultado de un amplio proceso de cambios constitucionales, legales e institucionales, en virtud del cual se han logrado las condiciones de equidad de la competencia política en las últimas cuatro décadas con la participación de muy diversos actores. Se trata de un modelo que se ha construido paulatinamente desde 1990 tras la creación del Instituto Federal Electoral; es resultado del consenso de los diversos actores en el espacio público y constituye un avance significativo en la edificación de una nueva relación de los partidos políticos, los medios de comunicación y el Estado. Uno de los grandes logros de la reforma electoral 2007-2008 es que el Estado mexicano se erigió como administrador único de los tiempos públicos en periodo ordinario y electoral, situación que ha permitido garantizar los derechos y prerrogativas de los partidos políticos en las contiendas electorales con independencia de su capacidad de compra de publicidad electoral.

Ethno-Political effects of suburbanization in the Vilnius urban region : An analysis of voting behavior

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Ubareviciene, R.; Burneika, D.; Van Ham, M.

2015-01-01

We use electoral data to analyze the ethno-political consequences that may arise from the fact that the region surrounding the city of Vilnius is dominated by residents with a Polish identity, while those who move to the suburbs are mainly ethnic Lithuanians. In the suburban ring we found increasing

From Exchange to Inter-knowledge: Ethnography and the Invisible Facts of Political Work

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Julieta Quirós

2018-01-01

Full Text Available Based on an ethnographically situated study of recent electoral processes in Argentina, this study contributes to the understanding of politics and political activities of which the protagonists- politicians and political activists or operators- refer to as the territorio or local level. Drawing on ethnographic observation from different contexts- both rural and urban areas-, the case is made for the need to rescue analytically the concept of agency and the importance of personal relations that both common sense and the scholarly literature often consider politically “weak”. An alternative approach is put forward for the future research agenda which centres on inter-knowledge in the use of technology used within the political work of political leaders, candidates and activists in the process of creating relations of political representation. In addition, the importance of understanding different scales of the local, the State and government are also analysed.

Immigration politics Italian style: the paradoxical behaviour of mainstream and populist parties.

Science.gov (United States)

Perlmutter, T

1996-01-01

This article explores the role of electoral politics in managing immigration as a policy option in Italy. Italy was late in passing its first comprehensive immigration legislation (1990). A small, liberal party waged a campaign against the proposed immigration law. A party known for right-wing posturing did not mobilize against the law. These political postures were not anticipated by conventional wisdom. Conventional wisdom suggests that immigration should not be an electoral issue and that consensus solutions should be sought. It is argued that the Italian response supports the view that in a fragmented, multi-party system, minor parties will be more likely to mobilize. Two mass media studies were used as the basis for this article's analysis. The studies provide detailed evidence on party willingness to publicly discuss immigration and the ways the issues are framed. The Italian case illustrates the tendency for mainstream, pro-system parties to politicize the issue and extremist, anti-system parties to depoliticize it. The DC and PCI, as mass parties, behaved traditionally and supported moderately open immigration policies, but in closed forums. The minor parties had a stake in shifting electoral support, so the PSI took an outspoken stand and the PARI publicized its exclusion from the policy-making process and its support for more restrictive policies. It was the constituencies and the leadership structure that facilitated these strategies. The author differs from Betz's party analysis by arguing that party ideology may not be a useful guide for predicting stands on immigration, and that it is difficult to generalize about immigration.

The specifics of the aplication of social and structural approach to electoral processes analysis

OpenAIRE

V F Kovrov

2009-01-01

The analysis of a number of problems of the investigation of the electoral process viewed as a social phenomenon contributes to the overcoming of a number of theoretical and methodological obstacles in the process of its sociological cognition. The complexity and delicacy of the electoral process entails the application of a set of distinct approaches, research and description techniques. The article provides the rationale for the most complete insight into the social component of the elector...

The New Political Economy of Health Care in the European Union: The Impact of Fiscal Governance.

Science.gov (United States)

Greer, Scott L; Jarman, Holly; Baeten, Rita

2016-01-01

We argue that the political economy of health care in the European Union is being changed by the creation of a substantial new apparatus of European fiscal governance. A series of treaties and legal changes since 2008 have given the European Union new powers and duties to enforce budgetary austerity in the member states, and this apparatus of fiscal governance has already extended to include detailed and sometimes coercive policy recommendations to member states about the governance of their health care systems. We map the structures of this new fiscal governance and the way it purports to affect health care decision making. © The Author(s) 2016.

Incentivos al abstencionismo electoral por apatía en ciudadanos bogotanos que nunca han votado

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Andrea Correa

2014-12-01

Full Text Available Electoral abstention in Colombia is evidence of the lack of interest that the population have in exercising their right to vote and elect their governments. Among the types of abstention are, abstention due to apathy, in which the severe consequences of the abstention are ignored and voting is not motivated by giving excuses not to do so. The aim of this study has been to examine and identify the main reasons and functions of the incentives applying the Behavioural Perspective Model (BPM developed by Foxall (2011 to abstention in three apathetic voters of the city of Bogota, male and female between the ages of 28 and 56, using the compiling of information from an in-depth interview technique. In the result employing the verbatim from a hermeneutic analysis, it showed that the main reasons for abstention due to apathy are rejection or lack of credibility in the political system, presence of informational incentives to vote of intangible symbolic value to abstentionism such as, discrediting the act of voting or a perception of lack of competence or the presence of corruption among the candidates. Furthermore, it is perceived that the right to vote as another possibility not as a civic duty. These findings are relevant to the electoral and public management of the Colombian democratic system.

La transición mexicana a la democracia: competitividad electoral en México, 1977–1997.

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Irma Méndez de Hoyos

2004-06-01

Full Text Available This article addresses the political process encapsulated in the Mexican transition to democracy: the passage from non-competitive elections to competitive ones over a period of two decades. It presents a systematic analysis of the evolution of competitiveness in elections for federal deputies, mostly in the period 1977-1997, with added data on the federal, state and district levels. While tracing the rise in electoral competition, the study also focuses on the accompanying process: the transition from a hegemonic party system, in which competition was generally controlled from the central position of power, towards a real pluralism of party options at the national and sub-national levels.

Policy voting, projection, and persuasion: an application of balance theory to electoral behavior

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Visser, Max; Visser, Max

1994-01-01

In this article differences between rational, policy-based, and rationalized voting are discussed, and it is argued that these forms of electoral decision making are not properly analyzed in existing electoral studies. Policy voting, persuasion, and projection are then redefined as three possible

Responsive to the people? : Comparing the European cognitive maps of Dutch political leaders and their followers

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Van Esch, Femke; Joosen, Rik; van Zuydam, Sabine

2016-01-01

Political leaders are often perceived as unresponsive to the daily concerns of citizens, especially when European integration is concerned. Academic research, however, provides at most mixed evidence for the existence of such a gap. This article tries to shed light on this discrepancy by introducing

Bullets and Votes: Violence and Electoral Participation in Mexico Balas y votos: Violencia y participación electoral en México

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Alejandro Trelles

2012-01-01

Full Text Available In this paper we analyze the effect of criminal violence on electoral participation in Mexico. Many scholars have studied the origins of criminal violence, as well as the success or failure of contemporary regimes in dealing with it. However, few have studied how it affects voter turnout. Following recent findings in the behavioral subfield, we hypothesize that as criminal violence increases, citizens abandon public channels of participation and take refuge in their private spheres. Using longitudinal and geostatistical tools to analyze Mexican municipalities in the last decade, we find that the level of electoral turnout is lower in the most violent regions of the country. In the final section, we use survey data to confirm that citizens exposed to high levels of criminal violence are less likely to vote.En este artículo, analizamos el efecto de la violencia criminal sobre la participación electoral en México. Muchos investigadores estudiaron las causas de la violencia criminal y la respuesta de los diferentes gobiernos frente a este problema. Sin embargo, pocos estudios analizan el impacto de la violencia criminal sobre la participación en las elecciones. Siguiendo algunos hallazgos recientes en la literatura de comportamiento político, argumentamos que cuando la violencia criminal aumenta, los ciudadanos abandonan espacios públicos de participación y se refugian en la esfera privada. Usando métodos geoestadísticos para analizar las municipalidades en México en la ultima década, demostramos que la participación electoral es más baja en las regiones más violentas del país. En la última sección, usamos datos de una encuesta reciente para confirmar que ciudadanos expuestos a niveles altos de criminalidad tienen menos probabilidades de votar.

