WorldWideScience

Sample records for electoral processes

  1. Regional electoral process in a context of discussion about the project of the electoral codex of Russia

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Елена Олеговна Лисянская

    2009-12-01

    Full Text Available In the given article are analyzed pluses and minuses of different electoral systems, their applicability to the Russian conditions, considering the reforms of the electoral legislation of Russia. The project of the Electoral Codex as possible document that regulates regional electoral process put under consideration.

  2. Regional electoral process in a context of discussion about the project of the electoral codex of Russia

    OpenAIRE

    Елена Олеговна Лисянская

    2009-01-01

    In the given article are analyzed pluses and minuses of different electoral systems, their applicability to the Russian conditions, considering the reforms of the electoral legislation of Russia. The project of the Electoral Codex as possible document that regulates regional electoral process put under consideration.

  3. Social Studies: The Electoral Process.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Schrager, Donald M.

    This quinmester course of study for grades seven through nine provides a framework for analyzing election processes in a democracy by investigating democratic societies of the past, and contrasting democracies with totalitarian types of government. Major emphasis is upon analyzing the system of institutionalized political parties, the…

  4. Indigenous participation and representation in Venezuelan electoral processes

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Luis Fernando ANGOSTO FERRÁNDEZ

    2012-06-01

    Full Text Available This article examines the Venezuelan regional elections of 2008 as a contextual event for the analysis of electoral strategies and results associated with the indigenous representation. Three factors intertwined in the electoral moment are analyzed: 1. the existence of minimum guaranteed representation for indigenous population in legislative organs; 2. the participation of indigenous candidates and electors; 3. the maneuvers of political parties and civil organizations that attempt to channel and/or benefit from such indigenous representation and participation. The description of the electoral context facilitates the identification of factors that, beyond the normative structure of the State, condition the agency of individuals and parties involved in electoral processes. Among those factors are the symbolic value of indigeneity in the current process of national identity re-definition, the interest of political parties in controlling the vote of the indigenous representation and the tendency towards the consolidation of professionalized elites within the indigenous activism.

  5. A Foreign Correspondent's View of the Electoral Process.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Gardner, Mary A. Ed.

    According to their personal points of view regarding United States politics, a panel of foreign correspondents from other nations evaluated the United States electoral process and discussed the difficulties involved in conveying the complexities of this process to an audience. This document contains an edited transcript of the panel's comments.…

  6. Adoption of E-Voting System to Enhance the Electoral Process in Developing Countries

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Agbesi, Samuel

    2018-01-01

    The literature reviewed confirm challenges in the electoral process in developing countries like Ghana. These challenges are mainly Institutional and Technical Challenges. The Institutional challenges come from the electoral commission, security agencies such as the Police, and civil society groups...... that are not well equipped to lend their full support to the electoral process, and also electoral challenges can be identified in three stages, pre-election, during an election, and after the election. And it is assumed that e-voting system when adopted will resolve this electoral challenges, but the system design...... should be approached from the Socio-technical perspective so that the system will not fail after implementation....

  7. The specifics of the aplication of social and structural approach to electoral processes analysis

    OpenAIRE

    V F Kovrov

    2009-01-01

    The analysis of a number of problems of the investigation of the electoral process viewed as a social phenomenon contributes to the overcoming of a number of theoretical and methodological obstacles in the process of its sociological cognition. The complexity and delicacy of the electoral process entails the application of a set of distinct approaches, research and description techniques. The article provides the rationale for the most complete insight into the social component of the elector...

  8. [Electoral demography. The demographic dimension of a political process].

    Science.gov (United States)

    Herrero, J M

    1991-01-01

    A complete and reliable knowledge of the potential voters is indispensable for holding elections in a democratic society. In 1990 a new Federal Code of Electoral Institutions and Procedures (COFIRE) was approved in Mexico. A new list of potential voters was to be created based on the 1990 census and without reference to the old list. The planning and implementation of the 1991 electoral rolls required great efficiency in order to complete the work in time for elections, while assuring its validity and legitimacy through a clear and participatory process in which all political parties played a permanent role. COFIRE designated July 1991 as the date for completion, allowing just 10 months for the entire process from planning to completion. The 1991 work represented a political process as much as a technical challenge. A working group from the political parties provided advice on all aspects of the work, from defining the social communications campaign to cartographic review and organization of field work. Although the list potential voters not intended for demographic purposes, its validity, coverage, and variety of information make it a rich source of sociodemographic information. An estimated 95% of individuals included in the 1990 census were included in the lists of prospective voters. Of these, 39,500,000 citizens, or 86% of the census population, actually registered as of the deadline on May 31. The final coverage by states varied from a low of 79.3% in Guerrero to a high of 91.0% in the Federal District.

  9. The specifics of the aplication of social and structural approach to electoral processes analysis

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    V F Kovrov

    2009-06-01

    Full Text Available The analysis of a number of problems of the investigation of the electoral process viewed as a social phenomenon contributes to the overcoming of a number of theoretical and methodological obstacles in the process of its sociological cognition. The complexity and delicacy of the electoral process entails the application of a set of distinct approaches, research and description techniques. The article provides the rationale for the most complete insight into the social component of the electoral process via social and structural approach application. The given approach enables one to give concrete expression to the subject matter of electoral sociology at strategic, operational and tactical levels, define the elements of the electoral process, the outcome of the electoral practice, to reveal the invariability of the electoral conscience, psychological attitudes and values of different groups of voters as well as to analyze the evolution of the objective-transforming practice, the electoral activity of the population and to provide the extensive analysis of the results of the material and cultural assimilation of the electoral practice.

  10. Electoral Violence and Democratization Process in Nigeria: A Reference of 2011 and 2015 General Elections

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    Lawrence I. EDET

    2015-09-01

    Full Text Available The general account of Nigeria’s post-independence electoral processes has always been characterized by violence. Nigeria’s 2015 general elections marked the fifth multi-party elections in the country and the second handover of civilian administrations since the inception of the Fourth Republic democratic experiment in 1999. This account cannot be analyzed without issues of electoral violence. Electoral violence had been a permanent feature of Nigeria’s democratic process, except 2015 general elections where the international observers described as a “significant improvement” over the previous elections in terms of violence related cases. Electoral related violence in the country particularly in 2011 got to an unprecedented dimension resulting in destruction of lives and property worth millions of naira. This paper expatiates on electoral violence and its general implications on the democratization process in the country, with major emphasis on the 2011 and 2015 general elections. The paper argued that the high incidence of pre and post electoral violence in the country within the periods has to do with the way Nigerian politicians regard politics, weak political institutions and weak electoral management body as well as bias nature of the security agencies, etc. However, the paper examined the general implications of electoral violence on democratization process and how the country can handle the electoral process to avoid threats associated with the electoral violence. Archival analysis, which widely extracted data from newspapers, journals, workshop papers, books, as well as publications of non-governmental organizations was adopted for the study. The major significance of this study is to expose the negative implications associated with electoral violence and how it can be curbed. The position canvassed in this paper will serve as a useful political literature for political leaders, policy makers and the general reading public who

  11. Electoral Governance: More than Just Electoral Administration

    OpenAIRE

    Medina Torres, Luis Eduardo; Ramírez Díaz, Edwin Cuitláhuac

    2015-01-01

    The meaning of "electoral governance" is often equated with "electoral administration". The process, however, can be divided into three distinct stages: 1) formation of regulatory bodies and norms; 2) implementation of these norms; and 3) dispute resolution. Given these three parts, electoral governance amounts to much more than just administration. In this article we explain why many academic studies of electoral governance have neglected the role of conflict resolution, focusing instead on ...

  12. The Role of the Mass Media in the Nigerian Electoral Process ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    This paper focuses generally on the role of the mass media in Nigerian electoral process as it pertains to overall development of Nigeria. The background is the recognition of the central role of the media in political and social affairs as a natural outcome of its unlimited communicative strength and outreach. The statement of ...

  13. Engagement in the electoral processes: scaling laws and the role of political positions.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Mantovani, M C; Ribeiro, H V; Lenzi, E K; Picoli, S; Mendes, R S

    2013-08-01

    We report on a statistical analysis of the engagement in the electoral processes of all Brazilian cities by considering the number of party memberships and the number of candidates for mayor and councillor. By investigating the relationships between the number of party members and the population of voters, we have found that the functional forms of these relationships are well described by sublinear power laws (allometric scaling) surrounded by a multiplicative log-normal noise. We have observed that this pattern is quite similar to those we previously reported for the relationships between the number of candidates (mayor and councillor) and population of voters [Europhys. Lett. 96, 48001 (2011)], suggesting that similar universal laws may be ruling the engagement in the electoral processes. We also note that the power-law exponents display a clear hierarchy, where the more influential is the political position the smaller is the value of the exponent. We have also investigated the probability distributions of the number of candidates (mayor and councillor), party memberships, and voters. The results indicate that the most influential positions are characterized by distributions with very short tails, while less influential positions display an intermediate power-law decay before showing an exponential-like cutoff. We discuss the possibility that, in addition to the political power of the position, limitations in the number of available seats can also be connected with this changing of behavior. We further believe that our empirical findings point out to an under-representation effect, where the larger the city is, the larger are the obstacles for more individuals to become directly engaged in the electoral process.

  14. Forms And Methods Of Modern Russian Youth Involvement Into The Electoral Process

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    Aleksey D. Maslov

    2015-03-01

    Full Text Available In the present article authors analyzes forms and methods of modern Russian youth involvement in the electoral process. Involving young people in the electoral process is directly related to the problem of increasing the level of political culture in the society. This article presents the main forms of work to attract young people to participate in elections in our country, according to the Central Election Commission (CEC of Russia, some of the regional election commissions, the Russian Public Opinion Research Center (WCIOM. Authors note that at present there are more than one hundred and sixty legislative acts of the Russian Federation, which reflect certain aspects of the state youth policy. All these measures stimulate the political activity of young people, but in our opinion, that is not enough. The fundamental change in the attitude of young people to politics, to the institution of elections is possible only when young people feel like a real part and the subject of transformation processes in our country. In conclusion authors summarizes, that a fundamental change in the relationship of young people to politics, the institution of elections is possible only, when very young feel a real party and the subject of transformation processes in our country. This is possible only when the state is really and not formally prioritizes youth policy. Young people should have a daily state support for education, starting a business, implementation of acquired skills for a decent fee, starting a family, buying a house, etc.

  15. The impact of internet-communications on electoral processes in Ukraine (on the example of parliamentary elections of 2012

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    Svitlana O. Mykhalchuk

    2016-01-01

    Full Text Available This paper examines the impact of Internet communications on electoral processes in Ukraine on the example of parliamentary elections in 2012. Internet is an integral part of modern electoral processes and the parliamentary elections of 2012 were not an exception. The author aims at determining the level and efficiency of various channels and forms of network communications implemented in the electoral process. Thus, the role of political sites, blogs, and social networks are analyzed. Internet communications were used by NGOs to monitor the electoral process. The innovation in the election campaign was the video surveillance at polling stations with the ability to stream online. The author shares the view of most researchers that online communications didn’t become the primary means of competition for a place in the parliament. Political parties focused mainly on manipulative potential of television political advertising and traditional political technologies. Thus, Internet was not considered to be the effective mechanism for bringing «political dividends». There are some other reasons why Internet communications had no real influence on the course and the results of the elections (digital divide, mixed electoral system, political parties that tend to be archaic.

  16. Effectiveness of political advertising in the electoral process: experience on extraordinary presidential elections – 2014 in Ukraine

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    G. V. Muzychenko

    2014-07-01

    Full Text Available The place and role of political advertising and political agitation in the electoral process as an example of extraordinary presidential elections - 2014in Ukraine are analyzed in the paper. It’s revealed a concept of «political advertising» within the Ukrainian legislation and the peculiarities of the legal regulation of its implementation during the presidential elections in Ukraine. Restrictions relating to forms of political agitation and the volume of financing. It was found that political advertising is a form of agitation and can be financed only with specially crafted by candidate election fund, the size of which, unlike elections to representative bodies of power is not limited. The analysis of the election funds of candidates in terms of establishing relationship between costs and result, which is one of the performance criteria of political advertising effectiveness in the electoral process. For this purpose, analysis of the cost structure of election funds, which are dominated by the cost of the media used. Also examines distribution channels of political advertising and the quality of the TV election advertising products. It is proved that political advertising affects electoral behavior, but direct relationship between the election’s success and amount invested in the political campaign funds are not found. That suggests the expediency consideration of other factors influence the electoral behavior, such as political program of applicants, their political experience, subjective preferences of voters and more.

  17. Electoral Violence Prevention:What Works?

    OpenAIRE

    Birch, Sarah; Muchlinski, David

    2017-01-01

    Elections are in theory democratic means of resolving disputes and making collective decisions, yet too often force is employed to distort the electoral process. The post-Cold War increase in the number of electoral authoritarian and hybrid states has brought this problem into relief. In recent years the prevention of electoral violence has played an increasingly large role in the democratic assistance activities undertaken by international agencies, following increased awareness within the i...

  18. Indigenous participation and representation in Venezuelan electoral processes Participación y representación indígena en los procesos electorales venezolanos

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    Luis Fernando ANGOSTO FERRÁNDEZ

    2012-06-01

    Full Text Available This article examines the Venezuelan regional elections of 2008 as a contextual event for the analysis of electoral strategies and results associated with the indigenous representation. Three factors intertwined in the electoral moment are analyzed: 1. the existence of minimum guaranteed representation for indigenous population in legislative organs; 2. the participation of indigenous candidates and electors; 3. the maneuvers of political parties and civil organizations that attempt to channel and/or benefit from such indigenous representation and participation. The description of the electoral context facilitates the identification of factors that, beyond the normative structure of the State, condition the agency of individuals and parties involved in electoral processes. Among those factors are the symbolic value of indigeneity in the current process of national identity re-definition, the interest of political parties in controlling the vote of the indigenous representation and the tendency towards the consolidation of professionalized elites within the indigenous activism.Este artículo examina los comicios regionales de 2008 en Venezuela como evento contextual para el análisis de estrategias y resultados electorales vinculados a la representación indígena. Se analizan tres factores interrelacionados en el momento electoral: 1. la existencia de representación mínima garantizada a la población indígena en los órganos legislativos; 2. la participación de candidatos y electores indígenas en los comicios; 3. las maniobras de partidos políticos y organizaciones civiles que intentan canalizar y/o beneficiarse de dicha representación y participación. La descripción del contexto electoral permite identificar factores que, más allá de la estructura normativa estatal, condicionan la agencia de individuos y partidos involucrados en los comicios. Entre esos factores se encuentran el valor simbólico de la indigenidad en el actual proceso

  19. THE APPEAL CALLED “EMBARGOS DE DECLARAÇÃO” IN ELECTORAL PROCESS: A BRIEF VIEW AFTER THE BRAZILIAN NEW CIVIL PROCEDURE CODE

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    Rodrigo Mazzei

    2016-12-01

    Full Text Available This paper analyzes the regulation of embargos de declaração with in the electoral process, as well as the interpretation that has been given by the Courts. Addressing essencial issues of embargos de declaração, as the deadline, legal nature, suitability hypothesis and suspensive effect, many of which are the subject of discussion in doctrine and jurisprudence, mainly due to diversification and variety of rules dealing with the subject (Electoral Code, Regiments Internal of Courts and Civil Procedure Code and Criminal Procedure Code - alternatively applied, besides the need for a constitutional interpretation focused on the embargos de declaração. Observes the proposals of the Project of the New CPC, pending in the legislative, for the regulation of embargos de declaração and the impacts that this new text will bring to the electoral process, pointing out possible ways to conciliation between the “new” civil process and the electoral law.

  20. Electoral Governance in Brazil

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    Vitor Marchetti

    2012-06-01

    Full Text Available Electoral governance has increasingly more frequently been the object of study of the comparative politics literature. This article examines the electoral governance institutional model adopted in Brazil and its consequences for political/electoral competition. It is argued herein that Brazil’s Electoral Justice System, motivated by the institutional design, has ended up becoming one of the main actors of the country’s recent democratic consolidation, being decisive not only with regard to rule adjudication and application, but also to rulemaking. With the purpose of assessing this governance model in action, three important recent rulings by Brazil’s Electoral Justice System are analysed here: verticalization of the coalitions, reduction in the number of councillors, and party loyalty.

  1. 154 The Role of the Mass Media in the Nigerian Electoral Process ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    NGOZI

    the media in Nigeria political process within the framework of our national political ..... ethnic interests at the expense of national unity and stability of the polity. According to ... untold mayhem, chaos and political instability. In 1965 for instance ...

  2. An Analysis of Malaysian Political Communication and Its Role in Electoral Process

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    Saabar Suhaimee Saahar

    2017-01-01

    Full Text Available This paper attempts to discuss political communication in Malaysia especially after the 12th General Elections (GE12. The purpose of this study is to analyse the political efficacy or sense making process which involve analysing the techniques and creative execution that had been used by political parties and its effects on Malaysian voters. The results of GE 12 had fashioned a political tsunami that influenced many important aspects in the Malaysian political landscape, be it national and economic policies, social unity or campaign strategies. Therefore, the main focus of this paper is to discuss the elements and importance of political communication research in Malaysian political communication campaign by focusing on the aspects of creative execution, political information efficacy and sense making process and its impact on the choice of communication tools amongst Malaysian voters.

  3. Electoral Violence in Africa

    OpenAIRE

    Adolfo, Eldrigde; Söderberg Kovacs, Mimmi; Nyström, Daniel; Utas, Mats

    2012-01-01

    In the time period 2012–2013, over 20 national elections and two constitutional referendums are scheduled in Africa. In several of these elections, violence is anticipated to play a prominent role. There is great urgency to support the establishment of effective and legitimate electoral institutions and electoral frameworks; institute reforms aimed at lowering the stakes of elections; encourage the devolution of powers; improve the socio-economic standing of the populace; and devise strategie...

  4. oas electoral observations vs. unasur accompaniment in the last elections in Venezuela

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    Víctor Carlos PASCUAL PLANCHUELO

    2017-06-01

    Full Text Available Electoral observation has become an essential exercise for the development of electoral democracy. The proliferation of organizations monitoring elections makes necessary to distinguish real «election observation activities», from other similar activities, such as «electoral accompaniment». Independence is an essential element that must be respected by true electoral observation organizations. Accordingly, the lack of independence in some of these organizations transforms them into «intervened electoral observation» actors, dowgrading its credibility and reliability. Hence, the last electoral processes that have taken place in Venezuela, provide the necessary factual basis to distinguish oas election observation missions, from unasur accompaniment missions.

  5. Electoral Institutions and Electoral Violence in Sub-Saharan Africa

    OpenAIRE

    Fjelde, Hanne; Höglund, Kristine

    2016-01-01

    Political violence remains a pervasive feature of electoral dynamics in many countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, even where multiparty elections have become the dominant mode of regulating access to political power. With cross-national data on electoral violence in Sub-Saharan African elections between 1990 and 2010, this article develops and tests a theory that links the use of violent electoral tactics to the high stakes put in place by majoritarian electoral institutions. It is found that ele...

  6. The Electoral College: A Teaching/Learning Design.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Hamilton, Angela Blackston

    This teacher's guide describes a course unit on the electoral college designed to teach eighth grade students about the election process for the President of the United States. The historical significance of the electoral college, its procedures, and its relevance to today's political system are discussed. Ten lesson plans with student objectives,…

  7. Expression of the Objectives of Interactive Electoral Communication: The Study of 2011 Municipal Council Elections

    OpenAIRE

    Šuminas, Andrius

    2011-01-01

    The process of interactive electoral communication initiated by politicians in social media is the object of the dissertation. The aim of the paper is to develop a comprehensive research approach to politicians’ electoral communication in social media and to use the approach in describing the specificity of electoral communication taking place in social media, determining the features of expression of the candidates’ electoral objectives, and making an analysis of the communication that took ...

  8. Winning strategies of political campaigns in hybrid electoral spaces. Case study – Iasi County

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    Adrian Marius Tompea

    2012-10-01

    Full Text Available Our material introduces the concept of hybrid electoral area, as a distinct electoral entity set up by special territorial and administrative processes. We analyze specific cases of such spaces in Iasi and we see how the winning electoral strategies have been configured here. We provide examples of campaign activities and actions which ensured the candidates’ success by simultaneously targeting both the electoral sub-spaces and the community seen as whole.

  9. El spot electoral negativo

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    Palma Peña-Jiménez

    2011-01-01

    Full Text Available l spot político tiene durante la campaña un objetivo final inequívoco: la consecución del voto favorable. Se dirige al cuerpo electoral a través de la televisión y de Internet, y presenta, en muchos casos, un planteamiento negativo, albergando mensajes destinados a la crítica frontal contra el adversario, más que a la exposición de propuestas propias. Este artículo se centra en el análisis del spot electoral negativo, en aquellas producciones audiovisuales construidas sin más causa que la reprobación del contrincante. Se trata de vídeos que, lejos de emplearse en difundir las potencialidades de la organización y las virtudes de su candidato –además de su programa electoral–, consumen su tiempo en descalificar al oponente mediante la transmisión de mensajes, muchas veces, ad hominem. Repasamos el planteamiento negativo del spot electoral desde su primera manifestación, que en España data de 1996, año de emisión del conocido como vídeo del dóberman, sin olvidar otros ejemplos que completan el objeto de estudio.

  10. Electoral Offenses in The Common Law System

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    Vladimir Mulaj

    2013-07-01

    Full Text Available Electoral behavior is a new element in the political analysis of democracy in Albania. Distinctive features of the Albanian transition distinguish other models of the former communist countries, as well as significantly differ with Western models and electoral behavior analysis of the relations between political actors and citizens voting. Penal Code of the Republic of Albania remains the basis of criminal law to sanction criminal acts in the election. The object of criminal misconduct are directly related to the normal criminal and legal protection and free elections as well as the Albanian Constitution provides all these obstacles to electoral subjects committed by force or by any other means which directly affect the normal performance electoral system. Barriers can be done with physical or psychological, and consists in blocking commissioners election materials, election materials decay affecting decay electoral system unfairly supported a particular political party or a coalition of political parties that present list candidacy according to the rules defined in the electoral code. Albanian Constitution as the fundamental law of the Albanian state provides for the rightness of the equality of the vote for all Albanian citizens The vote is the democratic way that every citizen expressing the opinion and its political will but to have democratic value ratings should be personal equal, free and secret. The right to vote is a political right provided by the Albanian Constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and as such is closely linked to democracy, the sovereignty of the people and citizens. Total vote, or the right to get to the polls all Albanian citizens, men and women, and in fact is the greatest achievement of the twentieth century. According to the Electoral Code of the Republic of Albania every citizen exercises his right to vote at his polling station, where placed under citizen’s location criteria. Voting centers

  11. ELECTORAL PRESCRIBERS. WHO ARE THEY?

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    Constantin SASU

    2016-12-01

    Full Text Available The decision to vote and choosing among the candidates is an extremely important one with repercussions on everyday life by determining, in global mode, its quality for the whole society. Therefore the whole process by which the voter decides becomes a central concern. Prescribers, supposed to have a big influence on the electoral market, are a component of the microenvironment political organizations. These are people who occupy important positions that can influence the behavior of others. In the political environment, prescribers are known under the name of "opinion formers", "opinion leaders", "mediators" (Beciu, 2009 or "influencers" (Keller and Berry, 2003 Weimann, 1994. This paper aims to review the central opinions on what is the influence prescribers, opinion makers on voting behavior, voting and decisions on whether and how they act?

  12. El recurso de amparo electoral

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    Luis Diego Brenes Villalobos

    2006-01-01

    Full Text Available Analiza la figura procesal del recurso de amparo electoral, su génesis, naturaleza jurídica,carácter residual, y otras características propias de su evolución y desarrollo, que lo diferencian con el recurso contencioso-electoral, para lo cual se realiza un amplio análisis de la jurisprudencia emanada tanto del Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones, como de la Sala Constitucional de la Corte Suprema de Justicia

  13. VOTERS DECIDE. CLASSICAL MODELS OF ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR.

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    Constantin SASU

    2015-04-01

    Full Text Available The decision to vote and choosing among the candidates is a extremely important one with repercussions on everyday life by determining, in global mode, its quality for the whole society. Therefore the whole process by which the voter decide becomes a central concern. In this paper we intend to locate the determinants of the vote decision in the electoral behavior classical theoretical models developed over time. After doing synthesis of classical schools of thought on electoral behavior we conclude that it has been made a journey through the mind, soul and cheek, as follows: the mind as reason in theory developed by Downs, soul as preferably for an actor in Campbell's theory, etc. and cheek as an expression of the impossibility of detachment from social groups to which we belong in Lazarsfeld's theory.

  14. NATURE OF ELECTORAL MARKETING IN ROMANIA

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    DINU GABRIEL

    2014-02-01

    Full Text Available A serious analysis of the political market is impossible without studying consumer behavior (or user offers political, macro-environment is an essential component of marketing that can be influenced by marketing actions of the political structure. The study of human behavior is essential for understanding how people will react - most often very different - methods of marketing of that structure. The objective of the elector's behavior is to help us understand certain actions and attitude motivations, preferences, self image, social environment, reference groups aiming the family of those whom are going to vote in certain circumstances. As a result of all the influence the elector is exposed to, he exhibits a certain behavior within the elective process.

  15. POSICIONES POLÍTICAS VS MERCADO ELECTORAL

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    Octaviano Moya Delgado

    2011-12-01

    Full Text Available This work shows a revision of the divided vote that has generated a process of high competitiveness in Mazatlán, Sinaloa. It confronts the political positions of the voters with the options of electoral competition. To do this on the assumption that the electoral behavior occurs more as a result of the individual analysis of the voters on benefits (utility that offer candidates and parties competing in the elections, which the characteristics of political-ideological of the voters themselves. To check it, it is analyzed three empirical dimensions, in which are: the context and actors in the election, the conditions of competition, positions politico-ideological and utility of the vote.

  16. The costs of electoral fraud: establishing the link between electoral integrity, winning an election, and satisfaction with democracy.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Fortin-Rittberger, Jessica; Harfst, Philipp; Dingler, Sarah C

    2017-07-03

    Previous research has shown that voters' perception of electoral fairness has an impact on their attitudes and behaviors. However, less research has attempted to link objective measurements of electoral integrity on voters' attitudes about the democratic process. Drawing on data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and the Quality of Elections Data, we investigate whether cross-national differences in electoral integrity have significant influences on citizens' level of satisfaction with democracy. We hypothesize that higher levels of observed electoral fraud will have a negative impact on evaluations of the democratic process, and that this effect will be mediated by a respondent's status as a winner or loser of an election. The article's main finding is that high levels of electoral fraud are indeed linked to less satisfaction with democracy. However, we show that winning only matters in elections that are conducted in an impartial way. The moment elections start to display the telltale signs of manipulation and malpractice, winning and losing no longer have different effects on voter's levels of satisfaction with democracy.

  17. Structure of Political Success Factors as an Indicator of Political Direction in Electoral System Development

    OpenAIRE

    Panina, Nataliia

    2005-01-01

    The article presents a conceptual model of democratic electoral system development and analysis of empirical data on factors of political success in the electoral situation. Various participants of the electoral process (population, politicians, journalists, government employees, analysts-politologists) evaluated the political success factors; and comparative analysis of these evaluations made it possible to determine the main vectors (“reverse” and “manipulative-mystifying”) affecting deviat...

  18. Segunda ronda electoral

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    Gustavo Román Jacobo

    2009-07-01

    Full Text Available El instituto del Ballotage nace en Francia en 1852, pero no es hasta el año de 1958 donde reaparece de forma definitiva, bajo un régimen de gobierno semi presidencialista; surge en el derecho electoral costarricense mediante una enmienda en 1926, a la Constitución Política de 1871, evocado en forma desnaturalizada para ajustarse a un sistema de corte esencialmente presidencialista, con matices de parlamentarismo. Es en la Constituyente de 1949 donde se dibujan con mayor claridad los rasgos de lo que actualmente conocemos como segunda elección popular, al perfilarse con características propias del derecho Constitucional Costarricense. A pesar de su veterana presencia en la vida constitucional del país, no es hasta el 2002 donde dicho instituto protagoniza en la realidad nacional, cuando se cumplen los supuestos del artículo 138 de nuestra Carta Magna, para que se lleve acabo una segunda elección o Ballotage. Fue así como el primer domingo de abril de ese año, en medio de mucha expectativa, este instituto desfiló en la práctica democrática del país.

  19. Careerism, Committee Assignments and the Electoral Connection

    OpenAIRE

    Katz, Jonathan N.; Sala, Brian R.

    1996-01-01

    Most scholars agree that members of Congress are strongly motivated by their desire for reelection. This assumption implies that members of Congress adopt institutions, rules, and norms of behavior in part to serve their electoral interests. Direct tests of the electoral connection are rare, however, because significant, exogenous changes in the electoral environment are difficult to identify. We develop and test an electoral rationale for the norm of committee assignment "property rights...

  20. Performance and institucional identity: the Electoral Tribunal in the 2000 electoral alternance Desempeño e identidad institucional: el tribunal electoral en la alternancia del 2000

    OpenAIRE

    Héctor DÍAZ-SANTANA; David H. CORROCHANO

    2010-01-01

    In this article we want to analyse the work made by the "Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF)" and its relation, in its grade and identity, within the presidential elections on the July 2sd, 2000. Our hypothesis is that TEPJF had started an institutional blackmail, which put several doubts on the process, and could limit the democratic advances built until today but also generate a post electoral conflict with political instability consequences in the country.Analiza...

  1. Teaching American Politics through Student Projects: Electoral Reform Issues and Political Change.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Alper, Donald K.; Hogan, Eugene

    1979-01-01

    Describes two projects which involve college students in political science courses on American politics in doing research and giving class reports on proposals for reforming the electoral college and the electoral process. Findings indicate that students participating in the projects become more aware of political realities and learn how to use…

  2. Legality, separation of powers, stability of electoral law: The impact of new voting technologies

    OpenAIRE

    Driza Maurer, Ardita

    2016-01-01

    Legality, separation of powers and stability of electoral law are some of the principles of the European constitutional heritage. They should be respected and implemented throughout the electoral process, including when new voting technologies are used. This paper discusses e-voting specific implementations of the principles or challenges to it. Ongoing and proposed improvements in legislation or practice are pinpointed.

  3. Refugee Migration and Electoral Outcomes

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Damm, Anna Piil; Dustmann, Christian; Vasiljeva, Kristine

    2016-01-01

    find that – in all but the most urban municipalities - allocation of larger refugee shares between electoral cycles leads to an increase in the vote share not only for parties with an antiimmigration agenda but also for centre-right parties, while the vote share for centre-left parties decreases...

  4. Municipal Size and Electoral Participation

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Mouritzen, Poul Erik; Rose, Lawrence; Denters, Bas

    are based on a strategy whereby theoretical models are developed and investigated for several different indicators of local democracy in a successive, cumulative fashion using a ‘funnel of causality logic’. This paper reports on results concerning local electoral political participation. We conclude...

  5. Political-electoral advertising: a discourse in search of legitimacy

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Zilda Gaspar Oliveira Aquino

    2012-12-01

    Full Text Available This study aims to examine political discourse in order to describe the specific elements of electoral advertising and to detect the discursive strategies used to refer to the construction of presidential candidate’s image, Dilma Roussef. For this purpose, we analyzed segments of the first program of the candidate’s electoral campaign, broadcast on television in 2010, by national network in the Election Schedule. Theorical discussion is made from works on political discourse, as noted in Charaudeau (2008, van Dijk (2008, Aquino (1997, among others. Analysis showed that there was concern in presenting the candidate, little known by part of electorate, through linguistic-discursive resources, used as arguments involving reason and emotion, in a process which goal was to legitimate Dilma, in order to win the election, as it was the case.

  6. Elecciones, electores y partidos en América Latina en la década de 1990

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Manuel ALCÁNTARA SÁEZ

    2009-11-01

    Full Text Available RESUMEN: En este artículo el autor aprovecha la reciente experiencia electoral latinoamericana para realizar un estudio de los sistemas electorales de la región, analizando aspectos como la fórmula electoral y la relación entre el sistema electoral y la gobernabilidad. Seguidamente estudia la relación entre leyes electorales y sistemas de partidos, así como las tendencias del comportamiento del electorado y de los partidos latinoamericanos. Finalmente se extraen conclusiones globales a la luz de los recientes procesos electorales.ABSTRACT: In this article, the author takes the most recent electoral experience in Latin America to make a study on the different electoral systems of the region, by analyzing various aspects like the electoral formula and the connection between electoral system and governability. Next, the article studies the connection between electoral laws and party system, as well as the Latin America elector' & parties' behaviourial trends. Finally, several global conclusions are inferred in the light of the most recent electoral processes.

  7. How campaigns polarize the electorate

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Hansen, Kasper M.; Kosiara-Pedersen, Karina

    2017-01-01

    The minimal effect theory of campaign studies stipulates that intense political competition during campaigns assures and reinforces the initial party choice of the electorate. We find that this reinforcement is two-fold. During the campaign, the party preference of the voters’ in-group party...... an increase in their preference for their most preferred party and a decrease for their least liked party as the campaign progresses. These trends show that the political campaign polarizes the electorate by increasing the affective distance between in-group party and out-group party preferences, thereby...... resulting in stronger political polarization after the campaign than before the campaign. The data utilized in this study is a large six-wave panel-study of Danish voters’ party preferences during the Danish parliamentary election of 2011. Thus, the analysis provides evidence of the minimal effect theory...

  8. What Kind of Animal is Electoral Integrity?

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Elklit, Jørgen

    This discussion paper attempts to take a comprehensive look at electoral integrity. The concept is initially defined in a way which follows the ordinary language use of “integrity”, i.e. as something which has not in any way been damaged or ruined. Electoral integrity thus refers to the perfect......”, or “acceptable” elections. “Electoral acceptability” is maybe the concept best covering “real-world electoral integrity”, so that the relationship between the two might remind one of the relationship between “Dahl’s democracy” and “polyarchy”? The opening discussion is followed by a presentation and discussion...... of some key points in relation to the eight attributes of electoral integrity suggested here. The conclusion is that electoral integrity is a complicated concept to work with and that it is not enough to measure it solely based on election observation reports or the average of perceptions of a sample...

  9. The change in the dynamics of Costa Rica’s electoral set up: a case of dealignment Cambio en la dinámica electoral en Costa Rica: un caso de desalineamiento

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Fernando SÁNCHEZ CAMPOS

    2010-10-01

    Full Text Available The results of the last two general elections (1998 and 2002 in Costa Rica, suggest that the country’s electoral dynamics have exited their apparent stability and entered a process of change. The present study evaluates the main signs of this change (rising levels of absenteeism, ticket-splitting, electoral volatility, and support for third parties, and defines it as an «electoral dealignment» process. Moreover, it argues that there is evidence to conclude that electoral dealignment in Costa Rica seems to be a result of a process of «partisan dealignment».Los resultados de las últimas dos elecciones generales (1998 y 2002 en Costa Rica sugieren que la dinámica electoral del país ha superado su aparente estabilidad para entrar en un proceso de cambio. El presente estudio evalúa las principales señales de este cambio (aumentos en los niveles de abstencionismo, quiebra del voto, volatilidad electoral y apoyo a terceros partidos, y lo define como un proceso de «desalineamiento electoral» (electoral dealignment. Además plantea que existe evidencia para concluir que este desalineamiento electoral pareciera ser el resultado de un proceso de «desalineamiento de partidos» (partisan dealignment.

  10. Micro Elector Mechanical Systems

    International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

    Yun, Jun Bo; Jo, Il Ju; Choi, Yoon Seok

    1996-09-01

    This book consists of seven chapters, which are the flow of the age from macro world to micro world, what is MEMS, semiconductor, micro machining and MEMS, where do MEMS goes to?, How to make MEMS, MEMS in the future and knowing about MEMS more than. This book is written to explain in ease and fun. It deals with MEMS in IT, BT, NT, ST, micro robot technology, basic process for making MEMS such as Bulk micromachining, surface micromachining LGA technology, DARPA and organization in domestic and overseas and academy and journal related MEMS.

  11. Do Leadership Changes Improve Electoral Performance?

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Helboe Pedersen, H.; Schumacher, G.; Cross, W.; Pilet, J.-B.

    2015-01-01

    Does changing the leader improve a party’s electoral performance? And does it matter who for electoral performance who selects the leader? We hypothesize that in parties with inclusive selectorates leadership change is beneficial because the competition for the leadership is more open, receives more

  12. Getting elections right? Measuring electoral integrity

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    van Ham, C.T.

    2015-01-01

    Holding elections has become a global norm. Unfortunately, the integrity of elections varies strongly, ranging from “free and fair” elections with genuine contestation to “façade” elections marred by manipulation and fraud. Clearly, electoral integrity is a topic of increasing concern. Yet electoral

  13. Transnational Political Rights and Electoral Systems Design

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Elklit, Jørgen

    Voting from abroad is possible in slightly more than half of all countries, even though it may not be an option for all a country’s citizens permanently or temporarily out-of-country. This paper looks at the special electoral systems created for this purpose as it focuses on changes and innovations...... in electoral system design in order to cater for the special interests of diaspora voters. Most countries allowing voting from abroad simply includes the votes coming from out-of-country among the votes cast in-country, so no special electoral system has been invented or implemented. But at least 14 countries...... have created exterritorial constituencies, where they in most cases basically use the same electoral system as they do for the ordinary in-country voting. The conclusion is that the creation of new electoral systems for voting from abroad has not – at least not so far – attracted a lot of interest from...

  14. Modeling Electoral Coordination: Voters, Parties and Legislative Lists in Uruguay Modelando la Coordinación Electoral: Votantes, Partidos y Listas Legislativas en Uruguay

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ines Levin

    2011-01-01

    Full Text Available During each electoral period, the strategic interaction between voters and political elites determines the number of viable candidates in a district. In this paper, we implement a hierarchical seemingly unrelated regression model to explain electoral coordination at the district level in Uruguay as a function of district magnitude, previous electoral outcomes and electoral regime. Elections in this country are particularly useful to test for institutional effects on the coordination process due to the large variations in district magnitude, to the simultaneity of presidential and legislative races held under different rules, and to the reforms implemented during the period under consideration. We find that district magnitude and electoral history heuristics have substantial effects on the number of competing and voted-for parties and lists. Our modeling approach uncovers important interaction-effects between the demand and supply side of the political market that were often overlooked in previous research.En cada período electoral, votantes y élites interactúan para determinar el número de agentes políticos postulados para la elección, así como el número de agentes políticos que reciben apoyo de los votantes. En este artículo, modelamos la interacción entre votantes y élites usando un modelo jerárquico de regresiones aparentemente no relacionadas, explicando la coordinación electoral a nivel de distrito en el Uruguay en función de la magnitud del distrito, resultados de elecciones anteriores, y régimen electoral. Las elecciones en este país son particularmente útiles para el estudio de los determinantes institucionales de la coordinación electoral debido a la amplia variación en la magnitud de los diferentes distritos, a la simultaneidad de las elecciones presidenciales y legislativas reguladas por normas electorales diversas, y a las reformas que tuvieron lugar durante el período bajo consideración. Encontramos que la

  15. Desempeño e identidad institucional: el tribunal electoral en la alternancia del 2000

    OpenAIRE

    Corrochano, David H.; Díaz-santana, Héctor

    2001-01-01

    In this article we want to analyse the work made by the "Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF)" and its relation, in its grade and identity, within the presidential elections on the July 2sd, 2000. Our hypothesis is that TEPJF had started an institutional blackmail, which put several doubts on the process, and could limit the democratic advances built until today but also generate a post electoral conflict with political instability consequences in the country. Ana...

  16. Performance and institucional identity: the Electoral Tribunal in the 2000 electoral alternance Desempeño e identidad institucional: el tribunal electoral en la alternancia del 2000

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Héctor DÍAZ-SANTANA

    2010-07-01

    Full Text Available In this article we want to analyse the work made by the "Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF" and its relation, in its grade and identity, within the presidential elections on the July 2sd, 2000. Our hypothesis is that TEPJF had started an institutional blackmail, which put several doubts on the process, and could limit the democratic advances built until today but also generate a post electoral conflict with political instability consequences in the country.Analizamos el desempeño del Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF relacionándolo con su grado y tipo de identidad en la coyuntura de las elecciones presidenciales del 2 de julio del 2000. Para ello partimos de la premisa que las instituciones no sólo deben tener un buen desempeño, sino que éste debe ser trasmitido ante la ciudadanía. Nuestra hipótesis es que el TEPJF tuvo un buen desempeño pero carecía de identidad lo que facilitó la puesta en marcha de un "chantaje" institucional que marcó la incertidumbre del proceso, pudo limitar los avances democratizadores construidos hasta la fecha, y generar un conflicto postelectoral con consecuencias para la estabilidad política del país.

  17. The Politics of Electoral Reforms in Post-Communist Countries : The 6 March 2005 Parliamentary elections in the Republic of Moldova

    OpenAIRE

    Sulima, Snejana

    2007-01-01

    The article deals with the March 6th 2005 parliamentary election in the Republic of Moldova. It mentions the changes that occurred in the electoral system after the 1991 declaration of independence of the country. The article cites electoral legislation, describes the running of the electoral process and analyses the election results of the 2006 process. It also contains information about the implication of international bodies in the Moldavian elections.

  18. Electoral reform and public policy outcomes in Thailand: the politics of the 30-Baht health scheme.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Selway, Joel Sawat

    2011-01-01

    How do changes in electoral rules affect the nature of public policy outcomes? The current evidence supporting institutional theories that answer this question stems almost entirely from quantitative cross-country studies, the data of which contain very little within-unit variation. Indeed, while there are many country-level accounts of how changes in electoral rules affect such phenomena as the number of parties or voter turnout, there are few studies of how electoral reform affects public policy outcomes. This article contributes to this latter endeavor by providing a detailed analysis of electoral reform and the public policy process in Thailand through an examination of the 1997 electoral reforms. Specifically, the author examines four aspects of policy-making: policy formulation, policy platforms, policy content, and policy outcomes. The article finds that candidates in the pre-1997 era campaigned on broad, generic platforms; parties had no independent means of technical policy expertise; the government targeted health resources to narrow geographic areas; and health was underprovided in Thai society. Conversely, candidates in the post-1997 era relied more on a strong, detailed national health policy; parties created mechanisms to formulate health policy independently; the government allocated health resources broadly to the entire nation through the introduction of a universal health care system, and health outcomes improved. The author attributes these changes in the policy process to the 1997 electoral reform, which increased both constituency breadth (the proportion of the population to which politicians were accountable) and majoritarianism.

  19. Sistemas electorales y justicia electoral a debate

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Dieter Nohlen

    2015-07-01

    Full Text Available Despliega conceptos y planteamientos en torno a los sistemas electorales y la justicia electoral. El autor inicia con una descripción estricta de los sistemas electorales para orientar, en una segunda parte, un debate sobre la justicia electoral, que marca dos tendencias: la judicialización de la política y la politización de la administración y la jurisdicción electoral. Concluye que el desarrollo de la justicia electoral en América Latina, en sus múltiples dimensiones, es comprensible sólo con referencia al contexto sociocultural y político de la región

  20. REFORMING THE ETHIOPIAN ELECTORAL SYSTEM: LOOKING ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    Russia, Hungary and Chile replaced their electoral systems by new ones in response to ... inclusive. The article rather examines the practical consequences of FPTP .... programs but rather were inclined to hate mongering propagandas. The.

  1. Electoral Offenses in The Common Law System

    OpenAIRE

    Vladimir Mulaj

    2013-01-01

    Electoral behavior is a new element in the political analysis of democracy in Albania. Distinctive features of the Albanian transition distinguish other models of the former communist countries, as well as significantly differ with Western models and electoral behavior analysis of the relations between political actors and citizens voting. Penal Code of the Republic of Albania remains the basis of criminal law to sanction criminal acts in the election. The object of criminal misconduct are di...

  2. Electoral rules in Serbia and the European standards on universal suffrage

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Nastić Maja

    2014-01-01

    Full Text Available Elections are the most important form of citizens' participation in political decision-making processes in every state. Electoral rules shape the electoral democracy as an essential component of democracy. Elections are the basis for government legitimacy and the cornerstone of democracy, providing that they are organized on the following principles: universal and equal suffrage; free, personal and direct voting by secret ballot. The subject matter of this article is the principle of universal suffrage in the electoral rules in Serbia and its compliance with the European standards. The electoral legislation in Serbia is not homogeneous and it is contained in several legislative acts. The Act on the Election of Members of Parliament is the basic legislative act which regulates the matter of parliamentary elections. The Presidential and local elections are regulated by separate legislative acts, which (along with the Act on the Unified Register of Voters regulate the substantive and procedural framework of Serbian electoral law. Within the framework of European electoral standards, the author explores the relevant provisions of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (Article 3 of Protocol No. 1, the OSCE documents (primarily the Copenhagen Criteria and the Code of Good Practice in Electoral Matters, adopted by the Venice Commission. The author analyzes the national electoral rules and how they provide for the exercise of the principle of universal suffrage, i.e. the right of each citizen to vote and to stand for election, including the envisaged restrictions to this right. Bearing in mind that the universal suffrage right may be exercised only if the state ensures that the electoral register is regularly and efficiently updated, the author specifically focuses on the voters' registration. The exercise of the universal suffrage right will also be considered in terms of candidacy for an MP position. The

  3. ELECTORAL POPULISM VERSUS ECONOMIC STABILITY

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ilie Mihai

    2017-03-01

    Full Text Available It is well known that in election years, political parties compete in measures and promises that are more or less extravagant, designed to attract votes from voters. The situation is understandable to a certain extent, this practice being common in other countries as well, important being not to "jump the horse" as unfortunately happens in Romania, where in four years the politicians, in their desire to obtain a mandate in local or parliamentary elections, replete with all kinds of promises, without regard to the impact that their application might have on the stability of the overall economy. As the electoral legislation has become more stringent, attracting voters by giving them attentions and gifts (buckets, packages of food with sugar, oil, etc., or gourmet was forbidden and election promises have climbed the first rung of the strategy of attracting voters. On the other hand, the old local and central political structures at the end of their mandate try, for the last hundred meters, to adopt populist, hoping both to renew mandates and to solve personal interests relating to special pensions bonuses and all sorts of pecuniary advantages, according to the principle "after us the deluge".

  4. State Independent Electoral Commissions and local government elections in Nigeria

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Johnson O. Olaniyi

    2017-11-01

    Full Text Available Many state governments have not been allowing their State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs to conduct elections as at when due but rather settle for ‘caretaker committees’. Where elections have been conducted, the party in control of a state apparatus has been known to have cleared the polls. The general objective of this study is to assess the impact of electoral contest at the local government level on the political development of Nigeria. Specific objectives include (1 assessing the role of the political executives of a state in the determination of representation at the local government level in Nigeria; and (2 assessing the activities of SIECs in the management of local government polls. This study adopts comparative cum case study approach to analysing local government polls in Nigeria. This is discussed on a geopolitical basis. Some of the findings of the study include: (1 local government election in Nigeria is not given premium position by many state governments in the political landscape of their state because of the fear of playing into the hands of their political rivals; and (2 SIECs are only independent in name and not in practice. The study recommends, among others, that (1 the country should adopt the arrangement in the aborted Third Republic where the country’s EMB was empowered to conduct all elections at all levels of government and (2 local government elections in Nigeria should key into the electoral process of the country in all ramifications.

  5. Polish electoral geography and its methods

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Zbigniew Rykiel

    2011-01-01

    Full Text Available Differences in the understanding of electoral geography between social sciences are discussed in the article. Main fields and spatial scales of Polish electoral geography are identified. Main methods of multidimensional statistics are discussed. A necessity of a proper choice, based on theories of voting behaviour, of explaning variables to statistical models are emphasised. Regression analysis indicates only a formal usefulness in electoral geography, for quantitative relationships between variables in the model can be evidenced, which may be meaningless not only essentially, but even statistically. The application of canonical analysis in electoral geography brought a methodological turning-point to the statistical approach. This method allowed to combine: (1 the foundation of the selection of input variables on theories of voting behaviour; (2 the analysis of dependence of the electoral results on socio-economic characteristics of areas; (3 an identification of electoral options; (4 a quantification of the role of the historical heritage in the contemporary voting behaviour; and (5 the analysis of the stability of the electoral space. A well grounded opinion was weakened about the general competitiveness of right- and left-wing parties in Poland’s political space. Parties with similar rather than different programmes compete in given areas. It was indicated that elections have only formal influence on the structure of Parliament while the electoral system is decisive. Electoral, including territorial, manipulations also play their part. The empirical analysis indicated that Poland’s political space is polarised between the right-wing-oriented areas of the south-eastern half of the country and the left-wing-oriented areas of the north-western half. The political competition between the left and the right operates merely on the national scale, while it is not reflected territorially.The quantification of the influence of the nineteenth

  6. Variaciones en el comportamiento electoral en Paraguay

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Liliana DUARTE RECALDE

    2012-06-01

    Full Text Available El proceso electoral en Paraguay se ha visto condicionado históricamente por el control de la Asociación Nacional Republicana, partido hegemónico durante los años del régimen de Stroessner y los años de la transición democrática. Por este motivo, la alternancia al mando del Poder Ejecutivo ocurrida en el año 2008, como resultado del proceso electoral, marcó un hito en la historia política del país y resaltó la importancia del análisis del comportamiento electoral de los paraguayos, sus tendencias y los elementos coyunturales y estructurales que las condicionan. En el presente trabajo se describen los parámetros de comportamiento electoral en las tres últimas elecciones generales celebradas en el país considerando los índices de volatilidad electoral resultantes de estos comicios y los niveles de participación efectiva registrados, analizándolos a partir del contexto sociopolítico en que se desarrollan.

  7. Elementos del sistema electoral del Congreso Mexicano

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Aldo Medina García

    2013-08-01

    Full Text Available El presente artículo es un estudio de los componentes del sistema electoral, diseñado por el legislador mexicano para integrar al parlamento federal. Estudio desarrollado a sabiendas de la importancia que reviste el sistema electoral como un medio que permite a los ciudadanos convertir su voto expresado en las urnas en escaños a favor de determinado candidato o partido. En dicho análisis tomamos en cuenta la evolución constitucional del sistema electoral mexicano, la participación de las fuerzas minoritarias en la integración del Senado y de la Cámara de Diputados, la división que se hace del territorio en circunscripciones electorales, la barrera electoral que se fija a los partidos políticos para acceder a la representación en el Parlamento, la fórmula de asignación que se aplica a la votación obtenida, para finalmente concluir que el sistema electoral mexicano es esencialmente mayoritario aun cuando se vista de proporcional.

  8. The Dataset of Countries at Risk of Electoral Violence

    OpenAIRE

    Birch, Sarah; Muchlinski, David

    2017-01-01

    Electoral violence is increasingly affecting elections around the world, yet researchers have been limited by a paucity of granular data on this phenomenon. This paper introduces and describes a new dataset of electoral violence – the Dataset of Countries at Risk of Electoral Violence (CREV) – that provides measures of 10 different types of electoral violence across 642 elections held around the globe between 1995 and 2013. The paper provides a detailed account of how and why the dataset was ...

  9. Electorally unstable by supply or demand?

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Bischoff, Carina Saxlund

    2013-01-01

    The stability of voters’ partisan choices from election to election is a key feature of democratic politics, but why it varies across advanced industrial democracies and elections is not well understood. This study makes several key contributions to explaining electoral volatility. Firstly...... performance, and strategic incentives—do. Thirdly, earlier contradictory findings with respect to the role of the electoral system are clarified, as its effects are shown to be indirect rather than direct. And finally, the importance of the temporal dimension to stability is demonstrated, as the time since...

  10. Electoral system, pesonal votes, and party choice

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Thomsen, Søren Risbjerg

    Using local elections in Denmark as an example this paper shows that individual party choice is influenced both by individual level, municipality level, and national level characteristics. Some hypotheses about the effects of the electoral system on personal votes derived from a theory by Carey...... & Shugart (1995) are first tested using a fixed-effects model. The effect of the personal reputation of the candidates, measured by personal votes, on party choice is then tested using a multilevel multinomial logit model suggested by Rabe-Hesketh and Skrondal (2008). The paper shows that both the electoral...

  11. Electoral Engineerings in Post‑communist Romania

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Alexandru Radu

    2015-12-01

    Full Text Available The article reviews the dynamics of voting systems practiced in Romania, as resulting from changes to the legal framework during the 25 years of post-communism, trying to answer the question whether the legislative effervescence in the electoral area materialized in structural changes of the electoral mechanism, changes congruent to the the idea of reform in the field. Following their approach, the authors conclude that the main driver of change in election legislation was represented by the (subjective interests of the mainstream political parties.

  12. A systematic approach to study electoral fraud

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Leemann, Lucas; Bochsler, Daniel

    2014-01-01

    , we propose a more encompassing approach, testing for several empirical implications of different possible forms of fraud. To illustrate this approach we rely on a case of electoral irregularities in one of the oldest democracies: In a Swiss referendum in 2011, one in twelve municipalities irregularly...

  13. Divided Wisconsin: Partisan Spatial Electoral Realignment

    Science.gov (United States)

    Zaniewski, Kazimierz J.; Simmons, James R.

    2016-01-01

    When the Republican and Democratic presidential candidates head into the general election this fall, they will be courting votes from a statewide electorate that has dramatically shifted over time, mirroring the political polarization that is happening across the country. Over the last three decades, Wisconsin's political geography has evolved…

  14. Electorate redistricting for a single-member district plurality, two-ballot voting system: Taiwan’s electoral reform

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Lin Pei-Chun

    2014-01-01

    Full Text Available In this study, we formulated a mathematical model for electorate demarcation in line with Taiwan’s electoral reforms, minimizing legislative seats for the main opposition party in Taipei City. The model is compared with historical election data to establish characteristics that are most contested and germane to the reform. Examination of the constituency demarcation for the Seventh Legislator Election ascertains that electorate demarcation can/can not be manipulated to create electoral advantage. Demonstrable evidence of a bias toward disproportionate representation in the single-member district plurality, two-ballot voting system ultimately attests the importance of scenario analysis before adopting new electorate systems.

  15. The Impact of Negative Income Tax on Participation in Electoral Politics.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Heffernan, Joseph

    This paper reports on the impact of the Rural Income Maintenance Experiment on participation in the electoral process. Paradigms of the left and of the right predict dramatically different consequences of universal income supplement, the left wing seeing such a program as essential for minimal democratic processes while the right sees in universal…

  16. Ideological Consumerism in Colombian Elections, 2015: Links Between Political Ideology, Twitter Activity, and Electoral Results

    Science.gov (United States)

    Camargo, Jorge E.

    2017-01-01

    Abstract Propagation of political ideologies in social networks has shown a substantial impact on voting behavior. Both the contents of the messages (the ideology) and the politicians' influence on their online audiences (their followers) have been associated with such an impact. In this study we evaluate which of these factors exerted a major role in deciding electoral results of the 2015 Colombian regional elections by evaluating the linguistic similarity of political ideologies and their influence on the Twitter sphere. The electoral results proved to be strongly associated with tweets and retweets and not with the linguistic content of their ideologies or politicians' followers in Twitter. Finally, suggestions for new ways to analyze electoral processes are discussed. PMID:28080152

  17. Ideological Consumerism in Colombian Elections, 2015: Links Between Political Ideology, Twitter Activity, and Electoral Results.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Correa, Juan C; Camargo, Jorge E

    2017-01-01

    Propagation of political ideologies in social networks has shown a substantial impact on voting behavior. Both the contents of the messages (the ideology) and the politicians' influence on their online audiences (their followers) have been associated with such an impact. In this study we evaluate which of these factors exerted a major role in deciding electoral results of the 2015 Colombian regional elections by evaluating the linguistic similarity of political ideologies and their influence on the Twitter sphere. The electoral results proved to be strongly associated with tweets and retweets and not with the linguistic content of their ideologies or politicians' followers in Twitter. Finally, suggestions for new ways to analyze electoral processes are discussed.

  18. Can the coverage of screening for cancer of the cervix be improved using the Electoral Register? A pilot study.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Cook, G A; Wald, N J

    1985-09-30

    We conducted a pilot study to assess the feasibility using the Electoral Register to carry out a cervical cancer screening programme on a Health District basis. A random sample of 500 names and addresses were drawn from a computerised list of the Electoral Register from three Electoral Wards in Oxford. A pilot study showed that the Electoral Register could be used successfully in this way and that the proportion of women aged 35-64 years who had a cervical smear examination as a result of the screening initiative was increased by a quarter, from 64% to 79%. The numbers of women involved at each step of the screening process were determined, and these may provide a useful guide to others considering implementing similar schemes.

  19. The ninth Majlis elections in Iran: Electoral laws, procedures and institutions

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Abdol Moghset Bani Kamal

    2013-06-01

    Full Text Available Elections have been held regularly in the Islamic Republic of Iran since 1979. This shows the importance the ruling elites attach to elections as a method of legitimating their rule. This paper examines the ninth Majlis (parliamentary elections held on March 2, 2012. It analyses the Iranian electoral laws, the candidates contesting elections, their campaign style, the voting, and the post-election debates. It answers the following questions: What was the significance of the ninth Majlis elections? How were the ninth Majlis elections conducted? And how did the proponents and opponents of the Islamic Republic of Iran look at the entire electoral process?

  20. Economic populism, partial deregulation of transport fuels and electoral outcomes in India

    International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

    Srinivasan, Sunderasan

    2014-01-01

    The Indian political class is known to employ populist, albeit economically unsustainable, measures to replace intrinsic ‘valence’, especially shortly prior to election windows. Such measures include loan-waivers, interest rate concessions, provision of free electricity for agriculturists, etc. The union government’s leverage to maneuver and to micro-manage retail fuel prices within partially deregulated environments is hypothesized to provide incumbents with an advantage over rival contestants in the electoral process. This paper analyzes the evolution in the retail prices of diesel and petrol (gasoline), and the transfer of such evolution, into the inflation index of the ‘all commodity’ basket. It is observed that when international benchmark prices are relatively low and domestic inflation is moderate, the transfer occurs within about 42 weeks. During periods of high oil prices-frequently above USD 100 a barrel-and high inflation-higher than 5.00–5.50%-prices of petroleum distillates tend to feed into overall inflation more rapidly, within about 34–40 weeks. The study, covering a total of 82 elections for the central and state (provincial) governments during the period 2000 to 2013, concludes that even as patterns of manipulation of prices are apparent, ceteris paribus, such leverage does not necessarily seem to translate into favorable electoral outcomes. This conclusion reiterates observations that economic im/prudence may not necessarily determine electoral outcomes, and that the basis for electoral choices made by the Indian voter–consumer remains subjective. - Highlights: • Incumbent politicians’ influence on fuel pricing. • Fuel prices manipulated and increases delayed until after elections. • Price reductions brought forward. • ex ante Inflation expectations of voter–consumers. • Electoral outcomes. • Price manipulation found irrelevant to electoral performance

  1. Modelling loans and deposits during electoral years i n Romania

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Nicolae - Marius JULA

    2015-06-01

    Full Text Available This paper analyzes the effect of electoral years on loans and deposits for population in Romania. Using monthly data regarding the total loans and deposits, we identify the significance of the electoral timing on population´s behavior regarding financial decisions. We estimate that there are small changes in population´s affinity for increase in the indebtedness or for savings. We use dummy variables for electoral periods, and when these are econometrically significant there is an evidence of the influence of the electoral timings in population´s financial decisions.

  2. Obstacles and Challenges to Gender Parity. Political Violence, Electoral System and Interculturalism

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Laura Albaine

    2015-05-01

    Full Text Available This study is a contribution to the debate about the adoption of gender parity policies in Latin America analyzing particular obstacles and challenges related to the implementation of this principle. Electoral systems tend to either optimize or reduce the impact of such gender parity measures. As well as with quotas, the size of the electoral district and the kind of electoral list system are the two variables that most influence the effective implementation of these measures. At the same time, the socio-cultural context also influences the process of implementation of gender parity measures. In patriarchal societies –with high levels of gender-based violence– electoral processes are often characterized by gender-based harassment and political violence, one of the greatest obstacles for increasing women’s political participation. These situations are further complicated in societies which are also characterized by ethnic and cultural diversity, presenting the challenge of including women who are also discriminated against for their ethno-cultural identity.

  3. IndElec: A Software for Analyzing Party Systems and Electoral Systems

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Francisco Ocaña

    2011-08-01

    Full Text Available IndElec is a software addressed to compute a wide range of indices from electoral data, which are intended to analyze both party systems and electoral systems in political studies. Further, IndElec can calculate such indices from electoral data at several levels of aggregation, even when the acronyms of some political parties change across districts. As the amount of information provided by IndElec may be considerable, this software also aids the user in the analysis of electoral data through three capabilities. First, IndElec automatically elaborates preliminary descriptive statistical reports of computed indices. Second, IndElec saves the computed information into text files in data matrix format, which can be directly loaded by any statistical software to facilitate more sophisticated statistical studies. Third, IndElec provides results in several file formats (text, CSV, HTML, R to facilitate their visualization and management by using a wide range of application softwares (word processors, spreadsheets, web browsers, etc.. Finally, a graphical user interface is provided for IndElec to manage calculation processes, but no visualization facility is available in this environment. In fact, both the inputs and outputs for IndElec are arranged in files with the aforementioned formats.

  4. Elections to the European Parliament through the prism of social media as an electoral resource

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    A N Katkina

    2016-12-01

    Full Text Available The article considers the social media as a relatively new tool for electoral and political activities for creating a positive image of political parties and candidates (on the example of the European Parliament. The social media are becoming increasingly important in the nowadays world politics due to the growing number of the Internet users, the fall in the popularity of traditional media, and the fast spread of new media as well as the transformation of the Internet into the area for active political actions. The key role in the formation of the political image belongs to political institutions (parties, government agencies, certain politicians and public figures, as well as to representatives of the electorate, i.e. population. The analysis of the efforts of various political actors in the social media allows to identify their three basic functions: a tool to increase voter turnout; a tool to increase the popularity of candidates and parties; a tool to increase public awareness of the political and electoral processes in general. Currently the most serious obstacle for strategic studies of social networks is the tremendous pace of their technological development that complicates long-term predictions in the field. However, despite the lack of universally accepted criteria for assessing the efficiency of political activities in the social media, the author believes that the key success factor is the so-called “permanent presence” of electoral subjects in the Internet.

  5. Suffrage and Electoral Rights of Expatriates

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Marc Gjidara

    2015-01-01

    Full Text Available This paper points out the historical aspect of suffrage and electoral rights. The practice of the Court of the European Union, the European Court for the protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the opinion and recommendation of the European Commission on the voting rights of citizens who live abroad are pointed out. This is illustrated by the example of the Republic of France. Finally, the Residency Act of the Republic of Croatia, which was enforced on 14 December 2012, is analysed in detail. To conclude, according to the author’s opinion, the deficiencies of Croatian law are pointed out as well as the possible problems in practice.

  6. Group dynamics in the Citizens' Assembly on Electoral Reform

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Jongh, M.S. de

    2013-01-01

    In 2006, the Dutch Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations set up a national citizen assembly on electoral reform. One hundred and forty Dutch citizens were asked to work together for nine months to investigate various electoral systems for choosing members of the Parliament, and eventually

  7. Electoral Politics in Zimbabwe: Authoritarianism Versus the People ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    The majority of Zimbabweans are now accustomed to electoral fraud as practised by the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) led by President Mugabe. Elections are generally not conducted in a manner that can be deemed to be free, fair and transparent. The major electoral malpractices ...

  8. The role of authenticity in electoral social media campaigns

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    G. Grow (Gabrielle); J.R. Ward (Janelle)

    2013-01-01

    textabstractAuthenticity is a popular buzzword in electoral politics: Electoral candidates and politicians are expected to be authentic in their public interactions. Since 2008, campaigning via social media has become an integral part of elections in the United States, and continues to gain

  9. Enseñanza del Derecho Electoral en Costa Rica

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Luis Antonio Sobrado González

    2016-07-01

    Full Text Available La ponencia pretende revisar cuál ha sido el tratamiento académico que los estudios electorales (en general y el derecho electoral (en particular han recibido en Costa Rica, así como profundizar en la importancia de la enseñanza del derecho electoral en nuestro país. Mediante un repaso a la reconocida autonomía del derecho electoral, así como los abordajes que su estudio ha tenido en los contextos universitario y profesional, la ponencia concluye que el plan de estudios de la carrera de licenciatura en Derecho debe contemplar al menos un curso de Derecho Electoral, sea mediante uno específico en la materia (preferiblemente, o bien, mediante el reconocimiento expreso de la enseñanza del derecho electoral como parte medular e integral del curso de Derecho Constitucional (en su defecto.

  10. Decomposing the Relationship Between Candidates' Facial Appearance and Electoral Success

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Laustsen, Lasse

    2014-01-01

    Numerous studies show that candidates’ facial competence predicts electoral success. However, a handful of other studies suggest that candidates’ attractiveness is a stronger predictor of electoral success than facial competence. Furthermore, the overall relationship between inferences from...... candidates’ faces and electoral success is challenged in two ways: (i) non-facial factors in candidate photos such as clothing and hair style as well as (ii) parties’ nomination strategies are suggested as potential confounds. This study is based on original data about all 268 candidates running in three...... local elections in 2009 in Denmark and supports a two-component structure of the relationship between candidates’ facial appearance and their electoral success. Facial competence is found to mediate a positive relationship between candidates’ attractiveness and electoral success, but simultaneously...

  11. Consumption of newspapers and electoral participation in Spain (1977-2009 / Consumo de diarios y participación electoral en España (1977-2009

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Javier Galán

    2011-10-01

    Full Text Available The influence of the media in electoral processes and decisions of citizens has motivated numerous studies since the mid-twentieth century. However, there are specific stereotypes such as the direct correlation between consumption of newspapers and electoral participation. This article shows through autonomous communities that in Spain there is not a direct subordination and very different situations are given. It highlights that Castilla-La Mancha is the region with a higher overall rate of participation, and yet with the lowest percentage of voters who buy a newspaper. The study underlines as well other issues, such as the weight of ideological factors when voting. In any case, there is increasingly difficulties to establish a relationship of influence of the media in the decision of the voters, because of the general increase in information sources.

  12. Romanian Post‑Revolution Electoral Myths

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Alfred Bulai

    2015-12-01

    Full Text Available The article analyzes some of the political and electoral myths of the post-communist transition, myths that have occupied the political agenda and the public debate throughout this period. Myths are seen as simple or complex narratives that have an explanatory and justificatory function in relation to social life, focused on Romanian society’s problems. They define and legitimizes a certain way to solve them and guides the development of society on the basis of some axiomatic principles. The article analyzes such myths, older or more recent, such as the myth of changing the electoral system, the myth of renewing the political class, the myth of the fundamental power of the referendum, the myth of the reform of the state, or of the constitutional amendments. The proposed analysis highlights the negative effects of using myths as instruments of the political and social changing on public policies and more generally on governance, and also the long-term harmful effects of the use of myths in defining political vision and Romania’s governmental development strategies.

  13. OBSTRUCTION OF THE EXERCISE OF ELECTORAL RIGHTS

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    MIRCEA CONSTANTIN SINESCU

    2012-05-01

    Full Text Available Throughout the present study, we analyze the crime of obstruction of the exercise of electoral rights, as it is presented in the New Criminal Code, in comparison with the current regulation within the specific election laws. Taking into consideration the fact that the election crimes have been inserted as a separate title (section in the New Criminal Code, we need to highlight the vision of the legislator regarding these crimes. Furthermore, this study consists of a synthetic analysis of the constitutive elements of the mentioned crime, as reconfigured in the form provided by art.385 of the New Criminal Code. We consider that examining this crime is a necessity, because of the lack of Court decisions in this area of practice - probably due to the gaps in the legislation preceding the Criminal Code that is to be enforced in the near future.

  14. El proceso electoral de 2006 y las reformas electorales necesarias

    OpenAIRE

    Cárdenas, Jaime

    2007-01-01

    En este artículo se abordan los principales acontecimientos del proceso electoral de 2006 y algunos previos como la integración del actual Consejo General del Instituto Federal Electoral. El autor considera que la elección del 2 de julio de 2006 debió anularse por que no cumplió con los principios constitucionales de libertad y autenticidad. También señala que las autoridades electorales de México, incluyendo al Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación, no estuvieron a la altura...

  15. La reforma de la ley electoral: respuesta al Profesor Nohlen

    OpenAIRE

    JORGE DE ESTEBAN

    1982-01-01

    Se aportan ideas relativas a la reforma del sistema electoral español, ya avanzadas en el diario El País los días 16, 18 y 19 de agosto de 1981. Se critica a Dieter Nohlen por su concepto de "normas mínimas para la reforma electoral", ya que se considera inadecuado para captar la complejidad del actual debate. Se tratan temas como el abstencionismo, el conflicto y división de partidos, la influencia del sistema electoral en el sistema de partidos y el problema básico de establecer un régimen ...

  16. Base de datos Electores de Costa Rica (1897-1909.

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Iván Molina Jiménez

    2011-08-01

    Full Text Available La Constitución francesa de 1791 definió la estructura básica de las votaciones indirectas al diferenciar entre ciudadanos y electores: los primeros, en asambleas primarias, escogían a un número reducido de los segundos, quienes elegían, a su vez, a los diputados. Este modelo de representación política fue el que inspiró la Constitución de Cádiz de 1812, la cual organizó la emisión del sufragio en tres grados –ciudadanos, electores de parroquia y electores de partido

  17. Revisiting democratic civil peace: Electoral regimes and civil conflict

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Bartusevicius, Henrikas; Skaaning, Svend-Erik

    2018-01-01

    to use force. Building on this framework, we distinguish between five regime types according to their electoral features—non-electoral autocracies, single-party autocracies, multi-party autocracies, minimalist democracies, and polyarchies—and specify hypotheses regarding the likelihood of conflict...... in each. In a global statistical analysis spanning 1817‒2006 and employing the new Lexical Index of Electoral Democracy (LIED), we find that polyarchies, characterized by unconstrained contestation, have a lower risk of conflict than any other regime type (although minimalist democracies are only slightly......) elections and minimal electoral competition. Overall, our study underscores the importance of focusing on the central attributes of democracy and sheds new light on the relationship between particular regime features (or types) and conflict, thereby contributing to the growing efforts in conflict research...

  18. Race, Class and Voting Patterns in South Africa's Electoral System ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    sulaiman.adebowale

    2006-08-29

    Aug 29, 2006 ... mainly crime, policing, and public order while those of the Indian and coloured .... and English-speaking whites respectively, developed electoral .... changing the political and socio-economic arrangements of society, the latter.

  19. Electoral Politics in Zimbabwe: Authoritarianism Versus the People

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    sulaiman.adebowale

    2006-08-31

    Aug 31, 2006 ... ZANU-PF party. Human rights groups in Zimbabwe report that the majority of .... both the Zimbabwe Constitution and the Electoral Act (1990) have been ... The political environment did not accord the eligible voters their basic.

  20. Divisor-based biproportional apportionment in electoral systems

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Maier, Sebastian; Zachariassen, Petur; Zachariasen, Martin

    2010-01-01

    in an electoral system context. By performing experiments on real-life benchmark instances (election data with multimember districts), we evaluate the general quality of divisor-based apportionments with respect to, e.g., deviation from quota, reversal orderings, and occurrences of ties. For example, we studied......Biproportional apportionment methods provide two-way proportionality in electoral systems where the electoral region is subdivided into electoral districts. The problem is to assign integral values to the elements of a matrix that are proportional to a given input matrix, and such that a set of row...... the frequency in which a party with a higher vote count in a district ended up with fewer seats in that district....

  1. From Rebellion to Electoral Violence. Evidence from Burundi

    OpenAIRE

    Andrea Colombo; Olivia D'Aoust; Olivier Sterck

    2014-01-01

    We aim at understanding the triggers of electoral violence, which spoiled 80% ofelections in Africa during the last decades. We focus on Burundi, a country wherepolls were organized in 2010, only few months after the end of a long-lasting civilwar. We find that an acute polarization between ex-rebels’ groups is highly conduciveto electoral violence. In particular, we predict a five-fold increase in electoralviolence between the lowest- and highest-polarized municipality. However, neitherethni...

  2. Toward Electoral Security: Experiences from KwaZulu-Natal

    OpenAIRE

    Kristine Höglund; Anna K. Jarstad

    2011-01-01

    There is a growing recognition of the dangers of electoral violence. Yet, the theoretical foundation for systematic research and for adequate policy is still underdeveloped. This article aims to develop the theoretical understandings of strategies to manage and prevent electoral violence. This is accomplished by integrating research conducted within the two academic discourses on democratization and conflict management and also by drawing on the experiences from the conflict-ridden province K...

  3. Much More Than Economy: Assessing Electoral Accountability in the CEE Member States

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Fumarola Andrea

    2016-12-01

    Full Text Available Electoral accountability is considered the mechanism through which voters hold governments responsible for their performance. Questioning the traditional approach of economic voting theory, the article focuses on the influence exerted by the political context—comprehensively considered as government clarity of responsibility, availability of governing alternatives, electoral formula, and freedom of the media—on the accountability mechanism in eleven countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Using individual and aggregate data collected after the 2014 European Elections by the European Election Study (EES, the present article analyses this process in its double dimension of answerability and enforcement (Schedler 1999. Our findings suggest that voters’ ability to express discontent with economic performance in new European democracies is strongly influenced by specific characteristics of the political context. A stable and cohesive government as well as a free media system, in particular, seem to facilitate performance voting in the region.

  4. Intermediate Conditions of Democratic Accountability: A Response to Electoral Skepticism

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    J. S. Maloy

    2015-08-01

    Full Text Available Attempts to respond to “democratic deficits” in modern constitutional republics must contend with the broad scholarly trend of electoral skepticism. While generally casting doubt on periodic competitive elections’ suitability as vehicles of accountability, electoral skepticism does not necessarily entail an absolute devaluation of elections. Some normative and empirical research responds to this trend by refocusing attention on values other than popular power, such as civil peace, which might be served by periodic competitive elections. Another response short of abandoning the value of popular power, however, is to draw out possibilities for institutional design from the restricted conditions under which previous study has found electoral accountability to be plausible or likely. This second task requires an empirically informed exercise in political theory. Pursuing it in a programmatic and policy-relevant way requires descending from the grand, systemic level of constitutional structures and electoral formulae to intermediate (or middle-range institutional conditions of accountability, such as rules about parties, campaigns, and election administration. My analysis reinterprets principal-agent models to develop four general types of crucial condition for electoral accountability, and then ramifies this scheme by reference to recent empirical research. The result is a “top ten” list of specific institutional factors that could be theoretically decisive in helping or hindering electoral accountability. These ten conditions could guide future research designs and reform proposals alike.

  5. Portuguese Electoral Debate: Presidentialization and Linguistic Mitigation Strategies in Situations of Political Confrontation

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Maria Aldina Marques

    2017-08-01

    Full Text Available In a context of increasing presidentialization of legislative election campaigns, I aim to study mitigation as a feature of the Portuguese electoral political debate, a genre of political discourse marked by the intersection with the television media discourse. It is a discursive genre of confrontation between participants-adversaries, seeking for the adhesion of voters by the proposals that they present and also, if not mainly, by the discredit of the political opponent. However, confrontation is not absolute, as the interlocutors must guarantee basic dimensions of political communication, ensuring by the construction, negotiation and co-management of the interpersonal relationship the preservation of a positive individual image in relation to the electorate. I hypothesize that, in this process, linguistic mitigation constitutes a nuclear strategy, carried out in each moment of the debate according to different linguistic-discursive mechanisms. The electoral debate here analysed was held in May 2011 in RTP between Pedro Passos Coelho, leader of the Social Democratic Party, and future prime minister, and José Sócrates, of the Socialist Party, prime minister in office, at the time.

  6. Statistical analysis of Brazilian electoral campaigns via Benford's law

    Science.gov (United States)

    Gamermann, Daniel; Antunes, Felipe Leite

    2018-04-01

    The principle of democracy is that the people govern through elected representatives. Therefore, a democracy is healthy as long as the elected politicians do represent the people. We have analyzed data from the Brazilian electoral court (Tribunal Superior Eleitoral, TSE) concerning money donations for the electoral campaigns and the election results. Our work points to two conclusions that combined may be in conflict with the democratic principle: money is the determining factor on whether a candidate is elected or not (opposed to representativeness); secondly, the use of Benford's Law to analyze the declared donations received by the parties and electoral campaigns shows either possible manipulations in the declarations or a significant number of donations that might not have been spontaneous from the donors. The better term that describes Brazil's government system is plutocracy (govern by the wealthy).

  7. La reforma de la ley electoral: respuesta al Profesor Nohlen

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    JORGE DE ESTEBAN

    1982-01-01

    Full Text Available Se aportan ideas relativas a la reforma del sistema electoral español, ya avanzadas en el diario El País los días 16, 18 y 19 de agosto de 1981. Se critica a Dieter Nohlen por su concepto de "normas mínimas para la reforma electoral", ya que se considera inadecuado para captar la complejidad del actual debate. Se tratan temas como el abstencionismo, el conflicto y división de partidos, la influencia del sistema electoral en el sistema de partidos y el problema básico de establecer un régimen viable política y económicamente.

  8. Bolivia: New Presidential Electoral System and Political Parties Coordination

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Mario Torrico

    2015-01-01

    Full Text Available This article analyzes the incentives generated by presidential electoral systems in Bolivia. The system that was in place until 2005 led to the formation of coalition governments that aimed at giving the Executive the majority in Congress. However, these coalitions gradually lost the electorate confidence, and citizens sought alternative political options to major parties from the early nineties on, giving rise to a social dissatisfaction with democracy. This, in turn, led to the resignation of Sánchez de Lozada and, later, to the triumph of Evo Morales. The new electoral system for electing the president, included in the 2009 Constitution, increases the likelihood that the elected government does not have a majority in Congress. Similar situations in the past led to political crisis and anticipation of elections. In a more favorable context characterized by greater satisfaction with democracy and their parties, the challenge is to take decisions inclusively, something unprecedented in Bolivian politics.

  9. The Electoral Geography of the 2016 Presidential Election in Portugal

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Giorgian-Ionuţ GUŢOIU

    2016-07-01

    Full Text Available Portugal elected a new president in January, this year. While the campaign was rather atypical, with a majority of independent candidates and a low involvement of the parties, we employ here an analysis of the election’s electoral geography, in order to identify if the geographical partisan delimitations influenced the electoral outcome. At this election a clear political geographical divide existed between the urban North and the rural South. Our findings suggest that the geographical distribution of the votes follows the candidates’ ideological identity.

  10. LA REFORMA ELECTORAL OAXAQUEÑA EN LOS AYUNTAMIENTOS MIXES

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Teresa Valdivia Dounce

    2009-12-01

    Full Text Available Se revisan los posibles efectos de las reformas en materia electoral indígena en los municipios de la región mixe de Oaxaca, comparando las tendencias políticas anteriores a las reformas, observadas en investigación de campo, con los resultados de las elecciones federales de 2006 y estatales de 2007.   ABSTRACT This paper reviews the possible effects of indigenous electoral reforms in the municipalities in the Oaxacan Mixe region, comparing political tendencies prior to reforms, as observed in field research, with results from federal elections in 2006 and state elections in 2007.

  11. Personality as Correlate of Perceived Job Stress Among Electoral ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    This study examined the relationship of personality (conscientiousness dimension) with electoral officers perceived job stress during election. The survey utilised the expost facto research design. A total of 346 participants responded to the questionnaires. In all, 254 (70.4%) were males and 101 (29.6%) were females.

  12. El Instituto Federal Electoral, un analisis de sus elementos democratizadores

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Saenz Lopez, K.

    2004-01-01

    Full Text Available El Instituto Federal Electoral ha sido poco estudiado en lo relativo a los aspectos endógenos de su actividad, en este análisis se proponen cinco elementos que se presumen son responsables de favorecer la transición a la democracia que México ha vivido desde 1990.

  13. Curbing Electoral Violence in Nigeria: The Imperative of Political ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    Both domestic and international political sociologists based on empirical investigations argue that the greatest obstacle to democratic consolidation in. Nigeria is electoral violence. This is as a result of the rascal politics that the political elites engage in. Sometimes, the violence is intra-party, and most of the time, it is ...

  14. Propuesta de reforma del sistema electoral de Canarias

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Adolfo López Carmona

    2015-06-01

    Full Text Available El actual sistema electoral canario produce discordancias entre votos recibidos y escaños asignados a los partidos debido (1 a la doble barrera electoral, (2 a que se usan las islas como circunscripciones donde se realizan repartos independientes de escaños a los partidos, (3 y a que el tamaño de estas circunscripciones no es proporcional a sus poblaciones. Ante estas discordancias proponemos como alternativa la técnica del reparto biproporcional, la cual considera tanto los votos totales que reciben los partidos así como un reparto de escaños entre circunscripciones (islas más ajustado a la población actualizada según el último padrón de cada una de ellas. The current canary electoral system produces discordances between the votes received and the seats allocated to parties due to (1 the double electoral barrier, (2 the use of the islands as constituencies where independent distributions of seats are made to parties, (3 and the fact that the size of these constituencies is not proportional to their populations. Given these discordances, this paper presents the technique of biproportional allocation as an alternative to the current method. Biproportionality considers both the total votes received by the parties as well as a distribution of seats among constituencies (islands that is more adjusted to the updated population according to the last census of each one.

  15. Issue cross-pressures and electoral behavior in Western Europe

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    He, QingQian

    2017-01-01

    Facing changes and instability in electoral behavior across Western Europe, traditional party identification and social cleavages performed increasingly poorly in understanding and explaining the way in which voters made their voting choices. On the one hand, the increasing number of people who were

  16. Race, Class and Voting Patterns in South Africa's Electoral System ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    In the run up to South Africa's three national elections both academia and the media advocated that electoral behaviour would be informed by the race census thesis. This article challenges this dominant thesis by using evidence from postapartheid South Africa's three general elections which suggests that the racial census ...

  17. Opposition Politics and Electoral Democracy in Cameroon, 1992-2007

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    2015-05-29

    May 29, 2015 ... This article seeks to assess the impact of electoral democracy in. Cameroon especially ... Democratic Party (KNDP), the Cameroon People National Congress (CPNC) and the Cameroon .... The Supreme Court cancelled the election results in seven constituencies ..... Church and the media (Ake 2000:135).

  18. Electoral Entry and Success of Ethnic Minority Parties in Central and Eastern Europe: A Hierarchical Selection Model

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Bernauer, Julian; Bochsler, Daniel

    2011-01-01

    and electoral demand, measured here as the size of ethnic groups and the saliency of ethnic issues. In line with these expectations, parties only run if they can expect electoral support sufficient to pass the electoral threshold. This finding would have been overlooked by a na??ve model of electoral success...... which does not take self-selection into account. ?? 2011 Elsevier Ltd....

  19. Una piedra en el camino: el sistema de partidos de la nueva democracia electoral nicaragüense de los noventa

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Salvador Santiuste

    2001-06-01

    Full Text Available This paper examines the party system in Nicaragua in the light of the electoral processes that have been developing in the country since the defeat of the Sandinist revolution in the 1990 elections. Particularly, the work aims at two ends: to find out the distinctive features that define this system and to assess its influence in democratization. This study shows that the new electoral democracy risen in Nicaragua is characterized by a party system where two apparently contradictory situations coexist: a structure of political competence definitely two-sided, and a high degree of partyfragmentation.

  20. El impacto electoral de las reformas económicas en América Latina (1982-1995

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Carlos GERVASONI

    2009-11-01

    electoral costs of orthodox and free-market policies are considerably lower than expected, especially when compared to the costs of maintaining heterodox and statist policies. Drawing on data for 30 democratic Latin American presidential administrations elected after the outset of the debt crisis, the hypothesis that orthodox and free-market policies have been associated with equal (or better, but never worse electoral results for incumbents than heterodox and statist polices is tested through multiple regression analysis. The conclusions are that monetary orthodoxy is strongly correlated with electoral gains, while protectionism and fiscal deficits are neutral or associated with electoral losses. The degree of state involvement in the productive process does not have significant effects on the electoral performance of incumbent administrations. These results lend considerable support to the hypothesis, and pose a serious challenge to the traditional view that voters punish market reforms.

  1. Los modelos latinoamericanos y europeos de control electoral

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Pedro Martínez Ruano

    2012-01-01

    Full Text Available Tres son las modalidades clásicas de control del proceso electoral: el control parlamentario, el control jurisdiccional y el control constitucional. A estos tres modelos clásicos se añaden el control realizado por órganos administrativos y jurisdiccionales ad hoc y el control mixto. El interés del estudio es poner de manifiesto la eficacia real de los mecanismos y controles en el ámbito electoral, al objeto de que se evidencien las virtudes y deficiencias de cada uno de los sistemas, en favor de los ciudadanos y de una mayor profundización en el sistema democrático.