Qué se puede y qué no con la propaganda política: modificaciones normativas en la reforma político-electoral de 2014 a nivel federal y en el Estado de México

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Lina Alejandra Nieto Manzano

2015-07-01

Full Text Available En este trabajo se describe el marco normativo que regula al modelo de comunicación política y a la propaganda para la ejecución de las campañas electorales mexiquenses; además, se advierten los avances y los vacíos al respecto. Para efectuar lo dicho, el análisis está estructurado en cinco apartados: en el primero se abordan las nociones conceptuales sobre propaganda y campañas electorales que se utilizan a lo largo del documento;en el segundo se explora el contexto de las últimas reformas político-electorales en el país, para ubicar a la de 2014 en un marco histórico-político; en el tercero se examinan las incorporaciones más importantes de la reforma, además se sintetiza lo que está permitido y lo que está prohibido para las campañas comiciales de acuerdo con las disposiciones federales y estatales, así como con jurisprudencias, tesis y criterios en la materia; en el cuarto se efectúa una reflexión sobre la importancia de la propaganda en las campañas electorales locales y los pendientes de la reforma, y, por último, en el quinto se presentan las consideraciones finales, dejando al descubierto lo que podría venir para la regulación a la propaganda, es decir, potenciales escenarios no previstos por los legisladores y las autoridades electorales. / This work describes the regulatory framework that govern the political communication model and the propaganda for the electoral campaigns in the State of Mexico. It also presents the progress and missing points in the matter. In order to do this, the analysis is structured in five sections: in the first one we present the conceptual notions about propaganda and electoral campaigns that will be used throughout the document. In the second, the context of the last political and electoral reforms in the country is explored, in order to locate the one from 2014 in a historical and political framework. In the third section the most important additions are examined and we present

Qué se puede y qué no con la propaganda política: modificaciones normativas en la reforma político-electoral de 2014 a nivel federal y en el Estado de México

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Lina Alejandra Nieto-Manzano

2016-08-01

Full Text Available En este trabajo se describe el marco normativo que regula al modelo de comunicación política y a la propaganda para la ejecución de las campañas electorales mexiquenses; además, se advierten los avances y los vacíos al respecto. Para efectuar lo dicho, el análisis está estructurado en cinco apartados: en el primero se abordan las nociones conceptuales sobre propaganda y campañas electorales que se utilizan a lo largo del documento; en el segundo se explora el contexto de las últimas reformas político-electorales en el país, para ubicar a la de 2014 en un marco histórico-político; en el tercero se examinan las incorporaciones más importantes de la reforma, además se sintetiza lo que está permitido y lo que está prohibido para las campañas comiciales de acuerdo con las disposiciones federales y estatales, así como con jurisprudencias, tesis y criterios en la materia; en el cuarto se efectúa una reflexión sobre la importancia de la propaganda en las campañas electorales locales y los pendientes de la reforma, y, por último, en el quinto se presentan las consideraciones finales, dejando al descubierto lo que podría venir para la regulación a la propaganda, es decir, potenciales escenarios no previstos por los legisladores y las autoridades electorales. / This work describes the regulatory framework that govern the political communication model and the propaganda for the electoral campaigns in the State of Mexico. It also presents the progress and missing points in the matter. In order to do this, the analysis is structured in five sections: in the first one we present the conceptual notions about propaganda and electoral campaigns that will be used throughout the document. In the second, the context of the last political and electoral reforms in the country is explored, in order to locate the one from 2014 in a historical and political framework. In the third section the most important additions are examined and we present

Refugees as Innocent Bodies, Directors as Political Activists: Humanitarianism and Compassion in European Cinema

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Ipek Celik-Rappas

2017-04-01

Full Text Available This article explores the ways in which refugees and humanitarianism appear in European film productions. It argues that European films often present images of innocent and victimized refugees in order to raise compassion of their liberal spectators. In the meanwhile their directors are praised for their humanitarian activism as they are considered to save refugees and their suffering from anonymity and placing their stories and humanity on the screen. Examining a number of European productions of the 2000s (Children of Men, Dheepan, In This World, Terraferma, and Welcome this study suggests that politics of humanitarianism and of filmmaking on refugees share a similar problematic approach: in order to prove refugee eligibility for asylum and to raise compassion, they seek to establish the precarity and innocence of refugees, especially through showing their bodily pain.

Dos de julio, año 2000. La seducción electoral

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Lic. Irving Berlín Villafaña

2000-01-01

Full Text Available El nuevo siglo empieza en México con un proceso electoral para cambiar al presidente de la República, 500 diputados, 128 senadores, jefe de gobierno del Distrito Federal y los gobernadores de Guanajuato y Morelos. El 2 de julio del año 2000 representa, pues, para los tres partidos políticos más importantes, el Partido Revolucionario Institucional, el Partido Acción Nacional y el Partido de la Revolución Democrática, una oportunidad para su posicionamiento electoral de cara a 58.7 millones de mexicanos inscritos en el padrón. El autor analiza la campaña electoral desde el punto de vista mediático.

Efectos de la promulgación de la Ley Nº 8765 en el proceso electoral

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Héctor Fernández Masís

2010-07-01

Full Text Available A partir de la publicación del nuevo Código Electoral el 2 de setiembre de 2010 en el diario oficial La Gaceta, el artículo procede a revisar las reformas incorporadas a los procedimientos previstos para la organización de las elecciones. Para ello inicia con una breve reseña de la reforma al Código Electoral, haciendo luego un repaso de las generalidades del procedimiento administrativo, como preámbulo para abordar el tema del proceso electoral. También se refiere a la temática de la Administración Electoral, al hacer una revisión de las distintas fases del proceso, con la intención de tener claras las reglas de juego que, en la actualidad, rigen la contienda electoral, en términos de la logística aplicada a la organización de las elecciones en Costa Rica

German Economic Expansion under the Conditions of the European Debt Crisis and Military-Political Conflict in Ukraine

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Михаил Михайлович Кухтин

2014-12-01

Full Text Available The German economic expansion in the EU is examined in the article. Berlin is using the European debt crisis and the political instability in Ukraine to strengthen its positions in the world. Interests of weak countries of the Eurozone are being ignored. Chancellor A. Merkel is striving for a gradual revision of European legislation in Germany’s favor. Today’s Berlin is supporting Ukrainian nationalists, hoping to hinder the growth of Russian influence in Eastern Europe with their help. The aggravation of international competition does not allow Germany to pursue a different European policy.

A Multifaceted Analysis of the Electoral System of the Republic of Suriname

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Imma Curiel

2014-01-01

Full Text Available The electoral system of Suriname has been analyzed. Suriname has a unicameral parliament, the National Assembly. The 51 seats of the National Assembly are distributed among 10 districts. There are large discrepancies between the numbers of voters represented by a seat in the various districts. Apportionment methods leading to different seat distributions are explored and compared with each other and with the current one. The comparison is done with respect to the number of voters represented by a seat, the mean majority deficit and the probability that a majority deficit will occur, the influence of a voter in a particular district using the Banzhaf power index, and the influence of a political party relative to the percentage of the popular vote that the party obtained. The method of equal proportions turns out to yield the best results in general. (original abstract

Explaining the gender gap in radical right voting: A cross-national investigation in 12 Western European countries

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Immerzeel, Tim; Coffe, Hilde; van der Lippe, Tanja

2015-01-01

It is common wisdom in radical right research that men are over-represented among the radical right electorate. We explore whether a radical right gender gap exists across 12 Western European countries and examine how this gap may be explained. Using the European Values Study (2010), we find a

VOTERS DECIDE. CLASSICAL MODELS OF ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR.

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Constantin SASU

2015-04-01

Full Text Available The decision to vote and choosing among the candidates is a extremely important one with repercussions on everyday life by determining, in global mode, its quality for the whole society. Therefore the whole process by which the voter decide becomes a central concern. In this paper we intend to locate the determinants of the vote decision in the electoral behavior classical theoretical models developed over time. After doing synthesis of classical schools of thought on electoral behavior we conclude that it has been made a journey through the mind, soul and cheek, as follows: the mind as reason in theory developed by Downs, soul as preferably for an actor in Campbell's theory, etc. and cheek as an expression of the impossibility of detachment from social groups to which we belong in Lazarsfeld's theory.

Entre communication politique et propagande : les publicités électorales de 1979 à 2005  Political Communication or Propaganda? Electoral Advertising, 1979-2005

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Karine Rivière De Franco

2009-10-01

Full Text Available Advertising and propaganda share a common purpose: to try to influence and modify people’s beliefs and behaviours though persuasion. This article intends to examine the advertisements produced by the Conservative Party and the Labour Party over seven electoral campaigns, highlighting the choices made by the parties in the making of this type of electoral communication (in terms of pictures, texts, slogans and logos, leading to a classification of those documents in different groups according to their content (positive, negative, both negative and personal, comparative, and showing how the messages are systematically repeated to make them easier to remember and to create a cumulative effect. These analyses will enable to determine to what extent the parties, the outgoing government and the official opposition, exert systematic actions over voters to make them adopt their ideas and vote for them.

Competencia Electoral en México. La configuración de un sistema de partidos competitivo

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Luz Lomelí Meillon

2003-01-01

Full Text Available El presente texto reconoce la importancia de la mercadotecnia electoral para el éxito de las campañas, así como su infl uencia en el comportamiento electoral, pero cuestiona el hecho de que sea el factor determinante y sufi ciente; además, indaga en las cifras electorales la expresión de otros dos factores: la posición político-electoral de los votantes, expresada en el sentido de su voto, y la fuerza electoral de los partidos que compiten, manifestada en la capacidad de captar votos, en los cargos de representación que detentan y los niveles de competitividad con que se obtuvieron triunfos anteriores. .

Characterizing and modeling an electoral campaign in the context of Twitter: 2011 Spanish Presidential election as a case study

Science.gov (United States)

Borondo, J.; Morales, A. J.; Losada, J. C.; Benito, R. M.

2012-06-01

Transmitting messages in the most efficient way as possible has always been one of politicians' main concerns during electoral processes. Due to the rapidly growing number of users, online social networks have become ideal platforms for politicians to interact with their potential voters. Exploiting the available potential of these tools to maximize their influence over voters is one of politicians' actual challenges. To step in this direction, we have analyzed the user activity in the online social network Twitter, during the 2011 Spanish Presidential electoral process, and found that such activity is correlated with the election results. We introduce a new measure to study political sentiment in Twitter, which we call the relative support. We have also characterized user behavior by analyzing the structural and dynamical patterns of the complex networks emergent from the mention and retweet networks. Our results suggest that the collective attention is driven by a very small fraction of users. Furthermore, we have analyzed the interactions taking place among politicians, observing a lack of debate. Finally, we develop a network growth model to reproduce the interactions taking place among politicians.

Characterizing and modeling an electoral campaign in the context of Twitter: 2011 Spanish Presidential election as a case study.

Science.gov (United States)

Borondo, J; Morales, A J; Losada, J C; Benito, R M

2012-06-01

Transmitting messages in the most efficient way as possible has always been one of politicians' main concerns during electoral processes. Due to the rapidly growing number of users, online social networks have become ideal platforms for politicians to interact with their potential voters. Exploiting the available potential of these tools to maximize their influence over voters is one of politicians' actual challenges. To step in this direction, we have analyzed the user activity in the online social network Twitter, during the 2011 Spanish Presidential electoral process, and found that such activity is correlated with the election results. We introduce a new measure to study political sentiment in Twitter, which we call the relative support. We have also characterized user behavior by analyzing the structural and dynamical patterns of the complex networks emergent from the mention and retweet networks. Our results suggest that the collective attention is driven by a very small fraction of users. Furthermore, we have analyzed the interactions taking place among politicians, observing a lack of debate. Finally, we develop a network growth model to reproduce the interactions taking place among politicians.

Zimbabwean Politics in the Post-2013 Election Period

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Brian Raftopoulos

2014-01-01

Full Text Available The 2013 elections in Zimbabwe confirmed the grip of Mugabe and ZANU-PF on Zimbabwean politics. The electoral outcome was the result of a combination of factors that included not only the longterm legacy of ZANU-PF’s coercive politics, constructed through a radical nationalist discourse, but also the changes in the social structure of the country as a result of the reconfiguration of Zimbabwe’s political economy since the late 1990s. In the aftermath of the 2013 elections, the enormous economic constraints confronting the country have forced the Mugabe regime to take a more conciliatory tone as it seeks to re-engage with the West in the search for economic assistance. In its attempts to find a path through these economic challenges, ZANU-PF must also contend with the growing battle for succession within the party as Mugabe’s rule draws to an end.

Policy without politics: the limits of social engineering.

Science.gov (United States)

Navarro, Vicente

2003-01-01

The extent of coverage provided by a country's health services is directly related to the level of development of that country's democratic process (and its power relations). The United States is the only developed country whose government does not guarantee access to health care for its citizens. It is also the developed country with the least representative and most insufficient democratic institutions, owing to the constitutional framework of the political system, the privatization of the electoral process, and the enormous power of corporate interests in both the media and the political process. As international experience shows, without a strong labor-based movement willing to be radical in its protests, a universal health care program will never be accepted by the US establishment.

Corruption and Political Participation in the Americas and the Caribbean

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Robert Bonifácio

2015-08-01

Full Text Available This article deals with an issue as yet little explored in the vast literature about political participation: the role of corruption in political engagement. It investigates whether the coexistence, the values and the perception of citizens in relation to corrupt practices and actors have effects on political activism, and it verifies the direction in which this is evolving, whether it is in the direction of engagement in or withdrawal from politics. The unit of analysis is the individual, the geographic sector includes the Americas and the Caribbean, and the time frame includes biennial intervals between 2004 and 2012. A theoretical discussion and empirical analysis of the data from the Americas Barometer is used. Five distinct types of political participation were identified: contact with political and governmental actors, community activism, partisan and electoral activism, voter turnout and protest activism. The article concludes that the experience with corruption and the tolerance for bribe increase the chances of engagement in participative activities, going against the principal contributions of the specialized literature.

When Do Campaigns Matter? Informed Votes, the Heteroscedastic Logit and the Responsiveness of Electoral Outcomes

OpenAIRE

Gerber, Elisabeth R.; Lupia, Arthur

1993-01-01

Previous research suggests that voters in mass elections tend to be badly informed. If these voters do not know enough about the relationship between the policy consequences of electoral outcomes and their own interests, then electoral outcomes may not provide meaningful expressions of voter interests. Can campaign activity affect the relationship between voter interests and electoral outcomes? To answer this question, we use survey data from 35 comparable elections and a new empirical method...

International Political Actorness of the European Union: Evaluation Criteria

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GNATYUK N.N.

2014-06-01

Full Text Available The European Union is a completely new international entity which is hard to evaluate using traditional criteria of political actorness. Its active international presence stimulates the modeling of international actor features beyond the scope of “state-international organization” scheme. The concept of international actorness serves as a starting point for the development of appropriate analytical model. Unlike the traditional state-centered approaches which define an international actor through its affiliation witch the international system, this concept operates at the internal level of international entity and at the international structure level. Furthermore, both of these levels are treated as ontologically neutral and mutually constitutive. This basic theoretical scheme is used for elaboration of evaluation criteria of political actorness. The proposed system of criteria is based on drawing, synthesizing and developing the main writings on “new international actors” since the times of classic work by Carol A. Cosgrove and Kenneth J. Twitchett. The key elements of actorness assessed in this article include defining of capacity to act on the global scene as well as the acceptance by other actors and by international system as a whole. At the internal level, the EU’s actor capacity is measured by assessing its core elements ranging from core aspects, such as autonomy, authority, actor capability, coherence and cohesion to identity aspects. On the external level, the decisive criteria are recognition and acceptance by others which reflect expectations and perceptions of the EU. The proposed approach of evaluating the international actorness enables us to consider the political activity of the EU on the basis of coordinated system of interaction between the variables of international and domestic levels of the analysis. Furthermore, this contributes to the development of cumulative, coherent, and comprehensive theory of international

José Figueres Ferrer y su aporte al sistema electoral costarricense

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Oscar Fonseca Montoya

2006-01-01

Full Text Available El artículo describe los aportes del Expresidente de la República y Benemérito de la Patria José Figueres Ferrer para el desarrollo y estabilidad del sistema electoral costarricense. Repasa la emisión de Decretos-Ley que desde la Junta Fundadora de la Segunda República aseguraron la estructura que hoy ostenta tanto la legislación electoral como el Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones.

The role and the place of public organizations in the political system of Ukraine

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D. Y. Arabadjyiev

2015-06-01

Based on classical and modern views on democracy, the generalization that democratic political system, citizens participate in elections to prove its direct expression, and the government is aware of the need for fair and transparent elections as proof of the legitimacy of his power. It is concluded that the political system of modern Ukraine NGOs play a triple role, providing a steady realization of citizens’ rights, preventing any attempt to influence the process by the government and at the same time guaranteeing the fairness and transparency of the electoral process.

European emissions trading and the international competitiveness of energy-intensive industries: a legal and political evaluation of possible supporting measures

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Asselt, H. van; Biermann, F.

2007-01-01

The EU Emissions Trading Directive is expected by European energy-intensive industries to harm their competitiveness vis-a-vis non-European competitors. Many additional measures have thus been proposed to 'level the playing field' and to protect the competitiveness of European energy-intensive industries within the larger effort of reducing Europe's greenhouse gas emissions and of meeting its obligations under the 1997 Kyoto Protocol. This article evaluates a range of proposed measures based on a set of political and legal criteria, including environmental effectiveness; the need to consider differentiated commitments, responsibilities and capabilities; conformity with world trade law and European Union law; and Europe's overall political interests. We discuss measures that could be adopted by the European Union and its member states, such as direct support for energy-intensive industries, restrictions of energy-intensive imports into the European Union through border cost adjustments, quotas or technical regulations, and cost reimbursement for affected developing countries. We also analyse measures available to multilateral institutions such as the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and its Kyoto Protocol and the World Trade Organisation. We conclude with a classification of the discussed measures with red (unfeasible), yellow (potentially feasible) or green (feasible) labels. (author)

European emissions trading and the international competitiveness of energy-intensive industries: a legal and political evaluation of possible supporting measures

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Asselt, Harro van; Biermann, Frank

2007-01-01

The EU Emissions Trading Directive is expected by European energy-intensive industries to harm their competitiveness vis-a-vis non-European competitors. Many additional measures have thus been proposed to 'level the playing field' and to protect the competitiveness of European energy-intensive industries within the larger effort of reducing Europe's greenhouse gas emissions and of meeting its obligations under the 1997 Kyoto Protocol. This article evaluates a range of proposed measures based on a set of political and legal criteria, including environmental effectiveness; the need to consider differentiated commitments, responsibilities and capabilities; conformity with world trade law and European Union law; and Europe's overall political interests. We discuss measures that could be adopted by the European Union and its member states, such as direct support for energy-intensive industries, restrictions of energy-intensive imports into the European Union through border cost adjustments, quotas or technical regulations, and cost reimbursement for affected developing countries. We also analyse measures available to multilateral institutions such as the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and its Kyoto Protocol and the World Trade Organisation. We conclude with a classification of the discussed measures with red (unfeasible), yellow (potentially feasible) or green (feasible) labels

Gendering transnational party politics

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Kantola, Johanna; Rolandsen-Agustín, Lise

2016-01-01

research traditions, we build toward an analytical framework to study gender and transnational party politics. Our empirical analysis focuses on two policy issues, the economic crisis and the sexual and reproductive health and rights, analyzing European Parliament reports, debates and voting on the issues...... from 2009 to 2014. By focusing on gender equality constructions and the way in which consensus and contestation are built around them within and between party groups, we argue that shared constructions about gender equality are issue specific and change over time. Consensus breaks down along the left......In this article, we analyze transnational party politics in the European Union from a gender perspective. This is a subject that has been neglected both by mainstream European studies on party politics and by gender scholars who work on political parties. Drawing on the insights of these two...