  2. Geografía electoral de Andalucía

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    ANTONIO J. PORRAS

    1984-01-01

    Full Text Available Se analizan los resultados de las elecciones generales del 77, 79 y 82 en Andalucía. Para estudiar el comportamiento electoral se toma en cuenta el municipio, la renta per cápita, la provincia y la región. El resultado es la obtención de cuatro grandes zonas diferenciadas en cuanto al comportamiento electoral, que se analizan siguiendo el modelo propuesto por el análisis espacial. Las curvas de comportamiento de varios partidos políticos son descritas en función de los municipios y la renta per cápita, mostrándose una progresión del pluralismo polítco si se sigue el eje zona rural/zona urbana. Se termina el estudio con una interpretación de la tendencia existente hacia el predominio del Partido Socialista en las elecciones del 82.

  3. Nonresponse Bias and Superpopulation Models in Electoral Polls

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Jose M. Pavía

    2012-01-01

    Full Text Available Nonresponse bias (and, to a lesser extent, measurement error has become the main source of error for electoral forecasts in Spain. Although the post-stratifi cation techniques and ratio estimators currently used in the polling industry reduce deviations, they do not show enough capacity to mend the biases introduced when collecting data. This research reveals how a more effi cient use of the electoral information available outside the sample could help to signifi cantly improve the accuracy of predictions, and uses simulation techniques to show that this may be accompanied by less expensive sampling designs. The analysis, nevertheless, also concludes that the proposed specifi cation is not a panacea and affi rms that there is still scope for reducing nonresponse bias, pointing to several issues for future research.

  4. Politics and population health: Testing the impact of electoral democracy.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Patterson, Andrew C; Veenstra, Gerry

    2016-07-01

    This study addresses questions of whether and why electoral democracies have better health than other nations. After devising a replicable approach to missing data, we compare political, economic, and health-related data for 168 nations collected annually from 1960 through 2010. Regression models estimate that electoral democracies have 11 years of longer life expectancy on average and 62.5% lower rates of infant mortality. The association with life expectancy reduces markedly after controlling for GDP, while a combination of factors may explain the democratic advantage in infant health. Results suggest that income inequality associates independently with both health outcomes but does not mediate their associations with democracy. Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

  5. RATIONAL-IRRATIONAL ELECTORAL PREFERENCES, ALTRUISM AND EXPRESSIVE BEHAVIOR

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Mihai Ungureanu

    2015-01-01

    Full Text Available Caplan (2000, 2001, 2006 proposed the rational-irrationality model arguing that irrationality is a good as any other, whose consumption is maximized in relation to its costs and benefits. Applying this model to the problem of electoral behavior Caplan implies that voters ‘afford’ many irrational beliefs, because the lack of individual decisiveness renders vote as a consequenceless act. This paper contributes to the development of knowledge by analyzing the compatibility of rational irrationality with active electoral behavior. Two important arguments are being proposed: First, Wittman’s (2008 intuition that rational irrationality is incompatible with voting could be supported only about a particular type of altruism, which Caplan actually seems to reject. Second, rational irrationality seems to be compatible with expressive motivations, reinforcing the conclusion that rational-irrational individuals are active voters in mass elections.

  6. Triggers and Characteristics of the 2007 Kenyan Electoral Violence

    OpenAIRE

    Stefan Dercon; Roxana Gutiérrez-Romero

    2010-01-01

    Following the 2007 disputed Kenyan Presidential election unprecedented levels of violence erupted across the country adding to the history of troubled elections in Africa. This paper offers quantitative and qualitative evidence on the incidence, impacts and issues that triggered electoral violence. Using two surveys conducted before and after the election we find that one out of three Kenyans were affected by the violence regardless of their ethnicity and wealth. The chances of being a victim...

  7. Social-Psychological Determinants of Electoral Voting Behavior

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    K A Ivanenko

    2013-12-01

    Full Text Available This article reviews the current models of the voter behavior and proves the need in creating a new overarching conceptual framework, finding the integral social-psychological factor of the voter decision making. The public opinion is regarded as such a factor. The article presents the findings of the latest psychological research, devoted to the analysis of the connection between the different components of public opinion and electoral behavior.

  8. Análisis de la jurisprudencia electoral chilena

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Carlos Manuel Rosales

    2012-01-01

    Full Text Available A partir de la reinstauración de la democracia en Chile en el año de 1989, se reestableció el funcionamiento del Tribunal Calificador de Elecciones. Este trabajo presenta un análisis de la producción jurisdiccional de este órgano jurisdiccional desde 1989 hasta 2007, para descubrir cómo funda y motiva sus fallos, los requisitos para acceder a la justicia electoral, entre otros rubros.

  9. Bullets and Votes: Violence and Electoral Participation in Mexico

    OpenAIRE

    Alejandro Trelles; Miguel Carreras

    2012-01-01

    In this paper we analyze the effect of criminal violence on electoral participation in Mexico. Many scholars have studied the origins of criminal violence, as well as the success or failure of contemporary regimes in dealing with it. However, few have studied how it affects voter turnout. Following recent findings in the behavioral subfield, we hypothesize that as criminal violence increases, citizens abandon public channels of participation and ta...

  10. The integrity of elections in Albania as a duality between the law and their administration. Electoral management body in the circle of cause – effect for elections performance

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Monika Kryemadhi

    2014-07-01

    What is important to note, is that despite challenges, the body in charge of the administration of the voting process showed integrity and willingness to respect the law and universal suffrage rights, answering to the key question: Did these elections met the international standards of electoral integrity?

  11. Medio siglo de historia del organismo electoral de Bolivia

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    Salvador ROMERO BALLIVIÁN

    2009-08-01

    Full Text Available En 1956 se celebró la primera elección con sufragio universal de la historia boliviana. Para la ocasión se fundó la Corte Nacional Electoral (CNE, cuya historia retrata el artículo. La primera etapa corre de 1956 hasta 1985, cuando su funcionamiento no era permanente y muchos comicios se celebraron bajo un manto de sospechas de irregularidades por el dominio del gobierno sobre la institución; la segunda va desde 1985 hasta 1991, en ella el organismo electoral desarrolla sus actividades de forma constante y los partidos lo controlan provocando dudas sobre la legitimidad de los resultados; la última abarca desde 1991 hasta 2007, cuando el sistema político acuerda conformar una CNE auténticamente imparcial e independiente, exigiéndole la celebración de elecciones irreprochables que aseguren una fuerte legitimidad de origen a las autoridades elegidas. El estudio presta atención a las disposiciones legales que rigen las tareas del organismo electoral pero sobre todo intenta comprender su acción considerando el contexto político, intelectual y social en el cual las cumplió

  12. Future electoral impacts of having a female mayor

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Paulo Arvate

    2017-08-01

    Full Text Available We explore an electoral quasi-experiment where a woman nearly won or lost to a man in a mayoral election. Our data combines municipal Brazilian election results, which occur every four years, with municipal level votes for female and male candidates in state and federal deputy elections, whose districts are larger than the municipalities. Our results show that when voters are exposed to a female leader, the relative number of votes given to female candidates increases. This result depends on the political environment in which the exposure occurs. These effects on the electorate's response tend to be stronger: 01. in municipalities where there is a previous higher proportion of female councilors, and 02. when the mayors have higher education levels. Our results provide evidence that the observed electorate's gender preferences in politics are alterable, but that policy interventions aimed to equalize access will be more effective if they are targeted at underrepresented populations that have the correct skill requirements to perform in leadership positions.

  13. THE ROLE AND IMPLICATIONS OF THE EVENT BASED COMMUNICATION IN THE ELECTORAL CAMPAIGN

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Tatu Cristian Ionut

    2011-12-01

    Full Text Available The electoral campaigns are considered to be among the most delicate challenges for a marketer due to the limited time available, the sensible margin for error, the high impact of each statement and the condensation of a quite large amount of resources in a 30 day period. While the ultimate goal for the campaign staff is to bring the global electoral package closer to the electorate and earn their votes most, of the time various competitors use disappointingly similar tactics that create confusion among the electorate. The campaign related events turned out to be one of the tactics that allows for a pin-point targeting of the electorate and a better control on the receivers of the message. This paper focuses on the types of events used that can be used in an electoral campaign reinforced with their particularities and effects registered in previous campaigns.

  14. Regional homogeneity of electoral space: comparative analysis (on the material of 100 national cases

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    A. O. Avksentiev

    2015-12-01

    Full Text Available In the article the author examines dependence on electoral behavior from territorial belonging. «Regional homogeneity» and «electoral space» categories are conceptualized. It is argued, that such regional homogeneity is a characteristic of electoral space and can be quantified. Quantitative measurement of government regional homogeneity has direct connection with risk of separatism, civil conflicts, or legitimacy crisis on deviant territories. It is proposed the formulae for evaluation of regional homogeneity quantitative method which has been based on statistics analysis instrument, especially, variation coefficient. Possible directions of study with the use of this index according to individual political subjects and the whole political space (state, region, electoral district are defined. Calculation of appropriate indexes for Ukrainian electoral space (return of 1991­2015 elections and 100 other national cases. The dynamics of Ukraine regional homogeneity on the material of 1991­2015 electoral statistics is analyzed.

  15. Electoral democracy, revolutionary politics and political violence: the emergence of Fascism in Italy, 1920-21.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Elazar, D S

    2000-09-01

    This study examines the determination of the Italian Fascists' extra-parliamentary, para-military, violent strategy. What were the effects of the socialists' political strategy, relying on electoral democracy, on the creation and strategy of the Fascist Action Squads? A comparison among Italy's 69 provinces, based on quantitative and qualitative historical evidence reveals a distinct pattern in the Fascists' violence. They attacked mainly provinces where the Socialists enjoyed the greatest electoral support. This pattern was a product of two historical processes: (a) the threat of the Socialist party to the landlords' economic and political hegemony, and (b) the landlords' tradition of militant anti-worker organization which culminated in their alliance with the Fascists. The Fascists' struggle for, and takeover of, political power was not an immanent historical necessity. It was first and foremost an anti-socialist reaction. It was shaped both 'from below', by the political power and radicalism of the PSI and the para-military capacity of the Fascist Squads; and 'from above', by the active support the Fascists received from the landlords and the state. Supported by organized landlords and blessed with the authorities' benevolence, the Squads were able to destroy - physically and politically - the legitimately constituted provincial governments of the Socialists. The alliance with the landlords determined the Squads' almost exclusive attacks on Socialist provincial strongholds that constituted the greatest threat to the landlords' interests, while provinces dominated by the ruling Liberal party were excluded from the Squads' path of 'punitive expeditions'.

  16. When Do Campaigns Matter? Informed Votes, the Heteroscedastic Logit and the Responsiveness of Electoral Outcomes

    OpenAIRE

    Gerber, Elisabeth R.; Lupia, Arthur

    1993-01-01

    Previous research suggests that voters in mass elections tend to be badly informed. If these voters do not know enough about the relationship between the policy consequences of electoral outcomes and their own interests, then electoral outcomes may not provide meaningful expressions of voter interests. Can campaign activity affect the relationship between voter interests and electoral outcomes? To answer this question, we use survey data from 35 comparable elections and a new empirical method...

  17. El proceso electoral del 7 de febrero de 2010 y sus actores

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Mario Seing Jiménez

    2011-07-01

    Full Text Available La participación ciudadana de una importante cantidad de personas en organización y jornada electoral garantiza la pureza del voto. El presente ensayo ofrece una breve descripción de las funciones, que amparadas en el Código Electoral, cumplieron cada uno de los actores que participaron en la jornada electoral costarricense del 7 de febrero de 2010.

  18. El proceso electoral del 7 de febrero de 2010 y sus actores

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Mario Seing Jiménez

    2011-07-01

    Full Text Available La participación ciudadana de una importante cantidad de personas en organización y jornada electoral garantiza la pureza del voto. El presente ensayo ofrece una breve descripción de las funciones, que amparadas en el Código Electoral, cumplieron cada uno de los actores que participaron en la jornada electoral costarricense del 7 de febrero de 2010

  19. Elections to the European Parliament Through the Prism of Social Media as an Electoral Resource in European Countries

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Katkina Anna Nikolaevna

    2016-04-01

    Full Text Available This article examines social media as a relatively new tool of electoral and political activity aimed at creating a positive image of political parties and candidates to the European Parliament. In the modern world of politics it is becoming increasingly important due to such factors as the growing number of World Wide Web users, the decline in the traditional media popularity and the rapid spread of new media, as well as the transformation of the Internet space into the platform for active political interactions. The key role in realizing the task of forming political image belongs to political institutions (parties, state bodies, politicians and social activists, as well as population representatives. The analysis of the efforts of various political subjects in the social media roughly demonstrates three functions of this new phenomenon: social media as a turnout increase tool, as a tool of increasing the recognition of candidates and parties by population; as a tool of informing the population about political and electoral processes in society. Currently, the main obstacle for the strategic research in this area is the fact that social networking technologies are rapidly developing, that embarrasses in making long-term prediction on its use. In spite of the absence of recognized criteria giving the opportunity to evaluate political activity in social media, the key efficiency criteria and success factor is so called “permanent presence” of electoral activity subjects in the Internet.

  20. The electoral feedback effects of welfare reform in mature European welfare states

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Arndt, Christoph

    2012-01-01

    The electoral hazard of welfare state reforms in mature welfare states has been a widely acknowledged feedback effect in the literature. However, the literature does typically no distinct between party families when it comes to the electoral consequences of welfare state reforms and treats...... electorates as unity. This paper analysis the feedback effects of social policy retrenchment under Third Way social democracy since 1994. The paper argues that Third Way reforms resulted in lasting electoral setback for social democracy since these reforms went against the social policy preferences of social....... The restructuring of mature Western welfare states thus accounts for changing patterns of political behaviour as a consequence of policy feedback....

  1. Imagining engagement: youth, social media and electoral processes.

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    D. Dumitrica (Delia)

    2016-01-01

    textabstractThe case of the 2010 municipal elections in Calgary, Canada, is used here to explore the discursive construction of social media in relation to political engagement. This article examines the way in which 59 undergraduate students at the University of Calgary discuss political engagement

  2. Electing the President: The Electoral Process in Action.

    Science.gov (United States)

    See, Betty M.

    Electing the U.S. President and Vice President is a basic right and responsibility of every citizen of voting age. Even though it occurs every 4 years, the complexities of electing the president is not a concept that every person understands. This resource book aims to fill the gap in understanding by providing students with a learning-by-doing…

  3. Media Exposure, Interpersonal Communication and the Electoral Decision Process.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Kimsey, William D.; Hantz, Alan

    The relationships among mass media, interpersonal communication, and voting behavior were explored in a two-stage panel study of 141 respondents during a 1974 Illinois congressional election. Analyses of perceived exposures to mass media and to interpersonal communication were interpreted as supporting Rogers and Shoemakers' (1971)…

  4. Desempeño e identidad institucional: el tribunal electoral en la alternancia del 2000 Performance and institucional identity: the Electoral Tribunal in the 2000 electoral alternance

    OpenAIRE

    Héctor DÍAZ-SANTANA; David H. CORROCHANO

    2010-01-01

    Analizamos el desempeño del Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF) relacionándolo con su grado y tipo de identidad en la coyuntura de las elecciones presidenciales del 2 de julio del 2000. Para ello partimos de la premisa que las instituciones no sólo deben tener un buen desempeño, sino que éste debe ser trasmitido ante la ciudadanía. Nuestra hipótesis es que el TEPJF tuvo un buen desempeño pero carecía de identidad lo que facilitó la puesta en marcha de un "chantaje" ...

  5. Policy voting, projection, and persuasion: an application of balance theory to electoral behavior

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Visser, Max; Visser, Max

    1994-01-01

    In this article differences between rational, policy-based, and rationalized voting are discussed, and it is argued that these forms of electoral decision making are not properly analyzed in existing electoral studies. Policy voting, persuasion, and projection are then redefined as three possible

  6. Personalised parliamentary behaviour without electoral incentives : the case of the Netherlands

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Louwerse, Tom; Otjes, Simon

    2016-01-01

    Most theories of legislative behaviour explain the behaviour of MPs through electoral incentives. However, they fail to explain variation in parliamentary activity when individual electoral incentives are largely absent. This article studies MPs’ activity in such a parliament: the Dutch Tweede

  7. Electoral System Reform Attempts in Sub-Saharan Africa: South Africa, Lesotho, Kenya, and Zimbabwe

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Elklit, Jørgen

    This paper provides a test of the generalizability of the barriers’ approach (Rahat and Hazan, 2011) to the study of electoral system reform attempts. It does so by examining a set of recent attempts of electoral system change in four Sub-Saharan countries (South Africa, Lesotho, Kenya...

  8. Why politicians like electoral institutions: Self-interest, values, or ideology?

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Bowler, Shaun; Donovan, Todd; Karp, J.A.

    2006-01-01

    We examine whether MPs and candidates for parliament are motivated by electoral self-interest, values, ideology, or all of these when evaluating proposals for changing electoral institutions. Using survey data from four countries (Australia, Germany, the Netherlands, and New Zealand), we find that

  9. Social Networks As Internet-technologies in Electoral Campaigns: the International View

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Александр Александрович Свинин

    2013-12-01

    Full Text Available Social networks as internet-technologies became a useful instrument for politicians during the electoral campaigns. The main reason for that is the fact that social networks today are the next step in development of communications between people. In the article the author investigates the history of social networks, different cases of application of social networks in electoral campaigns.

  10. Two shades of Green? The electorates of GreenLeft and the Party for the Animals

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Otjes, S.; Krouwel, A.P.M.

    2015-01-01

    The Netherlands has two electorally significant parties that might be considered to be part of the ‘Green’ family: GreenLeft and the Party for the Animals. These two parties appeal to different niches of the Green electorate, identified on the basis of issue dimensions, demographics, and their trust

  11. Two shades of Green? The electorates of GreenLeft and the Party for the Animals

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Otjes, Simon; Krouwel, Andre

    2015-01-01

    The Netherlands has two electorally significant parties that might be considered to be part of the Green' family: GreenLeft and the Party for the Animals. These two parties appeal to different niches of the Green electorate, identified on the basis of issue dimensions, demographics, and their trust

  12. Electoral and Partisan Cycles between US Economic Performance and Presidential Popularity

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    W. Letterie (Wilko); O.H. Swank (Otto)

    1997-01-01

    textabstractIn this paper we discuss a recent paper by Stephen E Haynes in which he relates electoral cycles in political support to electoral cycles in economic variables Haynes finds that the cycle in support for Republican presidents is explained by the cycle in economic variables, whereas the

  13. Structural Violence: Moving beyond ethnicity towards and understanding of electoral violence in kenya

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Owiso, Michael Omondi

    2018-01-01

    Ethnicity has come to be widely used as an explanation to electoral violence in Kenya. Research on electoral violence has been limited to electoral related violence in relation to the manipulation of the multi-ethnic composition of the country by the political elite. In light of this, this study......, but at the same time expose the disconnect in electoral violence studies. The study is based on desk research and digs into books, journals, memoirs, newspapers and official government documents to unearth the underlying structure of Kenya (the actors, institutions, cultural hegemony, history and ideologies...... wishes to move beyond this otherwise simplistic view of electoral conflict in Kenya and relate these occurrences to the wider problem that the country faces. Taking a structural view, this contribution seeks to join other studies that have emphasized the structural causes of conflict in Kenya...

  14. Political Disaffection and Stability of Electoral Results in Chilean, 1993-2009

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Octavio Avendaño

    2016-01-01

    Full Text Available This article analyses the electoral stability vis à vis the increase of unstable votes in 1993 and 2009 parliamentary elections in Chile. In contrast with other academic works which conceive little volatility as corollary of a persistent voter’s behavior, we argue that the electoral results are consequence of the electoral system which in fact generates change in electoral behavior. We have named this phenomenon as “self-compensation”. Data analyzed in this paper show an important decrease in stable voters and that mobility exists. Nevertheless, the special characteristic of the electoral mobility is what gives stability to voter’s behavior during this period. Palabras claves: Chile, sistema de partidos, elecciones, volatilidad, voto no estable. Keywords: Chile, party system, elections, volatility, vote not stable.

  15. Tendencias en el estudio del comportamiento electoral en México / Trends in Electoral Behavior Studies in Mexico

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Rubén Flores González

    2017-03-01

    Full Text Available El estudio del comportamiento electoral, en lo que se refiere a la manera en cómo los ciudadanos toman la decisión de por quién votar en una democracia, es un tema que adquiere relevancia en México a partir de las elecciones de 1988, derivado del surgimiento de fuerzas políticas que pueden competir electoralmente contra el partido hegemónico: el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI. Debido a lo reciente de este acontecimiento, muchas de las investigaciones realizadas en el país sobre este campo de estudio corresponden a esfuerzos aislados y poco sistematizados. Por esta razón, el objetivo del presente trabajo es sistematizar, mediante una revisión documental, el conocimiento disponible en México sobre el comportamiento electoral de los votantes mexicanos. De esta revisión se concluye que los estudios electorales en México han buscado adaptar a la realidad del país los constructos y las teorías creadas y probadas en Estados Unidos. Esta adaptación ha resultado positiva la mayoría de las veces y hoy existen instituciones y asociaciones académicas que han consolidado este campo de estudio. / The study of electoral behavior regarding how citizens decide who to vote for in a democracy has become important in Mexico since the 1988 elections. That is because in that year, political forces emerged that were able to compete at the polls with the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI, until then hegemonic. Since this is still very recent, many of the initial research projects in this field in Mexico have been isolated efforts that were not very systematic. For this reason, the aim of this article is to systematize the information available in Mexico about voter behavior through a review of the literature. This review concludes that electoral studies in Mexico have attempted to adapt to Mexico’s situation constructs and theories created and tested in the United States. This adaptation has been positive in most cases, and today

  16. Electoral campaigns and their effect on voting. A study of the 2003 presidential elections in Argentina

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Orlando D’ADAMO

    2013-10-01

    Full Text Available This paper aims to explore empirically the potential influence presidential electoral campaigns may exert on the process of voting decision making. Four dimensions of this problem are analysed: 1. the communicational resources of a campaign that result most effective, 2. if the voters perceive the differential media exposure received by each of the candidates, 3. in case they do, if that perception has an impact on the positive image of the candidates and 4. the capacity of campaigns to operate changes on the voting decision. The obtained data indicate that in the memory they build of campaigns, the subjects recognize the predominance of television messages, perceive the differential media exposure of candidates, that this perception does not necessarily mean they have a positive image of those who received more media exposure, and that they point out the potential of the campaign to change their initial voting decision.

  17. The electoral volatility in Serbia: Comparison and explanation

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Antonić Slobodan

    2005-01-01

    Full Text Available In the first part of this article the electoral volatility in Serbia is compared to those in other countries. The Pedersen’s Index for Serbia from 1990 to 2003 is 19.6, which means there is high electoral volatility. However, compared to other countries in transition, the volatility in Serbia turns out to be average. Therefore, I conclude that the causes of high volatility in Serbia could not be specific, but similar to the reasons in other post-communist countries. In the second part, I analyze the general reasons for the increased volatility. They are: the large number of parties participating in political life, and insufficient time, passed since the restoration of multiparty elections, for the voters to become more seriously tied to the parties, or for the parties to become socially anchored. In the third part, I analyze the particular causes of the increased volatility that are specific, first of all, for Serbia and other post-communist societies. They are: the fast change of social structure, which leads to a general feeling of social and personal insecurity, as well as the widespread dissatisfaction with the gap between the increase of social inequality and the number of social winners, which increases the frequency of protest voting. At the end, I conclude that, in time, some of these factors would probably lose their significance, so the volatility in Serbia would decrease. However, a noticeable decrease could hardly be expected during the next ten years at least.

  18. Comportamiento electoral y democracia en Nicaragua: 1990-2001

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Lawrence C. DODD

    2009-11-01

    Full Text Available RESUMEN: En los Estados Unidos y otros países de democracia establecida existen teorías de opción electoral (vote choice para explicar cómo y por qué los votantes toman decisiones electorales. Éstas nos explican cómo votan los ciudadanos, incluso qué peso dan a las evaluaciones de los candidatos, la económica, y otros factores en sus decisiones de voto. Conforme América Latina se democratiza y algunas naciones en el continente cuentan con varios años de continuidad electoral, surgen preguntas con respecto a la relevancia de teorías electorales desarrolladas en las democracias más antiguas para el análisis del contexto de las nuevas democracias. Particularmente, si ciudadanos de naciones pobres que carecen de las ventajas asociadas a la riqueza económica, educación y cobertura extensiva a través de la televisión, presentan patrones de conducta electoral reconociblemente similares a aquéllos presentes en las democracias más antiguas.Este estudio aplica dos teorías electorales de las democracias antiguas a un contexto donde la democracia es nueva: Nicaragua. Éstas son la teoría de retrospección (Fiorina y la teoría de prospección (Sniderman, Tetlock, Brody. El artículo muestra que, no obstante su pobreza y el bajo nivel educativo de muchos de sus habitantes, en las tres últimas elecciones los nicaragüenses tenían una capacidad de voto que sigue las dos teorías. Además, los votantes nicaragüenses pensaron no solamente en los candidatos y la economía sino también en el tipo de régimen, una cuestión que nunca se presentaría en Estados Unidos o en otras democracias antiguas. Los menos educados se mostraron tan capaces de utilizar prospección como los más educados. A pesar de la poca antigüedad de la democracia nicaragüense y de la relativa inexperiencia de su población, hemos descubierto una importante evidencia de la utilización de procesos evaluativos retrospectivos y prospectivos en Nicaragua en las

  19. Ecuador 1984. Propaganda electoral en la prensa de Quito

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    María del Carmen Cevallos

    2015-01-01

    Full Text Available La revista se centra en el rol que desempeñan los medios en las campañas electorales,se publica la función política de éstos en Escandinavia,(1983La campaña electoral en una transición política en Argentina, (1986Una democracia amenazada en Costa Rica, Rescate de la memoria colectiva desde el Perú, (1983 Impacto de la crisis económica en Venezuela,(1986 Impresiones del periodismo político en Austria, (1984Propaganda electoral en la prensa de Quito, (1984 Estados Unidos. Estrategia de Comunicación:la elección presidencial. En la sección NUEVAS TECNOLOGÍAS se habla de los flujos de datos transfrontera (FDT y cuestiones afines. En DOCUMENTOS se publica sobre Innovación tecnológica en Educación, el Informe de proyectos 1985, la Primera reunión de Jamaica.

  20. Thai Electoral Campaigning: Vote-Canvassing Networks and Hybrid Voting

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Anyarat Chattharakul

    2010-01-01

    Full Text Available Based on evidence gathered through participant observation, this article illuminates the nature of vote-canvassing, previously a black box in Thai electoral studies. Offering a close-up study of the internal mechanisms of an individual Thai election campaign, this article reveals that vote-canvasser networks are underpinned by long-term dyadic relationships, both hierarchical and horizontal, between the candidate, vote-canvassers and voters. These networks continue to be the most important factor in winning elections. This article documents how candidates draw up an election campaign map and identify voters along residential lines to maximise their vote-canvassing strategy. The findings of this article challenge Anek’s 1996 concept of “two democracies”, which argues that rural voters are influenced by money, local leaders, political factions and corrupt politicians while more well-educated, urban, middle-class voters are more oriented toward the alternative policies offered by competing parties. The case study of Kom’s election campaign showed that the role of the much-vaunted middle-class voters is not decisive, even in suburban areas of Bangkok. While political marketing has grown in importance in Thai elections, it has not displaced traditional electoral practices. Thai society is, in fact, deeply fragmented and diverse – too complex to be divided in such a simplistic manner. This article suggests that rather than undergoing a linear transformation, political hybridisation is a key trend in Thai election campaigns.

  1. Strategic Voting in Heterogeneous Electorates: An Experimental Study

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Marcelo Tyszler

    2013-11-01

    Full Text Available We study strategic voting in a setting where voters choose from three options and Condorcet cycles may occur. We introduce in the electorate heterogeneity in preference intensity by allowing voters to differ in the extent to which they value the three options. Three information conditions are tested: uninformed, in which voters know only their own preference ordering and the own benefits from each option; aggregate information, in which in addition they know the aggregate realized distribution of the preference orderings and full information, in which they also know how the relative importance attributed to the options are distributed within the electorate. As a general result, heterogeneity seems to decrease the level of strategic voting in our experiment compared to the homogenous preference case that we study in a companion paper. Both theoretically and empirically (with data collected in a laboratory experiment, the main comparative static results obtained for the homogenous case carry over to the present setting with preference heterogeneity. Moreover, information about the realized aggregate distribution of preferences seems to be the element that best explains observed differences in voting behavior. Additional information about the realized distribution of preference intensity does not yield significant further changes.

  2. Geography of Electoral Volatility in the Warmia and Mazury Voivodeship of Poland

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Tarasov Ilya N.

    2016-12-01

    Full Text Available The authors describe the impact of administrative reforms on the electoral volatility in the Warmia and Mazury voivodeship of Poland. The administrative reforms resulted in the formation of a new territorial organization of power. Using three large administrative units of Poland as an example, the authors analyse the experience of the formation of a geographic region by merging several politically diverse territories. The merger took place in a changing political environment. It inevitably affected the strategy and tactics of the development of local self-governance. The formation of the region has been going on in such a manner that differences in the electoral preferences and political behaviour of the urban population (the regional metropolis and the periphery remain unchanged. Having performed the index analysis and a comparative analysis of the electoral data, the authors conclude that the consistency of administrative decisions on the formation of the region and the electoral performance have been weakening over time. During the initial phase, the electoral volatility was mainly due to the sluggishness and inertia of the previous territorial organization. After the phase of stabilization, the electoral volatility indices in different geographical areas changed due to a combination of social and political factors. The authors show that the ‘looseness’ of the Polish party system affect the electoral volatility in the region more than institutional decisions of the administrative reforms.

  3. General Public Interest: between Electoral Rhetoric and Administrative Actions

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Valentina Cornea

    2012-08-01

    Full Text Available Traditionally, public administration is considered to be the operative side of government. Itis supposed to include all the activities involved in carrying out the policies of the elected officialsand some activities associated with the development of these policies. In this respect, well-knownauthors consider that the Public administration is all that comes after the last election promise and theelection night cheer: the means and ends of government. The complexity of social life, however, hasgenerated in recent years the appearance of a rationality deficit in the actions of government. It is thespread of some behaviour patterns that hinder the leadership of the system: rational options arereplaced by investment policy, the administration accepts the behaviours that are substantiallydifferent from the electoral promises. This situation generates dissatisfaction of citizens, declaringthemselves dissatisfied with the activity of the public authorities which, moreover, they have chosen.The intention of this study is to encourage analytical reflections on how the general public interest isrepresented.

  4. Brand Components in Electoral Debates: Presidential Elections Romania 2009

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ovidiu-Aurel GHIUȚĂ

    2015-06-01

    Full Text Available The present paper illustrates the use of the brand and its components in the most important campaign debate of the presidential elections in Romania in 2009.The research method we have selected is the case study. The research technique consisted of the content analysis of the two speeches. The conducted analysis has included all the three types of the content analysis: conceptual, relational and qualitative analysis. The content analysis has been conducted by using the Nvivo software. The identification of the candidate’s brand in a single debate particularly entails its presence throughout the electoral campaign. We can outline the main component of the brand notion the two candidates have resorted to in this debate: Băsescu resorted to positioning, while Antonescu opted for differentiation and positioning.

  5. Political Parties’ Welfare Image, Electoral Punishment and Welfare State Retrenchment

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Schumacher, Gijs; Vis, Barbara; van Kersbergen, Kees

    2013-01-01

    of voters supports the welfare state, the usual assumption is that retrenchment backfires equally on all political parties. This study contributes to an emerging body of research that demonstrates that this assumption is incorrect. On the basis of a regression analysis of the electoral fate of the governing...... parties of 14 OECD countries between 1970 and 2002, we show that most parties with a positive welfare image lose after they implemented cutbacks, whereas most parties with a negative welfare image do not. In addition, we show that positive welfare image parties in opposition gain votes, at the expense...... of those positive welfare image parties in government that implemented welfare state retrenchment. Comparative European Politics (2013) 11, 1-21. doi:10.1057/cep.2012.5; published online 11 June 2012...

  6. PARTICIPACIÓN ELECTORAL EN LAS ELECCIONES PRIMARIAS EN URUGUAY

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Daniel Buquet

    2011-12-01

    Full Text Available So far Uruguay is the only country in the world in which parties carried out open and simultaneous primary elections in order to select their presidential candidates. The effects of employing primaries on the election results are determined by the particular characteristics of the electorate who voluntarily participate in them. From survey data, we analyze the factors affecting participation in such instances and their effects on the type of presidential candidates tend to be elected. The results show that in primary elections vote citizens more educated, more interested in politics, identified with political parties and with more extreme ideological positions. As a result we observe that through primaries, candidates away from the median voter are more likely to be winners than with DSV system.

  7. Pentecostalismo y política electoral en Colombia (1991-2014)

    OpenAIRE

    Beltrán, William Mauricio; Quiroga, Jesús David

    2017-01-01

    RESUMEN: El artículo presenta un balance de la participación del movimiento evangélico-pentecostal en la política electoral colombiana, en el periodo 1991-2014. Describe la génesis de la participación electoral de este movimiento religioso y da cuenta de la trayectoria de sus principales líderes y organizaciones políticas (partidos o movimientos). Presenta las estrategias que estos han implementado para aprovechar su autoridad religiosa en el campo electoral. Finalmente, hace un balance de l...

  8. La experiencia mexicana en materia de reforma política-electoral (1977-2008

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Arturo Núñez Jiménez

    2008-07-01

    Full Text Available El artículo estudia el proceso de fortalecimiento democrático en México, partiendo de un sistema de partido hegemónico, hasta el establecimiento de partidos políticos competitivos. Las reformas electorales se identifican. Centra el análisis de la reforma político electoral en tres ejes: la creación y consolidación del Instituto Federal Electoral, el proceso de formación de un sistema integral de justicia electoral y el fortalecimiento de un sistema de partidos competitivo

  9. Black lives matter: Differential mortality and the racial composition of the U.S. electorate, 1970-2004.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Rodriguez, Javier M; Geronimus, Arline T; Bound, John; Dorling, Danny

    2015-07-01

    Excess mortality in marginalized populations could be both a cause and an effect of political processes. We estimate the impact of mortality differentials between blacks and whites from 1970 to 2004 on the racial composition of the electorate in the US general election of 2004 and in close statewide elections during the study period. We analyze 73 million US deaths from the Multiple Cause of Death files to calculate: (1) Total excess deaths among blacks between 1970 and 2004, (2) total hypothetical survivors to 2004, (3) the probability that survivors would have turned out to vote in 2004, (4) total black votes lost in 2004, and (5) total black votes lost by each presidential candidate. We estimate 2.7 million excess black deaths between 1970 and 2004. Of those, 1.9 million would have survived until 2004, of which over 1.7 million would have been of voting-age. We estimate that 1 million black votes were lost in 2004; of these, 900,000 votes were lost by the defeated Democratic presidential nominee. We find that many close state-level elections over the study period would likely have had different outcomes if voting age blacks had the mortality profiles of whites. US black voting rights are also eroded through felony disenfranchisement laws and other measures that dampen the voice of the US black electorate. Systematic disenfranchisement by population group yields an electorate that is unrepresentative of the full interests of the citizenry and affects the chance that elected officials have mandates to eliminate health inequality. Copyright © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

  10. The relationship between campaigning on Twitter and electoral support: present or absent

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Kruikemeier, S.; van Noort, G.; Vliegenthart, R.

    2013-01-01

    This study investigates the content characteristics of political communication on Twitter during an election campaign and the relationship between candidates’ style of online campaigning (i.e., politically personalized and interactive communication) and electoral support for those candidates.

  11. Sistema electoral costarricense, seis décadas de probada efectividad

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Zetty Bou Valverde

    2010-07-01

    Full Text Available Las fortalezas del sistema electoral costarricense no descansan, exclusivamente, en las previsiones normativas o en la fortaleza del organismo electoral sino, también, en el sistema de partidos políticos y la participación de los ciudadanos, pilares esenciales y que no deben ser descuidados si se quiere seguir viviendo en democracia. El nuevo Código Electoral, que entró en vigencia el 2 de setiembre de 2009, incorpora al derecho electoral costarricense importantes principios, mecanismos jurisdiccionales e instituciones que ya habían sido desarrollados por la jurisprudencia del TSE, así como otros novedosos, que vienen a dar más efectividad y seguridad al proceso democrático

  12. The Impact of Electoral System Reform on Taiwan’s Local Factions

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Christian Göbel

    2012-01-01

    Full Text Available In 2004, the single non-transferable vote (SNTV was abolished in Taiwan. The SNTV had long been seen as a major factor in the sustenance of county- and township-level clientelist networks (“local factions”. It was also associated with phenomena such as extremism, candidate-centred politics, vote-buying, clientelism and organized crime involvement in politics. More recent scholarship, however, has led to doubts that a single formal institution like an electoral system could have such a powerful influence on electoral mobilization. This article puts these positions to an initial test. It examines the impact of the electoral reform on the mobilization capacity of a local faction in a rural county notorious for its factionalism. By illuminating its intricate mobilization structures, it provides support for the second position: These structures are too resilient to be affected by even a radical electoral reform.

  13. Was Memphis's Electoral Structure Adopted or Maintained for a Racially Discriminatory Purpose?

    OpenAIRE

    Kousser, J. Morgan

    1992-01-01

    Two themes run throughout this chronologically organized, extensively documented paper: The first is the pervasiveness of racial issues and racial conflicts in Memphis from 1955 to 1971, the period on which the paper centers. The second is the interconnection between electoral politics and electoral rules. That these are central and tragic themes in southern history is precisely the point: Memphis has never entirely outgrown the worst parts of its southern heritage. The two themes imply on...

  14. An Inquiry into the Use of Illegal Electoral Practices and Effects of Political Violence

    OpenAIRE

    Roxana Gutiérrez-Romero

    2012-01-01

    This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the s...

  15. Electoral institutions, parties, and the politics of class: Why some democracies redistribute more than others

    OpenAIRE

    Iversen, Torben; Soskice, David

    2005-01-01

    We develop a general model of redistribution and use it to account for the remarkable variance in government redistribution across democracies. We show that the electoral system plays a key role because it shapes the nature of political parties and the composition of governing coalitions, whether these are conceived as electoral alliances between classes or alliances between class parties. Our argument implies a) that center-left governments dominate under PR systems, while center-right gover...

  16. Detractors of democracy: overview of electoral crimes and abstentionism in Mexico

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Rubén Manuel Ibarra-Reyes

    2017-01-01

    Full Text Available This paper looks at two obstacles to democratic life in Mexico, electoral crimes and abstentionism. Speaking of electoral crimes and rates of abstentionism to analyze two of the most complex obstacles that the political culture and the Mexican democratic life faces and allows action strategies that promote from the legal wing and political inculturation tangible and implementable solutions context national to strengthen the social system. Thus, the characteristics of both problems and their current status in the country are presented.

  17. Detractors of democracy: overview of electoral crimes and abstentionism in Mexico

    OpenAIRE

    Rubén Manuel Ibarra-Reyes; Elizabeth Amador-Márquez

    2017-01-01

    This paper looks at two obstacles to democratic life in Mexico, electoral crimes and abstentionism. Speaking of electoral crimes and rates of abstentionism to analyze two of the most complex obstacles that the political culture and the Mexican democratic life faces and allows action strategies that promote from the legal wing and political inculturation tangible and implementable solutions context national to strengthen the social system. Thus, the characteristics of both problems and their c...

  18. SYRIZA’S electoral rise in Greece: protest, trust and the art of political manipulation

    OpenAIRE

    Tsakatika, Myrto

    2016-01-01

    Between 2010 and 2015, a period of significant political change in Greece, the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA), a minor party, achieved and consolidated major party status. This article explores the role of political strategy in SYRIZA’s electoral success. It argues that contrary to accepted wisdom, targeting a ‘niche’ constituency or protesting against the establishment will not suffice for a minor party to make an electoral breakthrough. SYRIZA’s case demonstrates that unless a minor...

  19. José Figueres Ferrer y su aporte al sistema electoral costarricense

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    Oscar Fonseca Montoya

    2006-01-01

    Full Text Available El artículo describe los aportes del Expresidente de la República y Benemérito de la Patria José Figueres Ferrer para el desarrollo y estabilidad del sistema electoral costarricense. Repasa la emisión de Decretos-Ley que desde la Junta Fundadora de la Segunda República aseguraron la estructura que hoy ostenta tanto la legislación electoral como el Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones.

  20. Percepciones públicas del fraude electoral en México

    OpenAIRE

    Andreas Schedler

    1999-01-01

    After a long history of electoral fraud, Mexicana entered the 1990s with deep skepticism towardspolitical elections. Subsequent electoral reforma succeeded to bring fraud under control. How did Mexican citizens react to these institutional changes f Did they hibernate under theprotectivecover of un unchanging "culture ofdistrust"? Or did they adapt their expectations to thenew realities? Thearticlesupports the hypothesis ofchange. Analyzing a set of formerly disperse opinwn poli data, it arri...

  1. Sin una ventaja financiera: Incumbentes y el gasto electoral en las elecciones parlamentarias de Chile

    OpenAIRE

    Joel W. Johnson; Colorado State University - Pueblo

    2012-01-01

    Research from various countries has shown that incumbents in legislative elections raise and spend more money when they face a tougher contest. A statistical analysis of Chilean candidates’ campaign finance disclosures shows the opposite: an inverse relationship between incumbent spending and electoral competitiveness. This occurs because Chile’s deputies are relatively limited in their influence over policy and pork and because the congressional electoral system makes most competitive contes...

  2. Electoral system and political parties in Mexico (1994-2000 Sistema electoral y sistema de partidos en México (1994-2000

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ernesto HERNÁNDEZ NORZAGARAY

    2010-10-01

    Full Text Available The article explores the consequences of the electoral formula and the effective threshold, the size of electoral circumscriptions and the number of congressional representatives on the levels of disproportional representation that exists in the legislature since the federal elections of 1994 in Mexico. Following this, and through the use of a number of political indices the article assesses the impact of these factors on the political party system. In particular the study examines levels of concentration and competition, of political party fragmentation, and levels of electoral polarisation and volatility. The main objective is to determine the institutional impact of the «period of reforms» on the configuration of a new political party system in Mexico.Key words: México, electoral system, political party system, fragmetation, volatility.En este trabajo sobre el sistema electoral y el sistema de partidos políticos en México, exploramos las consecuencias que han tenido la fórmula electoral y el umbral efectivo, la magnitud de las circunscripciones y el tamaño del Congreso legislativo, en los niveles de desproporcionalidad existente en el poder legislativo desde las elecciones federales de 1994. Así mismo, como extensión de ese esfuerzo, mediante diversos índices politológicos profundizamos en los efectos que ha tenido en el sistema de partidos. En particular, interesa estudiar los niveles de concentración y competitividad, la fragmentación y número efectivo de partidos, la polarización y volatilidad del voto. En suma, pretendemos determinar cuál es el impacto institucional del llamado «periodo de reformas» en la conformación de un nuevo sistema de partidos políticos mexicanos.