Medio siglo de historia del organismo electoral de Bolivia

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Salvador ROMERO BALLIVIÁN

2009-08-01

Full Text Available En 1956 se celebró la primera elección con sufragio universal de la historia boliviana. Para la ocasión se fundó la Corte Nacional Electoral (CNE, cuya historia retrata el artículo. La primera etapa corre de 1956 hasta 1985, cuando su funcionamiento no era permanente y muchos comicios se celebraron bajo un manto de sospechas de irregularidades por el dominio del gobierno sobre la institución; la segunda va desde 1985 hasta 1991, en ella el organismo electoral desarrolla sus actividades de forma constante y los partidos lo controlan provocando dudas sobre la legitimidad de los resultados; la última abarca desde 1991 hasta 2007, cuando el sistema político acuerda conformar una CNE auténticamente imparcial e independiente, exigiéndole la celebración de elecciones irreprochables que aseguren una fuerte legitimidad de origen a las autoridades elegidas. El estudio presta atención a las disposiciones legales que rigen las tareas del organismo electoral pero sobre todo intenta comprender su acción considerando el contexto político, intelectual y social en el cual las cumplió

Comportamiento electoral y democracia en Nicaragua: 1990-2001

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Lawrence C. DODD

2009-11-01

Full Text Available RESUMEN: En los Estados Unidos y otros países de democracia establecida existen teorías de opción electoral (vote choice para explicar cómo y por qué los votantes toman decisiones electorales. Éstas nos explican cómo votan los ciudadanos, incluso qué peso dan a las evaluaciones de los candidatos, la económica, y otros factores en sus decisiones de voto. Conforme América Latina se democratiza y algunas naciones en el continente cuentan con varios años de continuidad electoral, surgen preguntas con respecto a la relevancia de teorías electorales desarrolladas en las democracias más antiguas para el análisis del contexto de las nuevas democracias. Particularmente, si ciudadanos de naciones pobres que carecen de las ventajas asociadas a la riqueza económica, educación y cobertura extensiva a través de la televisión, presentan patrones de conducta electoral reconociblemente similares a aquéllos presentes en las democracias más antiguas.Este estudio aplica dos teorías electorales de las democracias antiguas a un contexto donde la democracia es nueva: Nicaragua. Éstas son la teoría de retrospección (Fiorina y la teoría de prospección (Sniderman, Tetlock, Brody. El artículo muestra que, no obstante su pobreza y el bajo nivel educativo de muchos de sus habitantes, en las tres últimas elecciones los nicaragüenses tenían una capacidad de voto que sigue las dos teorías. Además, los votantes nicaragüenses pensaron no solamente en los candidatos y la economía sino también en el tipo de régimen, una cuestión que nunca se presentaría en Estados Unidos o en otras democracias antiguas. Los menos educados se mostraron tan capaces de utilizar prospección como los más educados. A pesar de la poca antigüedad de la democracia nicaragüense y de la relativa inexperiencia de su población, hemos descubierto una importante evidencia de la utilización de procesos evaluativos retrospectivos y prospectivos en Nicaragua en las

The approach of political parties in Turkey to the membership of the European Union in the eyes of the youth

OpenAIRE

Hakan Samur

2007-01-01

Political parties are the representatives of interests and expectations in the society and the stance of political parties in relation to an issue critical for our society, such as membership of Turkey to the European Union is very important. The perceived image of political parties among people regarding that stance is also important to the same extent. Based on this understanding and moving from the results of a survey conducted among seniors from almost all of the faculties at Dice Univers...

Party Ideology, Electoral Competition and the Election of Women in Five Latin American Democracies: Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Peru and Uruguay, 1980-2013

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Santiago ALLES

2014-03-01

Full Text Available Women have made enormous progress in their political incorporation. However, the pace of that incorporation has differed across countries. The present article analyzes the effects of party ideology and of the characteristics of electoral competition on the election of women in legislative seats in five Latin American democracies over three decades. The empirical results provide evidence of the effects of party (ideology and institutional factors (type of ballot; and at the same time, call into question the effect of factors previously asserted in the literature, such as district magnitude y party magnitude.

Political Development Discourse: A Patriarchal Matrix of Representation in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic

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Godwin Ihemeje

2016-05-01

Full Text Available This paper explores the effect of patriarchal-construct on political development in Nigeria’s fourth republic. It compares representation matrices by gender in both executive and legislative organs of government with a view to revealing wide gap that exists between the male and female political office holders since May 29, 1999. The paper relies extensively on secondary source of data collection and descriptive analytical method. The paper submits that it is the men construct of political power with less consideration of the women folk that accounts for low representation in Nigeria’s fourth republic. It recommends a gender-reconstruct of political development that encourages women’s participation and representation at primary and general elections; as well as strict adherence to democratic ideals and principles of electoral process.

Violent Extremist Organizations and the Electoral Cycle in Africa: A Framework for Analyzing the 2015 Tanzanian Elections

Science.gov (United States)

2015-02-01

Peter  Tinti, “Contextualizing Boko Haram,” Beacon Reader, April 21, 2014,  https://www.beaconreader.com/ peter ‐tinti/contextualizing‐boko‐haram, accessed...major political contenders. The Zanzibar  Electoral Commission ( ZEC ), widely perceived as an extension of the ruling party, intensified this  rivalry when...accusation of  ZEC  misconduct, rejection of  the  results,  and  calls  for  a  new  election.34  There  were  several  bomb  and  arson  attacks  on

Vicente Fox presidential campaing and the model of propaganda in political communication La campaña presidencial de Vicente Fox y el modelo propagandista de comunicación política

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Adriana BORJAS BENAVENTE

2010-10-01

Full Text Available The characteristics of political communication identified by Dominque Wolton can be used to analyse the electoral process of 1988 in Mexico, as public opinion and opinion began to emerge through the exchange between legitimate political actors. The main features of this exchange emerged and were consolidated during the 2000 presidential election campaign, coinciding with the typology developed by Gilles Achache regarding a model of propaganda. The objectives of the paper are to examine the electoral campaign of Vicente Fox of the PAN for the presidency in 2000, and to identify the differences that set it apart from the campaign of other candidates and from the traditional electoral behaviour of previous electoral processes, in order to demonstrate that through the use of techniques of political marketing in the public space, the Fox campaign introduced a new model of propaganda in political communication in Mexico.: Con base en las características atribuidas por Dominique Wolton a la comunicación política, es posible situar el surgimiento pleno de esta última en México durante el proceso electoral de 1988, cuando los discursos de la opinión pública a través de los sondeos comenzaron a introducirse en el espacio público. A partir de entonces, al producirse el intercambio de mensajes entre los actores con legitimidad, empezó a configurarse un modelo de comunicación política, cuyos rasgos esenciales surgieron o se reafirmaron durante la campaña para las elecciones presidenciales de julio de 2000 y que, en tanto coinciden con la tipología establecida por Gilles Achache, corresponden al modelo propagandista. Dar cuenta de la campaña electoral de Vicente Fox, candidato del Partido Acción Nacional a la Presidencia de la República mexicana en el año 2000, establecer las diferencias que representó respecto a las campañas de otros candidatos, así como en relación al comportamiento tradicionalmente observado por los distintos actores

TYPES OF POLITICAL REGIMES IN THE IRKUTSK REGION

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И В Орлова

2017-12-01

Full Text Available The authors consider contemporary western and Russian classifications of regional political regimes and their applicability for Russia. Based on the analysis of political theories, the authors chose the traditional typology of regional political regimes focusing on the minimalist interpretation of democracy (electoral competition and methods for identifying regional scenarios introduced by V.Ya. Gelman. The authors study the case of the Irkutsk Region as a region with conflicting elites, in which in a short period several regional heads were replaced. Based on the contemporary political history, the authors analyze the regional political regime using the following criteria: democracy/autocracy, consolidation/oligo-poly, compromise/conflict relations within the ruling elite. The results of the analysis prove the existence of checks and balances in the political system of the Irkutsk Region. Such a system restrains strong politicians attempts to monopolize the political power in the region. When any political player gains too much influence, other centers of power unite against him and together return the situation to the status quo. The political regime of the Irkutsk Region ensures a relatively high level of political competition, at the same time it is a part of the uncompetitive political regime of the Russian Federation, therefore it is a ‘hybrid democracy’. The authors’ analysis of intra-elite relations in the region revealed a high predisposition to conflicts with the dominant scenario of ‘war of all against all’.

Nonresponse Bias and Superpopulation Models in Electoral Polls

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Jose M. Pavía

2012-01-01

Full Text Available Nonresponse bias (and, to a lesser extent, measurement error has become the main source of error for electoral forecasts in Spain. Although the post-stratifi cation techniques and ratio estimators currently used in the polling industry reduce deviations, they do not show enough capacity to mend the biases introduced when collecting data. This research reveals how a more effi cient use of the electoral information available outside the sample could help to signifi cantly improve the accuracy of predictions, and uses simulation techniques to show that this may be accompanied by less expensive sampling designs. The analysis, nevertheless, also concludes that the proposed specifi cation is not a panacea and affi rms that there is still scope for reducing nonresponse bias, pointing to several issues for future research.