  3. Characterizing and modeling an electoral campaign in the context of Twitter: 2011 Spanish Presidential election as a case study.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Borondo, J; Morales, A J; Losada, J C; Benito, R M

    2012-06-01

    Transmitting messages in the most efficient way as possible has always been one of politicians' main concerns during electoral processes. Due to the rapidly growing number of users, online social networks have become ideal platforms for politicians to interact with their potential voters. Exploiting the available potential of these tools to maximize their influence over voters is one of politicians' actual challenges. To step in this direction, we have analyzed the user activity in the online social network Twitter, during the 2011 Spanish Presidential electoral process, and found that such activity is correlated with the election results. We introduce a new measure to study political sentiment in Twitter, which we call the relative support. We have also characterized user behavior by analyzing the structural and dynamical patterns of the complex networks emergent from the mention and retweet networks. Our results suggest that the collective attention is driven by a very small fraction of users. Furthermore, we have analyzed the interactions taking place among politicians, observing a lack of debate. Finally, we develop a network growth model to reproduce the interactions taking place among politicians.

  4. Characterizing and modeling an electoral campaign in the context of Twitter: 2011 Spanish Presidential election as a case study

    Science.gov (United States)

    Borondo, J.; Morales, A. J.; Losada, J. C.; Benito, R. M.

    2012-06-01

    Transmitting messages in the most efficient way as possible has always been one of politicians' main concerns during electoral processes. Due to the rapidly growing number of users, online social networks have become ideal platforms for politicians to interact with their potential voters. Exploiting the available potential of these tools to maximize their influence over voters is one of politicians' actual challenges. To step in this direction, we have analyzed the user activity in the online social network Twitter, during the 2011 Spanish Presidential electoral process, and found that such activity is correlated with the election results. We introduce a new measure to study political sentiment in Twitter, which we call the relative support. We have also characterized user behavior by analyzing the structural and dynamical patterns of the complex networks emergent from the mention and retweet networks. Our results suggest that the collective attention is driven by a very small fraction of users. Furthermore, we have analyzed the interactions taking place among politicians, observing a lack of debate. Finally, we develop a network growth model to reproduce the interactions taking place among politicians.

  5. Lives matter. Do votes? Invited commentary on "Black lives matter: Differential mortality and the racial composition of the U.S. electorate, 1970-2004".

    Science.gov (United States)

    Purtle, Jonathan

    2015-07-01

    Racial health disparities in the United States are produced and perpetuated through public policies that differentially allocate risks and resources for health. Elected officials have the ability modify the structural determinants of racial health disparities through policy decisions and, through voting, the electorate can influence the extent to which these policy decisions promote health equity. In this commentary, I synthesize research on the voting behavior of electorates and policy decisions and present strategies to foster sociopolitical environments that are conducive to the implementation and enforcement of racial health disparity reduction initiatives. There is a need for research that contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of the role of voting in health policy making processes and further development of empirically-based policy advocacy strategies. Copyright © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

  6. Principios de la actividad electoral en la era digital : una aproximación al control administrativo colombiano de la propaganda electoral en Internet

    OpenAIRE

    Tovar Niño, Tsetian

    2016-01-01

    El desarrollo tecnológico y la expansión de las formas de comunicación en Colombia, no solo trajeron consigo grandes beneficios, sino también nuevos retos para el Estado Moderno. Actualmente, la oferta de espacios de difusión de propaganda electoral ha aumentado, mientras persiste un marco legal diseñado para los medios de comunicación del Siglo XX. Por tanto, este trabajo no solo realiza un diagnóstico de los actuales mecanismos de control administrativo sobre la propaganda electoral en Inte...

  7. El Estado Autonómico y el procedimiento electoral en España: Reforma de la Ley Electoral de Castilla-La Manch

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    María Martín Sánchez

    2010-07-01

    Full Text Available El Sistema Electoral de Castilla-La Mancha es un sistema de listas cerradas y bloqueadas, en el que la circunscripción es la provincia, y que se rige por un criterio mixto de representación territorial y poblacional, en atención a la exigencia constitucional del artículo 152.CE. Está regulado en su norma institucional básica, Estatuto de Autonomía de Castilla-La Mancha, y desarrollado mediante la Ley Electoral de 23 de diciembre de Castilla-La Mancha, reformada recientemente por Ley 12/2007, de 8 de noviembre.

  8. GIS tool for California state legislature electoral history

    Science.gov (United States)

    Artham, Swathi

    The California State Legislature contains two bodies consisting of the lower house, the California State Assembly, with eighty members, and the upper house, the California State Senate, with forty members. Elections are held for every two years for both Senate and Assembly. The terms of the Senators are staggered so that half the membership is elected every two years, whereas all the Assembly members are elected every two years. The electoral district boundaries vary after every 10-year census. My main objective is to provide a summary of both California State Senate and California State Assembly election results in a single GIS tool, from the years 1970 to 2012. This tool provides information about different trends in the California State Senate and State Assembly elections along the years. This tool was designed to help students, and teachers to interactively learn about the California State Legislature elections. Users can view the election results by selecting a particular year for Senate or Assembly, which results in adding a new layer on the map with a coloring scheme for better understanding of change of parties; red for Republicans, blue for Democrats and green for Independents. Users can click on any district shown on the map using a hotlink tool to see the electoral trends for the districts for the past years. This application provides a powerful Stored Query Language (SQL) query option to enter queries and get election results in the form of tables with various fields. This data can be further used to aid other analysis as per user requirements. This tool also provides various visual statistics using graphs and tables for voter turnout, number of candidates won by each party, number of seats changed from one party to another. It also features a color matrix table that helps users to see trends in California State Senate and Assembly. Every two-year election results are shown in the form of graphs and tables for better understanding by the user. The tool

  9. Normative changes and gender equity. From electoral quotas to parity in Latin America: the cases of Bolivia and Ecuador

    OpenAIRE

    Nélida ARCHENTI; María Inés TULA

    2014-01-01

    This study, aimed at analyzing the impact of institutional factors on the efficacy of gender parity policy in Latinamerica. It compares regulatory changes and electoral results in Bolivia and Ecuador, the only two countries in Latinamerica that have implemented parity on national elections. These data demonstrate the persistence of obstacles for gender political parity effectiveness derived from electoral systems and from party aligned strategies channeled by electoral rationality.

  10. Normative changes and gender equity. From electoral quotas to parity in Latin America: the cases of Bolivia and Ecuador

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Nélida ARCHENTI

    2014-03-01

    Full Text Available This study, aimed at analyzing the impact of institutional factors on the efficacy of gender parity policy in Latinamerica. It compares regulatory changes and electoral results in Bolivia and Ecuador, the only two countries in Latinamerica that have implemented parity on national elections. These data demonstrate the persistence of obstacles for gender political parity effectiveness derived from electoral systems and from party aligned strategies channeled by electoral rationality.

  11. Party-political and electoral system of Uruguay

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Samuel Decresci

    2015-06-01

    Full Text Available The Oriental Republic of Uruguay is seen by many as a pioneer among Latin American nations to modernize its state and its policy. Since the late nineteenth century to the twentieth, Uruguayan political actors operate significant changes such as the separation of church and state, labor regulation, divorce law, women's vote, etc. Because of this and the progressive modernization, it was called the “Switzerland of the Americas”. Today, it still stands out in this area by regularizing abortion, homoaffective marriage, liberalization and access to marijuana. Moreover, noteworthy that such measures were achieved largely because of governance that the executive enjoys in the midst of this political system. Thus, this work aims to analyze such Uruguayan political system. In short, a political system is understood by the government system, the electoral system and the party system. That said, it will be analyzed in the political scenario of the country, their characteristics, party and election rules, political parties, party dynamics and relations between the powers.

  12. The electoral campaign through Social Media. Case Study – 2014 Presidential elections in Romania

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Tasențe Tănase

    2015-03-01

    Full Text Available Developing a real network-society, the political communication through Social Media is no longer performing unidirectional, the political actors and the journalists do not have the same influence on the masses, as they had in the classic systems of political communication and the online opinion leaders have become key-factors in all this equation. In this sense, the main purpose of online campaign staff is to empower fans to interact with the posts of the candidate. Thus, any kind of feedback – like, comment or share – decentralizes the political message in social groups of fans, where he has a greater influence than the political actor. Once the message is discussed in social groups, strong ties (friends of the fans are persuaded to become, in their turn, fans of the political actor and the conversion rate increase and this process will continue as long as interaction rate is high. In this paper, we aim to analyse the communication process through Facebook in the electoral campaign for the 2014 Romanian Presidential Elections and to compare the level of support for candidates on Facebook and for the real vote.

  13. Electoral Violence in Putin´s Russia: Modern Authoritarianism in Practice

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Michal Mochtak

    2017-06-01

    Full Text Available The paper identifies and analyses the acts of electoral violence that occurred during the 2011 parliamentary and 2012 presidential elections in the Russian Federation, and connects them with the practices of modern authoritarian regimes. The analytical tool employed is based on an electoral violence research framework, which provides insight into the negative dynamics of an electoral competition and its outcomes. The authors argue that electoral violence is used to advance the Russian authoritarian regime, which is a modern form of authoritarian rule. By analysing the post-electoral turmoil and the response of authorities to public demonstrations, we depict the regime's ability to adapt its position to maximise outcomes in the political conflict and opportunistically select the best tool to achieve its goals. We further argue that Russia, with its authoritarian tendencies, utilises confrontation dynamics during elections in order to allow the politicisation of various latent conflicts (interest- or value-oriented that are impossible to solve in the everyday depoliticised routine of the undemocratic system.

  14. ELECTORAL POLITICS AND CONFRONTING THE CHALLENGE OF BASQUE AND MORO NATIONALISM

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem

    2010-12-01

    Full Text Available This article explores the similarities and differences concerning the extent to which electoral politics addresses the concerns of Basque and Moro nationalism. These demands mainly focus on the factors that have brought about their political, cultural and, for the Moros, also economic marginalization. In terms of similarities, electoral politics in the form of plebiscites and referendums are used to gauge the sentiments of the Basques and the Moros with regards to approving a national constitution with provisions affecting them as well as the establishment of an autonomous region for the Moros and the strengthening of a federal form of government in the case of the Basques. Elections are also used to choose their leaders at the local, provincial, regional and national levels. As for the differences, among the major ones are the following: One is that electoral politics in the Basque region mirrors the class divide in society and reflects the interests of the constituencies. This is not the case in Muslim Mindanao whereby patronage politics rules and electoral results are generally dictated by the Muslim elites who have close ties with the national elites. And secondly, the ideological bias of the elected leader and his political power in Spain has a direct impact on Basque nationalism. In the case of the Philippines, it is the personality of the elected leader that determines whether peace negotiations will be pursued or not. But this does not impact on national or local electoral politics as in the case of Spain.

  15. Efectos de la promulgación de la Ley Nº 8765 en el proceso electoral

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Héctor Fernández Masís

    2010-07-01

    Full Text Available A partir de la publicación del nuevo Código Electoral el 2 de setiembre de 2010 en el diario oficial La Gaceta, el artículo procede a revisar las reformas incorporadas a los procedimientos previstos para la organización de las elecciones. Para ello inicia con una breve reseña de la reforma al Código Electoral, haciendo luego un repaso de las generalidades del procedimiento administrativo, como preámbulo para abordar el tema del proceso electoral. También se refiere a la temática de la Administración Electoral, al hacer una revisión de las distintas fases del proceso, con la intención de tener claras las reglas de juego que, en la actualidad, rigen la contienda electoral, en términos de la logística aplicada a la organización de las elecciones en Costa Rica

  16. A study on the impact of campaign finance, political capital and gender on electoral performance

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    Bruno Wilhelm Speck

    2014-04-01

    Full Text Available This article analyzes the association between political finance and electoral performance in the 2010 Brazilian elections for state and federal deputies. It also investigates the interaction effect of incumbency and gender on this association. We conclude: (i there is a positive and statistically significant association between political finance and electoral performance, yet the intensity of this association varies according to the type of candidate; (ii the association is stronger for challengers than for incumbents – thus extending the "Jacobson effect" to the Brazilian case; and (iii the association is stronger for women than for men – which suggests an extension of the idea underlying the "Jacobson effect". The association between finance and electoral performance tends to be stronger for candidates facing electoral disadvantages, whether these stem from limited political capital, gender discrimination, or any other factor not studied here resulting in a similar effect. Political finance works as a tool that, to some extent, may counteract the negative effect of such factors on electoral performance.

  17. Cultura política y elecciones en México. El Instituto Federal Electoral y la educación cívica

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    María Carmen ALANIS FIGUEROA

    2009-11-01

    Full Text Available RESUMEN: Se presentan un conjunto de reflexiones en torno a la cultura política de los mexicanos, la participación electoral y las actividades que realiza el Instituto Federal Electoral para fomentar la cultura cívica. En este sentido se puede decir que en México se vive una democracia que es producto de un proceso de transición pacífica fundado en modificaciones constitucionales y legales que allanaron el camino para la participación incluyente de nuevas fuerzas políticas y la celebración de elecciones confiables y transparentes. Dentro de este proceso de democratización el ámbito de desarrollo más importante fue el de los ciudadanos. La tarea pendiente de la consolidación democrática en México es fomentar la participación activa de una ciudadanía comprometida e informada. Es en esta perspectiva que se inscriben los esfuerzos del Instituto Federal Electoral por construir un sólido anclaje en dos dimensiones de cultura política del ciudadano mexicano: la conductual que se refiere al activismo político y la actitudinal que hace referencia a la aprobación de los ideales democráticos.ABSTRACT: The article talks about a series of reflections about the Mexican’s political culture, election participation and the activities of the Federal Electoral Institute. You could say that Mexico lives in a democracy, which is a product of a process, based upon a pacific political transition, constitutional and legislative changes, which set way for the participation of new influent political forces and the celebration of trustworthy and transparent elections. In this process of democratization the most important development factor was the citizens. For the democratic consolidation of Mexico there is still the pending task of involving an informed and compromised citizenship. It is here where the efforts of the Federal Electoral Institute are focusing to build a solid anchoring of two dimensions of political culture: the behavior of

  18. Deconstructing national leadership: politicians' accounts of electoral success and failure in the Irish Lisbon Treaty referenda.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Burns, Michele; Stevenson, Clifford

    2013-03-01

    The Self Categorization approach to national leadership proposes that leaders rhetorically construct national identity as essentialized and inevitable in order to consensualize and mobilize the population. In contrast, discursive studies have demonstrated how national politicians flexibly construct the nation to manage their own accountability in local interactions, though this in turn has neglected broader leadership processes. The present paper brings both approaches together to examine how and when national politicians construct versions of national identity in order to account for their failure as well as success in mobilizing the electorate. Eight semi-structured conversational style interviews were conducted with a strategic sample of eight leading Irish politicians on the subject of the 2008/2009 Irish Lisbon Treaty referenda. Using a Critical Discourse Psychology approach, the hegemonic repertoire of the 'settled will' of the informed and consensualized Irish nation was identified across all interviews. Politicians either endorsed the 'settled will' repertoire as evidence of their successful leadership, or rejected the repertoire by denying the rationality or unity of the populace to account for their failure. Our results suggest national identity is only constructed as essentialized and inevitable to the extent that it serves a strategic political purpose. © 2011 The British Psychological Society.

  19. BUSINESS CYCLES, ELECTORAL CYCLES. TOWARD A THEORETICAL FRAME OF INTERACTION

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    BOGDAN-LUCIAN DOSPINESCU

    2015-06-01

    Full Text Available The idea of cyclical movement of a system: be it political, economic, institutional, is one of the constants of critical thinking. In this sense, there is a natural cyclic movement that cannot be avoided (only amplified or diminished and is connected with the nature of these systems. The economy follows a cyclical movement; a period of growth follows a period of decline, and so on. So does popularity for political parties or leaders. In this paper, I explore the links between the business cycles and electoral cycles. For this purpose, I introduce the concept of electoral perception cycles. My hypothesis is that popularity of political parties and leaders follow a cyclical evolution, both on short and long term. I show how perception cycles can impact the “political business cycle theory”. There is great interest in political science literature for the factors that influence the fluctuations in Presidents’ popularity, especially from United States. However, very little has been said about Romania’s case. I investigate the hypothesis of electoral perception cycles looking at the popularity of former president Traian Basescu, over his two terms. The variable used to measure popularity is favorability, measured in national surveys, done face to face, on representative samplez, of around 1000 subjects. I’ve correlated the fluctuations in favorability over time, with key public events or political decisions taken by Traian Băsescu. The main findings are as follows. Firstly, there are significant short term fluctuations (short term perception cycles and they are correlated with major events on the agenda. I would point the following key moments: 1. The referendum for dismissal of the President in May 2007 – Traian Băsescu’s favorability increased by 7 percentage points; 2. The referendum for unicameral Parliament with 300 MPs in the fall of 2009. Coupled with victory in the presidential election, it lead to an increase of 10 percentage

  20. La transición mexicana a la democracia: competitividad electoral en México, 1977–1997.

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Irma Méndez de Hoyos

    2004-06-01

    Full Text Available This article addresses the political process encapsulated in the Mexican transition to democracy: the passage from non-competitive elections to competitive ones over a period of two decades. It presents a systematic analysis of the evolution of competitiveness in elections for federal deputies, mostly in the period 1977-1997, with added data on the federal, state and district levels. While tracing the rise in electoral competition, the study also focuses on the accompanying process: the transition from a hegemonic party system, in which competition was generally controlled from the central position of power, towards a real pluralism of party options at the national and sub-national levels.

  1. The Emergence of Political Opposition in Mexico, 1949-1952. Two Proposals for Electoral

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    José Fernando Ayala López

    2017-01-01

    Full Text Available Using methodological elements from political and institutional history, the present article analyzes, the first proposal for the implementation of an electoral system of proportional representation in Mexico and its primary repercussions in the formulation of subsequent electoral laws. This initiative was presented by Vicente Lombardo Toledano and the Popular Party (PP in 1951, during the XLI Legislature (1949-1952. This event is correlated with the emergence of political opposition in the Chamber of Deputies. In the same year as the PP proposes reform, the National Action Party (PAN proposes another initiative of electoral reform. Both proposals propitiate a legislative debate that identifies the importance of elections as an instrument of State political control and proposed its reformulation. In this sense, the principal contribution of this study is to visibilize the proreform discourses of political opposition in a period which is often through of as being characterized by authoritarianism and censorship.

  2. Las bases del PT: ideología versus personalismo en su apoyo electoral

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    David SAMUELS

    2011-01-01

    Full Text Available Este artículo explora datos del Estudo Eleitoral Brasileiro para investigar las bases de apoyo al Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT, que llegó por primera vez a la Presidencia de la República en Brasil en las elecciones de 2002. Los resultados muestran que los electores del PT están más identificados con el liderazgo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, actual presidente y líder histórico del partido, que con la ideología del PT. Sin embargo, los vínculos ideológicos entre el PT y sus electores aún son más importantes que los vínculos ideológicos entre los demás partidos brasileños y sus respectivos electores.

  3. Dos de julio, año 2000. La seducción electoral

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    Lic. Irving Berlín Villafaña

    2000-01-01

    Full Text Available El nuevo siglo empieza en México con un proceso electoral para cambiar al presidente de la República, 500 diputados, 128 senadores, jefe de gobierno del Distrito Federal y los gobernadores de Guanajuato y Morelos. El 2 de julio del año 2000 representa, pues, para los tres partidos políticos más importantes, el Partido Revolucionario Institucional, el Partido Acción Nacional y el Partido de la Revolución Democrática, una oportunidad para su posicionamiento electoral de cara a 58.7 millones de mexicanos inscritos en el padrón. El autor analiza la campaña electoral desde el punto de vista mediático.

  4. Hacia una caracterización del lugar y el perfil del elector colombiano

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    Víctor Arteaga Villa

    2011-01-01

    Full Text Available El artículo presenta una aproximación a la caracterización del lugar que se le ha dado y del perfil con que se ha configurado el elector colombiano. A partir de la metodología del estado de arte, analiza la literatura más relevante que se ha producido en torno a la relación elecciones-partidos políticos-elector y señala las categorías de énfasis que se han privilegiado. Además, a partir del establecimiento de las razones de la decisión y de la orientación del voto, enlista algunos de los factores que, desde motivaciones muy particulares -cívicas (deber ser del ciudadano, cínicas (ser de la contraprestación-, inducen al elector a su participación.

  5. Consideraciones sobre la gobernabilidad como determinante del comportamiento electoral en Colombia: elecciones presidenciales de 2010

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Fredy A. Barrero

    2011-12-01

    Full Text Available This article makes a contribution in the literature on electoral behavior in Colombia. Previous explanations have employed theories that emphasize the explanatory power of income, psico-social considerations and retrospective evaluation in order to assess the impact of programmatic, clientelistic and personalistic party-voter linkages on vote-choice. There is a gap in the literature that we propose to fill through the inclusion of governability appeals as a criterion that electors use when defining their electoral preferences. The fact that certain candidates are perceived with better conditions (or not to overcome challenges to governability based on their links with powerful veto players is another factor that influences vote choice in addition to key variables (e.g. ideology. Original empirical information, based on the analysis of a national survey data, confirms the hypothesis proposed.

  6. El registro electoral en la historia constitucional cubana (1901-1958

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    Raudiel Peña Barrios

    2014-07-01

    Full Text Available Este artículo pretende analizar la regulación existente en los textos constitucionales cubanos de 1901, 1940 y en los Estatutos Constitucionales del Gobierno de Fulgencio Batista de 1952, así como en sus leyes complementarias, sobre la inscripción en el registro electoral. En vista de esto, analizaremos los diferentes sistemas empleados para la inscripción de los electores, mientras que veremos cómo se va desarrollando la institución del registro a causa del fortalecimiento de todo el marco legal e institucional que sobre este se va configurando, paulatinamente, durante esta etapa. Además, podremos apreciar cómo en determinado momento de la historia cubana esta institución fue comprometida en su cometido político-social lo que puede ser interpretado como una herramienta de fraude electoral.

  7. Ballotage versus colegio electoral. Sistemas electorales y elecciones presidenciales en Argentina

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    Ernesto CABRERA

    2009-11-01

    Full Text Available RESUMEN: El autor analiza la evolución electoral argentina desde la redemocratización de 1983. En todos los ámbitos territoriales se observa una creciente fragmentación que cuestiona el tradicional bipartidismo entre peronistas y radicales, y afecta a la estabilidad institucional del país —específicamente al colegio electoral—. En este contexto, se produce la reforma constitucional de 1994.ABSTRACT: The author analyzes the Argentinian electoral evolution from the 1983 redemocratization. There is a growing fragmentation in all territorial frameworks which questions the traditional bipartidism among Peronists and Radicals, and which affect the institutional stability of this country —specifically the electoral college. In this context, the 1994 constitutional reform is approved.

  8. Evaluación del proceso electoral 2006: el testimonio de un consejero distrital del IFE

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    Héctor Pedraza Reyes

    2007-01-01

    Full Text Available Es preciso reflexionar sobre el conflicto poselectoral que se produjo en México tras las elecciones del 2 de julio de 2006, con el propósito de esclarecer hasta qué punto fueron justas y transparentes, así como para determinar si el Instituto Federal Electoral se condujo con estricto apego a la ley o distorsionando la voluntad de los electores. A este fin, pueden ser de alguna utilidad las experiencias recogidas por los ciudadanos que fungieron como consejeros en los distintos distritos federales.

  9. Percepciones públicas del fraude electoral en México

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    Andreas Schedler

    1999-06-01

    Full Text Available After a long history of electoral fraud, Mexicana entered the 1990s with deep skepticism towardspolitical elections. Subsequent electoral reforma succeeded to bring fraud under control. How did Mexican citizens react to these institutional changes f Did they hibernate under theprotectivecover of un unchanging "culture ofdistrust"? Or did they adapt their expectations to thenew realities? Thearticlesupports the hypothesis ofchange. Analyzing a set of formerly disperse opinwn poli data, it arrives at an optimisticpicture: Trust in elections has steadily increased since 1988.

  10. Identidad institucional. El Tribunal Electoral ante las elecciones presidenciales de 2000

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    David H. Corrochano

    2001-01-01

    En este artículo analizamos la identidad del Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF en la coyuntura electoral del 2000, porque sirve como ejemplo de una institución sin identidad, que oscila entre evocaciones positivas y negativas, que se vio en una situación crítica (lo que podemos llamar un "escándalo institucional". La dificultad de la sociedad para diferenciar a esta institución de otras puso en peligro la estabilidad del sistema polÌtico mexicano y la confianza en el proceso de cambio democratizador.

  11. The electoral offer of the Bloque Nacionalista Galego (BNG at the regional level

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    Cristina Ares Castro-Conde

    2017-03-01

    Full Text Available This piece of research analyses the electoral offer of the Bloque Nacionalista Galego (BNG at the regional level since 1982. Changes in its electoral strategy are examined. Particularly, it assesses the effects of movements along both the left-right and the centre-periphery dimensions on the size of its political group as well as on its options to hold office. Light is also shed on the increasing distance between the BNG´s political preferences and the voters’ positions.

  12. ¿Qué es el fraude electoral? Su naturaleza, sus causas y consecuencias

    OpenAIRE

    Lehoucq, Fabrice

    2007-01-01

    La primera de las tres conclusiones de este estudio es que el fraude puede adoptar una amplia gama de formas, desde las violaciones de procedimiento a la ley electoral (con o sin la intención de alterar los resultados) hasta el abierto uso de la violencia en contra de los votantes. Segunda, aun cuando la manipulación del voto es parte integral de la competencia electoral, rara vez desempeña un papel decisivo. En todo caso, el fraude debilita la estabilidad política, ya que puede ser crucial c...

  13. Monitoreo de prensa en el proceso estatal electoral de Chiapas 2000

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    Mtra. Juliana Matus López

    2001-01-01

    Full Text Available Políticamente el año 2000 resultó significativo para los mexicanos que vivimos el proceso electoral más controvertido en la historia de nuestro país. Esta contienda electoral no sólo fue definitiva en la vida nacional, lo fue también para muchas entidades federativas como Chiapas, que, coincidentemente se eligió también a un representante para gobernar al iniciar este nuevo milenio ante un clima de conflictos políticos, sociales y económicos que requieren ser atendidos.

  14. Elecciones 2016 en República Dominicana: Características, desafíos y retos desde la perspectiva electoral

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    Roberto Rosario Márquez

    2015-01-01

    Full Text Available Expone la reforma electoral del año 2010, los aspectos importantes que se presentaron en las elecciones de 2012 y los retos que la Junta Central Electoral de la República Dominicana enfrenta en la organización y administración del proceso electoral del año 2016

  15. Bullets and Votes: Violence and Electoral Participation in Mexico Balas y votos: Violencia y participación electoral en México

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Alejandro Trelles

    2012-01-01

    Full Text Available In this paper we analyze the effect of criminal violence on electoral participation in Mexico. Many scholars have studied the origins of criminal violence, as well as the success or failure of contemporary regimes in dealing with it. However, few have studied how it affects voter turnout. Following recent findings in the behavioral subfield, we hypothesize that as criminal violence increases, citizens abandon public channels of participation and take refuge in their private spheres. Using longitudinal and geostatistical tools to analyze Mexican municipalities in the last decade, we find that the level of electoral turnout is lower in the most violent regions of the country. In the final section, we use survey data to confirm that citizens exposed to high levels of criminal violence are less likely to vote.En este artículo, analizamos el efecto de la violencia criminal sobre la participación electoral en México. Muchos investigadores estudiaron las causas de la violencia criminal y la respuesta de los diferentes gobiernos frente a este problema. Sin embargo, pocos estudios analizan el impacto de la violencia criminal sobre la participación en las elecciones. Siguiendo algunos hallazgos recientes en la literatura de comportamiento político, argumentamos que cuando la violencia criminal aumenta, los ciudadanos abandonan espacios públicos de participación y se refugian en la esfera privada. Usando métodos geoestadísticos para analizar las municipalidades en México en la ultima década, demostramos que la participación electoral es más baja en las regiones más violentas del país. En la última sección, usamos datos de una encuesta reciente para confirmar que ciudadanos expuestos a niveles altos de criminalidad tienen menos probabilidades de votar.

  16. The Differentiation of Parties through the Lens of an Electoral Campaign

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    Rossana Sampugnaro

    2015-03-01

    Full Text Available Parties restructure their organizations to prepare themselves for new challenges. In many cases, the changes involve a reduction of the subsystems structure, dropping the number of territorial units or finding leaner solutions and outsourcing of activities which were once fulfilled within the boundaries of the party organization. Specifically, the phenomenon of outsourcing concerns, on the one hand, aggregation of interests and policymaking and, on the other, electoral mobilization and management of political communication. Looking for new solutions – flexible, without a unique centre – can lead to a process of de-differentiation that characterizes organization in postmodern society: a new definition of levels of hierarchy and "transgression of boundaries", through a continuous exchange of resources with the environment, which is unpredictable and constantly changing. As in other organizations, parties en-courage the formation of horizontal links with new external actors - associations, informal groups, indi-viduals and influencers - in order to build networks that cooperate to exchange essential resources for the party itself. In this framework, the study aims to interpret de-differentiation in political parties from a specific point of view: the analysis of political campaigns as indicators of this process. The “outside campaign”, created by a set of non-party actors, is growing: the sector of organized interests, that, unlike in the past, is "de-aligned" from the political parties and does not respond to traditional socio-political cleavage, is present in parties and candidates’ campaigns with greater resources than was the case formerly.

  17. Geografía electoral. Consideraciones teóricas para el caso argentino

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    Norma B. Monzón

    2009-01-01

    Full Text Available Este artículo se centra en la geografía electoral, subdisciplina de la geografía política que aborda el estudio del sufragio desde la perspectiva espacio-temporal de los resultados electorales, atendiendo a la búsqueda de las causas que expliquen dichos resultados. Si bien la geografía electoral surgió a partir del paradigma cuantitativo (con la aplicación de técnicas de Sistemas de Información Geográfica, por su carácter de estudio espacio-temporal y de análisis multicriterio, en este artículo coexisten lo cualitativo y cuantitativo, al interrelacionar los resultados electorales y las características sociodemográficas de la población de estudio en Argentina. Así mismo, se propone un análisis del proceso electoral antes, durante y después del día de elecciones. Este trabajo se presenta como una propuesta de análisis de la geografía electoral y un aporte a la difusión en los ámbitos académicos tanto de esta subdisciplina, como del tema de la ciudadanía y de la actividad cívica de toda la sociedad, necesarios todos en el contexto latinoamericano.

  18. Identification of voters with interest groups improves the electoral chances of the challenger

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Sadiraj, V.; Tuinstra, J.; van Winden, F.

    2010-01-01

    This short paper investigates the consequences of voters identifying with special interest groups in a spatial model of electoral competition. We show that by effectively coordinating voting behavior, identification with interest groups leads to an increase in the size of the winning set, that is,

  19. EU issue voting: asset or liability? How European integration affects parties' electoral fortunes

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    de Vries, C.E.

    2010-01-01

    This study develops and tests arguments about how political parties’ electoral fortunes in national elections are influenced by voters’ preferences regarding the European Union (EU). To date, there is increasing evidence demonstrating the impact of EU issues on vote choice in national elections — a

  20. Radicalizing electoral system effects on support for nationalist hardliners in Serbia

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Bochsler, Daniel

    2013-01-01

    This paper investigates electoral outcomes produced by the two-round majority system in ethnically divided societies. Earlier studies, focused mainly on the Southern American states, have revealed that in ethnically mixed environments, com- petitors with radical positions on ethnic issues perform...

  1. Framing superiority and closeness: bridging the class gap in Philippine electoral politics

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Rutten, R.

    2011-01-01

    Contentious politics produces diverse leadership styles that may all be salient to a country’s electorate. This article explores key cultural frames that allow politicians to project both superiority and closeness to lower-class populations, hinged on different criteria of legitimacy. In the

  2. Images with impact : The electoral consequences of party leader portrayal in the media

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Aaldering, L.

    2018-01-01

    This dissertation studies how the media portray party leaders in terms of their character traits, and when and to what extent these mediated leadership images have electoral consequences. The research focusses on the media portrayal of party leaders to establish leader effects, instead of leader

  3. Atraer el pueblo a las urnas: la campaña electoral de Enrique Olaya Herrera

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    Oscar Javier Zapata Hincapie

    2011-07-01

    Full Text Available El artículo estudia la campaña electoral del liberal Enrique Olaya Herrera por la presidencia que tuvo lugar en 1930, en la que se disputó el triunfo con los candidatos conservadores Guillermo Valencia, Alfredo Vázquez Cobo y Alberto Castrillón. El enfoque desarrolla una perspectiva particular a la historia cultural aplicada a fenómenos de la política. Analiza los procedimientos empleados por el candidato liberal y sus organizaciones para acercarse al elector y ganar su respaldo en una disputa abierta, la evolución de esa nueva relación y de qué manera se incrementó la participación ciudadana en este evento electoral. Los espacios de sociabilidad como la calle y la plaza pública son utilizados y re-significados para el despliegue de esa relación emocional que se da entre Olaya Herrera y la multitud a través de concentraciones y marchas que fueron fotografiadas y comentadas en diferentes diarios de la épocadurante la campaña electoral, todo un acto que se puebla de imágenes, símbolos, emblemas, eslóganes, de banderas, de frases distintivas y consignas.

  4. La justicia electoral y los recuentos de votos en México

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    Luis Eduardo Medina Torres

    2014-06-01

    Full Text Available La justicia electoral de México es la instancia que resuelve las demandas presentadas por los partidos políticos con motivo de los resultados de una votación. Este artículo analiza sus funciones a raíz de las elecciones presidenciales de 2006.

  5. Migration, Multiple Citizenships, and the Right toParticipate in Official Electoral Bodies in Mexico

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Francisco Antonio Rojas Choza

    2017-07-01

    Full Text Available El fenómeno migratorio en México y el recono-cimiento de la ciudadanía múltiple ha abierto dis-tintas problemáticas en torno al ejercicio de los derechos políticos, en particular, el derecho a in-tegrar autoridades electorales. El objetivo del pre-sente texto es reflejar cuantitativamente la posible dimensión de la ciudadanía múltiple en México, producto de la creciente migración internacional, y realizar un análisis jurídico de las restricciones por motivo de la ciudadanía múltiple en el ejerci-cio de la función electoral. Para el caso de Méxi-co, dichas restricciones son discriminatorias y no guardan razonabilidad ni proporcionalidad entre los distintos cargos, sean autoridades electorales administrativas o jurisdiccionales. / Migration and the recognition of multiple citizenship have opened up different problems in the exercise of political rights, and specifically, the right to be part of official electoral bodies. This article aims to quantify the possible effects of multiple citizenship in Mexico due to growing international migration, as well as to analyze the legal restrictions on the exercise of electoral rights due to multiple citizenship. In the case of Mexico, these restrictions are discriminatory and neither reasonable nor proportional to the different administrative or jurisdictional electoral positions.

  6. El principio de confiabilidad en el registro electoral. La experiencia cubana

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Raudiel Peña Barrios

    2015-01-01

    Full Text Available Este artículo pretende dar una panorámica acerca del contenido del principio de confiabilidad en materia registral, específicamente, en sede del registro de electores. Abordaremos las implicaciones que dicho principio tiene para la información que es manejada por los registros electorales, así como las medidas que pueden desarrollarse con el objetivo de lograr niveles cada vez más altos de confiabilidad. En este sentido, expondremos experiencias que se basan fundamentalmente en la utilización de la biometría y en el fortalecimiento del registro civil, como sustento, este último, de un registro electoral eficiente teniendo en cuenta la relación natural que existe entre ambos. Además, ofreceremos un análisis detallado de los puntos de ruptura del registro de electores cubano con el citado principio, con el objetivo de analizar la experiencia de Cuba. Por último, expondremos algunas ideas generales que pudieran contribuir al perfeccionamiento del registro electoral cubano

  7. El modelo de comunicación político–electoral mexicano

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    Lorenzo Córdova Vianello

    2013-01-01

    Full Text Available El modelo de comunicación política en México es resultado de un amplio proceso de cambios constitucionales, legales e institucionales, en virtud del cual se han logrado las condiciones de equidad de la competencia política en las últimas cuatro décadas con la participación de muy diversos actores. Se trata de un modelo que se ha construido paulatinamente desde 1990 tras la creación del Instituto Federal Electoral; es resultado del consenso de los diversos actores en el espacio público y constituye un avance significativo en la edificación de una nueva relación de los partidos políticos, los medios de comunicación y el Estado. Uno de los grandes logros de la reforma electoral 2007-2008 es que el Estado mexicano se erigió como administrador único de los tiempos públicos en periodo ordinario y electoral, situación que ha permitido garantizar los derechos y prerrogativas de los partidos políticos en las contiendas electorales con independencia de su capacidad de compra de publicidad electoral.

  8. Geografía electoral. Consideraciones teóricas para el caso argentino

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Norma B. Monzón

    2009-01-01

    Full Text Available Este artículo se centra en la geografía electoral, subdisciplina de la geografía política que aborda el estudio del sufragio desde la perspectiva espaciotemporal de los resultados electorales, atendiendo a la búsqueda de las causas que expliquen dichos resultados. Si bien la geografía electoral surgió a partir del paradigma cuantitativo (con la aplicación de técnicas de Sistemas de Información Geográfica, por su carácter de estudio espacio-temporal y de análisis multicriterio, en este artículo coexisten lo cualitativo y cuantitativo, al interrelacionar los resultados electorales y las características sociodemográficas de la población de estudio en Argentina. Así mismo, se propone un análisis del proceso electoral antes, durante y después del día de elecciones. Este trabajo se presenta como una propuesta de análisis de la geografía electoral y un aporte a la difusión en los ámbitos académicos tanto de esta subdisciplina, como del tema de la ciudadanía y de la actividad cívica de toda la sociedad, necesarios todos en el contexto latinoamericano.

  9. Spaghetti Politics: Local Electoral Systems and Alliance Structure in Italy, 1984-2001

    Science.gov (United States)

    Parigi, Paolo; Bearman, Peter S.

    2008-01-01

    This article describes the impact of the Italian electoral reforms of 1993 on the structure of local political alliances. The reform, which moved Italy from a purely proportional representation system to a mixed, largely majoritarian system, was designed to increase transparency, reduce corruption, limit the number of political parties, and create…

  10. Definiendo modelos de administración electoral. El caso argentino a examen

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    Vanesa Valverde Camiña

    2011-01-01

    Full Text Available Los regímenes democráticos de América Latina han superado en una gran mayoría la fase de consolidación democrática, lo que actualmente sitúa su análisis en una cuestión de calidad. Si bien la calidad de la democracia es un concepto que parte indudablemente de los principios poliárquicos (Alcántara, 2008, éste abarca múltiples elementos entre los que la Administración Electoral juega un papel determinante como garantizadora de unas verdaderas elecciones limpias, libres e imparciales. La Administración Electoral en la región latinoamericana se presenta en diversos modelos que se articulan en un continuo cuyos extremos están marcados por la total independencia formal-legal de los Organismos de Gestión Electoral –OGE- y la dependencia de éstos respecto de los Poderes del Estado. Considerando que la literatura al respecto apuesta por la independencia de estos OGE para su correcto desempeño (Hartlyn, McCoy y Mustillo, 2008, en este trabajo se pretende llevar a cabo un análisis desde la perspectiva de los ciudadanos y legisladores argentinos del modelo de administración electoral argentino, que se caracteriza por cierta dependencia de sus OGE respecto del Ejecutivo y del Poder Judicial (López Pintor, 2000, para observar si esta dependencia tiene relación con el acusado descenso de la participación electoral en las últimas elecciones presidenciales de octubre de 2007, cuyo porcentaje (76,20% es el menor desde el regreso a la democracia.

  11. Actitudes políticas y comportamiento electoral de víctimas y excombatientes del conflicto armado

    OpenAIRE

    Caballero León, Laura Marcela

    2015-01-01

    La presente investigación se ubica en el campo de estudio de la participación política electoral, en particular, del comportamiento electoral de víctimas y excombatientes del conflicto armado en Colombia. El problema central de la investigación se centró en responder a la pregunta ¿Cuáles son las relaciones entre las actitudes políticas y el comportamiento electoral en víctimas y excombatientes del conflicto armado en Villavicencio? Actualmente existe en Colombia una población que ha estado d...

  12. Amenazas actuales a la institucionalidad electoral en América Latina: La experiencia panameña

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    Eduardo Valdés Escoffery

    2017-07-01

    Full Text Available Analiza la reforma constitucional de Panamá de 2004 y el conflicto de competencias que genera al darle a la Corte Suprema de Justica la facultad exclusiva para juzgar penalmente a los diputados, sin excepción por tipo de delito. Por tal motivo, juzgará también los delitos electorales y por ende de forma implícita tendrá la potestad de interpretar la normativa electoral; competencia privativa del Tribunal Electoral desde su creación en el año 1956, donde se le asigna la jurisdicción de interpretar, reglamentar y aplicar la ley electoral.

  13. Identificación partidaria de los jóvenes mexicanos en el proceso electoral 2012

    OpenAIRE

    Aguilar López, Jesús

    2015-01-01

    Estudiar el comportamiento electoral de los ciudadanos permite entender la continuidad y el cambio en los procesos políticos. Por su peso en el padrón electoral y por las características de su participación electoral, los jóvenes mexicanos representan un objeto de estudio de primer orden para entender los procesos de cambio político en el país. Tomando como base los datos que ofrece la Encuesta Nacional sobre Cultura Política de los Jóvenes 2012, se analizan los diferentes componentes que inf...

  14. Panorama de la reforma electoral 2014 y el nuevo diseño institucional en México

    OpenAIRE

    Carlos Marino Navarro Fierro

    2014-01-01

    La reforma constitucional mexicana en materia político-electoral aprobada por el Congreso de la Unión en diciembre de 2013, reconfiguró el modelo de distribución de competencias que, en materia político-electoral, había caracterizado al pacto federal desde 1946. El artículo ofrece una visión panorámica de algunos de los aspectos sustanciales de ese proceso de reforma constitucional, en especial la desaparición del Instituto Federal Electoral (IFE) y su sustitución por el denomi...

  15. NORMATIVA ELECTORAL, ACTORES SUBALTERNOS Y VIOLENCIA POLÍTICA EN LOS COMICIOS CONGRESALES DE 1877-1878

    OpenAIRE

    Chaupis Torres, José; Aguilar Saavedra, Ricardo

    2015-01-01

    En el presente artículo se buscará indagar, por un lado, los aspectos jurídicos, para ello se analizará a partir de la normativa electoral cuáles fueron los artículos de la Constitución, la ley electoral y las enmiendas que sirvieron como apoyo legal para la realización de las elecciones parlamentarias de 1877. Por otro lado se estudiarán las prácticas electorales y la dinámica política implementada por los actores involucrados durante este proceso electoral -principalmente los subalternos-, ...

  16. La competencia electoral y la descentralización partidista en México Electoral Competition and Party Decentralization in Mexico

    OpenAIRE

    Joy Langston

    2008-01-01

    Como en los últimos años ha habido tantos trabajos centrados en el proceso de descentralización fiscal, casi ninguna investigación sobre política mexicana ha analizado el tema de la descentralización partidista. Este artículo sostiene que debido al aumento de la competencia electoral los dirigentes políticos subnacionales han obtenido control sobre importantes recursos políticos, como nominaciones, financiamiento de campañas y puestos futuros. A fin de medir el alcance de estos cambios, se ut...

  17. La nueva geografía electoral de Chiapas: polarización política, fragmentación partidista e incertidumbre electoral

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    Willibald Sonnleitner

    2007-05-01

    Full Text Available Esta contribución analiza las elecciones federales y locales de 2006 en Chiapas, profundizando en las estructuras territoriales del voto en los 111 municipios del estado. La construcción de una tipología sintética de la democratización desde 1988 también permite indagar en las lógicas y en los desfases regionales entre las dinámicas de la participación política y los clivajes socioculturales que estructuran la geografía electoral y humana de la entidad.

  18. Panorama de la reforma electoral 2014 y el nuevo diseño institucional en México

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Carlos Marino Navarro Fierro

    2014-07-01

    Full Text Available La reforma constitucional mexicana en materia político-electoral aprobada por el Congreso de la Unión en diciembre de 2013, reconfiguró el modelo de distribución de competencias que, en materia político-electoral, había caracterizado al pacto federal desde 1946. El artículo ofrece una visión panorámica de algunos de los aspectos sustanciales de ese proceso de reforma constitucional, en especial la desaparición del Instituto Federal Electoral (IFE y su sustitución por el denominado Instituto Nacional Electoral (INE, ente que, en lo esencial, conserva los atributos y estructura del IFE, pero que expande de manera importante su rango de atribuciones.

  19. Competencia Electoral en México. La configuración de un sistema de partidos competitivo

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    Luz Lomelí Meillon

    2003-01-01

    Full Text Available El presente texto reconoce la importancia de la mercadotecnia electoral para el éxito de las campañas, así como su infl uencia en el comportamiento electoral, pero cuestiona el hecho de que sea el factor determinante y sufi ciente; además, indaga en las cifras electorales la expresión de otros dos factores: la posición político-electoral de los votantes, expresada en el sentido de su voto, y la fuerza electoral de los partidos que compiten, manifestada en la capacidad de captar votos, en los cargos de representación que detentan y los niveles de competitividad con que se obtuvieron triunfos anteriores. .

  20. La Posición de Mujeres y Hombres en los Primeros Puestos de las Listas Electorales: Impacto la de Presencia Equilibrada (The Position of Women and Men at the Top of the Electoral: Impact of Balanced Presence

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    Lucìa Romani Sancho

    2016-09-01

    Full Text Available In the last decade there has been an increase in women's participation in electoral processes, especially measures of equality in political participation. However, this increase does not affect equally to the top of the electoral lists. Resistance is observed to give input to the women at the top of the charts. In this issue, this study analyzes the elections of four regions: País Vasco, Illes Balears, Galicia, Comunidad Valenciana. The first two are regional electoral laws establishing electoral parity, and the other two regions have not taken any steps in this regard. The regional data are compared with the general election in which after the approval of the Law 3/2007 of 22 March, on the effective equality of women and men, also balanced representation in elections regulates Parliament. The purpose of the study is to test the impact they have had legislative (state and regional the principle of equality of women and men in the top positions on electoral lists.En la última década se ha producido un aumento de la participación de mujeres en los procesos electorales, sobre todo por la adopción de medidas de igualdad en la participación política. No obstante, este aumento no afecta de igual manera a los primeros puestos de las listas electorales. Se observa una resistencia a dar entrada a las mujeres en las primeras posiciones de las listas. En base a ello, este estudio analiza las elecciones autonómicas de cuatro comunidades autónomas: País Vasco, Illes Balears, Galicia, Comunidad Valenciana. Las dos primeras tienen leyes electorales autonómicas que establecen la paridad electoral, y las otras dos comunidades autónomas no han adoptado ninguna medida en este sentido. Los datos autonómicos se contrastan con las elecciones generales en los que a partir de la aprobación de la Ley Orgánica 3/2007 de 22 de marzo, para la igualdad efectiva de mujeres y hombres, también se regula la presencia equilibrada en las elecciones a las Cortes

  1. Electoral Violence and the Crisis of Democratic Experiment in Post-Colonial Nigeria

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    Ehinmore Omolere Monday Ph.D

    2013-06-01

    Full Text Available  This study discusses the peculiar nature of political participation as well as the attendant violence that characterize it in post independent Nigeria. Central to discussion is identification of the various factors which influence electoral violence and the extent to which it has inhibited national cohesion and democratic values. The study concludes that, Nigeria should produce selfless and visionary leaders, educated masses as well as operating within the frame work of true federalism so as to make appreciable improvement on her development strides. The study therefore recommends discouragement of use of money and material gift during elections, reduction of remuneration of political office seekers, commensurate punishment for culprits’ as well as independence of the independent Electoral Commission should be truly granted.

  2. Geografía electoral. Consideraciones teóricas para el caso argentino

    OpenAIRE

    Norma B. Monzón

    2009-01-01

    Este artículo se centra en la geografía electoral, subdisciplina de la geografía política que aborda el estudio del sufragio desde la perspectiva espacio-temporal de los resultados electorales, atendiendo a la búsqueda de las causas que expliquen dichos resultados. Si bien la geografía electoral surgió a partir del paradigma cuantitativo (con la aplicación de técnicas de Sistemas de Información Geográfica, por su carácter de estudio espacio-temporal y de análisis multicriterio), en este artíc...

  3. Electoral Violence and the Crisis of Democratic Experiment in Post-Colonial Nigeria

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ehinmore Omolere Monday Ph.D

    2013-06-01

    Full Text Available This study discusses the peculiar nature of political participation as well as the attendant violence that characterize it in post independent Nigeria. Central to discussion is identification of the various factors which influence electoral violence and the extent to which it has inhibited national cohesion and democratic values. The study concludes that, Nigeria should produce selfless and visionary leaders, educated masses as well as operating within the frame work of true federalism so as to make appreciable improvement on her development strides. The study therefore recommends discouragement of use of money and material gift during elections, reduction of remuneration of political office seekers, commensurate punishment for culprits’ as well as independence of the independent Electoral Commission should be truly granted.

  4. Transnational networks, diffusion dynamics, and electoral revolutions in the postcommunist world

    Science.gov (United States)

    Bunce, Valerie; Wolchik, Sharon L.

    2007-05-01

    Since 1996, eight elections have taken place in postcommunist Europe and Eurasia that have replaced illiberal with liberal governments. There is ample evidence that these “electoral revolutions” reflected the cross-national diffusion of a distinctive model of regime change that was developed elsewhere and that was designed to promote democratization in authoritarian political contexts featuring semi-competitive elections. This electoral model spread throughout the postcommunist region because of both shared perceptions by opposition groups of similar local conditions and the existence of transnational democracy promotion networks that included local, regional and American participants. As these revolutions spread, however, they were less successful in carrying through democratic change-in part because local conditions were less supportive and in part because authoritarian leaders and their international allies were both forewarned and forearmed.

  5. Fragmentación electoral y política tradicional en Colombia

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    Francisco Gutiérrez Sanín

    2002-06-01

    Full Text Available This paper assesses the relationship between “traditional politics” —relative to the liberal and the conservative parties—, and electoral fragmentation in Colombia. Both traditional parties, specially the biggest one, the liberal party, are strongly prone to patronage. That is why many scholars have stated that dominant parties promote electoral institutions which favor fragmentation and thus patronage. The empirical evidence presented here shows that such fragmentation does not benefit the interests of traditional politicians, and it started before the allegedly “perverse” institutions were established. This suggests that the analysis must be more careful in interpreting the meaning of patronage as part of social dynamics and the role that the problems of collective action can have among politicians.

  6. Electoral Proximity and the Political Involvement of Bureaucrats: A Natural Experiment in Argentina, 1904

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    Valentín Figueroa

    2016-01-01

    Full Text Available In this paper, I use a slightly modified version of the Becker–Stigler model of corrupt behavior to explain bureaucratic political involvement. Since bureaucrats prefer higher rewards and not to support losing candidates, we expect them to become politically involved near elections – when rewards are expected to be higher, and information more abundant. Taking advantage of a natural experiment, I employ differences-in-means and differences-in-differences techniques to esti-mate the effect of electoral proximity on the political involvement of justices of the peace in the city of Buenos Aires in 1904. I find a large, positive, and highly local effect of electoral proximity on their political involvement, with no appreciable impact in the months before or after elections.

  7. Spatial analysis of electoral performance of pt and psdb between 1994 and 2014 in Brazil

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Emerson Urizzi CERVI

    2017-06-01

    Full Text Available El artículo integra los campos de investigación en geografía y representación electoral en Brasil. El objetivo es analizar los perfiles de votación de los partidos Partido dos Trabalhadores (pt y Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (psdb por municipalidad entre 1994 y 2014. La hipótesis es que existe un cambio en el patrón geográfico de votos. Las variables explicativas son el pib per cápita, el Índice de Vulnerabilidad Social y el Índice de Presencia Electoral. Los resultados indican que la fuerza local del partido explica los votos a favor de la oposición, mientras que la presencia del Estado, aquellos a favor del gobierno.

  8. Electoral Quotas: Should the UK learn from the rest of the world?

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    Chris Game

    2009-05-01

    Full Text Available UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown would surely love his political legacy to include a significant contribution to constitutional reform. Certainly he inherited, on succeeding Tony Blair in 2007, a substantial agenda of unfinished constitutional business: devolution, House of Lords reform, the electoral system, a bill of rights, a written constitution. Two years on, though, major progress on any of these ‘big’ topics seems most unlikely before a probable 2010 General Election. Which might mean a rather modest constitutional legacy, based mainly on bringing some prerogative powers under MPs’ scrutiny and control, and, in other comparatively minor ways, boosting the role of Parliament. One such low profile, though not unimportant, initiative is Brown’s revival of the Speaker’s Conference, a constitutional device that many supposed had become extinct with the creation in 2000 of the Electoral Commission.

  9. El régimen electoral en la Constitución de 1949

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    Luis Antonio Sobrado González

    2010-01-01

    Full Text Available Este artículo analiza el régimen electoral costarricense sobre la base de tres líneas de evolución que confluyen en la Constitución Política de 1949, a saber: la democratización de los procesos electorales, la institucionalización de esos procesos -con la creación del Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones- y la partidización de los mismos. Evolución que ha sido factor crucial para la historia democrática costarricense de las últimas seis décadas, caracterizada por una ininterrumpida vigencia democrática en lo electoral, altas tasas de participación ciudadana y una elevada adhesión de los costarricenses a las instituciones republicanas.

  10. Do progressive goverments undertake different debt burdens? Partisan vs. electoral cycles

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    I.M. García-Sánchez

    2011-06-01

    Full Text Available Public debt has traditionally been explained mainly by two political factors: a progressive ideology and the electoral cycle. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate how these two factors influence the behavior of Spanish local governments as regards indebtedness, and also how indebtedness is influenced by the interaction of ideology and the electoral cycle.Different dependence models were estimated using panel data methodology based on a sample comprised of Spanish provincial capitals and towns with populations over 50,000, for a total of 148 town councils. The time frame corresponds to the fiscal years 1988 to 2008, inclusive. The results show that in an electoral year all politicians behave opportunistically, giving rise to an important increase in public debt in relation to municipal revenue, although progressive incumbents incur three times more debt than those of the opposite ideology. Moreover, the presence of conservative parties in government has tended to significantly attenuate this behavior in years prior to elections, whereas progressive or left-wing parties have not. It must also be noted that partisan and electoral business cycles have been mitigated since 2002, when the Budgetary Stability Law came into effect, imposing limits on the debt of subnational administrations.The empirical evidence obtained points to the need to perfect internal and external control mechanisms in order to avoid a breakdown in the stability policy and the risk of debt becoming untenable, thus achieving greater budgetary discipline.RESUMENEl nivel de endeudamiento público ha sido explicado mediante dos factores políticos, principalmente, la ideología progresista y el ciclo electoral. El objetivo de este trabajo es evidenciar como influyen ambos factores en el comportamiento de los municipios españoles en relación con la deuda que estos asumen dada su capacidad, y como este esfuerzo se ve influenciado por la interacción entre los ciclos partidista y

  11. From Millennium Development Goals to Sustainable Development Goals: Gender and Inclusive Electoral Politics in Nigeria, 1999 – 2015

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    Emeka C. Iloh

    2017-07-01

    Full Text Available This paper examines the extent to which Nigeria achieved gender parity in the political process between 1999 and 2015 (the period of the Millennium Development Goals and the prospects of sustaining the achievement (if any under the Sustainable Development Goals regime, between 2015 and 2030. Relying mainly on qualitative method and documentary evidence, predicated on the social dominance theory, the study posits that women have been structurally denied access to political power in Nigeria. The patriarchal system which is prevalent in the country ensures that there is no parity between the sexes in the political process. This is despite the fact that women constitute more than 50% of the population but yet, comprise less than 10% of Nigeria’s legislature. This paper, therefore, submits that for Nigeria to achieve the 2030 Agenda on gender parity in the political process, it should move beyond mere policy rehearsals and take concrete steps such as instituting a quota system in its electoral laws. Other countries that have achieved gender parity in the political process did so mainly through constitutional means, rather than mere advocacy.

  12. Reportaje interactivo acerca del panorama político electoral en Ecuador de 2016 a 2017.

    OpenAIRE

    Rojas Cajamarca, Juan Carlos

    2017-01-01

    This study is an interactive report of the 2016 to 2017 electoral panorama in Ecuador, it focuses in building a multimedia product, which would be used to classify the profiles and campaign plans of the different candidates, synthetizing the huge amount of information in existence. For this purpose we have sustained our research in the analysis done from the perspective of political communication, study of its different narratives, and with this we have elaborated a transmedia product utilizi...

  13. Incentivos al abstencionismo electoral por apatía en ciudadanos bogotanos que nunca han votado

    OpenAIRE

    Andrea Correa; Diana Forero

    2014-01-01

    Electoral abstention in Colombia is evidence of the lack of interest that the population have in exercising their right to vote and elect their governments. Among the types of abstention are, abstention due to apathy, in which the severe consequences of the abstention are ignored and voting is not motivated by giving excuses not to do so. The aim of this study has been to examine and identify the main reasons and functions of the incentives applying the Behavioural Perspective Model (BPM) dev...

  14. PERSPECTIVAS DE LA OBSERVACIÓN ELECTORAL COMO INSTRUMENTO PARA EL FORTALECIMIENTO DE LA DEMOCRACIA MEXICANA

    OpenAIRE

    VARGAS ALCÁNTARA, ANTONIO ISRAEL

    2017-01-01

    La debilidad institucional o en su caso la ausencia de mecanismos internos para el actuar de los observadores electorales nacionales e internacionales, es el problema que enfrentan los países con elecciones en búsqueda de legitimidad. · Para garantizar la transparencia y fortalecer la credibilidad en los procesos electorales en México, es importante que el marco legal permita que los observadores puedan presenciar todas sus etapas. · La observación electoral debe centrarse en identifica...

  15. Do Voters Affect Policies? Within-Coalition Competition in the Chilean Electoral System

    OpenAIRE

    Argote, Pablo; Navia, Patricio

    2018-01-01

    It has been argued that close elections lead to policy convergence, as legislators elected by a small margin are more likely to adopt moderate policy positions (Downs 1957). However, Lee, Moretti, and Butler (2004) find that electoral competition does not affect legislators’ policy preferences in the United States, questioning the median voter paradigm. To help to discern this paradox, we estimate the effect of close elections on legislators’ subsequent policy positions under different electo...

  16. Balas y votos: Violencia y participación electoral en México

    OpenAIRE

    Alejandro Trelles; University of Pittburgh; Miguel Carreras; University of Pittburgh

    2012-01-01

    In this paper we analyze the effect of criminal violence on electoral participation in Mexico. Many scholars have studied the origins of criminal violence, as well as the success or failure of contemporary regimes in dealing with it. However, few have studied how it affects voter turnout. Following recent findings in the behavioral subfield, we hypothesize that as criminal violence increases, citizens abandon public channels of participation and take refuge in their private spheres. Using lon...

  17. The ninth Majlis elections in Iran: Electoral laws, procedures and institutions

    OpenAIRE

    Abdol Moghset Bani Kamal

    2013-01-01

    Elections have been held regularly in the Islamic Republic of Iran since 1979. This shows the importance the ruling elites attach to elections as a method of legitimating their rule. This paper examines the ninth Majlis (parliamentary) elections held on March 2, 2012. It analyses the Iranian electoral laws, the candidates contesting elections, their campaign style, the voting, and the post-election debates. It answers the following questions: What was the significance of the ninth Majlis elec...

  18. Partisan heart and/or rational mind? Party identification, political knowledge and electoral turnout

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Pavlović Zoran

    2018-01-01

    Full Text Available This paper aims at analysing the relationship between positive and negative party identification and political knowledge, as well as their interplay in regard to electoral turnout. The data from the Serbian 2012 post-election public opinion survey on the nationally representative probability-based sample of voting age citizens were used (N = 1568. The data show that political knowledge is significantly and positively correlated both with positive and negative party identification. Citizens who are more knowledgeable and positively identified are also more likely to vote. However, it is shown that the influence of political knowledge on electoral turnout is moderated only by positive party identification. Political knowledge significantly predicts turnout only in the group of citizens without positive party identification. Being negatively identified with a political party does not modify the relationship between political knowledge and turnout. The results are discussed in terms of the Michigan model of party identification and cognitive mobilisation thesis. The roles of affective and cognitive motivation in electoral participation are additionally stressed and debated. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 47010

  19. THE UNINOMINAL VOTE AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE ROMANIAN ELECTORAL SYSTEM

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    PORUMBACEAN CLAUDIU

    2011-04-01

    Full Text Available Since 1990, after the first democratic elections inRomania, before each election, there were debates about the technical way inwhich elections should be conducted. If, as of May 20th 1990 and till the autumnof 2004, parliamentary elections held in Romania were conducted in the form ofproportional representation, by voting on political party lists, in electoraldistricts strictly drawn by type and capital district, after the 2004 electiondebates around the modification of the voting system were approached withincreased interest and very intense discussions at the decision – making levelswere initiated.Thus, after lengthy debates in parliament and inside the civil society, and alsofollowing the referendum on 25th of November 2007, initiated by the Presidentunder the Constitution of Romania (in consultation with the Parliament, it wasdecided that the Romanian electoral system would be modified from theproportional party lists voting method into the uninominal majority vote inelectoral constituencies and uninominal colleges (districts.The decision being thus taken by the voters, the Parliament started to discuss thesuggested bills and finally Law no. 35/2008 was passed in March 2008, this lawbeing known as the "law of the single vote".Law no. 35/2008 confirms the modification of the Romanian electoral systemand the November 2008 parliamentary elections were held under itsprerogatives. The consequences of the electoral changes are still commentedupon by the most prominent public life players in Romania.

  20. THE ELECTORAL FAILURE OF LIBERAL PARTIES IN CENTRAL EUROPE: A DIRECTIONAL MODEL ANALYSIS

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Alexandru VOLACU

    2011-12-01

    Full Text Available In this paper we provide a theoretical framework for interpreting the reiterated failure of liberal parties in a series of Central European states (namely Austria, Belgium, Germany, Luxembourg and the Netherlands. We argue that the directional model of spatial analysis elaborated by Rabinowitz and Macdonald (1989 and Macdonald, Listhaug and Rabinowitz (1991 can be an efficient instrument used for understanding why liberal parties are not able to perform as well as their opponents in elections, our hypothesis being, in consistency with the theoretical predictions made by the directional model, that political parties which ideologically diverge from the center without becoming too radical are more likely to increase their electoral percentage then parties which converge toward the ideological center. We test and partially confirm our hypothesis by comparatively studying the ideological shifts and electoral percentages of liberal parties within the 5 states mentioned above, across a period of five consecutive elections, proving that a correlation between ideological shifts and electoral percentages exists in the sense predicted by the directional model for a large majority of cases.

  1. Franchise and Electoral Participation of Third Country Citizens Residing in the European Union and of European Union Citizens Residing in Third Countries

    OpenAIRE

    Arrighi, Jean-Thomas; Bauböck, Rainer; Collyer, Michael; Hutecheson, Derek; Moraru, Madalina; Khadar, Lamin; Shaw, Jo

    2013-01-01

    This Study analyses some key trans-border situations in which citizens may finddifficulties in exercising their electoral rights – both to vote in elections, and to stand as candidates. It focuses on the electoral rights of EU citizens when resident outside the state where they are citizens, and on the electoral rights of third country citizens resident in the EU Member States. It also covers several complementary issues by examining the consular representation of EU citizensoutside the terri...

  2. Electoral management bodies as institutions of good governance ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    ) must hold regular participative elections. Similarly, for good governance to be sustainable, the system must be open, accountable and participative. Participation in election on its own is a process of good governance. The paper argues that ...

  3. Curbing Electoral Violence in Nigeria: The Imperative of Political ...

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    User

    to choose those who will run the affairs of the state in a given period. ..... short and long term deepen our political culture and socialization processes. Therefore .... Commemoration of Shehu Yar'Adua Memorial Forum delivered on March. 19.

  4. Research of features and structure of electoral space of Ukraine in 2014 with the use of synthetic approach

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    M. M. Shelemba

    2015-02-01

    Full Text Available The article is aimed at the ground of expediency of the use of synthetic authorial model for research of features and structure of electoral space of Ukraine in 2014 year. Methodological principles of the use of synthetic model are expounded with the use of quality and quantitative methods researches of electoral space, among that methods of factor and cross­correlation analysis. A synthetic model (approach that is built on the basis of the use of the best scientific approaches takes into account features and progress of electoral space of Ukraine trends. The analysis of features and structure of electoral space of Ukraine is conducted in 2014 with the use of an offer model. The application author synthetic model allows the study of the use of association factor and correlation analysis to justify support to political parties during election campaigns, respectively, depending on the factors and the most important correlates. It was found that electoral choice depends on the actions of those factors in the highest degree the expectations of the region. This article has shown that the use of Ukraine at this stage of the investigated during election campaigns as the most significant social correlates of «Human Development Index» is reasonable and one that makes it possible to obtain reliable results. It is proved that a high level of correlation holds at a high level of support the party and, consequently, high sense of social correlates all variants of expert research.

  5. European conditionality, ethnic control or electoral disarray? The 2011 controversial territorial reform attempt in Romania

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Dragoş DRAGOMAN

    2014-02-01

    Full Text Available Though much criticized, especially for its inability of spending European subsidies, the current regional administration in Romania remained unchanged until the communist times. The sudden rush in totally reshaping the regional administration in 2011 triggered an intense debate on the matter. Though brief, it shed light on political constraints operating when it comes to reshape regional design. Whereas official arguments pointed at a severe European conditionality, electoral calculations seem to be at stake. Yet the decisive opposition to the project by the Hungarian party in government unravels a more profound conditionality, namely ethnic balance, related to the political geography of Transylvania.

  6. Crisis of governance in South Sudan : electoral politics and violence in the world's newest nation

    OpenAIRE

    Brosché, Johan; Höglund, Kristine

    2016-01-01

    Since mid-December 2013, thousands of people have been killed in armed conflict in South Sudan. The fighting is entrenched in a power struggle between the main political contenders ahead of elections which were scheduled for 2015. This article examines the violence in South Sudan since the North-South war ended with a focus on the consequences of the introduction of electoral politics. Our research contributes to the literature on state-building and peace-building in war-torn societies, by ex...

  7. Negociación interna de la política electoral de un partido

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Rincón Zapatero, J. P.

    1999-01-01

    Full Text Available En este trabajo modelizamos el proceso interno de decisión sobre los objetivos que prevalecerán en el programa electoral de un partido político. Suponemos que existen dos tendencias dentro del partido, la dirigida a obtener buenos resultados electorales y la sostenida por aquéllos que desean salvaguardar la ideología del partido. Planteamos este conflicto en el marco de la Teoría de Juegos y analizamos las repercusiones que tiene sobre el resultado final el aplicar la solución propuesta por Nash a los juegos de negociación.

  8. Los medios en los modelos clásicos de comportamiento electoral

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Gustavo Nicolás Menin

    2018-01-01

    Full Text Available [es] El objetivo del presente artículo es la revisión bibliográfica de la noción de medios de comunicación en los modelos clásicos de comportamiento electoral. Según el modelo de Columbia tienen función de activar, reforzar o convertir, teniendo en cuenta las variables, y, los valores del elector en el Índice de Predisposición Política (IPP, que influencia la selectividad de tipos de medios y recepción de información. Según el modelo Michigan son un componente intermediario entre la percepción no-política-externa y la político-personal. Tales evaluaciones se sostienen en una selectividad alta, tanto en el consumo de medios como en su contenido. Por último, el modelo económico propone que los medios son fuentes y flujos gratuitos de información de carácter persuasivo por su “selección de hechos parciales” para favorecer o no a una determinada fuerza política en términos del beneficio real o hipotético que deduce el votante y, por lo tanto, también con capacidad para corromper al Gobierno y a la oposición. [en] The aim of this article is the bibliographical review of the notion of media in the classical models of electoral behavior. According to the Columbia model, they have the function of activating, reinforcing or converting, taking into account the variables, and the values of the elector in the Political Predisposition Index (IPP, which influences the selectivity of media types and information reception. According to the Michigan model, they are an intermediary component between non-political-external and political-personal perception. Such evaluations are held in high selectivity, both in media consumption and in content. Finally, the economic model proposes that the media are sources and free flows of information of a persuasive nature by their ´selection of partial facts´ to favor or not to a certain political force in terms of the real or hypothetical benefit that the voter deduces and, therefore, also

  9. Los conservadores bonaerenses y la reforma de la ley electoral provincial (1910-1913

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Pablo Fernández Irusta

    2009-12-01

    Full Text Available Este artículo analiza las tensiones y los conflictos políticos que mediaron en la promulgación de la reforma de la ley electoral bonaerense de 1913. La hipótesis principal del trabajo sostiene que la política democrática impulsada durante la presidencia de Roque Sáenz Peña redefinió las pautas de lucha interna del gobernante Partido Conservador de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, induciendo a sus distintas fracciones a vincular sus intereses particulares al nuevo contexto institucional. En consecuencia, lejos de ofrecer una respuesta en bloque o dividirse en torno al apoyo o rechazo de la democratización, los conservadores bonaerenses produjeron una serie de iniciativas "reformistas" que reflejaban sus propias divisiones internas. En este sentido, la orientación de la ley electoral promulgada en 1913 implicó tanto una respuesta a las demandas reformistas de la época como una fórmula de compromiso surgida tras la resolución de las tensiones acumuladas en los años precedentes.This article analyzes the political conflicts and tensions arising from the promulgation of the 1913 Buenos Aires electoral law reform. The main hypothesis supports that the democratic policy fostered during Roque Sáenz Peña's presidency redefined the guidelines of the internal struggle within the ruling Conservative Party of the Buenos Aires Province, thus inducing its different fractions to link their private interests to the new institutional context. As a result, far from offering a Block response or announcing themselves in favour of, or against, democratization, Buenos Aires conservatives generated between 1910 and 1913 a series of 'reforming' initiatives, which reflected their own internal divisions. In this sense, the direction of the electoral law issued in 1913 implied not only a response to the reforming demands of the era, but also a commitment arising from the solution to the tension built up in the preceding years.

  10. Trashumancia electoral en los comicios locales de 2003-2007-2011 en Boyacá

    OpenAIRE

    Guavita Vanegas, Lina Vanessa

    2014-01-01

    El propósito del presente trabajo de grado es determinar la incidencia que tuvo la trashumancia electoral en los comicios locales de 2003-2007-2011 en Boyacá, para la designación de Alcaldes municipales en dichos momentos. De esta manera, se sostiene que el fraude en inscripción de cédulas, como se le conoce al delito, ayudó a llegar al poder a líderes que utilizaron el transporte de votantes como forma de hacerse elegir en cada uno de los territorios en los que aspiraban al cargo. Por ello, ...

  11. Competencia política y fraude electoral en Chile, 1912-1925

    OpenAIRE

    Ponce de León Atria, Macarena

    2015-01-01

    Este artículo busca comprender las complejidades de la competencia electoral por el poder político en Chile en los inicios de su institucionalización. El fraude, sobre todo el cohecho, junto a la rotativa ministerial durante la llamada República Parlamentaria (1891-1925) han sido argumentos recurrentes en la historiografía para probar la crisis política del período. Este artículo cambia el foco sobre el parlamentarismo y el tipo de fraude, e intenta probar que, entre las diversas estrategias ...

  12. Análisis de la seguridad integral en los procesos electorales: Caso proceso electoral 2017 de Ecuador

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Jeffry Badí Quinteros Basantes

    2018-01-01

    Full Text Available En este documento se muestra un análisis de la seguridad integral del proceso electoral 2017 realizado en la República del Ecuador. Este estudio incluye los enfoques de seguridad que se llevaron a cabo en este proceso: seguridad de la información, seguridad física segmentada en seguridad a procesos electorales y seguridad de la ciudadanía. Se mostrarán los elementos en cada uno de estos ámbitos, su ejecución, los elementos principales y las instituciones de apoyo que colaboraron en la seguridad para poder mantener la paz e institucionalidad del país en el proceso electoral 2017, con el fin de que el Consejo Nacional Electoral pudiera cumplir con el mandato constitucional y respetar la voluntad de los ciudadanos

  13. “If you don’t take off your clothes, we’re going to kill you” : Sexual electoral violence as a silent weapon in Burundi and implications for humanitarian action

    OpenAIRE

    van Baalen, Miriam

    2017-01-01

    Previous research on electoral violence has explored the variation in manifestation, perpetrators, victims and causes or motivations.  While explanations have prescribed to structural and electoral factors or the nature of politics, nature of elections and electoral institutions, the causes and motivations behind sexual electoral violence has been under-researched. This in-depth single case study of sexual violence against women associated with the opposition in Burundi explores the possibili...

  14. Diseño institucional y organismos electorales: la reforma electoral constarricense de 2009 en perspectiva comparada

    OpenAIRE

    Picado León, Hugo

    2016-01-01

    [ES] Esta tesis analiza la reforma electoral costarricense de 2009 en perspectiva comparada, tomando en cuenta la relación de los organismos electorales con los procesos de rediseño institucional y su papel como canales para la difusión y convergencia internacional de políticas legislativas. El trabajo pretende contribuir a la comprensión de los procesos de reforma institucional, en general, así como de la gobernanza electoral, en particular. Ello a partir del análisis del t...

  15. Observación Electoral: Experiencia de la MOE Regional Valle del Cauca, Elecciones Nacionales de Colombia 2010

    OpenAIRE

    Escobar Higuera, Katherine

    2013-01-01

    En el presente artículo se reseña la experiencia de Observación electoral en el departamento del Valle del Cauca, por parte de la Misión de Observación Electoral MOE regional Valle. Con el propósito de visibilizar el trabajo de una red de organizaciones y personas que han tomado iniciativa en el mejoramiento de un proceso importante para el sistema democrático colombiano, las elecciones. Al reseñar esta experiencia, se espera sea referente de una acción de participación política desde las org...

  16. Amenazas actuales a la institucionalidad electoral en América Latina: La experiencia panameña

    OpenAIRE

    Eduardo Valdés Escoffery

    2017-01-01

    Analiza la reforma constitucional de Panamá de 2004 y el conflicto de competencias que genera al darle a la Corte Suprema de Justica la facultad exclusiva para juzgar penalmente a los diputados, sin excepción por tipo de delito. Por tal motivo, juzgará también los delitos electorales y por ende de forma implícita tendrá la potestad de interpretar la normativa electoral; competencia privativa del Tribunal Electoral desde su creación en el año 1956, donde se le asigna la jurisdicción de interpr...

  17. Are mixed electoral systems the best choice for central and Eastern Europe or the reason for defective party systems?

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Bochsler, Daniel

    2009-01-01

    incentives of mixed electoral systems might hamper the stabilization and institutionalization of party systems in young democracies. Empirical results from 19 democracies in Central and Eastern Europe suggest that the learning and stabilization effect that is exerted through simple electoral systems fails...... under mixed systems. Using a variance model analysis, this study rejects the common belief that mixed systems lead to more moderate party systems with regards to party system fractionalization. Rather, outcomes under mixed systems vary much more widely than under proportional representation...

  18. Votantes coreanos residentes en el exterior: su historia y el desarrollo de la primera experiencia electoral en Argentina

    OpenAIRE

    Bavoleo, Bárbara

    2018-01-01

    Resumen En las últimas elecciones presidenciales coreanas de diciembre del 2012, los coreanos residentes en el extranjero fueron habilitados para votar por primera vez en la historia de su sistema de gobierno democrático. Se sumaron así a los 180 países, según la base de datos del Instituto para la Democracia y la Asistencia Electoral (IDEA, su sigla en inglés, 2016), que poseen legislación que garantiza la participación electoral de sus ciudadanos en el exterior. La comunidad coreana en Arge...

  19. Análisis sobre la ponderación de la prueba en el sistema electoral chileno

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Carlos Manuel Rosales García

    2013-01-01

    Full Text Available El Tribunal Calificador de Elecciones chileno tiene la facultad constitucional de erigirse como jurado para la valoración de las pruebas, esto significa poder apreciar la prueba de manera libre, para posteriormente, sentenciar con arreglo a derecho. Este artículo estudiará las principales características del juicio por jurado, con base en la doctrina y experiencia del derecho estadounidense, observando tanto su adopción y adaptación por el Tribunal Electoral, así como sus pros y contras en el sistema electoral chileno

  20. THE INFLUENCE OF ELECTORAL PROGRAM OF VOLLEYBAL AND BASKETBAL ON THE TRANSFORMATION BIOMOTORICALY ABILITY STUDENTS

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Vidran Kljajević

    2012-09-01

    Full Text Available A sample of this study were composed of a third grader in high school that are at the beginning of this study was 17 years old ± 6 months. The survey covered a total of 161 subjects, divided into two groups: experimental (E, which consisted of 78 subjects, and control (K, which consisted of 83 subjects. Experimental group of subjects was realized in the electoral program odbojeke And half the electoral program of basketball in the second half. A control group of subjects practiced the''standard''teaching program which included content from athletics, gymnastics, rhythm and sports games. The study was conducted under the system of pedagogical experiment with parallel groups and the changes that have taken place under the influence of the implemented curriculum were monitored in space and the ability biomotoričkih antrometriskih dimension and posit their level is dijagnostofikovan at the beginning (initial and at the end of the study (final. In this paper, We'll look review of the results of this study which were obtained in space biomotoričkih ability examinees. The level of their biomotoričkih ability was tested using a battery of 11 motor tests. With this battery are evenly covered all areas of latent motor skills, and the mechanisms responsible for resolving eaten motor tasks.

  1. Incentivos al abstencionismo electoral por apatía en ciudadanos bogotanos que nunca han votado

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Andrea Correa

    2014-12-01

    Full Text Available Electoral abstention in Colombia is evidence of the lack of interest that the population have in exercising their right to vote and elect their governments. Among the types of abstention are, abstention due to apathy, in which the severe consequences of the abstention are ignored and voting is not motivated by giving excuses not to do so. The aim of this study has been to examine and identify the main reasons and functions of the incentives applying the Behavioural Perspective Model (BPM developed by Foxall (2011 to abstention in three apathetic voters of the city of Bogota, male and female between the ages of 28 and 56, using the compiling of information from an in-depth interview technique. In the result employing the verbatim from a hermeneutic analysis, it showed that the main reasons for abstention due to apathy are rejection or lack of credibility in the political system, presence of informational incentives to vote of intangible symbolic value to abstentionism such as, discrediting the act of voting or a perception of lack of competence or the presence of corruption among the candidates. Furthermore, it is perceived that the right to vote as another possibility not as a civic duty. These findings are relevant to the electoral and public management of the Colombian democratic system.

  2. Elecciones 2009 en Uruguay: permanencia de lealtades políticas y accountability electoral

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Lucía Selios

    2012-06-01

    Full Text Available En este artículo se indagan las principales características asociadas al comportamiento electoral en las elecciones nacionales uruguayas en el año 2009. Através de la estimación de modelos probit en base a una encuesta electoral, se encuentra que la evaluación de la gestión del gobierno, la percepción de la economía y los aspectos ideológicos aparecen jugando fuertemente en esta elección caracterizada por la baja volatilidad. Estos hallazgos indican la existencia de fuertes lealtades a los partidos agrupados en familias ideológicas, combinadas con aspectos evaluativos sobre el desempeño económico y político, que pautan el voto de los uruguayos en esta elección.This paper inquires about the main characteristics of voting behavior in uruguayan national elections in 2009. Using a probit analysis based on an election poll it is found that government management, perception of economy and ideological issues play an important role in this election characterized by low volatility. These findings indicate strong party loyalties aggregated in "ideological families" as well as evaluative aspects about political and economic performance that determine the Uruguayan vote.

  3. Justicia electoral y revocación de mandato de alcaldes e intendentes en Costa Rica

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Hubert Fernández Argüello

    2017-07-01

    Full Text Available La revocación del mandato de alcaldes e intendentes municipales es un instituto de la democracia participativa, mediante el cual, el electorado puede decidir, en las urnas, sobre la remoción de dichos funcionarios antes de que concluya el período para el que fueron designados. El plebiscito revocatorio, mecanismo de naturaleza electoral, debe ajustarse sustancialmente al ordenamiento jurídico y garantizar, además, los derechos fundamentales de participación política de la persona sometida a consulta y de los habitantes del respectivo cantón. Para que condiciones ocurran, el Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones cuenta con amplias atribuciones de orden jurisdiccional, mediante procedimientos específicos; cuyo objeto, naturaleza y trámites se analizan en este trabajo, a partir de la definición de los rasgos esenciales del instituto revocatorio. Se enfatiza en el ejercicio concreto de esas competencias, a través del análisis minucioso de la jurisprudencia electoral existente en la materia

  4. Clases, ciudadanos y clases de ciudadanos. El ciclo electoral del pos-socialismo (1986-94

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    JUAN JESÚS GONZÁLEZ

    1996-01-01

    Full Text Available Este artículo intenta replantear el debate sobre el papel político de las clases prestando atencion a los nuevos "cleavages que emergen con la expansión del estado de bienestar. La evolución electoral de España desde mediados de los años ochenta a mediados de los noventa puede entenderse, al menos en parte, como un proceso de intercambio de apoyo electoral por politicas de bienestar, siempre que dejemos claras las condiciones del mismo. Se intenta así superar tanto el reduccionismo metodológico característico del análisis de clase convencional, según el cual la oferta política esta determinada por la demanda (es decir, las "paleo-clases", como el reduccionismo simétrico tendente a convertir las élites políticas en una suerte de "deux ex machina" plenamente capaz de subsumir la demanda política en su propia racionalidad.

  5. THE POLITICAL ACTOR’S BRAND IN THE 2012 BACĂU ELECTORAL CAMPAIGN

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Cristina Cirtita-Buzoianu

    2013-12-01

    Full Text Available This paper aims to analyze the image and identity of political actors during an electoral campaign, as these two elements are defining for political marketing in attracting and convincing voters. With that in mind we will monitor the image of the two candidates for the position of mayor in the 2012 electoral campaign in Bacău, as it appeared in the written local press. The analysis of the two politicians will be made from the perspective of two pre-established image indicators: the political and the human dimensions. Each of the two dimensions has sub indicators pre-established in order to validate the general mediatized image of the candidate. Regarding the political dimension we will measure the sub indicators: political communication, attitude towards corruption, interest for civil problems, the ability to negotiate and political project, while the human dimension has the following sub indicators: faith, empathy, morality, honesty, charisma, consistency and leadership. Thus, we will try to identify if there are major differences between the two dimensions, for the two candidates, from a quantitative as well as a qualitative perspective.

  6. THE 2014 EUROPEAN ELECTIONS IN ROMANIA. TRANSLATING LOW MEDIA SALIENCE INTO ELECTORAL ”SILENCE”?

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Loredana RADU

    2016-06-01

    Full Text Available European Elections are often perceived as ”second-order” elections, thus enjoying lower visibility and turnout than national/presidential elections. According to the specialized literature, this might be due to the fact the EU is usually seen by the electorate (i.e. citizens of the member states as a far away issue, out of its core area of concern, a phenomenon rooted, for example, into a low degree of europeanization of the national public spheres (Delanty, 2007 or poor European leadership (Habermas, 2012. This paper aims at exploring how European Elections have been approached by the five most popular TV channels in Romania: TVR1, PRIMA TV, Antena 1, Kanal D, and PRO TV. Our paper builds on an extensive content analysis of all of the 3257 prime time news broadcasted by these TV channels between April 25 and May 25 (i.e. during the electoral campaign. Our research focuses on media salience of European Elections, as well as on the key actors present in these news.

  7. Which Mixed-Member Proportional Electoral Formula Fits You Best? Assessing the Proportionality Principle of Positive Vote Transfer Systems

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Bochsler, Daniel

    2014-01-01

    Mixed-member proportional systems (MMP) are a family of electoral systems which combine district-based elections with a proportional seat allocation. Positive vote transfer systems belong to this family. This article explains why they might be better than their siblings, and examines under which ...

  8. A leader without a party: exploring the relationship between Geert Wilders’ leadership performance in the media and his electoral success

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    van der Pas, D.; de Vries, C.; van der Brug, W.