ELECTORAL BEHAVIOUR AT THE 2009 AND 2014 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN HARGHITA, COVASNA AND MUREŞ COUNTIES

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TOFAN George-Bogdan

2015-06-01

Full Text Available This study represents a synthesis of the electoral behaviour exhibited by the population of Harghita, Covasna and Mureş counties, at the 2009 presidential elections, held on 22nd November (first tour and 6th December (second tour, and at the presidential elections of 2014 (first tour, 2nd November, and second tour, 16th November. In terms of candidates, the following occured: in 2009, first tour, with 12 candidates, from which only Traian Băsescu and Mircea Geoană proceeded to the second round, and 14 candidates in the first round of the 2014 elections (10 of them from political parties and alliances. The second round was defined by the first two candidates with the highest number of votes, which were Victor-Viorel Ponta and Klaus-Werner Iohannis.

In pursuit of a promise perspectives on the political process to establish the European Spallation Source (ESS) in Lund, Sweden

CERN Document Server

2012-01-01

On 28 May 2009, at a closed meeting in Brussels, ministers and state secretaries of education and science from several EU countries decided to build the European Spallation Source (ESS) in Lund, Sweden. Or did they? It is common for big European science projects to be surrounded by secrecy and political deceit, but the ESS is extraordinary in its elusiveness. There is a remarkable lack of concrete economic, political, technical and scientific underpinnings to the project - but a boasting certainty in the promises of future paybacks. The ESS is an accelerator-based neutron spallation facility that will cost billions of Euros to build and run. It is expected to bring new knowledge in several fields including materials science, energy research, and the life sciences. But its financing is not yet certain, and future returns hard to predict. How then could the decision to build ESS occur? Why was there so little organized resistance? This book places the ESS project in its political and scientific context. It link...

Government, politics and health policy: A quantitative analysis of 30 European countries.

Science.gov (United States)

Mackenbach, Johan P; McKee, Martin

2015-10-01

Public health policies are often dependent on political decision-making, but little is known of the impact of different forms of government on countries' health policies. In this exploratory study we studied the association between a wide range of process and outcome indicators of health policy and four groups of political factors (levels of democracy, e.g. voice and accountability; political representation, e.g. voter turnout; distribution of power, e.g. constraints on the executive; and quality of government, e.g. absence of corruption) in contemporary Europe. Data on 15 aspects of government and 18 indicators of health policy as well as on potential confounders were extracted from harmonized international data sources, covering 30 European countries and the years 1990-2010. In a first step, multivariate regression analysis was used to relate cumulative measures of government to indicators of health policy, and in a second step panel regression with country fixed effects was used to relate changes in selected measures of government to changes in indicators of health policy. In multivariate regression analyses, measures of quality of democracy and quality of government had many positive associations with process and outcome indicators of health policy, while measures of distribution of power and political representation had few and inconsistent associations. Associations for quality of democracy were robust against more extensive control for confounding variables, including tests in panel regressions with country fixed effects, but associations for quality of government were not. In this period in Europe, the predominant political influence on health policy has been the rise of levels of democracy in countries in the Central & Eastern part of the region. In contrast to other areas of public policy, health policy does not appear to be strongly influenced by institutional features of democracy determining the distribution of power, nor by aspects of political

Conflicts and Negotiations about framings of gender equality and diversity by political actors within the European public sphere

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Siim, Birte

2014-01-01

that the European Union (EU) approach to gender equality has strengthened the transnational space of mobilization and given actors new possibilities to negotiate about multiple inequalities and direct their claims at different levels. This has at the same time led to a diversification of women’s claims...... and conflicts about the meanings and framings of gender equality and diversity within the EPS. This is illustrated by case studies of the framing of gender equality and ethno-national diversity by political actors in the European Women’s Lobby and the European Parliament. The article proposes......This article addresses conflicts and negotiations about gender equality and diversity within the European public sphere (EPS). It aims to explore the specific constraints and possibilities for realizing gender equality and justice from the transnational European context. Research illustrates...

A systematic approach to study electoral fraud

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Leemann, Lucas; Bochsler, Daniel

2014-01-01

, we propose a more encompassing approach, testing for several empirical implications of different possible forms of fraud. To illustrate this approach we rely on a case of electoral irregularities in one of the oldest democracies: In a Swiss referendum in 2011, one in twelve municipalities irregularly...

Relansarea proiectului de integrare europeană presupune o luptă politico-culturală cu ideologia neoliberală. Interviu cu Profesorul Angelo Chielli (The revival of the European integration project requires a political and cultural struggle with the neoliberal ideology

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Sorin BOCANCEA

2015-06-01

Full Text Available The conflicts within the European Union have always been and will always be purely political. The concentration of power in the hands of independent and supranational authorities leads to their removal from the control of the political institutions and democratic procedures. A revival of the European integration project could be based on a tough politico-cultural fight in a position to undermine the neoliberal ideology. Restarting the process of European integration cannot be the fruit of a ghostly economic recovery or stabilization of the balance states, but only as a result of a change in perspectives and objectives. To further be a viable project, the European Union needs some changes. Politically, it must be a question of political conflict recovery, reunification of alternative forces and proposing a different idea of Europe compared with that of the markets, specific to the neoliberalism. In the ideal contents plan, the concept of solidarity needs to be re-proposed, as a legal principle that allows the establishment of links outside those of family or community type. In this respect, solidarity is not only a guardianship, but even a direct exercise of freedoms.

Becoming independent: political participation and youth transitions in the Scottish referendum.

Science.gov (United States)

Breeze, Maddie; Gorringe, Hugo; Jamieson, Lynn; Rosie, Michael

2017-12-01

Sociological debates on youth engagement with electoral politics play out against a backdrop of supposed 'decline' in civic participation (e.g. Putnam , Norris, ), in turn contextualized by theories of individualization in 'late' or 'reflexive' modernity (Beck, Giddens). However, the enfranchisement of 16 and 17 year olds in the 2014 Scottish Independence Referendum catalysed remarkably high levels of voter turnout among this youngest group, and was accompanied by apparently ongoing political engagement. We explored this engagement among a strategic sample of young 'Yes' voters, in the immediate aftermath of this exceptional political event. Analysis of qualitative interview data generated an unanticipated finding; that interviewees narrated their political engagement biographically, articulated their referendum participation reflexively, and located their new political ideas, allegiances and actions in the context of their own transitions to 'independent' adulthood. This inspired us to rethink young people's political engagement in relation to youth transitions. Doing so enables a synthesis of divergent strands in the sociology of youth, and offers new insights into the combinations of 'personal' agentic and 'political' structural factors involved in young people's politicization. © London School of Economics and Political Science 2017.

Electoral System Reform Attempts in Sub-Saharan Africa: South Africa, Lesotho, Kenya, and Zimbabwe

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Elklit, Jørgen

This paper provides a test of the generalizability of the barriers’ approach (Rahat and Hazan, 2011) to the study of electoral system reform attempts. It does so by examining a set of recent attempts of electoral system change in four Sub-Saharan countries (South Africa, Lesotho, Kenya...

Denmark and the European Union

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Manners, Ian

2011-01-01

Over the past two decades Morten Kelstrup’s work has been at the centre of three important intellectual innovations in political science – the study of the EU as a regional political system; European security studies; and small states in European integration. Kelstrup’s best known books (Buzan, K...... of this book, two of Kelstrup’s most important intellectual contributions come from his work on Denmark’s relations with the European Union, and his use of systems theory to understand the EU.......Over the past two decades Morten Kelstrup’s work has been at the centre of three important intellectual innovations in political science – the study of the EU as a regional political system; European security studies; and small states in European integration. Kelstrup’s best known books (Buzan...

The effect of generation and age on turnout to the European Parliament

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bhatti, Yosef; Hansen, Kasper Møller; Wass, Hanna

2012-01-01

Electoral turnout has been declining at national elections in almost all Western democracies. European Parliament (EP) elections have followed the same trend. We utilize a previously suggested method for separating the effect of generation, age and period and show that a major part of the decline...

POLITICAL COMMUNICATION DURING THE 2014 PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN: ONLINE MEDIA COVERAGE

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Cristina Cîrtiţă-Buzoianu

2015-12-01

Full Text Available The election campaign has lately become a real challenge where all the political actors display their skills, the communication ones, but also those related to the electoral marketing and public relations which play a vital role in creating the image of a particular candidate. The interest that the public manifest towards the presidential debates, as well as towards all the means of political communication used by the actors involved represents a reference point in the construction of an election campaign. Our paper aims to achieve a quantitative analysis of the communicational messages sent during the 2014 presidential campaign in the online media. In this respect, we are going to conduct a media monitoring on two central newspapers, namely “Evenimentul Zilei” (“Daily Event” and “Jurnalul Național” (“National Journal”, to track the online media visibility of the political communication starting from several indicators predefined in order to measure the efficiency of the political communication. Thus, our approach considers the influence of political communication in the election campaign as it appears in the online press in Romania.

Online politics: a cross-national explanatory analysis of political websites

NARCIS (Netherlands)

van Noort, G.; Kruikemeier, S.; Aparaschivei, A.; Boomgaarden, H.; Vliegenthart, R.

2013-01-01

This study provides a systematic investigation of party and candidate websites in five European countries: Germany, Romania, Hungary, The Netherlands and Great Britain. It examines three features of online political communication that are presented on political websites (interactivity,

Local election blogs: Networking among the political elite

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Bock Segaard, Signe; Agger Nielsen, Jeppe

2013-01-01

This article explores the role of social media (essentially blogs) in the 2011 Norwegian local election campaigns. We commence by developing a framework for investigating political communication using the social media that conceptualises the horizontal and vertical conversation along two dimensions...... in the local election campaign. While candidates say they want to connect with the electorate, in practice they are networking with each other. Our findings are discussed in light of the institutional setting in which the blogging take place, and the specific social media under investigation.......: participants and interaction. Next, we apply our framework in a case study of election blogs in twelve Norwegian municipalities using multiple data sources. In contrast to the democratic vision of social media, our analysis demonstrates that election blogs are primarily used by those who are politically active...

Definiendo modelos de administración electoral. El caso argentino a examen

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Vanesa Valverde Camiña

2011-01-01

Full Text Available Los regímenes democráticos de América Latina han superado en una gran mayoría la fase de consolidación democrática, lo que actualmente sitúa su análisis en una cuestión de calidad. Si bien la calidad de la democracia es un concepto que parte indudablemente de los principios poliárquicos (Alcántara, 2008, éste abarca múltiples elementos entre los que la Administración Electoral juega un papel determinante como garantizadora de unas verdaderas elecciones limpias, libres e imparciales. La Administración Electoral en la región latinoamericana se presenta en diversos modelos que se articulan en un continuo cuyos extremos están marcados por la total independencia formal-legal de los Organismos de Gestión Electoral –OGE- y la dependencia de éstos respecto de los Poderes del Estado. Considerando que la literatura al respecto apuesta por la independencia de estos OGE para su correcto desempeño (Hartlyn, McCoy y Mustillo, 2008, en este trabajo se pretende llevar a cabo un análisis desde la perspectiva de los ciudadanos y legisladores argentinos del modelo de administración electoral argentino, que se caracteriza por cierta dependencia de sus OGE respecto del Ejecutivo y del Poder Judicial (López Pintor, 2000, para observar si esta dependencia tiene relación con el acusado descenso de la participación electoral en las últimas elecciones presidenciales de octubre de 2007, cuyo porcentaje (76,20% es el menor desde el regreso a la democracia.

Geografía electoral. Consideraciones teóricas para el caso argentino

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Norma B. Monzón

2009-01-01

Full Text Available Este artículo se centra en la geografía electoral, subdisciplina de la geografía política que aborda el estudio del sufragio desde la perspectiva espacio-temporal de los resultados electorales, atendiendo a la búsqueda de las causas que expliquen dichos resultados. Si bien la geografía electoral surgió a partir del paradigma cuantitativo (con la aplicación de técnicas de Sistemas de Información Geográfica, por su carácter de estudio espacio-temporal y de análisis multicriterio, en este artículo coexisten lo cualitativo y cuantitativo, al interrelacionar los resultados electorales y las características sociodemográficas de la población de estudio en Argentina. Así mismo, se propone un análisis del proceso electoral antes, durante y después del día de elecciones. Este trabajo se presenta como una propuesta de análisis de la geografía electoral y un aporte a la difusión en los ámbitos académicos tanto de esta subdisciplina, como del tema de la ciudadanía y de la actividad cívica de toda la sociedad, necesarios todos en el contexto latinoamericano.

Geografía electoral. Consideraciones teóricas para el caso argentino

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Norma B. Monzón

2009-01-01

Full Text Available Este artículo se centra en la geografía electoral, subdisciplina de la geografía política que aborda el estudio del sufragio desde la perspectiva espaciotemporal de los resultados electorales, atendiendo a la búsqueda de las causas que expliquen dichos resultados. Si bien la geografía electoral surgió a partir del paradigma cuantitativo (con la aplicación de técnicas de Sistemas de Información Geográfica, por su carácter de estudio espacio-temporal y de análisis multicriterio, en este artículo coexisten lo cualitativo y cuantitativo, al interrelacionar los resultados electorales y las características sociodemográficas de la población de estudio en Argentina. Así mismo, se propone un análisis del proceso electoral antes, durante y después del día de elecciones. Este trabajo se presenta como una propuesta de análisis de la geografía electoral y un aporte a la difusión en los ámbitos académicos tanto de esta subdisciplina, como del tema de la ciudadanía y de la actividad cívica de toda la sociedad, necesarios todos en el contexto latinoamericano.

Identificación partidaria de los jóvenes mexicanos en el proceso electoral 2012

OpenAIRE

Aguilar López, Jesús

2015-01-01

Estudiar el comportamiento electoral de los ciudadanos permite entender la continuidad y el cambio en los procesos políticos. Por su peso en el padrón electoral y por las características de su participación electoral, los jóvenes mexicanos representan un objeto de estudio de primer orden para entender los procesos de cambio político en el país. Tomando como base los datos que ofrece la Encuesta Nacional sobre Cultura Política de los Jóvenes 2012, se analizan los diferentes componentes que inf...

Panorama de la reforma electoral 2014 y el nuevo diseño institucional en México

Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

Carlos Marino Navarro Fierro

2014-07-01

Full Text Available La reforma constitucional mexicana en materia político-electoral aprobada por el Congreso de la Unión en diciembre de 2013, reconfiguró el modelo de distribución de competencias que, en materia político-electoral, había caracterizado al pacto federal desde 1946. El artículo ofrece una visión panorámica de algunos de los aspectos sustanciales de ese proceso de reforma constitucional, en especial la desaparición del Instituto Federal Electoral (IFE y su sustitución por el denominado Instituto Nacional Electoral (INE, ente que, en lo esencial, conserva los atributos y estructura del IFE, pero que expande de manera importante su rango de atribuciones.

European welfare regimes: Political orientations versus poverty

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Josifidis Kosta

2011-01-01

Full Text Available This inquiry analyzes how political orientations shape welfare states and labour market institutions when seeking to reduce poverty. In order to identify effects of these two key variables, we conduct a panel regression analysis that includes two poverty measures: poverty rates before and after social spending. This inquiry considers 14 EU countries, and in the period from 1995 to 2008, which are grouped according to welfare state regimes. We consider Social Democratic, Corporatist, Mediterranean and Liberal welfare state regimes. Panel regression results indicate that political orientation engenders no significant statistically measurable effects on poverty rates before social spending. Effects register, however, as significant when considering poverty rates after social spending. With respect to the first set of results, we advance two key explanations. First, we note a longer period of time is necessary in order to observe actual effects of political orientation on market generated poverty. Second, political parties with their respective programs do not register as influential enough to solve social problems related to income distribution when taken alone. Influences register as indirect and are expressed through changes in employment rates and social spending. The second set of results support the hypothesis that a selected political regime does indeed contribute to poverty reduction. In sum, political orientation and political regime does indeed affect poverty through welfare state institutions, as well as through labour market institutions.

Informed Switchers? How the Impact of Election News Exposure on Vote Change Depends on Political Information Efficacy

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Geers, S.; Bos, L.; de Vreese, C.H.

2017-01-01

The increase in electoral volatility in European democracies has raised the question of whether volatile voters are just randomly switching or actually making more informed vote choices. This study addresses this question by examining the underlying mechanisms through which election news exposure

Elecciones 2016 en República Dominicana: Características, desafíos y retos desde la perspectiva electoral

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Roberto Rosario Márquez

2015-01-01

Full Text Available Expone la reforma electoral del año 2010, los aspectos importantes que se presentaron en las elecciones de 2012 y los retos que la Junta Central Electoral de la República Dominicana enfrenta en la organización y administración del proceso electoral del año 2016

RATIONAL-IRRATIONAL ELECTORAL PREFERENCES, ALTRUISM AND EXPRESSIVE BEHAVIOR

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Mihai Ungureanu

2015-01-01

Full Text Available Caplan (2000, 2001, 2006 proposed the rational-irrationality model arguing that irrationality is a good as any other, whose consumption is maximized in relation to its costs and benefits. Applying this model to the problem of electoral behavior Caplan implies that voters ‘afford’ many irrational beliefs, because the lack of individual decisiveness renders vote as a consequenceless act. This paper contributes to the development of knowledge by analyzing the compatibility of rational irrationality with active electoral behavior. Two important arguments are being proposed: First, Wittman’s (2008 intuition that rational irrationality is incompatible with voting could be supported only about a particular type of altruism, which Caplan actually seems to reject. Second, rational irrationality seems to be compatible with expressive motivations, reinforcing the conclusion that rational-irrational individuals are active voters in mass elections.

Introduction Introduction

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Andrew Ives

2011-04-01

Full Text Available Exploring the links between religion and politics in the early 21st century seems at once both arcane and of pragmatic interest. Certainly, in the United States, the relationship is of practical importance: it has become one of the key elements in deciding electoral outcomes. However, seen from a continental European perspective, still grounded in the French Enlightenment tradition, the growing importance of religion in the American political landscape would seem to be an unfathomable mystery...

Was Faust a member of ′Otpor′? On subjectivistic objectivism and objectivistic subjectivism in the interpretation of (postmodern social and political movements

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Naumović Slobodan

2007-01-01

Full Text Available The paper represents an attempt to channel polemical exchanges concerning the process of democratization in Serbia into the frames of scientific dialogue which is considered here to be a more productive genre of scientific communication than are polemics. The most important issue addressed concerns providing adequate theoretical explanations of the ′revolution of October the 5th′ and of the roles that the student / popular movement ′Otpor′ played in it. According to the thesis defended by the author, the models of ′waves of democratization′ and of ′electoral revolution′ offer an adequate theoretical frame for the discussion of such problems. Among the questions that are addressed in the paper are the following: how much can relying on external sources blur the understanding of local processes; what is the difference between ′exported/imported′ and ′electoral revolutions′; how should one situate the Serbian ′October revolution′ in the waves of post communist democratization; what are the particularities of the Serbian electoral revolution compared to other ′colored revolutions′; how should the respective roles of external and internal players in the Serbian case be evaluated; what are the particularities of projects of democratization based on synergy as opposed to those based on hierarchy and relations of rower what binds together the strategy of non-violent resistance, proactive politics and Otpor’s ′Plan B′; finally, can a direct link between the amount of foreign assistance and the degree of loss of control over the results of political reform be presupposed. In the final section, offered is an assessment of the negative and positive aspects of Otpor’s political legacy as well as an attempt to link this legacy with an understanding of the ′dynamics of hope′ as a political project on which Otpor worked systematically.