    2013-01-01

    Most existing studies of leadership effects on electoral success employ survey data only. This time-series study combines a content analysis of media appearances of the right-wing populist leader Geert Wilders in 2006 with his party's popularity in the polls. The content analysis focuses on three

  9. Tellin' It Like It Is: Children's Attitudes toward the Electoral Process and the '92 Campaign.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Bronstein, Carolyn; And Others

    A study investigated children's attitudes, information sources, and interest toward the 1992 presidential election. Focus groups were conducted one week before the 1992 presidential election with 13 fourth- and fifth-grade elementary school children. Results indicated several themes: (1) overall, the children's knowledge of abstract concepts like…

  10. The Social Media as a Transformative Agent in the Electoral Process

    OpenAIRE

    ALMAREZ, DM, DAVID N; MALAWANI, AJREE D

    2016-01-01

    The growing use of social media in social interaction has changed the mode ofpolitical campaign in the Philippines. This research sought to determine the influences of social media in the presidential prefer-ences of netizens during the campaign period for the 2016 presidential elections in the Philippines. It also looked into the pattern of the preferences of respon-dents among the five presidential candidates for the 2016 presidential election. A total of 289 respondents participated out of...

  11. Desempeño e identidad institucional: el tribunal electoral en la alternancia del 2000

    OpenAIRE

    David H. CORROCHANO; Héctor DÍAZ-SANTANA

    2010-01-01

    Analizamos el desempeño del Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF) relacionándolo con su grado y tipo de identidad en la coyuntura de las elecciones presidenciales del 2 de julio del 2000. Para ello partimos de la premisa que las instituciones no sólo deben tener un buen desempeño, sino que éste debe ser trasmitido ante la ciudadanía. Nuestra hipótesis es que el TEPJF tuvo un buen desempeño pero carecía de identidad lo que facilitó la puesta en marcha de un "chantaje" ...

  12. Desempeño e identidad institucional: el tribunal electoral en la alternancia del 2000

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    David H. CORROCHANO

    2010-07-01

    Full Text Available Analizamos el desempeño del Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF relacionándolo con su grado y tipo de identidad en la coyuntura de las elecciones presidenciales del 2 de julio del 2000. Para ello partimos de la premisa que las instituciones no sólo deben tener un buen desempeño, sino que éste debe ser trasmitido ante la ciudadanía. Nuestra hipótesis es que el TEPJF tuvo un buen desempeño pero carecía de identidad lo que facilitó la puesta en marcha de un "chantaje" institucional que marcó la incertidumbre del proceso, pudo limitar los avances democratizadores construidos hasta la fecha, y generar un conflicto postelectoral con consecuencias para la estabilidad política del país.

  13. Internet and Electoral Competition: The Case of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya [ENG

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    2013-01-01

    Full Text Available This paper tests the equalization hypothesis at the vote level. A good number of studies have examined whether the Internet is levelling the playing fi eld in electoral competition by offering fringe parties opportunities to increase their visibility. To test the infl uence of use of the Internet in vote choice, we analyze the behaviour of ERC voters. Using survey data, we test whether online exposure to political information affects vote choice among these voters. We fi nd that online exposure to political information increases the probability of voting for Solidaritat Catalana relatively to voting again for ERC. The analysis provides empirical evidence to support the idea that the Internet works as a differentiated media environment in which political messages compete in more equal terms.

  14. Words and figures. A socio-semiotic approach of the electoral poster

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Daniela ROVENTA-FRUMUSANI

    2015-07-01

    Full Text Available At the beginning of the third millennium, in a “risk society” threatened by crisis we witness a reconfiguration of the individuals relationship to media messages which becomes more and more complex. Political action change (“Arab spring”, “Bucharest civic winter”, discourses emphasize the interactive components (debates, polemics, acid commentaries, channels multiply (SMS, Blogs, social networks, media genre and perspectives also change. In the framework characterized by: i fragmentation of public space, ii new forms of social interaction ; iii specific media stories and representations, we analyze the political mediated discourse on the basis of the emotion/argumentation dichotomy. Our corpus is constituted by electoral messages (outdoors from the last Romanian Parliamentary elections (December 2012 and web sites of the main political parties. The methodological approach will be based on a semiotic and discourse analysis of political advertising messages compared to commercial advertising.

  15. Redistritación electoral en México: logros pasados y retos futuros

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Liliana López Levi

    2012-02-01

    Full Text Available La redistritación electoral en México ha sido un proceso muy importante en la llamada transición a la democracia. Las soluciones implementadas en la última década han favorecido el fortalecimiento de las instituciones electorales y el diálogo entre los actores políticos. Sin embargo, en concordancia con la dinámica de población el problema debe replantearse en forma periódica. Lo anterior da la pauta para reflexionar sobre el camino andado; con particular énfasis en los criterios adoptados. En concordancia, este artículo tiene como finalidad hacer un balance de los logros y reflexionar sobre los retos pendientes en México y hacer una propuesta con miras a mejorar esta tarea geográfico-política.

  16. Anàlisi cluster multinomial bayesià..Aplicació a dades electorals

    OpenAIRE

    Montón Domingo, Maria

    2009-01-01

    En aquest treball fi de màster se li vol donar una altra visió a les dades de resultats electorals, en concret, les del Parlament de Catalunya. Així doncs, l'eina d'anàlisi que s'utilitza és l'anàlisi clúster multinomial bayesià i les unitats d'estudi són les zones de recerca petita de la ciutat de Barcelona. D'aquesta manera es determina com s'agrupen les diferents zones de recerca petita de Barcelona des del punt de vista de les seves votacions i quina relació hi ha entre els partits en fun...

  17. A Multifaceted Analysis of the Electoral System of the Republic of Suriname

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    Imma Curiel

    2014-01-01

    Full Text Available The electoral system of Suriname has been analyzed. Suriname has a unicameral parliament, the National Assembly. The 51 seats of the National Assembly are distributed among 10 districts. There are large discrepancies between the numbers of voters represented by a seat in the various districts. Apportionment methods leading to different seat distributions are explored and compared with each other and with the current one. The comparison is done with respect to the number of voters represented by a seat, the mean majority deficit and the probability that a majority deficit will occur, the influence of a voter in a particular district using the Banzhaf power index, and the influence of a political party relative to the percentage of the popular vote that the party obtained. The method of equal proportions turns out to yield the best results in general. (original abstract

  18. Does a Least-Preferred Candidate Win a Seat? A Comparison of Three Electoral Systems

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Yoichi Hizen

    2015-01-01

    Full Text Available In this paper, the differences between two variations of proportional representation (PR, open-list PR and closed-list PR, are analyzed in terms of their ability to accurately reflect voter preference. The single nontransferable vote (SNTV is also included in the comparison as a benchmark. We construct a model of voting equilibria with a candidate who is least preferred by voters in the sense that replacing the least-preferred candidate in the set of winners with any loser is Pareto improving, and our focus is on whether the least-preferred candidate wins under each electoral system. We demonstrate that the least-preferred candidate never wins under the SNTV, but can win under open-list PR, although this is less likely than winning under closed-list PR.

  19. Big Brothers: hegemonía mediática en el proceso electoral de 2006

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    Jorge Balderas Domínguez

    2007-01-01

    Full Text Available El presente artículo analiza la manera en que la televisión mexicana cubrió el proceso electoral de 2006. Aborda también los vínculos de las dos principales empresas con las élites hegemónicas del país, ya sean éstas económicas o políticas, dependiendo la coyuntura histórica. A su vez, intenta desarrollar un análisis crítico basado en estudios teóricos sobre la función social de los medios, particularmente, de la omnipresencia de la televisión que pareciera erigirse en el Gran Hermano (que te vigila, en una nueva especie de mundo orwelliano.

  20. Domesticating Uncertainty - Reflections on electoral and bureaucratic practices in a election office

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Vadgård, Anne Kathrine Pihl

    Election Day is often considered a celebration of democracy in which politicians and voters alike partake in the festivities. They vote, campaign discuss, and engage. Election Day is, however, also the culmination of months and months of preparation behind the scene. In the bureaucratic engine ro...... discussions of accountability and control with remote bureaucratic sites.......Election Day is often considered a celebration of democracy in which politicians and voters alike partake in the festivities. They vote, campaign discuss, and engage. Election Day is, however, also the culmination of months and months of preparation behind the scene. In the bureaucratic engine room...... – the election office – every little step towards this celebratory day and the subsequent counting of the ballots are planned meticulously. By following these often mundane and ordinary practices at a Danish election office this paper discusses the bureaucratic infrastructures, in which electoral and democratic...

  1. La abstención electoral en España: certezas e interrogantes

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    JOAN FONT FABREGAS

    1995-01-01

    Full Text Available El artículo pretende hacer una revisión crítica del estado actual de los conocimientos sobre abstención electoral en España, entre los que destaca la contribución de Manuel Justel a los mismos. Para ello se organiza la discusión en torno a seis grandes preguntas: ¿cuando?, es decir, en qué circunstancias políticas y tipos de elecciones hay más abstención ; ¿dónde?, o sea, en qué zonas y tipos de habitats se encuentra la abstención más o menos presente ; ¿quién?, discutiendo los perfiles sociales y las trayectorias electorales de los abstencionistas ; ¿por qué?,

  2. ELECTORAL BEHAVIOUR AT THE 2009 AND 2014 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN HARGHITA, COVASNA AND MUREŞ COUNTIES

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    TOFAN George-Bogdan

    2015-06-01

    Full Text Available This study represents a synthesis of the electoral behaviour exhibited by the population of Harghita, Covasna and Mureş counties, at the 2009 presidential elections, held on 22nd November (first tour and 6th December (second tour, and at the presidential elections of 2014 (first tour, 2nd November, and second tour, 16th November. In terms of candidates, the following occured: in 2009, first tour, with 12 candidates, from which only Traian Băsescu and Mircea Geoană proceeded to the second round, and 14 candidates in the first round of the 2014 elections (10 of them from political parties and alliances. The second round was defined by the first two candidates with the highest number of votes, which were Victor-Viorel Ponta and Klaus-Werner Iohannis.

  3. El sistema electoral de la Región de Murcia: balance y perspectivas

    OpenAIRE

    Sierra Rodríguez, Javier

    2016-01-01

    En los últimos años, la opinión pública ha ido demandando cada vez con más fuerza la adopción de medidas de regeneración política y profundización democrática, siendo especialmente señalada la reforma de los sistemas electorales en aras de buscar una mayor proporcionalidad e igualdad del voto entre los electores. En términos generales, los sistemas electorales en España han estado diseñados para favorecer la estabilidad de gobierno al primar a los partidos mayoritarios. En el caso de la R...

  4. The Impact of Race and Ethnicity, Immigration, and Political Context on Participation in American Electoral Politics.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Logan, John R; Darrah, Jennifer; Oh, Sookhee

    2012-01-01

    This study uses national survey data in federal election years during 1996-2004 to examine voter registration and voting. It shows that racial/ethnic disparities in socio-economic resources and rootedness in the community do not explain overall group differences in electoral participation. It contradicts the expectation from an assimilation perspective that low levels of Latino participation are partly attributable to the large share of immigrants among Latinos. In fact net differences show higher average Latino participation than previously reported. The study focuses especially on contextual factors that could affect collective responses of group members. Moving beyond past research, significant effects are found for the group's representation among office holders, voting regulations, and state policies related to treatment of immigrants.

  5. El Salvador, acceso ciudadano directo a las Elecciones Legislativas y de Concejos Municipales, 11 marzo del 2012: una experiencia desde la observación electoral

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Arturo Fournier Facio

    2014-07-01

    Full Text Available Perspectiva de la experiencia como observador electoral internacional en las elecciones de medio período de El Salvador, para los puestos de elección popular de la Asamblea Legislativa y de miembros de Concejos Municipales. Inicia con una comparación de los fundamentos normativos y constitucionales del sistema electoral de Costa Rica y el Salvador, para continuar con la descripción de las novedades implementadas en el proceso. Finaliza con un informe sobre el proceso de observación, los pro y contra detectados durante la jornada electoral.

  6. Gasto en campaña y éxito electoral de los candidatos a diputados en chile 2005 Campaign Expenditure and Electoral Succes for Candidates to the House of Representative in Chile in 2005

    OpenAIRE

    MAURICIO MORALES QUIROGA; RAFAEL PIÑEIRO RODRÍGUEZ

    2010-01-01

    Al contrario de lo que señala parte importante de la teoría, el gasto de campaña tiene un efecto significativo sobre el éxito electoral de los incumbentes en la elección de diputados de 2005 en Chile. Más aún, los rendimientos electorales del gasto son mayores para los candidatos con más de un período en el cargo. El gasto de campaña parece no sólo sumarse a las "ventajas" de los incumbentes, sino multiplicar su efecto sobre el rendimiento electoral. En segundo lugar, se aprecia que los incum...

  7. Primeiros passos para a elaboração de um Modelo Psicossociológico do Comportamento Eleitoral: estudo dos eleitores de João Pessoa na campanha de 1992 Proposing a Psychosociological Model of Electoral Choice: the case of 1992 election in João Pessoa

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Leoncio Camino

    1998-06-01

    Full Text Available O debate sobre os fatores intervenientes no processo eleitoral tem-se polarizado entre duas perspectivas: a sociológica e a psicológica. Situando a escolha eleitoral num processo dialético, Camino, Torres e Da Costa (1995 organizaram os fatores que influenciam no voto utilizando duas dimensões independentes. A primeira, constituída pelas duas vertentes do processo de construção da realidade política: as alternativas políticas concretas e o ato individual de escolha. A segunda constituída por três níveis de análise: o observacional, o mediacional e o metateórico. Esta sistematização guiou um conjunto de pesquisas eleitorais com estudantes realizadas por Camino e colaboradores (1995. Os resultados permitiram elaborar um Modelo Psicossociológico, no qual pressupõe-se que a Escolha Eleitoral é um processo que se estabelece desde a inserção do indivíduo nas organizações da sociedade até o momento de depositar seu voto na urna. O modelo localiza etapas do processo e as relaciona com a escolha eleitoral. Este trabalho apresenta uma pesquisa cujos resultados confirmam as principais relações propostas no "Modelo Psicossociológico". Observa-se que os eleitores com participação social são os que mais acreditam na eficácia das atividades eleitorais. Constata-se também que as diversas formas de participação social modelam visões próprias no que concerne à estrutura social. A visão da estrutura social, enquanto matriz ideológica, influencia também a escolha eleitoral. Os dados mostraram ainda que existe uma relação estreita entre a ideologia do partido de simpatia e o tipo de representação da estrutura social. Finalmente, discutem-se as perspectivas que o modelo abre no estudo do comportamento eleitoral.The discussion of the intervening factors in the electoral process has polarized into two perspectives: the sociological and the psychological. Establishing electoral choice as a dialectical process, Camino, Torres

  8. Financing of Political Parties and Electoral Campaigns in Republic of Macedonia

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Farije ALIU

    2016-07-01

    Full Text Available Political party in the Republic of Macedonia began to operate after independence and the adoption of the Constitution in November 1991 and has since become an integral part of the political scene and the data from the Central Registry of the Republic of Macedonia registered political parties more than 50 political parties active in the current system. The electoral system in the country is set according to the proportional model where direct and free elections by secret ballot to elect members of Parliament and members of the municipal councils and the City of Skopje for four years, while according to the majority model is the selection of the President of the Republic for a term of five years and the election of mayors of municipalities and the City of Skopje for four years. The legal framework for the financing of political parties in the country is well developed. The main law governing the financing of political parties and their supervision law on financing of political parties and the amendments to the same law. The provisions contained in the law is comprehensive, addressing the financing of the regular activities of political parties and their supervision and demonstrate ensuring transparency and accountability in political financing and a ban on anonymous donations and donations from abroad and determine the rules for cap on private donations and prohibiting quid pro quo agreements. Some provisions relating to the financing of political parties included in the Law on Political Parties and certain provisions governing the various supervisory authorities, in particular the Law on Prevention of Corruption and the Law on State Audit footnote. The basic law that regulates elections is the Electoral Code. Under the provisions of the Electoral Code the political parties and election campaign organizers are required to submit financial reports to the authorities to ensure respect for the principles of transparency and accountability and are

  9. Las bases del PT: ideología versus personalismo en su apoyo electoral Sources of PT: ideology versus personalism in its electoral support

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    David SAMUELS

    2011-01-01

    Full Text Available

    Este artículo explora datos del Estudo Eleitoral Brasileiro para investigar las bases de apoyo al Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT, que llegó por primera vez a la Presidencia de la República en Brasil en las elecciones de 2002. Los resultados muestran que los electores del PT están más identificados con el liderazgo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, actual presidente y líder histórico del partido, que con la ideología del PT. Sin embargo, los vínculos ideológicos entre el PT Un potencial comunicativo desaprovechado. Twitter como mecanismo generador de diálogo en campaña electoral

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Laura Alonso-Muñoz

    2016-10-01

    Full Text Available El uso de Twitter como herramienta estratégica para la comunicación política se ha incrementado notablemente durante los últimos años, especialmente en periodo de campaña electoral. El objetivo de esta investigación es examinar el grado de cumplimiento de los principios dialógicos atribuidos a las redes sociales. Para ello se aplica la técnica del análisis de contenido cuantitativo a los tuits publicados por los principales partidos españoles (PP, PSOE, Podemos y Ciudadanos durante las elecciones generales de 2015. Los resultados demuestran que pese al elevado número de publicaciones realizadas por los cuatro partidos, ninguno aprovecha el potencial dialógico de Twitter. Untapped communication potential. Twitter as a mechanism for generating dialogue in an electoral campaign Abstract The use of Twitter as strategic tool for political communication has increased considerably in recent years, particularly during electoral campaigns. The main goal of this paper is to examine the degree of compliance with the principles of dialogue attributed to social media. To achieve this, a quantitative content analysis was carried out on the tweets shared by the main Spanish political parties during the 2015 General Elections. The results show that although a high number of tweets were made by the four political parties during this period, none of them took advantage of the full potential of dialogue on Twitter. Keywords: Twitter, social media, political communication, electoral campaign, digital media

  10. The tenure gap in electoral participation: Instrumental motivation or selection bias? Comparing homeowners and tenants across four housing regimes

    OpenAIRE

    André, S.C.H.; Dewilde, C.L.; Luijkx, R.

    2017-01-01

    Integrating housing tenure in Instrumental Motivation Theory predicts a tenure gap in electoral participation, as homeowners would be more motivated to vote compared with tenants. The empirical question is whether this effect is causal or rather due to selection into different housing tenures. This question is tackled using coarsened exact matching (CEM) on data for 19 countries, allowing us to better control for endogeneity. Even then, homeowners are found to vote more often than tenants. Th...

  11. El impacto de la justicia electoral sobre el sistema político brasileño

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    David FLEISCHER

    2009-08-01

    Full Text Available En este artículo se describen los procedimientos y el desempeño del órgano de administración electoral de Brasil –TSE– después de su instalación definitiva en 1946, y la gestión de las elecciones antes de esa fecha. Este análisis pone de relieve el papel del TSE en la conciliación política durante períodos críticos, antes y después del golpe militar de 1964, durante la transición del régimen militar (1974-1985 y durante el período posterior a 1985. Los «perdedores» en las elecciones durante estas tres etapas nunca cuestionaron la legitimidad del sistema de gestión electoral. En varias ocasiones, el TSE implementó la modernización del proceso electoral para reducir la tutela sobre los votantes y mejorar la confianza en el sistema. Por último, desde 2002, el TSE viene practicando la «judicialización» de la política

  12. Relevant factors for the voting decision in the 2002 presidential election: An analysis of the ESEB (Brazilian Electoral Study

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Yan Carreirão

    2007-03-01

    Full Text Available The article investigates some of the most relevant factors for the voting de- cision in the 2002 presidential election by testing some of the main hypotheses about electoral behaviour in the country by means of logistic regression analyses based on data from the ESEB (Brazilian Electoral Study, a post-electoral survey conducted on a national sample of voters. In the models, taken as a whole, politi- cal opinions did not have much weight in the voting decision. Furthermore, they are unable to “explain” a very large share of voters’ positioning on a left-right scale or on a scale of voters’ “party sentiments”. All these “political” variables taken as a whole, in turn, “explain” only part of the evaluations that voters make of the government’s performance. The analysis shows that Brazilian voters’ voting deci- sion seems rather varied, since some variables were shown to be relevant to “ex- plain” the vote for a candidate, but not for the others. The variables shown to be more frequent (for all four candidates analysed and with more considerable weight were: voters’ religion, their “party sentiments”, their positioning on a left-right scale, the evaluations made of the then current government (in actual fact impor- tant only for the vote for Serra, the government’s candidate and the candidates’ attributes (especially “reliability” and “preparedness/competence”.

  13. Sistema electoral y cambio orgnizativo en los partidos políticos: el caso de Costa Rica (1950-1998

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Sergio ALFARO SALAS

    2009-11-01

    Full Text Available RESUMEN: El objetivo princ pal del presente artículo es evaluar el grado real de influencia del derecho electoral como var able independiente del cambio organizativo en los partidos políticos, a la vez que realiza un examen preliminar de las dimensiones de afectación de la misma en el caso costarricense. En él se propone y se prueba un sistema de identificación de la relación existente entre las citadas variables, buscando la influencia de los cambios relevantes en el derecho electoral, previamente detectados, sobre tres dimensiones de afectación dentro de la organización partidista: el perfeccionamiento de su aparato burocrático, el balance de poder interno y el control estatal.ABSTRACT: The main scope of this art cle is valuate, in the costarrican case, the real degree of influence of the electoral rules change as independent variable for the parties organizational change, secondly, it makes a previous examination of the dimensions that this factor can affect. It creates and tries an identification system of the relationship among this variables and also searchs the influence of the detected relevant legislation changes into three major dimensions of party organization: perfectioning of the party «aparatus», intemal balance of power and state control.

  14. ¡La competencia electoral de la Sala Constitucional de Costa Rica!

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Bernal Arias Ramírez

    2011-01-01

    Full Text Available Ensayo que en tres partes analiza el deslinde de competencias entre la Sala Constitucional de la Corte Suprema de Justicia y el Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones. La primera desarrolla cuáles son las competencias dadas por la Constitución y por la ley a la Sala Constitucional frente al Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones. En segundo lugar, analiza, si la jurisdicción constitucional violentó con su voto de mayoría el Derecho de la Constitución al emitir la sentencia que anula la resolución del Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones, que autorizaba la recolección de firmas para convocar un referéndum sobre el proyecto de ley denominado “Ley de unión civil entre personas del mismo sexo”. Posteriormente, en una tercera parte, aborda un asunto reciente como es lo relativo a la acción de inconstitucionalidad de la ex diputada Mauren Ballestero Vargas contra el artículo 262 del Código Electoral.

  15. Mediated Leader Effects: The Impact of Newspapers' Portrayal of Party Leadership on Electoral Support.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Aaldering, Loes; van der Meer, Tom; Van der Brug, Wouter

    2018-01-01

    Conventional wisdom holds that party leaders matter in democratic elections. As very few voters have direct contact with party leaders, media are voters' primary source of information about these leaders and, thus, the likely origin of leader effects on party support. Our study focuses on these supposed electoral effects of the media coverage of party leaders. We examine the positive and negative effects of specific leadership images in Dutch newspapers on vote intentions. To this end, we combine an extensive automated content analysis of leadership images in the media with a panel data set, the Dutch 1Vandaag Opinion Panel (1VOP), consisting of more than fifty thousand unique respondents and 110 waves of interviews conducted between September 2006 and September 2012. The results confirm that media coverage of party leaders' character traits affects voters: Positive mediated leadership images increase support for the leader's party, while negative images decrease this support. However, this influence is not unconditional: During campaign periods, positive leadership images have a stronger effect, while negative images no longer have an impact on subsequent vote intentions.

  16. Mediated Leader Effects: The Impact of Newspapers’ Portrayal of Party Leadership on Electoral Support

    Science.gov (United States)

    Aaldering, Loes; van der Meer, Tom; Van der Brug, Wouter

    2017-01-01

    Conventional wisdom holds that party leaders matter in democratic elections. As very few voters have direct contact with party leaders, media are voters’ primary source of information about these leaders and, thus, the likely origin of leader effects on party support. Our study focuses on these supposed electoral effects of the media coverage of party leaders. We examine the positive and negative effects of specific leadership images in Dutch newspapers on vote intentions. To this end, we combine an extensive automated content analysis of leadership images in the media with a panel data set, the Dutch 1Vandaag Opinion Panel (1VOP), consisting of more than fifty thousand unique respondents and 110 waves of interviews conducted between September 2006 and September 2012. The results confirm that media coverage of party leaders’ character traits affects voters: Positive mediated leadership images increase support for the leader’s party, while negative images decrease this support. However, this influence is not unconditional: During campaign periods, positive leadership images have a stronger effect, while negative images no longer have an impact on subsequent vote intentions. PMID:29527251

  17. POLITICAL ISLAM IN TUNISIA: ELECTORAL CONFLICT AND COOPERATION IN THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS OF 2004 AND 2009

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Guadalupe Martínez Fuentes

    2011-04-01

    Full Text Available One of the key points in the future of today’s political transition in Tunisia lies in the Islamists’ willingness to cooperate with the rest of the political parties to promote political change, as well as their electoral performance in the next elections. The aim of this article is to help reduce uncertainty on this issue, by clarifying its antecedents. With this aim, the author adopts as the article’s area of study the strategic-relational dimensions of Tunisia’s Islamist party’s performance in elections. With this in mind, the author analyses the types of interaction that the Islamist party maintained in the presidential elections of 2004 and 2009 with the other political and social parties that were critical of the Ben Ali regime, and examines its causes. As a result of this, the study concludes that up to now, both the party’s alignment with certain secular political and social actors from the structure of opposition to the Ben Ali regime, and its policy of confrontation with certain others, has not been based on any programmatic issue, nor on any issues of sensitivity or religious conception, but rather on the struggle to head political change and to lead a new government.

  18. Trump's electoral speeches and his appeal to the American white working class.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Lamont, Michèle; Park, Bo Yun; Ayala-Hurtado, Elena

    2017-11-01

    This paper contributes to the study of social change by considering boundary work as a dimension of cultural change. Drawing on the computer-assisted qualitative analysis of 73 formal speeches made by Donald Trump during the 2016 electoral campaign, we argue that his political rhetoric, which led to his presidential victory, addressed the white working class's concern with their declining position in the national pecking order. He addressed this group's concern by raising their moral status, that is, by (1) emphatically describing them as hard-working Americans who are victims of globalization; (2) voicing their concerns about 'people above' (professionals, the rich, and politicians); (3) drawing strong moral boundaries toward undocumented immigrants, refugees, and Muslims; (4) presenting African Americans and (legal) Hispanic Americans as workers who also deserve jobs; (5) stressing the role of working-class men as protectors of women and LGBTQ people. This particular case study of the role of boundary work in political rhetoric provides a novel, distinctively sociological approach for capturing dynamics of social change. © London School of Economics and Political Science 2017.

  19. Citizenship rights for immigrants: national political processes and cross-national convergence in western Europe, 1980-2008.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Koopmans, Ruud; Michalowski, Ines; Waibel, Stine

    2012-01-01

    Immigrant citizenship rights in the nation-state reference both theories of cross-national convergence and the resilience of national political processes. This article investigates European countries' attribution of rights to immigrants: Have these rights become more inclusive and more similar across countries? Are they affected by EU membership, the role of the judiciary, the party in power, the size of the immigrant electorate, or pressure exerted by anti-immigrant parties? Original data on 10 European countries, 1980-2008, reveal no evidence for cross-national convergence. Rights tended to become more inclusive until 2002, but stagnated afterward. Electoral changes drive these trends: growth of the immigrant electorate led to expansion, but countermobilization by right-wing parties slowed or reversed liberalizations. These electoral mechanisms are in turn shaped by long-standing policy traditions, leading to strong path dependence and the reproduction of preexisting cross-national differences.

  1. El marketing electoral en el ámbito local: el caso del municipio de Temamatla, Estado de México, 2012

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ana Esthela Benítez Garcés

    2015-07-01

    Full Text Available En este trabajo se examina la importancia de las estrategias de marketing electoral en la contienda por la Presidencia Municipal de Temamatla, Estado de México, en 2012. Con el fin de alcanzar este objetivo, en la primera parte de la investigación se analiza, en líneas generales, qué es la democracia, así como la importancia de los partidos políticos y de la publicidad electoral; en la segunda se es-tudia cómo las estrategias de mercadotecnia han adquirido relevancia en el ámbito comicial, y en la última se aborda específicamente cómo influyó la propaganda en las elecciones de 2012 en el muni-cipio mencionado / This work examines the importance of the electoral marketing strategies on the elections for Municipal President in Temamatla, State of Mexico in 2012. In order to reach this objective, the first part of the investigation analyzes, in general terms, what democracy is and the importance of the political parties and the electoral publicity. The second part presents the study on how the marketing strategies have become more relevant in the electoral sphere. Finally, the last part presents how the propaganda influenced the 2012 elections in this municipality.

  2. El marketing electoral en el ámbito local: el caso del municipio de Temamatla, Estado de México, 2012

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ana Esthela Benítez-Garcés

    2016-08-01

    Full Text Available En este trabajo se examina la importancia de las estrategias de marketing electoral en la contienda por la Presidencia Municipal de Temamatla, Estado de México, en 2012. Con el fin de alcanzar este objetivo, en la primera parte de la investigación se analiza, en líneas generales, qué es la democracia, así como la importancia de los partidos políticos y de la publicidad electoral; en la segunda se estudia cómo las estrategias de mercadotecnia han adquirido relevancia en el ámbito comicial, y en la última se aborda específicamente cómo influyó la propaganda en las elecciones de 2012 en el municipio mencionado. / This work examines the importance of the electoral marketing strategies on the elections for Municipal President in Temamatla, State of Mexico in 2012. In order to reach this objective, the first part of the investigation analyzes, in general terms, what democracy is and the importance of the political parties and the electoral publicity. The second part presents the study on how the marketing strategies have become more relevant in the electoral sphere. Finally, the last part presents how the propaganda influenced the 2012 elections in this municipality.

  3. Analysis of Health Facility Based Perinatal Verbal Autopsy of Electoral Constituency 2 of Arghakhanchi District, Nepal.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Manandhar, S R; Manandhar, D S; Adhikari, D; Shrestha, J; Rai, C; Rana, H; Paudel, M

    2015-01-01

    Verbal autopsy is a method to diagnose possible cause of death by analyzing factors associated with death through detailed questioning. This study is a part of the operational research program in electoral constituency no. 2 (EC 2) of Arghakhanchi district by MIRA and HealthRight International. Two day essential newborn care training followed by one day perinatal verbal autopsy training and later one day refresher verbal autopsy training was given for health staff of EC 2 of Arghakhanchi district in two groups. Stillbirths of >22wks or > 500 gms and Early neonatal deaths (newborns died within7 days of life) were included in this study. The Nepal Government approved verbal autopsy forms were used for performing autopsies. Perinatal deaths were classified according to Wigglesworth's Classification. Causes of Perinatal deaths were analyzed. Data were analyzed in the form of frequencies and tabulation in SPSS 16 . There were 41 cases of perinatal deaths (PND) were identified. Among them, 37 PNDs were from Arghakhanchi district hospital, 2 PNDs from Thada PHC, and one PND each from Subarnakhal and Pokharathok HPs. Among the 41 PNDs, 26 were stillbirths (SB) and 15 were early neonatal deaths (ENND). The perinatal mortality rate (PMR) of Arghakhanchi district hospital was 32.2 per 1,000 births and neonatal mortality rate (NMR) was 9.8 per 1,000 live births. Out of 26 stillbirths, 54% (14) were fresh SBs and 46% (12) were macerated stillbirths. The most common cause of stillbirth was obstetric complications (47%) where as birth asphyxia (53%) was the commonest cause of ENND. According to Wigglesworth's classification of perinatal deaths, Group IV (40%) was the commonest cause in the health facilities. Obstetric complication was the commonest cause of stillbirth and birth asphyxia was the commonest cause of early neonatal death. This study highlighted the need for regular antenatal check-ups and proper intrapartum fetal monitoring with timely and appropriate intervention to

  4. Organized factions and disorganized parties: electoral incentives in Uruguay Grupos organizados y partidos desorganizados: incentivos electorales en Uruguay

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    Scott MORGENSTERN

    2010-07-01

    Full Text Available This paper extends the study of party organization and legislative voting to factionalize party systems. After developing a typology of factional types, it argues that hierarchically organized factions respond to a competing incentive system. Factions have interests that push them to work together for the good of the party, but at the same time, they have interests in distinguishing themselves for electoral purposes. Further, the electoral cycle drives the weights of these competing pressures, leading factional cooperation to break down as elections near. These patterns and incentives are particularly evident in Uruguay, and the paper uses roll-call data from that country's legislature to test the propositionsEl presente artículo aplica el estudio de la organización de partidos y el voto legislativo a sistemas de partidos con facciones. Tras desarrollar una clasificación de los diferentes tipos de facciones, se argumenta que las facciones jerárquicamente organizadas responden a un sistema competitivo de incentivos. Pese a que las facciones tienen intereses que las empujan a trabajar juntas por el bien del partido, al mismo tiempo, tienen interés en diferenciarse unas de otras por propósitos electorales. Además, el ciclo electoral dirige los pesos de estas presiones competitivas provocando la ruptura en la cooperación entre las facciones conforme se aproximan las elecciones. Estas pautas e incentivos son particularmente evidentes en el caso de Uruguay, por lo que el artículo utiliza datos del voto nominal del Legislativo del país para probar estos argumentos.

  5. La regulación del proceso electoral en Francia: entre política y derecho

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    Ariana Macaya

    2013-01-01

    Full Text Available : Este trabajo hace una presentación de la regulación del proceso electoral en Francia, a la luz de las recientes elecciones presidenciales y legislativas en este país. El sistema francés ha desarrollado una regulación estricta de los dos principales momentos del proceso electoral previos al sufragio: el acceso a la elección de los diferentes candidatos y el desarrollo de la campaña electoral. De esta forma, todo candidato debe contar con una presentación oficial y debe cumplir con un conjunto de obligaciones en materia de financiamiento y propaganda. Asimismo, el Estado juega un papel protagónico en la organización, financiamiento y regulación de la campaña. El sistema busca lograr un equilibrio entre, por un lado, la protección de diferentes libertades constitucionales, como la libertad de expresión o la libertad de hacer campaña, y, por otro lado, la garantía de la pureza del sufragio y del pluralismo político, sin embargo su excesivo formalismo y la dificultad de llevar a cabo los diferentes controles lo han hecho objeto de críticas. La exposición de este sistema, con sus defectos y virtudes, servirá para lanzar algunas pistas de reflexión sobre nuestro propio sistema de regulación, el cual ha sido objeto de debates y proyectos de reformas en los últimos meses

  6. Jóvenes y participación electoral en Chile 1989-2013. Analizando el efecto del voto voluntario

    OpenAIRE

    Gonzalo Contreras-Aguirre; Mauricio Morales-Quiroga

    2014-01-01

    Según sus promotores, la adopción del voto voluntario en Chile produciría un aumento en la participación electoral y un mayor involucramiento de los jóvenes en política. Sin embargo, los resultados de las últimas elecciones presidenciales mostraron todo lo contrario. La participación se redujo a niveles históricos y los jóvenes siguen siendo el grupo con menor predisposición a votar. En un país donde la pobreza ha retrocedido, pero los niveles de desigualdad prácticamente no han variado, la i...

  7. Inconsistencias contaminantes: gobernación electoral y conflicto poselectoral en las elecciones presidenciales del 2006 en México

    OpenAIRE

    Andreas SCHEDLER

    2009-01-01

    RESUMEN: Cuando partidos o candidatos derrotados rechazan el resultado de una elección, casi invariablemente aseveran haber sido víctimas de fraude. La democracia les exige aceptar su derrota, el fraude los libera de esta exigencia. En muchos casos, es difícil para ciudadanos y observadores evaluar la veracidad de sus acusaciones. Como argumenta el presente ensayo, la presencia de inconsistencias en el ámbito de la gobernación electoral tiende a alimentar el fuego del conflicto poselectoral d...

  8. Bases sociales de la abstención electoral en la Argentina de comienzos del siglo XXI

    OpenAIRE

    Jorge Raúl Jorrat

    2013-01-01

    La abstención electoral ha sido un tema de preocupación tanto en la vida política argentina como en los estudios internacionales sobre el tema. Para etapas tempranas la prensa y la dirigencia política local se preocupaba por la posibilidad de que “la mejor gente” –supuestamente alejada de la vida cívica- no concurriera a las urnas. Respecto de tales etapas, Canton y Jorrat rechazaron empíricamente la visión impresionista de que en la ciudad de Buenos Aires la “mejor gente” no votaba. Lijphart...

  9. La campaña electoral, vista desde la perspectiva de la propaganda de ataque y el rumor

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Dr. Iván Abreu Sojo

    1998-01-01

    Full Text Available En el presente artículo el autor pasa revista a algunos elementos presentes en las campañas electorales, no correspondientes a la promoción de las virtudes de los candidatos o a la oferta electoral. Se trata más bien de analizar el papel relevante que en el contexto venezolano han adquirido la propaganda de ataque, la contrapropaganda y la propaganda negra, la llamada "guerra sucia", los rumores y comentarios, esfuerzos para desacreditar al adversario.

  10. Sistema electoral y representación política en el Perú actual

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    Domingo García Belaunde

    1987-12-01

    Full Text Available El presente texto es la ponencia presentada al simposio internadonal "Sistema electoral y representación política-países andinos", organizado por el Instituto de Cooperación Iberoamericana y la Fundación Ebert, en colaboración con el Centro de Estudios Constitucionales y la Cátedra de Teoría del Estado de la UNED, y que se llevó a cabo en Segovia. del 25 al 27 de noviembre de 1986. Por razones de tiempo, no se pudo considerar comentario alguno acerca de las elecciones municipales realizadas en noviembre de 1986.

  11. Electoral Mobilization for European Parliament Elections – A Portuguese Quasi-Experimental Plan for The 2004/2009 Elections

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    Jorge De Sá

    2014-02-01

    Full Text Available The European Parliament (EP elections have registered high rates of abstention and Portugal is no different from all the other EU countries. From a relational marketing paradigm, we have tried to define the concept of local proximity-based political communication, the grounds for a research program based on a quasi-experimental plan aimed at verifying a set of assumptions on the effects of local proximity-based political communication on the mobilization of Portuguese voters for the EP elections of 2004 and 2009. The results are clear: the proximity-based political communication generated significant electoral mobilization in those two elections.

  12. MULTILINGÜISME I TREBALL TERMINOLÒGIC: UN EXEMPLE EN L’ÀMBIT DE LA TERMINOLOGIA ELECTORAL

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    Elisabeth CASADEMONT I CAIXÀS

    2016-05-01

    Full Text Available Specialized knowledge develops in a multilingual context. In consequence, multilinguism has an influence on terminology work. In this article we provide examples from the Terminologia electoral bàsica, produced by TERMCAT, to illustrate various ways in which multilinguism has an effect on terminology: either on the concept (concepts that are non-existent in other languages; transfers of meanings from one language to another, or terms with a slight different meaning depending on the language or on the denomination of the term (loanwords; the use of multiple denominations for one concept, or the use of parallel denominations for different concepts in different languages.

  13. Echilibru partinic și reprezentare electorală în democraţiile estice

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    Silviu-Petru Grecu

    2011-08-01

    Full Text Available The success of democratic order in post-communist countries depends on the balance of political parties, the equilibrium of electoral systems and the role played by the social capital in spreading the rules of democracy. This paper is focused on a quantitative-multivariate analyse of political and party dynamics in Eastern Europe. The main objective of this article is to underline the party dynamics and evolution in a comparative case study between Romania and Poland. We want to create a comprehensive image of election and party evolution in post-communist countries.

  14. Participación electoral comparada en América Latina: un modelo desde la teoría de elección racional

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    Adrián Pignataro

    2014-01-01

    Full Text Available El estudio de la participación electoral ha interesado por gran tiempo a la ciencia política debido a su importancia teórica, empírica y metodológica. La investigación busca estimar el poder predictivo de un modelo de la teoría de elección racional sobre los niveles de participación electoral en 64 elecciones presidenciales de los países de América Latina entre 1995 y 2010. Se encuentra que la competencia electoral, el poder presidencial, el estatus mayoritario, el voto obligatorio, el registro no voluntario y la inercia del electorado influyen significativamente en los niveles de participación. El poder predictivo es constatado por medio de la variabilidad explicada por el modelo y los pronósticos para cuatro elecciones en 2011, el cual ha resultado ser moderadamente alto.

  15. Reformas eleitorais na América Latina: grandes expectativas, poucos casos, resultados perversos Electoral reforms in Latin America: great expectations, few cases, perverse outcomes

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    André Marenco

    2012-12-01

    Full Text Available Este texto pretende realizar um balanço de reformas eleitorais nas regras para a escolha de cadeiras legislativas na América Latina a partir da terceira onda da democracia. Na primeira parte, é feita uma revisão dos estudos sobre sistemas eleitorais, considerando, em particular, os efeitos políticos provocados pelas regras de conversão de votos em mandatos eletivos e os fatores que contribuem para a realização de reformas eleitorais. Na segunda parte, são examinadas as reformas eleitorais promovidas na América Latina, buscando identificar fatores que tenham contribuído para sua realização. Na terceira seção, foram analisadas as consequências provocadas pelas mudanças nos sistemas eleitorais, especialmente aquelas relacionadas ao grau de competição partidária, volatilidade eleitoral e a desestruturação dos sistemas partidários após a implementação das reformas.This article seeks to compare electoral reforms aimed at changing the rules for the choice of legislative seats in Latin America, since the third wave of democracy. In the first section, it is presented a literature review on electoral systems studies, considering especially the political effects of the rules on how seats are distributed according to votes, and the factors that contribute to induce electoral reforms as well. In the second section, the electoral reforms promoted in Latin America are analyzed with the purpose of identifying the factors that contributed to produce such reforms. In the third section, the consequences of changes in the electoral systems are analyzed, focusing those associated to the degree of party competition and electoral volatility.