Monitoreo de prensa en el proceso estatal electoral de Chiapas 2000

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Mtra. Juliana Matus López

2001-01-01

Full Text Available Políticamente el año 2000 resultó significativo para los mexicanos que vivimos el proceso electoral más controvertido en la historia de nuestro país. Esta contienda electoral no sólo fue definitiva en la vida nacional, lo fue también para muchas entidades federativas como Chiapas, que, coincidentemente se eligió también a un representante para gobernar al iniciar este nuevo milenio ante un clima de conflictos políticos, sociales y económicos que requieren ser atendidos.

Immigration Ethnic Diversity and Political Outcomes

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Harmon, Nikolaj Arpe

2017-01-01

I study the impact of immigration and increasing ethnic diversity on political outcomes in immigrant-receiving countries, focusing on immigration and election outcomes in Danish municipalities 1981-2001. A rich set of control variables isolates ethnic diversity effects from those of other immigrant...... characteristics and a novel IV strategy based on historical housing stock data addresses issues of endogenous location choices of immigrants. Increases in local ethnic diversity lead to right-ward shifts in election outcomes by shifting electoral support away from traditional "big government" left-wing parties...... and towards anti-immigrant nationalist parties in particular. These effects appear in both local and national elections....

Fortunes and misfortunes of political leaders reflected in the eyes of their electors.

Science.gov (United States)

Porciello, Giuseppina; Liuzza, Marco Tullio; Minio-Paluello, Ilaria; Caprara, Gian Vittorio; Aglioti, Salvatore Maria

2016-03-01

Gaze-following is a pivotal social behaviour that, although largely automatic, is permeable to high-order variables like political affiliation. A few years ago we reported that the gaze of Italian right-wing voters was selectively captured by the gaze of their leader Silvio Berlusconi. This effect was particularly evident in voters who saw themselves as similar to Berlusconi. Two years later, we were able to run the present follow-up study because Berlusconi's popularity had drastically dropped due to sex and political scandals, and he resigned from office. In a representative subsample of our original group, we investigated whether perceived similarity and gaze-following reflected Berlusconi's loss in popularity. We were also able to test the same hypothesis in an independent group of right-wing voters when their leader, Renata Polverini, resigned as Governor of 'Regione Lazio' due to political scandals. Our results show that the leaders' fall in popularity paralleled the reduction of their gaze's attracting power, as well as the decrease in similarity perceived by their voters. The less similar right-wing voters felt to their leader, the less they followed his/her gaze. Thus, the present experimental findings suggest that gaze-following can be modulated by complex situational and dispositional factors such as leader's popularity and voter-leader perceived similarity.

NORMATIVA ELECTORAL, ACTORES SUBALTERNOS Y VIOLENCIA POLÍTICA EN LOS COMICIOS CONGRESALES DE 1877-1878

OpenAIRE

Chaupis Torres, José; Aguilar Saavedra, Ricardo

2015-01-01

En el presente artículo se buscará indagar, por un lado, los aspectos jurídicos, para ello se analizará a partir de la normativa electoral cuáles fueron los artículos de la Constitución, la ley electoral y las enmiendas que sirvieron como apoyo legal para la realización de las elecciones parlamentarias de 1877. Por otro lado se estudiarán las prácticas electorales y la dinámica política implementada por los actores involucrados durante este proceso electoral -principalmente los subalternos-, ...

Muslim and European Perceptions of Oceanic "Trade" in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries and their Implications for International Politics

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Abdullah al-Ahsan

1999-12-01

Full Text Available In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries Muslim and European powers perceived the importance of oceanic trade routes differently. During this earliest phase of European colonial expansion, Muslim powers, particularly the Osmanlis who claimed to be the champion of Islam, did not consider the loss of oceanic trade routes to Europeans a serious threat to Muslim interests. However, this gradually led not only to the loss of trade which was once dominated by Mus1im merchants, but might have contributed to the total disappearance of Muslim powers from their supremacy of world politics later in history.

Las bases del PT: ideología versus personalismo en su apoyo electoral

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David SAMUELS

2011-01-01

Full Text Available Este artículo explora datos del Estudo Eleitoral Brasileiro para investigar las bases de apoyo al Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT, que llegó por primera vez a la Presidencia de la República en Brasil en las elecciones de 2002. Los resultados muestran que los electores del PT están más identificados con el liderazgo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, actual presidente y líder histórico del partido, que con la ideología del PT. Sin embargo, los vínculos ideológicos entre el PT y sus electores aún son más importantes que los vínculos ideológicos entre los demás partidos brasileños y sus respectivos electores.

Geografía electoral de Andalucía

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ANTONIO J. PORRAS

1984-01-01

Full Text Available Se analizan los resultados de las elecciones generales del 77, 79 y 82 en Andalucía. Para estudiar el comportamiento electoral se toma en cuenta el municipio, la renta per cápita, la provincia y la región. El resultado es la obtención de cuatro grandes zonas diferenciadas en cuanto al comportamiento electoral, que se analizan siguiendo el modelo propuesto por el análisis espacial. Las curvas de comportamiento de varios partidos políticos son descritas en función de los municipios y la renta per cápita, mostrándose una progresión del pluralismo polítco si se sigue el eje zona rural/zona urbana. Se termina el estudio con una interpretación de la tendencia existente hacia el predominio del Partido Socialista en las elecciones del 82.

Local political leaders and mayors: Institutional and non-institutional power in the First Violence (Colombia, 1930-1934

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María del Rosario Vázquez Piñeros

2017-05-01

Full Text Available By consulting and collating periodical and documentary sources –of both a civil and ecclesiastical nature– this article analyses the relationship that local political leaders (gamonales and civil authorities established with armed institutional and illegal non-institutional groups. By exerting coercion and persecution, both leaders and civilian authorities served as a means for their political party to achieve electoral victory. This relationship made them key architects of the first stage of the Liberal-Conservative Violence, initiated under the government of Colombian President Enrique Olaya Herrera (1930-34.

Disentangling the Importance of Psychological Predispositions and Social Constructions in the Organization of American Political Ideology.

Science.gov (United States)

Verhulst, Brad; Hatemi, Peter K; Eaves, Lindon J

2012-06-01

Ideological preferences within the American electorate are contingent on both the environmental conditions that provide the content of the contemporary political debate and internal predispositions that motivate people to hold liberal or conservative policy preferences. In this article we apply Jost, Federico, and Napier's (2009) top-down/bottom-up theory of political attitude formation to a genetically informative population sample. In doing so, we further develop the theory by operationalizing the top-down pathway to be a function of the social environment and the bottom-up pathway as a latent set of genetic factors. By merging insights from psychology, behavioral genetics, and political science, we find strong support for the top-down/bottom-up framework that segregates the two independent pathways in the formation of political attitudes and identifies a different pattern of relationships between political attitudes at each level of analysis.

Youth, Europe and the Nation: The Political Knowledge, Interests and Identities of the New Generation of European Youth

Science.gov (United States)

Faas, Daniel

2007-01-01

Europe is undergoing considerable demographic, economic, cultural and socio-political change. National citizenship identities have been challenged by the simultaneous processes of European integration and the migration of people into and across Europe. This paper explores how the current generation of youth relates towards Europe, and highlights…

Bioethical ambition, political opportunity and the European governance of patenting: the case of human embryonic stem cell science.

Science.gov (United States)

Salter, Brian; Salter, Charlotte

2013-12-01

Scientific progress in the life sciences is dependent on the governance of tensions between the economic potential of the innovation and the cultural response from society. Ownership of the scientific innovation through patenting is a necessary part of the realization of its economic value yet, in the case of human embryonic stem cell (hESC) science, ownership of the human body and human life may offend fundamental cultural values. In the case of transnational patenting governance by the European Patent Office (EPO) and the European Union (EU), cross-national cultural conflict in the field of hESC science has produced a political demand for a form of governance that can incorporate ethical as well as economic judgements in its decision making. This paper explores how bioethics has responded to this opportunity to establish itself as a form of expert authority for the negotiation and resolution of the cultural conflict. In so doing, it shows how the political struggle that has accompanied this bid for new governance territory has been influenced both by the political tensions between the EPO and EU systems of patenting governance and the resistance of competing experts in law and science to a bioethical presence. Copyright © 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

The politics of health care reforms in U.S. presidential elections.

Science.gov (United States)

Navarro, Vicente

2008-01-01

This article analyzes why people in the United States have major problems in accessing medical care that are due to financial constraints. The author suggests that the cause of these problems is the way in which medical care and elections are funded in the United States, with private sources being the largest component in the funding of both activities. The article includes a comparison of funding of the electoral process in the United States with similar electoral processes in the countries of the European Union, and postulates that privatization of the funding of U.S. elections (primary and general) is responsible for privatization of the funding of medical care-the root of people's problem in paying for their medical care. Privatization of election funding gives undue power to the economic, financial, and professional groups that dominate medicine in the United States.