  16. ¿Para qué sirven las campañas electorales?: Los efectos de la campaña electoral española de 1993

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    MARÍA FERNÁNDEZ MELLIZO-SOTO

    2001-01-01

    Full Text Available Este artículo explora los efectos de la campaña electoral española de 1993 en el comportamiento electoral siguiendo los antiguos presupuestos de Lazarsfeld y su grupo de Columbia, así como los de sus continuadores. Se ha contado para ello con una encuesta de datos de panel con mediciones antes y después de las elecciones. Se han perseguido dos grandes objetivos. En primer lugar, examinar mediante el modelo de activación si el voto (en el plano individual está influido por la campaña electoral o si, en última instancia, queda "predeterminado" por las predisposiciones políticas antes de la campaña, y que se activan durante ella. En segundo lugar, analizar los efectos específicos de la campaña en el voto (los de activación, reforzamiento y conversión, así como la interpretación de los indecisos y de cómo fueron activadas sus predisposiciones hacia el PSOE. Este artículo muestra que los desarrollos de Lazarsfeld y su equipo son ciertos para el caso español: las predisposiciones políticas que los individuos presentan al comenzar la campaña electoral predicen con bastante precisión el voto que finalmente emiten. El efecto de la campaña electoral es, por lo tanto, reducido. Los efectos concretos que se produjeron en la campaña electoral de 1993 consistieron en el reforzamiento de quienes tenían unas preferencias de voto consistentes en las pedisposiciones políticas y en la activación de los indecisos. Este último efecto fue el determinante de la victoria del PSOE sobre el PP, una victoria que no se recogía en buena parte en los sondeos realizados entonces

  17. Encuestas y elecciones presidenciales de 2006: instrumento de investigación mercadotécnica y/o vaticinio electoral

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    Francisco de Jesús Aceves González

    2007-01-01

    Full Text Available En este trabajo se analiza el papel de las encuestas electorales en la reciente contienda presidencial desde una perspectiva que destaca su doble dimensión: como instrumentos de la mercadotecnia política y como pronóstico electoral. En el primer caso, lo que interesa es identificar el uso de las mismas en la implementación de las estrategias comunicacionales de los candidatos mayoritarios; y en el segundo, evaluar su valor predictivo respecto a los resultados derivados de la votación emitida en la jornada electoral.

  18. ¿Cómo realizar elecciones inauténticas sin morir en el intento? El caso de México y su sistema electoral

    OpenAIRE

    Cansino, César

    2012-01-01

    Si hay un caso en el mundo que por sí solo haya implementado y perfeccionado todas las modalidades posibles e imposibles de elecciones inauténticas, ese caso es sin duda México. Parte de la explicación de ello se encuentra en el sistema electoral mexicano, diseñado para que reine la discrecionalidad sobre el imperio de la ley. En este estudio se analiza el fenómeno con los fallos que al cobijo de la ley realizó el Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación en ocasión de los comici...

  19. Cultura política y elecciones en México. El Instituto Federal Electoral y la educación cívica

    OpenAIRE

    Alanis Figueroa, María Carmen

    2002-01-01

    RESUMEN: Se presentan un conjunto de reflexiones en torno a la cultura política de los mexicanos, la participación electoral y las actividades que realiza el Instituto Federal Electoral para fomentar la cultura cívica. En este sentido se puede decir que en México se vive una democracia que es producto de un proceso de transición pacífica fundado en modificaciones constitucionales y legales que allanaron el camino para la participación incluyente de nuevas fuerzas políticas y la celebración de...

  20. Abstencionismo electoral y adscripción religiosa en México: apuntes para una agenda de investigación

    OpenAIRE

    Hurtado González, Javier; Arellano Ríos, Alberto

    2017-01-01

    Resumen: En este texto se analiza la relación que pudiera existir entre el abstencionismo electoral y la adscripción religiosa. Para la consecución de este fin se valora,, en un inicio, la complejidad del abstencionismo electoral y cómo podría encontrarse en la adscripción religiosa un factor que explique este comportamiento político. Ya en la parte medular del texto se hace una valoración macro en el ámbito local o de las entidades federativas entre el catolicismo y el protestantismo. Despué...

  1. Violencia y comportamiento electoral: el caso del Estado de México / Violence and Voting Behavior: The Case of the State of Mexico

    OpenAIRE

    Amalia Pulido Gómez; Bernardo J. Almaraz Calderón

    2017-01-01

    Este trabajo analiza el impacto de la violencia en el comportamiento electoral de los ciudadanos del Estado de México en el nivel municipal. Nuestro argumento principal es que la violencia afectará el comportamiento electoral de los ciudadanos en las elecciones municipales, sin embargo, este efecto será diferente para los tres partidos mayoritarios del Estado de México: el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), el Partido Acción Nacional (PAN) y el Partido de la Revolución Democrática (P...

  2. Argentina 83. La campaña electoral en una transición política

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    Ariana Vacchieri

    2015-01-01

    Full Text Available La revista se centra en el rol que desempeñan los medios en las campañas electorales,se publica la función política de éstos en Escandinavia,(1983La campaña electoral en una transición política en Argentina, (1986Una democracia amenazada en Costa Rica, (1985 Rescate de la memoria colectiva desde el Perú, (1983 Impacto de la crisis económica en Venezuela,(1986 Impresiones del periodismo político en Austria, (1984Propaganda electoral en la prensa de Quito, (1984 Estados Unidos. Estrategia de Comunicación:la elección presidencial. En la sección NUEVAS TECNOLOGÍAS se habla de los flujos de datos transfrontera (FDT y cuestiones afines. En DOCUMENTOS se publica sobre Innovación tecnológica en Educación, el Informe de proyectos 1985, la Primera reunión de Jamaica..

  3. Los procesos de distritación electoral y el uso del criterio de comunidad de interés

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Carlos J. Vilalta Perdomo

    2002-01-01

    Full Text Available Una adecuada distritación electoral es elemento indispensable para el justo ejercicio democrático. No obstante, en México no se ha puesto aún suficiente atención en este tema. Este trabajo ofrece una contribución metodológica al centrarse principalmente en el Criterio de "comunidad de interés". Los resultados de un ejercicio experimental de distritación electoral para el Estado de México demuestran que la utilización de este criterio bajo una dimensión metropolitana, junto con un nuevo algoritmo y el uso indistinto de diversas unidades geográficas al momento de redistritar, ofrece buenos resultados numéricos. De manera accesoria, se coincide con la opinión generalizada de que el proceso de redistritación oficial de 1996 representó un avance sustancial respecto a la de 1978, pero también se sugiere que ésta es perfectible y se puede avanzar más en la aplicación de nuevos criterios rectores en posteriores redistritaciones.

  4. «Vote by vote… box by box…». From the post-electoral slogan to the citizen mobilization

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    Diana GUILLÉN RODRÍGUEZ

    2011-06-01

    Full Text Available From direct observation and hemerography sources, this article reconstructs the mobilizations that took place in Mexico city on June 8, 16 and 30 of 2006, in protestation of the results of the previous electoral day. An important challenge was set out for the institutions behind the slogan «Vote by vote... box by box» and a basic right to democracy was demanded, even in its more limited version: the certainty that what was individually expressed on the ballot boxes, would be counted according to reliable and dependable criteria and procedures. These mobilizations represented an unknown experience in the Mexican context. In contrast to previous actions against electoral fraud, one of the driving forces on this particular protest was the certainty that, from society, people could and should intervene. From such perspective, and regardless of the sympathies or dislikes that it might create, they constitute a milestone for social, political and contemporary history in Mexico. Hence, to recover and to systematize its central characteristics is of great importance.

  5. Los desafíos de la consolidación electoral: El caso del Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones

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    José Fabián Ruiz Valerio

    2017-01-01

    Full Text Available Este trabajo analiza el desempeño del Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones de Costa Rica y los desafíos que se le presentan a un órgano electoral consolidado. Efectivamente, el Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones es una institución de referencia en la región. Creado en la Constitución de 1949, desde entonces se ha desempeñado sin interferencias en el cumplimiento de sus funciones. A su vez, la democracia en el país se erige como una de las más antiguas de América Latina. Por consiguiente, la interrogante central que guía esta investigación es ¿cuáles son los principales desafíos que enfrenta en sus actividades una institución electoral consolidada dentro de un régimen democrático estable? Para responder, se realizaron 5 entrevistas a profundidad, semiestructuradas, con funcionarios del Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones (magistrados titulares, personal del IFED. A estos se agregaron funcionarios y ex funcionarios del IIDH-CAPEL, que nos brindaron una visión comparada del caso de Costa Rica en relación con el contexto latinoamericano. A partir del análisis de la información, se plantean algunas reflexiones sobre el caso de estudio.

  6. La influencia moral en Asia. Práctica política y corrupción electoral en Filipinas durante la dominación colonial española

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    Inarejos Muñoz, Juan Antonio

    2012-06-01

    Full Text Available From a microhistory and comparative approach, the paper traces the mechanisms of political representation and local power in Philippines during the Spanish colonial rule. The indigenous political leaders —appointed for the Spanish colonial authorities for diverse political, economic and religious reasons— played a crucial role in building resistance or allegiance to the metropolitan government in the oriental dominions. These are the main lines of a study that also compares the electoral process in the Philippine colonial territories with the strategies of political control and élites dispute in the metropolitan power during the nineteenth century. But also the scrutiny of the meaning of the electoral reform of 1893 and the obstacles encountered by the colonial authorities to eradicate the vices and moral influence, by act or omission, they had promoted for decades.En el artículo se rastrean los mecanismos de representación y el ejercicio del poder local en Filipinas durante la dominación colonial española. Seleccionadas por las autoridades coloniales en función de criterios políticos, económicos y religiosos, las clases dirigentes nativas desempeñaron un papel ineludible en las resistencias o las lealtades que despertó el gobierno de la metrópoli en las posesiones orientales. Estos aspectos constituyen las principales líneas de estudio de un análisis concebido en clave comparativa con los mecanismos ensayados en la península en torno al acceso y control del poder local durante el siglo XIX. El desbroce de sus analogías y disimilitudes ocupa un lugar central junto al escudriñamiento del significado de la reforma electoral de 1893 y los obstáculos que encontraron las autoridades coloniales para erradicar los vicios o influencia moral que, por acción u omisión, habían fomentado durante décadas.

  7. Right-wing radical populism in city and suburbs: an electoral geography of the Partij Voor de Vrijheid in the Netherlands

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    van Gent, W.P.C.; Jansen, E.F.; Smits, J.H.F.

    2014-01-01

    This paper looks at the electoral geography of the Partij Voor de Vrijheid, a Dutch right-wing radical populist party, which is anti-immigration, anti-establishment and critical of urban conditions. Combining survey analyses and geocoded polling station data analyses of the 2010 parliamentary

  8. Mujeres y participación política en el proceso electoral federal 2012 en Ciudad Juárez

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    Cecilia Sarabia Ríos

    2014-01-01

    Full Text Available Este documento tiene como intención explorar la participación política de las mujeres en un proceso político formal: el proceso electoral federal 2012. Un proceso electoral ofrece a las mujeres la posibilidad de varias formas de activación en diversos niveles e intensidades y posibilita el aprendizaje sobre los derechos políticos y las reglas para el acceso al poder público. No obstante el avance de las mujeres en la reivindicación en los espacios públicos y en actividades encaminadas a la toma de decisiones, todavía subsisten condiciones estructurales que inhiben la participación en determinadas áreas de la política formal. La información presentada es de carácter cuantitativo y se generó a partir de la exploración de los registros sobre el proceso electoral del Instituto Federal Electoral en Chihuahua y de entrevistas a representantes de partidos políticos.

  9. The good, the bad, and the voter: the impact of hate speech prosecution of a politician on the electoral support for his party

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    van Spanje, J.; de Vreese, C.

    2015-01-01

    Hate speech prosecution of politicians is a common phenomenon in established democracies. Examples of politicians tried for hate speech include Nick Griffin in Britain and Jean-Marie Le Pen in France. Does hate speech prosecution of politicians affect the electoral support for their party? This is

  10. Un enfoque de diseño de mercados para la selección de personal del Instituto Nacional Electoral en México

    OpenAIRE

    David Cantala; Jaume Sempere

    2015-01-01

    In this document we propose a model based in matching games to analyze the problem of workers' selection by the National Electoral Institute of Mexico. After a revision of the theoretically relevant results, an allocation mechanism is proposed to select the workers. This mechanism improves the existing procedure.

  11. Some General Considerations Regarding the Implications of the Changing of Electoral System upon the Structure of Political Élites in Romania

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    Marcela Monica Stoica

    2011-05-01

    Full Text Available This paper is innovating the theory of elités in the way it was configured by the Central and Eastern European thinking (researches and studies because it is focused on the way the changing of the electoral system influences the structure of political parliamentary elités. This study aims at revealing the connection between the electoral system and the structure of political élites, and it is based on two sociological researches that took place in the Romanian Parliament (Chamber of Deputies in two different chronological and political moments. The first chronological moment was in October 2008 and the second was in November 2009. The political moments are given by the presence of two different types of electoral systems. In the first research, the political élites analyzed belonged to a parliament elected by a proportional representation system (PR on closed lists, and in the second, the elections took place by „uninominal” system. It is shown that the change of electoral system from a period to another does determines the strategy of behavior of the political parliamentary élites and, implicitly, the functioning of parliamentary democracy through the political decisions that shape a certain behavior of élites.

  12. Medición de la cristalización electoral de un movimiento de protesta: de la indignación al voto

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    Josep Lobera

    2017-01-01

    Full Text Available Nuestro trabajo trata de aportar nuevas aproximaciones metodológicas y conceptuales al análisis del impacto electoral de movimientos sociales y de protesta. Dos campos de estudio, el de los movimientos sociales y el de nuevos partidos políticos, parecen haber dejado un hueco analítico escasamente tratado entre los dos: la conexión entre el auge de movimientos sociales y la posterior aparición de nuevos partidos políticos. Concretamente, nos interesa indagar cómo se comportan electoralmente las bases de un movimiento de protesta ante la aparición de un nuevo partido que, teóricamente, recoge las demandas centrales del movimiento. Analizamos el paso del apoyo al movimiento 15M (conocido también como los indignados al apoyo electoral a Podemos tras sus primeros meses de existencia. Para ello introducimos el cálculo de un índice de cristalización electoral para diferentes grupos sociales, lo que nos permite contri - buir a la caracterización de la emergencia del nuevo partido. Los datos apuntan a que el voto a Podemos en las elecciones europeas de 2014 puede entenderse como a una extensión de la protesta en el campo electoral. Esta continuidad con la protesta parece caracterizar la aparición del nuevo partido, tanto en la base social de su primer electorado como en lo que se refiere a su aspecto narrativo- simbólico. Su primera base electoral no respondería tanto a un voto de protes - ta – en el sentido planteado por Van der Eijk– sino, más bien, a un voto de la protesta, consiguiendo captar electoralmente a aquellos simpatizantes del 15M más identificados con sus principales reivindicaciones. Finalmente, contrastando los resultados con otros estudios, apuntamos que la crisis política y de confianza institucional tendría un efecto asimétrico en la dinámica electoral a lo largo del arco ideológico, de un modo mucho más intenso de lo que ocurre en el apoyo a los movimientos de protesta. Así, la ideología se presenta

  13. México: contexto econômico e estratégias eleitorais Mexico: economic context and electoral strategies

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    Alejandro Alvarez Béjar

    2000-01-01

    Full Text Available Este "exercício de economia política para a análise da conjuntura" examina diversas dimensões do desempenho recente da economia mexicana para no final orientar a análise para a dimensão política, especialmente no que concerne aos mecanismo de sustentação do poder do PRI e às alianças das principais forças eleitorais.This "exercise in political economy directed to the analysis of the conjuncture" examines several dimensions of the recent performance of the Mexican economy, finishing by focusing the analysis on the political dimension, specially concerning the mechanisms for buttressing the power of the PRI and the alliances between the main electoral forces.

  14. Voto nulo en Jalisco Causas, construcción y resultado en el proceso electoral de julio de 2009

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    Julián Atilano Morales

    2013-01-01

    Full Text Available Esta investigaci n intentar abordar y analizar, en el marco del proceso electoral intermedio de 2009 en M xico, las causas, motivaciones y construcci n, de lo que se denomin como movimiento del voto nulo , enfoc ndome en el estado de Jalisco. Para lograr lo anterior, contextua- lizo de manera breve tanto el ambiente social como el pol tico een el mbito nacional que origin la promoci n de anular el voto; tambi n me detendr en la construcci n de dicho movimiento. Asimismo, utilizo herramientas cuali- tativas y cuantitativas para dilucidar el resultado obtenido en las urnas y, por ende, el impacto del movimiento anulista. Finalmente, exhibo el rostro promedio del anualista y reflexiono sobre el presente y el futuro del movimiento el futuro del movimiento.

  15. «Vote by vote… box by box…». From the post-electoral slogan to the citizen mobilization

    OpenAIRE

    Guillén Rodríguez, Diana

    2011-01-01

    A partir de la observación directa y de fuentes hemerográficas, el artículo reconstruye las marchas que se realizaron en la ciudad de México los días 8, 16 y 30 de julio de 2006, en protesta por los resultados de la jornada electoral previa (2 de julio) para renovar la presidencia de la república. Tras la consigna «Voto x voto… casilla x casilla» se planteó un reto importante a las instituciones y se exigió un derecho básico de la democracia, incluso en su versión más limitada: la certidumbre...

  16. Violent Extremist Organizations and the Electoral Cycle in Africa: A Framework for Analyzing the 2015 Tanzanian Elections

    Science.gov (United States)

    2015-02-01

    Peter  Tinti, “Contextualizing Boko Haram,” Beacon Reader, April 21, 2014,  https://www.beaconreader.com/ peter ‐tinti/contextualizing‐boko‐haram, accessed...major political contenders. The Zanzibar  Electoral Commission ( ZEC ), widely perceived as an extension of the ruling party, intensified this  rivalry when...accusation of  ZEC  misconduct, rejection of  the  results,  and  calls  for  a  new  election.34  There  were  several  bomb  and  arson  attacks  on

  17. El tamaño del Poder Legislativo como modulador del sistema electoral en la democracia representativa, el caso costarricense

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    Diego González Fernández

    2014-07-01

    Full Text Available El tamaño de los poderes legislativos es, dentro de las democracias representativas contemporáneas, un modulador fundamental del sistema electoral. Más aún, en sistemas donde lo que prima son las fórmulas electorales de carácter proporcional –fórmula Hare, Hare Modificado, D’Hondt, entre otras- en la elección de los legisladores, como es el caso costarricense, y en general, en toda América Latina. Siendo así, se parte de dos premisas básicas: en primer término, un parlamento con mayor número de integrantes se traduce en que el sistema electoral realizará una repartición más adecuada de diputaciones por partido político; y, en segundo lugar, esta proposición se complementa defendiendo que en los poderes legislativos donde la relación de proporcionalidad entre representante-representado, es decir, el número de habitantes que representa un legislador muestre mayor proximidad, expresará una tendencia a una mayor calidad en la democracia. A partir de estas premisas, se vislumbra el fin de este artículo el cual estudia primeramente la perspectiva teórica del tema, para después profundizar en el abordaje contemporáneo con detalle en el caso costarricense. Ello mediante un estudio al artículo 106 de la Constitución Política y un abordaje comparativo con la región latinoamericana.

  18. Inconsistencias contaminantes: gobernación electoral y conflicto poselectoral en las elecciones presidenciales del 2006 en México

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    Andreas SCHEDLER

    2010-03-01

    Full Text Available RESUMEN: Cuando partidos o candidatos derrotados rechazan el resultado de una elección, casi invariablemente aseveran haber sido víctimas de fraude. La democracia les exige aceptar su derrota, el fraude los libera de esta exigencia. En muchos casos, es difícil para ciudadanos y observadores evaluar la veracidad de sus acusaciones. Como argumenta el presente ensayo, la presencia de inconsistencias en el ámbito de la gobernación electoral tiende a alimentar el fuego del conflicto poselectoral de manera significativa. Las inconsistencias hacen que sea muy fácil sembrar dudas sobre la elección y muy complicado despejarlas. Para ilustrar su efecto contaminante, el ensayo examina de manera detallada las inconsistencias administrativas y judiciales que alimentaron las acusaciones de fraude en la controvertida elección presidencial del año 2006 en México. ABSTRACT: Losing parties or candidates almost invariably claim to be victims of fraud when they refuse to accept the results of an election. Democracy demands that losers consent to their defeat; fraud sets them free to reject it. In many cases, though, citizens and observers have a difficult time in assessing the veracity of their claims. As the present essay argues, the presence of inconsistencies in the realm of electoral governance tends to significantly aggravate such postelectoral disputes. To illustrate their contaminating consequences, the essay closely examines the administrative and judicial inconsistencies that fed allegations of fraud in the controversial 2006 presidential elections in Mexico.

  19. Inconsistencias contaminantes: gobernación electoral y conflicto poselectoral en las elecciones presidenciales del 2006 en México

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    Andreas SCHEDLER

    2009-08-01

    Full Text Available RESUMEN: Cuando partidos o candidatos derrotados rechazan el resultado de una elección, casi invariablemente aseveran haber sido víctimas de fraude. La democracia les exige aceptar su derrota, el fraude los libera de esta exigencia. En muchos casos, es difícil para ciudadanos y observadores evaluar la veracidad de sus acusaciones. Como argumenta el presente ensayo, la presencia de inconsistencias en el ámbito de la gobernación electoral tiende a alimentar el fuego del conflicto poselectoral de manera significativa. Las inconsistencias hacen que sea muy fácil sembrar dudas sobre la elección y muy complicado despejarlas. Para ilustrar su efecto contaminante, el ensayo examina de manera detallada las inconsistencias administrativas y judiciales que alimentaron las acusaciones de fraude en la controvertida elección presidencial del año 2006 en México. ABSTRACT: Losing parties or candidates almost invariably claim to be victims of fraud when they refuse to accept the results of an election. Democracy demands that losers consent to their defeat; fraud sets them free to reject it. In many cases, though, citizens and observers have a difficult time in assessing the veracity of their claims. As the present essay argues, the presence of inconsistencies in the realm of electoral governance tends to significantly aggravate such postelectoral disputes. To illustrate their contaminating consequences, the essay closely examines the administrative and judicial inconsistencies that fed allegations of fraud in the controversial 2006 presidential elections in Mexico.

  20. Criminality, insecurity and behavior of voters: An analysis of 2010 state electoral process in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua

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    Andrés Valdez Zepeda

    2011-01-01

    Full Text Available This text analyses the effect of the insecurity crisis as a result of the “war against narcotrafic” in the behaviour of citizens in election times. We particulary describe the effect of the current public safety crisis in the results of the local elections in Ciudad Juarez in 2010. We conclude that violence and insecurity crisis oriented voting behavior. Ciudad Juarez case shows that, despite public insecurity and violence indicators, the Partido Revolucionario Institucional, as the local and national ruling party, won the election.

  1. La segunda vuelta electoral para la elección presidencial: una propuesta para México desde la visión latinoamericana

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    Marco Antonio Rodríguez Escobedo

    2014-07-01

    Full Text Available Con el presente trabajo no pretendemos innovar, simplemente es nuestra intención poner de manifiesto que la segunda vuelta en las elecciones presidenciales otorgan legitimidad al candidato vencedor, con ello emanan dos acciones fundamentales para un gobierno: la gobernanza pacífica y la credibilidad de las instituciones por parte de la sociedad. Así, daremos cuenta de cómo en Latinoamérica esta figura jurídica en materia electoral ha dado resultados a la hora de utilizarla, es por ello que proponemos su implementación en el derecho electoral mexicano para evitar, en la medida de lo posible, la judicialización de los procesos electorales y además la denostación de las instituciones tal y como sucedió en las últimas dos elecciones presidenciales

  2. LA DIVISIÓN DE PODERES Y LAS COMPETENCIAS EXCLUSIVAS EN MATERIA ELECTORAL EN LA LEGISLACIÓN NICARAGÜENSE

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    Julio Acuña Martínez

    2014-07-01

    Full Text Available La democracia liberal establece la división de poderes como forma de control entre estos, eventualmente entran en contradicciones cuando paralelamente dos Organismos tienen atribuidas similares funciones ante un mismo acto jurídico. Esta discrepancia se dio en Nicaragua en los años 2005/2007 entre el Poder Electoral y el legislativo con relación a la nulidad de la elección de un diputado. La metodología utilizada es la investigación documental de un caso a la luz de la legislación constitucional, electoral y de la doctrina pertinente y el propósito aportar a la discusión doctrinaria y jurídica sobre la competencia de los referidos poderes del estado.

  3. Campañas políticas y configuración del voto electoral en 2006. Encuestas electorales y publicidad política

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    Luis Fernando Sánchez Murillo

    2008-01-01

    Full Text Available Este artículo analiza las estrategias de campaña publicitarias de los candidatos en las elecciones presidenciales de 2006 en México a partir de los resultados de las encuestas electorales y de las vicisitudes experimentadas por los entrevistados en la configuración de la decisión del voto en el contexto de las campañas. Asimismo, se intenta responder una serie de preguntas derivadas de la problemática, tales como: ¿detectan las encuestas las variaciones de las preferencias electorales en el transcurso de la campaña electoral?, ¿existe relación entre las actividades de campaña y las variaciones en las preferencias electorales?, ¿impactan las campañas publicitarias en la definición del voto electoral?

  4. EL “PLEBISCITO” DE HIPÓLITO YRIGOYEN: LA CAMPAÑA ELECTORAL DE 1928 EN LA CIUDAD DE BUENOS AIRES VISTA DESDE LA ÉPOCA

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    María José Valdez

    2012-01-01

    Full Text Available Este trabajo analiza la campaña electoral que culminó en abril de 1928 en laciudad de Buenos Aires desde el diario radicalLa Época. Reconstruyendo elescenario que llevó por segunda vez a Hipólito Yrigoyen a la presidencia(en el comicio que se conoció con el nombre deel plebiscito el artículo es-tudia la manera en que los propios radicales construyeron su mirada sobredos aspectos: primero, sobre la forma en que entendieron su propio partidopolítico; segundo, sobre la sociedad que ellos mismos pretendían convocary representar. Así, se atenderá a la forma en que los radicales personalistasorganizaron su campaña electoral, las actividades y la forma en que convo-caron a sus adherentes.

  5. Sistemas de justicia electoral en América Latina y estándares interamericanos sobre perspectiva de género

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    J. Jesús Orozco Henríquez

    2012-01-01

    Full Text Available Proporciona un panorama sobre los sistemas de justicia electoral en América Latina y expone algunos de los principales estándares interamericanos sobre el respeto y la protección de los derechos políticos con perspectiva de género. La instauración, estructura y competencia de este tipo de tribunales electorales se ha traducido en un factor importante para los procesos de transición y consolidación democrática en varios de los países de la región, pudiéndose considerar como una de las aportaciones más importantes de América Latina a la ciencia política y al derecho electoral.

  6. Entre leyes y votos. La legislación electoral en la Nueva Granada durante la primera mitad del siglo XIX

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    Edwin Andrés Monsalvo Mendoza

    2012-07-01

    Full Text Available El presente artículo muestra —a partir del análisis de las normas electorales compiladas en la Codificación Nacional—, el papel que jugó la legislación electoral colombiana en los comicios durante la primera mitad de siglo XIX. El interés principal se centra en la descripción y análisis de los requisitos para ser sufragante y elector, el desarrollo de las elecciones parroquiales, las transgresiones a las normas y el papel de los jueces durante los comicios. Nuestra hipótesis es que las normas se iban construyendo en la medida que las prácticas electorales hacían necesario su regulación.

  7. Análisis crítico del sistema de remoción de autoridades edilicias en la jurisdicción electoral chilena

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    Carlos Manuel Rosales

    2009-07-01

    Full Text Available La destitución de autoridades municipales por el incumplimiento de sus funciones es un tema particular y relevante en el sistema procesal electoral chileno. Este mecanismo judicial involucra la fiscalización, la supervisión y la vigilancia de las funciones de los Alcaldes y Concejales como servidores públicos. La jurisdicción es ejercida por un tribunal electoral, que tiene como objetivo calificar la conducta del funcionario edilicio y por tanto, ratificar o separar a la autoridad juzgada del cargo municipal. Esta remoción se presenta por dos motivos principalmente, el grave y notable abandono de deberes y/o faltas a la probidad administrativa, causales señaladas por la Ley de Municipalidades

  8. La elección uruguaya después de la reforma electoral de 1997: los cambios que aseguraron la continuidad

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    Daniel Buquet

    2000-06-01

    Full Text Available In this paper an hypothesis is presented in order to explain the 1999 Uruguayan presidential election won by the candidate of the ruling Colorado Party, considering the changes in the electoral system. In this respect the results are not surprising given the behavior of the traditional parties since the 1997 reform. Finally a scene is described to foresee the evolution of the political system in the short and long terms.

  9. INSTITUTIONAL COMMUNICATION IN THE ELECTORAL DEBATES BETWEEN CANDIDATES TO THE PRESIDENCY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF SPAIN IN THE GENERAL ELECTIONS (2008 AND 2011

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    María Gallego Reguera

    2013-11-01

    Full Text Available The Academy of Sciences and the Arts of Spanish Television, as Institution that represents the professionals of the audiovisual sector, was in charge of organizing, producing, issuing and communicating the electoral debates between the candidates for the Presidency of the Government in Spain in the Elections General held in 2008 and 2011. This article describes and analyzes the institutional communication policy of these major political events and the consequent national and international repercussions.

  10. Campaña electoral en España: el caso del Partido Popular en la Región de Murcia

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    Pilar Ortiz Garcia

    2014-01-01

    Full Text Available El objetivo del artículo es analizar la campaña electoral del Partido Popular en la Región de Murcia en las elecciones generales en España de marzo de 2008. La metodología para evaluar la estrategia electoral de este partido ha sido el análisis de contenido de la campaña a través de la prensa regional, así como de las encuestas pre y postelectorales que han servido como base para la aproximación al perfil ideológico del electorado. El resultado de la investigación indica que las campañas manejan recursos cognitivos con la orientación de influir en un electorado en el que el perfil político no responde tanto a la identificación ideológica como a la afectiva, representada en la figura del líder y del partido, lo que lleva a concluir que las campañas pueden contribuir a un reforzamiento de la decisión de voto entre aquellos electores que ya tienen lealtades partidistas.

  11. El Salvador, acceso ciudadano directo a las Elecciones Legislativas y de Concejos Municipales, 11 marzo del 2012: una experiencia desde la observación electoral

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    Arturo

    2014-07-01

    Full Text Available La figura del partido político en Costa Rica juega un rol fundamental dentro del sistema político y se considera el vehículo legítimo para acceder al poder público. El proceso electoral 2013-2014 aporta elementos significativos y brinda pistas que permiten fortalecer el Estado democrático de derecho costarricense, mediante el abordaje de dos ejes específicos. El primero, la dinámica interna seguida por los partidos políticos en dos de sus procesos que tuvieron directa vinculación al proceso electoral: la renovación periódica de sus autoridades internas y la escogencia de sus candidaturas a puestos de elección popular. El segundo abarca la interacción reproducida entre el sistema de partidos políticos y la ciudadanía, tanto en forma singular como asociativamente durante el proceso electoral, espacio de conexión entre ambos actores, donde la institución de la representación política se activa de manera más intensa y directa, a través del ejercicio del sufragio

  12. Political consequences of the electoral calendar in Latin America: Advantages and disadvantages of simultaneous and separate parliamentary and presidential elections Consecuencias políticas del calendario electoral en América latina: ventajas y desventajas de elecciones simultáneas o separadas para presidente y legislatura

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    José Enrique MOLINA V.

    2010-07-01

    Full Text Available The paper analyzes the ideas put forward by Shugart and Carey (1992 and Mainwaring and Shugart (1997 regarding the combined effect of presidential electoral systems and the timing of the parliamentary elections over political representation and governability. The hypotheses of these authors are contrasted with the results of Latin American presidential elections (1996-2000. The conclusion is reached that, as expected, the timing of presidential and parliamentary elections and the electoral system for president tend to influence the chance that the party or coalition of the president has a sizeable or majority parliamentary representation.El trabajo analiza los planteamientos desarrollados por Shugart y Carey (1992 y Mainwaring y Shugart (1997 con relación al efecto que sobre la gobernabilidad y la representatividad tienen las distintas combinaciones de sistema electoral para presidente de la República con la fecha en que se realizan las elecciones legislativas (simultáneas o separadas con las presidenciales, confrontando las hipótesis que se derivan de estos análisis con los resultados de las elecciones presidenciales celebradas en los países de América Latina entre 1996 y 2000. Se llega a la conclusión de que los resultados electorales tienden a corroborar las hipótesis sobre el efecto combinado del calendario electoral y el sistema electoral presidencial sobre la gobernabilidad y la representatividad, y en particular sobre la posibilidad de que el presidente electo cuente con una fuerza parlamentaria mayoritaria o sólida.

  13. Un método no endógeno para medir el gasto electoral en Chile, 2005-2009

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    Sergio Acevedo

    2015-01-01

    Full Text Available El debate sobre el efecto del dinero invertido en campaiias sobre los resultados de las elecciones ha puesto en tela de juicio cuestiones centrales sobre la calidad de la democracia y la efectividad de las e1ecciones como mecanismo de control ciudadano. EI gasto en campana es una variable central a la hora de evaluar su éxito, por lo tanto, la forma en que se mide influye en las conclusiones a las que se llega con respecto a su efecto en los resultados de una elección. En este artículo se utiliza el caso chileno (específicamente, las elecciones de 2005 y 2009 para analizar los dos métodos más com unes de medir el gasto en campana y proponer un tercero que estima de mejor forma sus efectos. Esta contribución metodológica complementa y refIna el conocimiento que ya se poseía sobre la forma en que d gasto afecta los resultados electorales, a la vez que abre una línea de investigación que permite evaluar otros aspectos de la dinámica que relaciona el gasto en campafias con el desempeno electoral. Sugerimos que el camino a seguir se centre en la fiscalización dei gasto efectivo y no en reducir los límites al gasto reportado.

  14. Las cuotas de participación electoral en Perú. Características y algunos resultados

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    Enith Pinedo Bravo

    2010-07-01

    Full Text Available Este artículo examina algunas características de la regulación de las cuotas de participación electoral vigentes en Perú, advirtiendo que no sólo sus deficiencias pueden incidir en la falta de concreción de sus objetivos sino sobre todo el sentido restrictivo de su interpretación. Considerando que estas medidas implican una discriminación inversa, también en el trabajo se analiza su condición de acción afirmativa y como tal, de política que a través de una diferenciación positiva pretende la igualdad efectiva de colectivos discriminados históricamente en Perú, sobre todo dos de ellos. Encontrándonos ad portas de las siguientes elecciones regionales y municipales, se presentan además los resultados de los dos últimos procesos, mostrándose con ellos que la finalidad de estas medidas de promover la igualdad de oportunidades para los integrantes de dichos colectivos, de modo que tengan la posibilidad real de ser elegidos autoridades públicas, no se consigue, mucho menos en el caso de los nativos.

  15. La nacionalización electoral de los partidos políticos en España [SPA

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    Pablo Simón Cosano

    2013-01-01

    Full Text Available Este estudio se centra en la nacionalización de los partidos en España entendida como la homogeneidad en los apoyos electorales que consigue un partido en las circunscripciones de una elección nacional. La primera parte del artículo presenta una descripción de la evolución de la nacionalización desde 1977 hasta la actualidad y muestra cómo el sistema de partidos español está cada vez más nacionalizado pese a sus diferencias entre partidos. En la segunda parte se busca explicar sus determinantes. El análisis indica que los votos que reciba el partido a nivel nacional incrementan la nacionalización de los partidos. La antigüedad solo potencia la nacionalización si el partido es de ámbito estatal mientras que para los partidos subnacionales esta variable tiene un efecto negativo, apuntando a un trade-off entre ambos grupos. Finalmente, la distancia en el eje izquierda-derecha reduce la homogeneidad electoral de los partidos nacionales mientras que las elecciones fundacionales no tienen efecto.

  16. Jóvenes y participación electoral en Chile 1989-2013. Analizando el efecto del voto voluntario

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    Gonzalo Contreras-Aguirre

    2014-01-01

    Full Text Available Según sus promotores, la adopción del voto voluntario en Chile produciría un aumento en la participación electoral y un mayor involucramiento de los jóvenes en política. Sin embargo, los resultados de las últimas elecciones presidenciales mostraron todo lo contrario. La participación se redujo a niveles históricos y los jóvenes siguen siendo el grupo con menor predisposición a votar. En un país donde la pobreza ha retrocedido, pero los niveles de desigualdad prácticamente no han variado, la introducción del voto voluntario ha profundizado no sólo el sesgo etario, sino que también el denominado sesgo de clase en el voto. Es decir, que las personas con mayores ingresos votan más que las de menos ingresos. Probamos estas hipótesis con datos individuales de las encuestas de la Universidad Diego Portales (UDP y con datos electorales desagregados hasta el nivel comunal.

  17. THE ROMANIAN MEDIA REPRESENTATION OF THE DIASPORA IN AN ELECTORAL CONTEXT: DISCURSIVE IDENTITIES AND FORMS OF COMMITMENT

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    CAMELIA BECIU

    2016-08-01

    Full Text Available The article looks at the media representation of the diaspora in the context of the presidential elections in Romania, in 2014. In a voting situation, how are the discoursive construals of the diaspora reconfigured and how is the public problem of intra-EU migration redefined? Within the frame of a critical discourse analysis, the study examines the media representation of the diaspora and of the public from the perspective of discursive strategies specific to identity construction in the contexts of action at a distance: distance-proximity strategies and, correspondingly, inclusion/exclusion strategies, as well as the configuration of particular forms of commitment. The corpus consists predominantly of political talk shows on two television channels specialized in news broadcasting and political commentary, but different in terms of practices of mediation of the political sphere. The study shows that certain representations of migrants, which have been naturalized over the years, continue to be reproduced in the political and media sphere, but, in an electoral context, they are differently constituted, especially as regards the migrants’ agency

  18. Rendición de cuentas de los diputados federales mexicanos en un contexto de alternancia electoral

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Adriana del Rosario Báez-Carlos

    2013-01-01

    Full Text Available El cambio que registró el sistema político mexicano en las últimas décadas del siglo pasado puede resumirse como un proceso de descentralización, el cual, producto de la competencia electoral, multiplicó el número de actores políticos relevantes para los legisladores. El presente trabajo intenta documentar, mediante el análisis de las votaciones nominales en la Cámara de Diputados cómo, a partir del año 2000, el presidente de la República, los líderes nacionales de los grupos parlamentarios y dirigentes partidistas subnacionales se disputan el sentido del voto de los legisladores cuando sus intereses apuntan en sentidos distintos. El análisis encuentra que los partidos con organizaciones territoriales más marcadas registran mayores votaciones en las cuales se dividen sus grupos parlamentarios, indicativo de la influencia de los liderazgos partidistas subnacionales; y que la unidad de los partidos a nivel subnacional es mayor que la de las bancadas partidistas en su conjunto.

  19. Jóvenes y participación electoral en Chile 1989-2013. Analizando el efecto del voto voluntario

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Gonzalo Contreras-Aguirre

    2014-07-01

    Full Text Available Según sus promotores, la adopción del voto voluntario en Chile produciría un aumento en la participación electoral y un mayor involucramiento de los jóvenes en política. Sin embargo, los resultados de las últimas elecciones presidenciales mostraron todo lo contrario. La participación se redujo a niveles históricos y los jóvenes siguen siendo el grupo con menor predisposición a votar. En un país donde la pobreza ha retrocedido, pero los niveles de desigualdad prácticamente no han variado, la introducción del voto voluntario ha profundizado no sólo el sesgo etario, sino que también el denominado sesgo de clase en el voto. Es decir, que las personas con mayores ingresos votan más que las de menos ingresos. Probamos estas hipótesis con datos individuales de las encuestas de la Universidad Diego Portales (UDP y con datos electorales desagregados hasta el nivel comunal.

  20. Justicia electoral y enfoque de género en los sistemas normativos indígenas

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Claudia Pastor Badilla

    2012-01-01

    Full Text Available : Expone los mecanismos para lograr que a través de la justicia electoral, se garantice el acceso de las mujeres indígenas al ejercicio de los derechos político-electorales en condiciones de igualdad con los hombres. En la primera parte señala algunas de las discusiones que se llevaron a cabo en el ámbito doctrinario, y que tienen que ver con nuevos enfoques académicos sobre sociedades en las que conviven grupos culturales diversos. Lo anterior, con el objetivo de demostrar, en un segundo momento, las razones por las que es necesario que esos nuevos enfoques sean asumidos por todos los interesados en que el derecho indígena y los derechos humanos sean compatibles y se ejerzan a un mismo tiempo. Por último, señala las razones por las que ese cambio de perspectiva redundará en beneficio de las mujeres indígenas y de la comunidad de la que forman parte.

  1. "Otpor" - a postmodern Faust: new social movement, the tradition of enlightened reformism and the electoral revolution in Serbia

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Naumović Slobodan

    2006-01-01

    Full Text Available Otpor is discussed in the text as a complex and contradictory new type of social movement, whose members attempted to contribute to the tradition of enlightened reform of social and political life in Serbia, simultaneously in a highly pragmatic and in a creative, possibly even irresponsible manner. After the introduction, analyzed are popular and media narratives on the characteristics of the movement, dilemmas concerning the founding of the movement and meaning of its key symbols, and the Faustian question of goals and consequences of foreign, in particular American influences. Following is a discussion of strategic (non-violent revolution, calculated victimization and tactical (black campaigns, get-out-the-vote campaign roles of Otpor in the coordinated project of ousting Milosevic. Otpor’s role is then re-interpreted in the frame of the ‘electoral revolution’, developed by Valerie Bunce, Sharon Wolchik and Michael McFoul. An assessment of the transformation of Otpor from an active social movement into an exportable blueprint for non-violent political revolutions is offered in lieu of a conclusion.

  2. Nonverbal Messages in Televised Presidential Political Advertising--Pragmatic Politics with Electoral Benefits.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Conti, Delia B.

    Television politics, emphasizing emotions over rational decision making, has been accused of warping the political process, especially in the election of the president. In the incomplete medium--the collection of dots--that is television, the viewer completes the circle of communication, filling in the image with his or her own attitudes. The…

  3. Trees of Electoral District in Indonesian Legislative Election: Empirical Case of Assortments in 2004 General Election

    OpenAIRE

    Situngkir, Hokky; Mauludy, Rolan

    2007-01-01

    The short paper presents interesting discussions related to specific Indonesian legislative election system. We build algorithmic steps in computational geometry that employ the basic patterns that emerged from the legal decisions of Indonesian General Election Commission about the election district. Some interesting facts are observed and tried to be analyzed and concerning them to the democratization processes in the country. The further implementation of the model can be utilized as a tool...

  4. ELECTORAL RITUALS IN A COMMUNITY TEENEK OF THE HUASTECA POTOSINA, MÉXICO

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    IMELDA AGUIRRE MENDOZA

    2015-06-01

    Full Text Available The system charges in Tamapatz, a Teenek community of the Huasteca potosina, in Mexico, is characterized by a set of prescriptive and repetitive acts that enable their mobilization and continuous reworking. The leaders of the system not only need the approval of their peers, they also require validation of the gods, which will give them protection and support during his management. For this to happen requires a series of requests and offerings that are configured as negotiation devices throughout and beyond the political process, which will be analyzed taking as a starting point the ethnographic method.