"Otpor" - a postmodern Faust: new social movement, the tradition of enlightened reformism and the electoral revolution in Serbia

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Naumović Slobodan

2006-01-01

Full Text Available Otpor is discussed in the text as a complex and contradictory new type of social movement, whose members attempted to contribute to the tradition of enlightened reform of social and political life in Serbia, simultaneously in a highly pragmatic and in a creative, possibly even irresponsible manner. After the introduction, analyzed are popular and media narratives on the characteristics of the movement, dilemmas concerning the founding of the movement and meaning of its key symbols, and the Faustian question of goals and consequences of foreign, in particular American influences. Following is a discussion of strategic (non-violent revolution, calculated victimization and tactical (black campaigns, get-out-the-vote campaign roles of Otpor in the coordinated project of ousting Milosevic. Otpor’s role is then re-interpreted in the frame of the ‘electoral revolution’, developed by Valerie Bunce, Sharon Wolchik and Michael McFoul. An assessment of the transformation of Otpor from an active social movement into an exportable blueprint for non-violent political revolutions is offered in lieu of a conclusion.

Actitudes políticas y comportamiento electoral de víctimas y excombatientes del conflicto armado

OpenAIRE

Caballero León, Laura Marcela

2015-01-01

La presente investigación se ubica en el campo de estudio de la participación política electoral, en particular, del comportamiento electoral de víctimas y excombatientes del conflicto armado en Colombia. El problema central de la investigación se centró en responder a la pregunta ¿Cuáles son las relaciones entre las actitudes políticas y el comportamiento electoral en víctimas y excombatientes del conflicto armado en Villavicencio? Actualmente existe en Colombia una población que ha estado d...

Panorama de la reforma electoral 2014 y el nuevo diseño institucional en México

OpenAIRE

Carlos Marino Navarro Fierro

2014-01-01

La reforma constitucional mexicana en materia político-electoral aprobada por el Congreso de la Unión en diciembre de 2013, reconfiguró el modelo de distribución de competencias que, en materia político-electoral, había caracterizado al pacto federal desde 1946. El artículo ofrece una visión panorámica de algunos de los aspectos sustanciales de ese proceso de reforma constitucional, en especial la desaparición del Instituto Federal Electoral (IFE) y su sustitución por el denomi...

Two shades of Green? The electorates of GreenLeft and the Party for the Animals

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Otjes, S.; Krouwel, A.P.M.

2015-01-01

The Netherlands has two electorally significant parties that might be considered to be part of the ‘Green’ family: GreenLeft and the Party for the Animals. These two parties appeal to different niches of the Green electorate, identified on the basis of issue dimensions, demographics, and their trust

Two shades of Green? The electorates of GreenLeft and the Party for the Animals

NARCIS (Netherlands)

Otjes, Simon; Krouwel, Andre

2015-01-01

The Netherlands has two electorally significant parties that might be considered to be part of the Green' family: GreenLeft and the Party for the Animals. These two parties appeal to different niches of the Green electorate, identified on the basis of issue dimensions, demographics, and their trust

Deprivation and non-institutional political participation

DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

Ejrnæs, Anders

2017-01-01

This article examines how the relationship between perceived economic deprivation (PED) and non-institutional forms of political activity interacted with institutional trust during the economic crisis in 24 European countries. Using multi-level regression analysis, two broad questions are addressed......: (1) does PED have an impact on the level of non-institutional political participation among European citizens? And (2) does the level of institutional trust within countries have an impact on the relationship between PED and political activity among European citizens? The empirical analyses are based...... the opposite correlation on an individual level within the countries. Second, the analysis provides evidence that the institutional context shapes the connection between PED and political participation on the individual level. In countries with a high level of institutional trust, economically deprived...

Finding Political Opportunities: Civil Society, Industrial Power, and the Governance of Nanotechnology in the European Union

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Anna Lamprou

2016-06-01

Full Text Available The European Union encourages and institutionalizes participation by environmental, consumer, and labor organizations in the governance of nanotechnology. Interviews with leaders of the civil society organizations (CSOs show that they identified multiple problems with nanotechnology policy but had only limited success in gaining the changes that they sought. CSO leaders explain their lack of success as due to the overwhelming power of industry and the support of the European Commission for new industrial development, including nanotechnology. We analyze the perspectives of CSO leaders about their difficulties to develop the theory of the political opportunity structure in the situation of a highly scientized policy field with strong industrial monitoring. We suggest the need to extend the theory to pay more attention to the strategies that reformers can use to maneuver in and to open a relatively closed political opportunity structure. We argue that formal stakeholder engagement is not very effective and suggest instead the importance of the following: building coalitions with government actors, threatening or mobilizing grassroots mobilization, making the issue salient to the public, and pursuing the full range of institutional repertoires.

Conservative Party Modernisation and David Cameron's Politics of the Family

OpenAIRE

Hayton, Richard

2010-01-01

A key feature of David Cameron's electoral appeal is his carefully cultivated image as a ‘family man’. Cameron has repeatedly stressed the importance of the family to his political views and stated his desire to see marriage rewarded through the tax system. At the same time, Cameron has presented himself as a modernising leader, keen to demonstrate that he and his party are in touch with contemporary society. Central to this effort to detoxify the Conservative brand has been an emphasis on so...

Identidad institucional. El Tribunal Electoral ante las elecciones presidenciales de 2000

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David H. Corrochano

2001-01-01

En este artículo analizamos la identidad del Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF en la coyuntura electoral del 2000, porque sirve como ejemplo de una institución sin identidad, que oscila entre evocaciones positivas y negativas, que se vio en una situación crítica (lo que podemos llamar un "escándalo institucional". La dificultad de la sociedad para diferenciar a esta institución de otras puso en peligro la estabilidad del sistema polÌtico mexicano y la confianza en el proceso de cambio democratizador.

Hacia una caracterización del lugar y el perfil del elector colombiano

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Víctor Arteaga Villa

2011-01-01

Full Text Available El artículo presenta una aproximación a la caracterización del lugar que se le ha dado y del perfil con que se ha configurado el elector colombiano. A partir de la metodología del estado de arte, analiza la literatura más relevante que se ha producido en torno a la relación elecciones-partidos políticos-elector y señala las categorías de énfasis que se han privilegiado. Además, a partir del establecimiento de las razones de la decisión y de la orientación del voto, enlista algunos de los factores que, desde motivaciones muy particulares -cívicas (deber ser del ciudadano, cínicas (ser de la contraprestación-, inducen al elector a su participación.

Political determinants of Health: Lessons for Pakistan.

Science.gov (United States)

Jooma, Rashid; Sabatinelli, Guido

2014-05-01

There is much concern about the capacity of the health system of Pakistan to meet its goals and obligations. Historically, the political thrust has been absent from the health policy formulation and this is reflected in the low and stagnant public allocations to health. Successive political leaderships have averred from considering healthcare is a common good rather than a market commodity and health has not been recognized as a constitutional right. Over 120 of world's nation states have accepted health as a constitutional right but the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan does not mandate health or education as a fundamental right and the recently adopted 18th constitutional amendment missed the opportunity to extend access to primary health care as an obligation of the State. It is argued in this communication that missing from the calculations of policy formulation and agenda setting is the political benefits of providing health and other social services to underserved populations. Across the developing world, many examples are presented of governments undertaking progressive health reforms that bring services where none existed and subsequently reaping electoral benefit. The political determinant of healthcare will be realized when the political leaders of poorly performing countries can be convinced that embracing distributive policies and successfully bringing healthcare to the poor can be major factors in their re-elections.

The Legitimacy Deficit in the Political Process Brazilian . Democracy Theory of Violation

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Edilene Lôbo

2016-05-01

Full Text Available This article seeks to reflect on the legitimacy deficit of the Brazilian political pro- cess, in that it withdraws control over the elections and political terms from the people, refusing protection and concretion of the fundamental right of participation, backbone of the democratic state governed by the rule of law. It also seeks to identify activation mechanisms of public pools as measurement methods of the popular will, which cannot be replaced by what is read in the printed review. To achieve its objectives a slight expla- nation of the Brazilian electoral judicial bodies was made, identifying the control actions of the elections that can only be filed by for legitimates (candidate, political party, party coalitions and prosecutors office, and a justification of the application discourse for the minimal participation and excess jurisdiction (activism versus minimalism was presented as well.

Environment protection and energy politics

International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

Grawe, J.

1993-01-01

The lecture first deals with the aims and legal basis in German and European law of environment protection with regard to energy politics. It then goes to deal with European regulations for environment protection and their effects on the energy supply: Air pollution abatement, tax for the protection of the climate, internalisation of external costs. The following European energy-political measures impinge on environment protection: Sponsored projects, least-cost planning, third-party access to the public electricity supply. The discrepancy between European and national policies can be lessened or resolved by the following means: Harmonisation, subsidiarity principle, and scope for entrepreneurial solutions. (orig.) [de

[Eating disorders after the political changes in the formerly communist Eastern-European countries].

Science.gov (United States)

Rathner, G; Túry, F; Szabó, P

2001-06-24

The authors summarize the Central and East European epidemiological data of eating disorders. These demonstrate that eating disorders are not exclusively characteristic to Western societies. In this respect the comparison of newer data to those which were performed before the political changes in 1989-1990 is especially valuable. Formerly in a Hungarian university sample the prevalence of bulimia was 1-1.3% among females, 0-0.8% among males, and this was higher than the prevalence of 0.6% in Austrian females, or 0% in German Democratic Republic. After the social changes similar data were found in several East European countries. This corroborates the culture-change idea of eating disorders. The transition to a Western market economy and the process of globalization is an experiment to evaluate the effect of sociocultural factors. The values and norms (e.g. thinness ideal) come closer to the Western culture, and mass media have a significant impact in this process.