  5. Toward Electoral Security: Experiences from KwaZulu-Natal Höhere Sicherheit bei Wahlen: Erfahrungen aus KwaZulu-Natal

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    Kristine Höglund

    2011-01-01

    Full Text Available There is a growing recognition of the dangers of electoral violence. Yet, the theoretical foundation for systematic research and for adequate policy is still underdeveloped. This article aims to develop the theoretical understandings of strategies to manage and prevent electoral violence. This is accomplished by integrating research conducted within the two academic discourses on democratization and conflict management and also by drawing on the experiences from the conflict-ridden province KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa. The five strategies identified are monitoring, mediation, legal measures, law enforcement and self-regulating practices. In the article, the functions and mechanisms of the strategies are discussed. In addition, we analyse the limitations and usefulness of each of the strategies in turn and also provide suggestions on how to improve electoral security.Gewaltsame Auseinandersetzungen bei Wahlen werden zunehmend als Gefahr erkannt. Dennoch sind die theoretischen Grundlagen systematischer Forschungen zu diesem Phänomen, die zu angemessenen politischen Handlungsweisen beitragen könnten, immer noch ungenügend entwickelt. Dieser Beitrag zielt darauf ab, einen theoretischen Hintergrund für Strategien zum Umgang mit Gewalt bei Wahlen und zur Prävention zu entwickeln. Zu diesem Zweck kombinieren die Autorinnen Ergebnisse zweier Forschungsbereiche – der Demokratisierungsforschung und der Forschung zum Konfliktmanagement – und ziehen außerdem Erfahrungen aus der konfliktbeladenen südafrikanischen Provinz KwaZulu-Natal heran. Sie identifizieren fünf Strategien: Monitoring, Mediation, gesetzliche Maßnahmen, Sanktionierung und Selbsthilfepraktiken. Die Autorinnen diskutieren die Wirkungsweisen und Erfolgsaussichten, aber auch die Grenzen dieser Strategien und machen einige konkrete Vorschläge zur Erhöhung der Sicherheit bei Wahlen.

  6. From the Dog Whistle to the Dog Scream: The Republican Party's (AbUse of Discriminatory speech in Electoral Campaigns and Party Politics

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Luiza-Maria Filimon

    2016-12-01

    Full Text Available The 2016 U.S. presidential election can be described as nostalgic. On one hand, there was the fond remembrance of the Clinton administration characterized by a period of economic prosperity which overshadowed the more disastrous aftermath of various policies (the crime bill, the welfare reform, the Defense of Marriage Act, the repeal of the 1933 Glass-Steagall Act, etc.. On the other, the 2016 election brought to the surface a dormant longing for a privileged past rooted in open discrimination, inequality, segregation, and white supremacy, echoed by Donald Trump’s campaign. The Republican candidate had won the party’s nomination by openly and devoutly proselytizing against minority groups that allegedly threaten the fabric, integrity, and security of the United States. The more ethnic stereotypical caricatures and outright lies he employed in his speeches, the more successful his primary campaign was and the more he unnerved the Republican establishment, the general electorate, and the media. Yet Donald Trump’s campaign was not innovative by any means. Instead, as this study will argue, Trump’s electoral success during the primary elections can be in part attributed to the Republican Party’s decades-long history of strategic racism that has been instrumental in grooming the party’s base into Donald Trump’s supporters. In order to showcase that Trump’s ascendancy to the top of the Republican primary election was not a political accident, but a natural progression of decades-old officially sanctioned electoral policies, the study analyzes the origins behind the “dog whistle” practice, based on the model of strategic racism advanced by Ian Haney López. In conducting this research, I provide examples from U.S. public officials – past and present – and also highlight the role of the media in the propagation and cultivation of dog whistle politics.

  7. Violencia y comportamiento electoral: el caso del Estado de México / Violence and Voting Behavior: The Case of the State of Mexico

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Amalia Pulido Gómez

    2017-03-01

    Full Text Available Este trabajo analiza el impacto de la violencia en el comportamiento electoral de los ciudadanos del Estado de México en el nivel municipal. Nuestro argumento principal es que la violencia afectará el comportamiento electoral de los ciudadanos en las elecciones municipales, sin embargo, este efecto será diferente para los tres partidos mayoritarios del Estado de México: el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI, el Partido Acción Nacional (PAN y el Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD. Con información de resultados electorales, indicadores socioeconómicos y de la dinámica de la violencia para los procesos electorales de 2006, 2009, 2012 y 2015, presentamos evidencia empírica que respalda el argumento de que la violencia afecta negativamente al PRI y al PAN, pero no al PRD. Nuestros resultados sugieren que la violencia tiene un efecto significativo en las preferencias electorales de los mexiquenses. / This paper analyzes to what extent violence impacts voting behavior in the State of Mexico at the municipal level. The authors argue that violence will affect voting behavior in the municipal elections, but the effect will be different across the three major parties: the Institutional Revolutionary Party, the National Action Party and the Party of the Democratic Revolution. Using electoral data for the 2006, 2009, 2012 and 2015 municipal elections as well as demographic data, the authors present empirical support for the argument that high level of violence decreases vote share for the PRI and the PAN, but increases vote share for the PRD. Their findings suggest that violence has significant effects on voters’ party preference in their vote choices.

  8. Violencia y comportamiento electoral: el caso del Estado de México / Violence and Voting Behavior: The Case of the State of Mexico

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Amalia Pulido Gómez

    2017-01-01

    Full Text Available Este trabajo analiza el impacto de la violencia en el comportamiento electoral de los ciudadanos del Estado de México en el nivel municipal. Nuestro argumento principal es que la violencia afectará el comportamiento electoral de los ciudadanos en las elecciones municipales, sin embargo, este efecto será diferente para los tres partidos mayoritarios del Estado de México: el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI, el Partido Acción Nacional (PAN y el Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD. Con información de resultados electorales, indicadores socioeconómicos y de la dinámica de la violencia para los procesos electorales de 2006, 2009, 2012 y 2015, presentamos evidencia empírica que respalda el argumento de que la violencia afecta negativamente al PRI y al PAN, pero no al PRD. Nuestros resultados sugieren que la violencia tiene un efecto significativo en las preferencias electorales de los mexiquenses. / This paper analyzes to what extent violence impacts voting behavior in the State of Mexico at the municipal level. The authors argue that violence will affect voting behavior in the municipal elections, but the effect will be different across the three major parties: the Institutional Revolutionary Party, the National Action Party and the Party of the Democratic Revolution. Using electoral data for the 2006, 2009, 2012 and 2015 municipal elections as well as demographic data, the authors present empirical support for the argument that high level of violence decreases vote share for the PRI and the PAN, but increases vote share for the PRD. Their findings suggest that violence has significant effects on voters’ party preference in their vote choices.

  9. ¿Cuáles fueron los efectos de la campaña electoral española del 2000?

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    Ferran Martínez i Coma

    2005-01-01

    Full Text Available En este artículo analizo cuáles fueron los efectos de la campaña electoral del 2000 en España. Argumento y evidencio un cuarto efecto hasta ahora ignorado, la desactivación. Una vez hallados los efectos de dicha campaña, averiguo bajo qué condiciones es más posible que se produzcan determinados efectos. Los resultados muestran la distinta capacidad explicativa de las variables en los efectos de la campaña.

  10. Derechos humanos electorales: el caso Yatama contra el Estado de Nicaragua, análisis desde la perspectiva del sistema electoral costarricense

    OpenAIRE

    Zetty Bou Valverde

    2009-01-01

    Este artículo analiza, en su primera parte, los antecedentes y el proceso que, desde el punto de vista del derecho electoral, expuso la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos en la resolución dictada en el caso del partido político indígena YATAMA contra el Estado de Nicaragua al no permitirse su participación en las elecciones municipales del 2000. La segunda parte del artículo efectúa un examen de la normativa costarricense a la luz de las violaciones detectadas por la Corte, en pun...

  11. TRANSICIÓN ELECTORAL: Del Voto Obligatorio Al Voto Libre y Electrónico por un Factor de la Democracia Moderna

    OpenAIRE

    PINAZO, FÉLIX; UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL DEL ALTIPLANO

    2015-01-01

    Hoy en día los peruanos sufragamos en las elecciones de forma obligatoria por ley y de no hacerlo somos susceptibles de incurrir en el pago de una multa, lo que resulta inconsistente ya que el voto es un derecho y como tal deberíamos tener la facultad de decidir el hecho de ejercerlo o no, como en otros países de la región, para modificar la actual situación del voto electoral, asumida por disposición constitucional; se debe primeramente reformar la Constitución del Estado mediante una ley de...

  12. Redes sociales, acción colectiva y elecciones: los usos de Facebook por el movimiento estudiantil chileno durante la campaña electoral de 2013

    OpenAIRE

    Lázaro M. Bacallao-Pino

    2016-01-01

    Los estudios recientes sobre las redes sociales digitales han analizado, por un lado, sus usos como parte de la acción colectiva y, por otro, sus usos durante las campañas electorales. Basado en el estudio del movimiento estudiantil chileno durante la campaña electoral de 2013 en ese país, el texto analiza los usos de Facebook por parte de tres federaciones estudiantiles que integran dicho movimiento. Los resultados indican que se priorizan las dimensiones informativa y organizativa en los us...

  13. Party Ideology, Electoral Competition and the Election of Women in Five Latin American Democracies: Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Peru and Uruguay, 1980-2013

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    Santiago ALLES

    2014-03-01

    Full Text Available Women have made enormous progress in their political incorporation. However, the pace of that incorporation has differed across countries. The present article analyzes the effects of party ideology and of the characteristics of electoral competition on the election of women in legislative seats in five Latin American democracies over three decades. The empirical results provide evidence of the effects of party (ideology and institutional factors (type of ballot; and at the same time, call into question the effect of factors previously asserted in the literature, such as district magnitude y party magnitude.

  14. Medición de la cristalización electoral de un movimiento de protesta: de la indignación al voto

    OpenAIRE

    Lobera, Josep; Rogero-García, Jesús

    2017-01-01

    Nuestro trabajo trata de aportar nuevas aproximaciones metodológicas y conceptuales al análisis del impacto electoral de movimientos sociales y de protesta. Dos campos de estudio, el de los movimientos sociales y el de nuevos partidos políticos, parecen haber dejado un hueco analítico escasamente tratado entre los dos: la conexión entre el auge de movimientos sociales y la posterior aparición de nuevos partidos políticos. Concretamente, nos interesa indagar ...

  15. Social and electoral preferences and orientations of the youth aged 18-20

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    D E Slizovskiy

    2016-12-01

    Full Text Available The article is based on the results of the survey conducted among 500 university students in May-June 2016 to identify the sources and factors influencing the content and structure of the youth perception of the nowadays world order in terms of its justice/injustice and the dominant supporters of democracy in the world. The author focus on the conditions, in which the student youth perception of the crucial political event of this year (forthcoming elections is formed. Based on the results of the research in the theoretical and applied aspects the author suggests discussing the following issues: if the contemporary world stays unfair and contradictory, the Russian youth will stay purely apolitical for the youth indifference to political processes and events finds justification and explanation in the existing social-political order. However, the world is diverse, possesses the hidden potential for changes and cries out for an upgrade. On the one hand, this implicitly implies conditions for violent, explosive and chaotic reactions of the youth; on the other hand, in some situations prevents and in others stimulates independent estimates of political events. Unfortunately, this process remains too bureaucratic and declarative, or is not controlled, managed and organized by the relevant social and political forces, which prevents the youth from making independent political estimates. At the same time the non-systemic opposition bets on the youth part of society and tries to introduce into the political discourse and seduce the youth with the word “revolution” and the slogan “what unites us is more important than differences”.

  16. Propuesta de Modelo Teórico que señala las variables de la Mercadotecnia política que influyen en el comportamiento electoral. Caso: Delegación D-II-IPN-7 del SNTE

    OpenAIRE

    Parra Ortega, Viridiana

    2013-01-01

    En Mexico cada vez mas se manejan estrategias de mercadotecnia política para lograr incentivar la desicion del voto, diversas variables que afectan el comportamiento electoral se encuentran inmersas dentro de la aplicación y estudio de la mercadotecnia política, pero no se han determinado las variables de mercadotecnia política que influyen en el comportamiento electoral.A partir de lo anterior el objetivo de esta investigación es: proponer un modelo teórico que señale las variables de mercad...

  17. Equidad en el Financiamiento de Campañas en América Latina y sus Implicaciones para la Competitividad Electoral: Una Mirada a las Elecciones en Centroamérica, 2010-2014

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Betilde Muñoz-Pogossian

    2015-09-01

    Full Text Available The document proposes a model for evaluating campaign financing systems according to the level of equity they promote. Using data from primary sources for the 2010-2014 cycle of presidential elections in Central America, the study evaluates the key attributes of equitable financing systems and their implications for electoral integrity. It proposes that greater electoral integrity occurs with systems that promote public financing of campaigns, control over the use of state resources, restriction of private financing, and the application of limits on the total cost of campaigns.

  18. LA JUSTICIA ELECTORAL Y LOS PUEBLOS INDÍGENAS EN MÉXICO. Entre el universalismo de los derechos humanos y el ejercicio de la autonomía

    OpenAIRE

    Camacho, María Teresa Sierra

    2017-01-01

    En este texto me propongo analizar los alcances y los límites de la justicia electoral mexicana para el reconocimiento de los derechos políticos de libre determinación de los pueblos indígenas de México en la elección de autoridades municipales. A partir de  la revisión de sentencias de la Sala Superior del máximo Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF) analizo y discuto las formas en que están siendo procesados conflictos electorales que invocan el derecho a realizar e...

  19. Comportamiento de la participación electoral y su relación con las dinámicas de violencia política en Norte de Santander (1997-2011)

    OpenAIRE

    Edgard Sneider, Díaz Torrado

    2016-01-01

    La investigación analiza el comportamiento de la participación electoral (PE) y su relación con las dinámicas de violencia política en Norte de Santander durante 1997-2011, con el fin de demostrar que la región del Catatumbo ha tenido un comportamiento electoral diferente al resto del departamento dado que tiene una tendencia en porcentajes de participación bajos durante las elecciones locales que se dieron en 1997, 2000 y 2003, lo cual se debe a la presencia y disputa por...

  20. Influencing the Message: The Role of Media Ownership on the Press Coverage of the 2015 Presidential Electoral Campaign in Nigeria

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    Fatima Iyabo Abubakre

    2017-12-01

    Full Text Available This study focuses on the role of media ownership on the press coverage of the 2015 presidential election campaign in Nigeria. Using content analysis, the aim of the study was to identify the themes and examine the direction of the coverage of election campaign news items between the two main political parties in the country-Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP and the All Progressives Congress (APC published in The Nation on one hand and the Nigerian Tribune on the other hand, between January 2015 and March 2015. Findings from the study indicate coverage replete with biases, although with some remarkable incidents of objectivity and balancing, and show that the two newspapers analysed in this study merely reflected the political leanings of their respective publishers. Este estudo se centra no papel da propriedade da mídia na cobertura jornalística das eleições presidenciais de 2015 na Nigéria. Por meio de análise de conteúdo, seu objetivo é identificar os temas e examinar os direcionamentos dos itens noticiosos relacionados à cobertura da campanha ente os dois principais partidos do país – Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP e o All Progressives Congress (APC – e que foram publicados entre janeiro e março de 2015 nos jornais The Natione Nigerian Tribune. Os resultados do estudo apontam para uma cobertura repleta de vieses, apesar de alguns incidentes relevantes de objetividade e de equilíbrio, e mostram que os dois jornais analisados simplesmente refletem os direcionamentos políticos de seus respectivos proprietários. Este estudio se centra en el papel de la propiedad de los medios en la cobertura de prensa de las campañas electorales presidenciales de 2015 en Nigeria. Utilizando análisis de contenido, el objetivo del estudio fue identificar los temas y examinar el direccionamiento de la cobertura y de las noticias sobre la campaña electoral entre los dos principales partidos políticos del país: el Peoples’ Democratic Party

  1. La importancia de la gobernanza electoral y la calidad de las elecciones en la América Latina contemporánea

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Jonathan HARTLYN

    2009-08-01

    Full Text Available Este artículo contiene un análisis sistemático del papel desempeñado por la administración electoral en 19 países de América Latina y de sus efectos sobre elecciones presidenciales democráticas aceptables desde 1980, o bien, a partir de la primera elección transcendental que marcó la transición a la democracia. Se utilizan dos maneras distintas de medir la administración de elecciones, así como otros factores importantes, probando modelos logit ordenados de probabilidades proporcionales parciales para pronosticar la posibilidad de que ocurra un proceso electoral aceptable, defectuoso o inaceptable. Los resultados muestran que los organismos electorales independientes y profesionales desempeñan un papel positivo e importante en los procesos electorales en América Latina, aun controlando para otros factores socioeconómicos y políticos

  2. Circulation et fonction de la médisance en campagne électorale [Electoral campaigning and malicious rumours: The circulation and function of gossips

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Maria Aldina Marques

    2010-12-01

    Full Text Available En politique il est parfois difficile de faire la distinction entre la vie privée et la vie publique des politiciens. Les campagnesélectorales favorisent cette indistinction et, parfois, le ouï-dire, les rumeurs, la médisance, en définitive, font partie du débat publique ou de l’ambiance électorale vécue. Essayant d’établir la distinction entre ce qui est public et ce qui est privé en politique, je me propose d’analyser la circulation des rumeurs encampagne électorale au Portugal, particulièrement les supports de circulation, les formes verbales qu’elles assument et le rôle communicationnel qu’elles y jouent.In politics, it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between the private and the public spheres of politicians. Electoral campaignsfavour this indistinction and, occasionally, rumours, gossips and detraction, in short, are part of the public debate and electoral environment. In this paper, it is intended to point out the features and ways of circulation of a gossip in the course of a campaign for legislative elections in Portugal.

  3. Derechos humanos electorales: el caso Yatama contra el Estado de Nicaragua, análisis desde la perspectiva del sistema electoral costarricense

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Zetty Bou Valverde

    2009-01-01

    Full Text Available Este artículo analiza, en su primera parte, los antecedentes y el proceso que, desde el punto de vista del derecho electoral, expuso la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos en la resolución dictada en el caso del partido político indígena YATAMA contra el Estado de Nicaragua al no permitirse su participación en las elecciones municipales del 2000. La segunda parte del artículo efectúa un examen de la normativa costarricense a la luz de las violaciones detectadas por la Corte, en punto a establecer si una sentencia de ese tipo podría o no haber tenido lugar en el contexto institucional y normativo costarricense. Finalmente se realiza un análisis de las particularidades que distinguen el régimen electoral nicaragüense y costarricense, concretamente en cuanto a sus tribunales electorales, a fin de concluir como un conflicto de ese tipo podría haber sido resuelto a lo interno en Costa Rica evitándose, en principio, un fallo como el dictado en el caso YATAMA.

  4. La reforma político-electoral en América Latina 1978-2007: evolución, situación actual, tendencias y efectos

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Daniel Zovatto Garetto

    2008-07-01

    Full Text Available Analiza la reforma política electoral en América Latina como parte del proceso de consolidación democrática de la región, resaltando la importancia de brindar atención a las exigencias de representación, participación y gobernabilidad de la ciudadanía. Inicia con un estudio de la reforma constitucional llevada a cabo en la Tercera Ola Democrática en la región, desde el cual aborda la reforma del régimen de gobierno, del sistema electoral y de los partidos políticos, siendo que en este último aparte trata temas de reciente data, tales como: participación política de la mujer, candidaturas independientes y transfuguismo político. Describe, asimismo, la tendencia de la reforma en América Latina, desarrollando la incorporación de los mecanismos de democracia directa y semidirecta y el fortalecimiento de las instituciones electorales

  5. Análisis del comportamiento electoral: De la elección racional a la teoría de redes

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Egon Montecinos

    2007-01-01

    Full Text Available En este artículo se revisa la literatura que explica el comportamiento electoral del individuo, en específico, se pone especial énfasis en la literatura sobre la elección racional y en los recientes aportes de la teoría de redes. El objetivo de esta revisión es identificar las preocupaciones esenciales, la explicación del voto y las principales debilidades y aportes de cada uno de los modelos que explican el comportamiento electoral. El principal resultado es que en el actual contexto, donde las diferenciaciones ideológicas se tornan difusas y el "bombardeo comunicacional" vuelve confusos los mensajes políticos, el voto no se puede definir completamente por una cuestión de razonamiento previo, sino que también por el trabajo de redes que realicen los partidos políticos o candidatos. La metodología utilizada fue de análisis documental donde se revisó la literatura especializada sobre la materia.

  6. La abstención electoral en las elecciones al Parlamento Europeo de 2014: análisis estructural de sus componentes

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ángel Cazorla Martín

    2017-01-01

    Full Text Available La abstención electoral en comicios de segundo orden ha sido un asunto de relativo interés en los estudios de ciencia política, especialmente en el caso de las elecciones al Parlamento Europeo. Sin embargo, este tipo de consulta presenta una serie de rasgos específicos relacionados con las motivaciones para la abstención. A las clásicas interpretaciones relacionadas con los elementos contextuales y sociodemográficos debemos añadir una serie de componentes de carácter actitudinal, relacionados con castigo o la experimentación electoral, fruto de la desafección política. Con el objeto de indagar en estos aspectos, el presente trabajo pretende construir un modelo estructural (SEM que describa y explique los efectos específicos de cada uno de estos componentes en la participación de los españoles para las elecciones al Parlamento Europeo de mayo de 2014.

  7. Derecho Electoral en Colombia

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Carlos Ariel Sanchez-Torres

    2010-03-01

    Full Text Available El artículo quiere demostrar que la afirmación y profundización de las normas electorales, en orden a la democracia y su progreso, han constituido en Colombia una forma institucional de cambio.  Si bien es cierto que no puede desconocerse el paréntesis del Frente Nacional que limitó el libre juego de las fuentes políticas, la legislación en temas como financiación política, publicidad y encuestas de opinión actualmente vigentes, son vitales para  que la democracia  y las normas electorales sean el camino Institucional  del cambio.

  8. e-Lector

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Marina Boscaino

    2009-01-01

    Full Text Available La scuola e' di fronte al problema dell'adozione di libri di testo su supporto digitale. Anche in questo settore non e' mancata la tradizionale divaricazione che caratterizza l'opzione tecnologica o il suo rifiuto ideologico tra "integrati" e "apocalittici": entusiasti sostenitori i primi; demonizzatori inflessibili gli altri.

  9. Environmentalism and electoralism

    International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

    Martin, B.

    1984-01-01

    Can the goals of the environmentalists be advanced by active participation in election campaigns. To what extent should environmentalist strategies be based on building and relying on support from the labour movement. These and other similar questions are answered implicitly in the actual course of campaigns by environmental and other social movements, but are much less frequently addressed openly and critically. In addressing these questions the author looks at the strategies of two important Australian environmental movements: the anti-uranium movement and the movement against the flooding of the Franklin River in south-west Tasmania. (author)

  10. Imitating the newcomer. How, when and why established political parties imitate the policy positions and issue attention of new political parties in the electoral and parliamentary arena : the case of the Netherlands

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Otjes, Simon Pieter

    2012-01-01

    This thesis studies, how, when and why established political parties imitate new political parties. It examines new party effects on both the policy positions of established parties and the attention established political parties spend on issues. It examines this effect in both the electoral and

  11. Sistemas electorales parlamentarios y modelos de representación política: efecto de los distritos electorales, la fórmula electoral y el tamaño del congreso

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    José Enrique Molina Vega

    2015-01-01

    Full Text Available El trabajo analiza los sistemas electorales contemporáneos de América Latina para las elecciones parlamentarias desde una perspectiva comparada. Se analizan los elementos constitutivos del sistema electoral (fórmula electoral, magnitud promedio de las circunscripciones, forma de votación, umbral electoral, tamaño de la cámara legislativa considerando las consecuencias políticas de ellos sobre la representación, gobernabilidad y poder de los electores. Se concluye señalando como hoy en día es indudable la influencia de los sistemas electorales tanto en los resultados electorales como en aspectos esenciales de los sistemas políticos, y en el grado de unidad y disciplina de los partidos políticos, pero esta influencia se ejerce en combinación con otros factores, en especial, el contexto político específico del país del que se trate. Este último debe ser tomado en cuenta a la hora de planificar cualquier reforma para que esté en condiciones de lograr los objetivos que se persiguen.

  12. Marketing de los candidatos a la gubernatura de Nuevo León en las redes sociales durante el proceso electoral de 2015

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Gladys Y. Berumen Villarruel

    2016-01-01

    Full Text Available En Nuevo León, se tiene por primera vez un candidato independiente a la gubernatura del estado en el proceso electoral de 2015. Este hecho inédito fue producido principalmente por la reforma electoral de 2013-2014, que incluyó esta figura para competir por cargos de elección popular. Sin embargo, las condiciones iniciales en la contienda fueron desventajosas para el candidato independiente, sobre todo en lo relativo al financiamiento y acceso a los medios de comunicación, por lo que éste basó su estrategia de campaña en las redes sociales, enfatizando el uso del marketing de emociones con mayor ventaja que sus contrincantes principales del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI y del Partido Acción Nacional (PAN. El análisis que aquí se muestra está enfocado a medir el impacto que se tuvo de las campañas en redes sociales en la interacción con los usuarios, aunque no pueda ser todavía concluyente para inferir que esta variable fue la más determinante en la victoria del candidato independiente. / The state of Nuevo León for the first time saw an independent candidate running in the 2015 gubernatorial race. This unprecedented circumstance resulted mainly from the 2013-2014 electoral reform, which included the category of independent candidates for elected posts. However, conditions at the beginning of the race were disadvantageous for the independent candidate, above all with regard to financing and media access. That is why he based his campaign strategy on social networks, emphasizing the use of marketing emotions to better effect than his main opponents from the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI and the National Action Party (PAN. The analysis presented here focuses on measuring the impact the social network campaigns had on the interaction with users, although it is still too early to conclude that this variable was the determining factor in the independent candidate’s victory.

  13. Marketing de los candidatos a la gubernatura de Nuevo León en las redes sociales durante el proceso electoral de 2015

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Gladys Y. Berumen Villarruel

    2016-08-01

    Full Text Available En Nuevo León, se tiene por primera vez un candidato independiente a la gubernatura del estado en el proceso electoral de 2015. Este hecho inédito fue producido principalmente por la reforma electoral de 2013-2014, que incluyó esta figura para competir por cargos de elección popular. Sin embargo, las condiciones iniciales en la contienda fueron desventajosas para el candidato independiente, sobre todo en lo relativo al financiamiento y acceso a los medios de comunicación, por lo que éste basó su estrategia de campaña en las redes sociales, enfatizando el uso del marketing de emociones con mayor ventaja que sus contrincantes principales del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI y del Partido Acción Nacional (PAN. El análisis que aquí se muestra está enfocado a medir el impacto que se tuvo de las campañas en redes sociales en la interacción con los usuarios, aunque no pueda ser todavía concluyente para inferir que esta variable fue la más determinante en la victoria del candidato independiente. / The state of Nuevo León for the first time saw an independent candidate running in the 2015 gubernatorial race. This unprecedented circumstance resulted mainly from the 2013-2014 electoral reform, which included the category of independent candidates for elected posts. However, conditions at the beginning of the race were disadvantageous for the independent candidate, above all with regard to financing and media access. That is why he based his campaign strategy on social networks, emphasizing the use of marketing emotions to better effect than his main opponents from the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI and the National Action Party (PAN. The analysis presented here focuses on measuring the impact the social network campaigns had on the interaction with users, although it is still too early to conclude that this variable was the determining factor in the independent candidate’s victory.

  14. La representación popular y los desafíos del sistema electoral salvadoreño, 25 años después de la firma de los Acuerdos de Paz, un extracto

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Félix Ulloa Garay

    2017-07-01

    Full Text Available Un cuarto de siglo después de la firma de los Acuerdos de Paz, El Salvador enfrenta una serie de desafíos democráticos que demandan reformas a su sistema político y electoral. Para comprender la urgencia de dichas reformas, se requiere un análisis prospectivo que proyecte ese nuevo sistema; pero que, a su vez, integre la visión retrospectiva donde se explican los hechos del pasado que dieron origen al conflicto armado. El sistema electoral fue uno de los 7 puntos de la Agenda de Caracas que guio la negociación hasta el acuerdo final de paz. Su desarrollo más pragmático que doctrinario, comprendió las reformas a la Constitución en 1991, cuando se creó la actual autoridad electoral, mediante un Tribunal Supremo Electoral, que sustituyó al viejo Consejo Central de Elecciones y un Código Electoral, que estableció rudimentarias reglas con las cuales se administraron cuatro elecciones presidenciales y seis elecciones legislativas y municipales. En este artículo se plantea la preocupación por la calidad de la representación popular y los mecanismos para su obtención, finalizando con recomendaciones para garantizar legítimamente su ejercicio. Estas propuestas, por venir del jurista italiano Luigi Ferrajoli, adquieren un valor universal y una aplicación a cualquier modelo de democracia liberal.

  15. De reglas blandas, árbitros mansos y malos partidos: las leyes y la autonomía del órgano electoral de Querétaro

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Martha Gloria Morales Garza

    2012-01-01

    Full Text Available En el artículo se analiza la evolución de la normatividad electoral en el estado de Querétaro desde 1994 hasta las reformas que estaban en proceso legislativo en septiembre de 2011. Se analiza el impacto de las leyes en las prácticas políticas, pero también las acciones de los actores políticos, incluidos los ciudadanos, que modifican esas mismas reglas, en un ir y venir entre sujetos y estructuras. Se muestra cómo la aspiración autoritaria trasciende las siglas partidistas, al presentarse no cuando gobierna un partido u otro sino cuando los contrapesos institucionales y de opinión pública son débiles.

  16. Effects of first time voters’ political social media use on electoral behaviour - A smartphone-based measurement of media exposure to political information in an election campaign

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Ohme, Jakob; de Vreese, Claes; Jensen, Camilla

    in citizens’ political media diet. Especially social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter or YouTube offer an up-to-date stream of information, easy to tune in and with personalized content citizens (or at least their network) are interested in. A recent study by PEW (Mitchell, Gottfried & Matsa, 2015...... for young citizens in an election campaign. Second, it will concentrate on their social media use to gain not only gain information about the platform first time voters use, but digging deeper to distinguish between types of content their social media exposure to political information consists of. Third......, it will determine what effect the exposure to political information on different media channels can have on electoral participation and their first vote in a national election....

  17. Implicaciones de la violencia política en la intención de voto y en el comportamiento electoral

    OpenAIRE

    Armando Aguilera Torrado

    2002-01-01

    El presente artículo aborda el tema de la violencia política y su incidencia en la intención de voto y el comportamiento electoral. Para esta reflexión teórica se asumieron los postulados de la psicología política, en particular lo relacionado con las variables que predicen la intención de conducta (actitud, la acción razonada, el control percibido y los hábitos), y los elementos de la persuasión. Se analiza cómo la violencia política, por ser un fenómeno intencional y polít...

  18. Malapportionment and Geographical Bases of Electoral Support in the Brazilian Senate Desproporcionalidade de Representação e Geografia de Bases Eleitorais no Senado Brasileiro

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Taeko Hiroi

    2013-01-01

    Full Text Available This paper analyzes the relationship between malapportionment and electoral bases of support for Brazilian senators. The conventional wisdom asserts that malapportionment contributes to the “politics of backwardness” – that it facilitates clientelism and hinders issue-based campaigns, reducing electoral competition and producing geographically concentrated patterns of votes. Our study partially confirms, yet partially refutes this wisdom. Our research indicates that malapportionment affects the competitiveness of elections: senators from overrepresented states tend to dominate their key municipalities electorally, whereas senators from underrepresented states tend to share their core municipalities. In addition, underrepresentation increases the likelihood that leftist candidates will be elected. These findings are consistent with the traditional understanding. However, contrary to the conventional wisdom, we find that senators from underrepresented states tend to exhibit geographically concentrated patterns of electoral bases, whereas those from overrepresented areas show much more scattered bases of support. Hence, our findings suggest that the relationship between malapportionment and elections may be more complex than commonly acknowledged.Esse artigo analisa a relação entre a desproporcionalidade de representação e as bases eleitorais dos senadores brasileiros. A crença tradicional é de que a desproporcionalidade está associada à chamada “política do atraso”, ao clientelismo e à inibição das disputas políticas baseadas em ideias e na discussão das políticas importantes para a sociedade. O resultado seria a redução da competição eleitoral e a produção de padrões de votos geograficamente concentrados. Por um lado, nosso estudo confirma parcialmente essa crença; por outro lado, a rejeita. Ele indica que a desproporcionalidade afeta a competitividade das eleições: senadores de estados sobrerepresentados tendem

  19. Riverina men's study: a preliminary exploration of the diet, alcohol use and physical activity behaviours and attitudes of rural men in two Australian New South Wales electorates.

    Science.gov (United States)

    O'Kane, G M; Craig, P; Black, D; Sutherland, D

    2008-01-01

    Discourses around men's health refer to greater risk-taking behaviour, the social construct of masculinity and differences between men's and women's rates of death and disease. These ways of describing 'men's health' may be inadequate, but many men, particularly rural men, experience health disadvantage. To determine the reported eating, drinking and exercise behaviours of rural men and relationships between reported behaviours and attitudes to health and body image, age and occupation. A written postal survey was used to collect demographic data, eating behaviours using the Food Habit Score, alcohol use, physical activity behaviours using an adaptation of the Pilot Study of the Fitness of Australians and attitudes to health and body image. The survey was sent to 2000 randomly selected men in two New South Wales Riverina federal electorates in June 2004, with 529 returns (27% response). Food Habit Scores; regularity of physical activity; frequency and amount of alcohol use; degree of agreement with statements about attitudes to health and body image. Descriptive statistics using frequencies and cross tabulations were performed with further univariate analyses conducted at a level of significance of 5%. Approximately one-third of the men achieved a poor Food Habit Score (rate (27%) limits the ability to generalise these results to the whole male population in the Farrer and Riverina federal electorates. This study describes the eating and physical activity behaviours of a sample of rural men and highlights the attitudes that are associated with poor lifestyle behaviours among this hard to reach group. Health promotion programs targeting men, especially rural men, should address existing attitudes to health which may impact on lifestyle behaviours.

  20. Decepción partidista o alternancia política. Análisis de proceso electoral para gobernador en Guanajuato 2012

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ma. Aidé Hernández García

    2014-01-01

    Full Text Available En este artículo se pretende señalar cómo el Partido Acción Nacional (PAN está dejando de ser un partido mayoritario en Guanajuato, ya que en la elección de 2012 el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI ganó importantes municipios en el estado como es Guanajuato y León, pero además perdió por un porcentaje relativamente pe - queño la gubernatura. Los resultados electorales del Estado para gobernador nos dejan ver un Estado con alta competitividad electoral, la cual ya se vía observando desde la elección pasada, lo anterior indica un estado con una alta posibilidad de alternancia política en la siguiente elección. Con esta premisa, este artículo parte del supuesto que el PAN ganó la elección, fundamentalmente, por el voto rural, su identificación partidaria, además de que el partido contó con el apoyo de los empresarios y políticos más importantes de la región. Mientras, el PRI consiguió un gran avance electoral en Guanajuato debido en parte, al apoyo que dio Enrique Peña Nieto al candidato a gobernador por este partido, pues no sólo vino reiteradamente a Guanajuato, sino que además por la gran publicidad que este candidato hizo a nivel nacional, logró influir en el electorado de Guanajuato.

  1. Entre communication politique et propagande : les publicités électorales de 1979 à 2005  Political Communication or Propaganda? Electoral Advertising, 1979-2005

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Karine Rivière De Franco

    2009-10-01

    Full Text Available Advertising and propaganda share a common purpose: to try to influence and modify people’s beliefs and behaviours though persuasion. This article intends to examine the advertisements produced by the Conservative Party and the Labour Party over seven electoral campaigns, highlighting the choices made by the parties in the making of this type of electoral communication (in terms of pictures, texts, slogans and logos, leading to a classification of those documents in different groups according to their content (positive, negative, both negative and personal, comparative, and showing how the messages are systematically repeated to make them easier to remember and to create a cumulative effect. These analyses will enable to determine to what extent the parties, the outgoing government and the official opposition, exert systematic actions over voters to make them adopt their ideas and vote for them.

  2. Consecuencias políticas del calendario electoral en América latina: ventajas y desventajas de elecciones simultáneas o separadas para presidente y legislatura

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    José Enrique MOLINA V.

    2010-07-01

    Full Text Available El trabajo analiza los planteamientos desarrollados por Shugart y Carey (1992 y Mainwaring y Shugart (1997 con relación al efecto que sobre la gobernabilidad y la representatividad tienen las distintas combinaciones de sistema electoral para presidente de la República con la fecha en que se realizan las elecciones legislativas (simultáneas o separadas con las presidenciales, confrontando las hipótesis que se derivan de estos análisis con los resultados de las elecciones presidenciales celebradas en los países de América Latina entre 1996 y 2000. Se llega a la conclusión de que los resultados electorales tienden a corroborar las hipótesis sobre el efecto combinado del calendario electoral y el sistema electoral presidencial sobre la gobernabilidad y la representatividad, y en particular sobre la posibilidad de que el presidente electo cuente con una fuerza parlamentaria mayoritaria o sólida.

  3. Electrochemical Processes for In-Situ Treatment of Contaminated Soils - Final Report - 09/15/1996 - 01/31/2001

    Energy Technology Data Exchange (ETDEWEB)

    Huang, Chin-Pao

    2001-05-31

    This project will study electrochemical processes for the in situ treatment of soils contaminated by mixed wastes, i.e., organic and inorganic. Soil samples collected form selected DOE waste sites will be characterized for specific organic and metal contaminants and hydraulic permeability. The soil samples are then subject to desorption experiments under various physical-chemical conditions such as pH and the presence of surfactants. Batch electro-osmosis experiments will be conducted to study the transport of contaminants in the soil-water systems. Organic contaminants that are released from the soil substrate will be treated by an advanced oxidation process, i.e., electron-Fantan. Finally, laboratory reactor integrating the elector-osmosis and elector-Fantan processes will be used to study the treatment of contaminated soil in situ.

  4. El monitoreo de medios a la campaña electoral 2007 por parte de la Misión de Observación Electoral: un caso para comprender los cambios en la relación entre los medios y la democracia en Colombia

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Adriana Marcela Londoño

    2008-01-01

    Full Text Available El presente artículo lleva a cabo una revisión crítica del proceso de monitoreo de medios de comunicación hecho por la Misión de Observación Electoral (MOE y un grupo de profesores y estudiantes de ocho regiones pertenecientes a universidades miembros de la Asociación Colombiana de Facultades de Comunicación Social (Afacom durante las elecciones de octubre de 2007. El trabajo presenta la contextualización del proceso, los elementos conceptuales, la metodología, los resultados directos del proceso (centrado tanto en la coyuntura como en la reflexión posterior y la mirada más objetiva sobre los resultados.

  5. El elector colombiano. Una aproximación al perfil del votante de los principales partidos en elecciones presidenciales, 2002-2010

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Carlos Enrique Guzmán M.

    2015-01-01

    Full Text Available En el estudio del comportamiento electoral, a pesar de que las teorías sociológica, partidista y de elección racional continúan aplicándose vigorosamente para analizarlo, la respuesta al interrogante sobre ¿cuáles son los factores que predominan en la toma de la decisión del voto? no alcanzan, aún, una respuesta que logre el consenso académico. Así, este trabajo pretende identificar el perfil del votante colombiano en las elecciones presidenciales de 2002, 2006 y 2010 a partir de las semejanzas y diferencias de estos en términos de sofisticación política, orientación político-partidista y características sociodemográficas. El análisis estadístico se realiza con datos de la encuesta LAPOP, y se centra en los votantes de los partidos Liberal, Polo Democrático y Partido de la Unidad Nacional. En la primera parte del documento se plantean los principales aspectos teóricos que guían la investigación. Luego se muestran los rasgos principales del contexto en el que se desarrollaron los tres procesos electorales. Finalmente, se presentan los resultados de los análisis así como algunas ideas a modo de conclusión.

  6. Redes sociales, acción colectiva y elecciones: los usos de Facebook por el movimiento estudiantil chileno durante la campaña electoral de 2013

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Lázaro M. Bacallao-Pino

    2016-01-01

    Full Text Available Los estudios recientes sobre las redes sociales digitales han analizado, por un lado, sus usos como parte de la acción colectiva y, por otro, sus usos durante las campañas electorales. Basado en el estudio del movimiento estudiantil chileno durante la campaña electoral de 2013 en ese país, el texto analiza los usos de Facebook por parte de tres federaciones estudiantiles que integran dicho movimiento. Los resultados indican que se priorizan las dimensiones informativa y organizativa en los usos de las redes sociales en ese contexto. Esta tendencia está mediada por las particularidades del movimiento —presencia de organizaciones estudiantiles tradicionales— y por la complejidad de la relación con la política institucional —en particular, la defensa de la autonomía frente a los riesgos de cooptación, acrecentados por el tránsito de exlíderes del movimiento a esta última—. De igual forma, también se confirma la tendencia a un mayor uso de estos espacios en momentos de mayor movilización social y se muestran las tensiones entre sus usos por parte de la acción colectiva organizada (federaciones estudiantiles y los sujetos individuales participantes en ella.

  7. Capacitación a partidos políticos desde el organismo electoral: La experiencia costarricense de cara a las Elecciones Municipales 2016

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Jennifer Gutiérrez Barboza

    2017-07-01

    Full Text Available En Costa Rica, a partir del año 2011, el Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones (TSE asumió la tarea de brindar asesoría y acompañamiento a los partidos políticos; desde ese momento se han ejecutado varias acciones de diagnóstico y evaluación que han permitido la construcción de agendas anuales de capacitación, las cuales han contemplado tanto los intereses de los partidos políticos, como los del Organismo Electoral. El 2015 -como año preelectoral- constituyó un periodo clave para la capacitación a partidos políticos por dos motivos principales, el primero de ellos la celebración de las primeras elecciones municipales completamente separadas de los comicios nacionales; y en segundo lugar, el aumento significativo en el número de organizaciones partidarias, inscritas todas ellas, con condiciones organizacionales y necesidades de capacitación diversas. Por esta razón, el artículo centra su análisis en la reconstrucción del camino transitado durante la capacitación de las estructuras partidarias de cara a las Elecciones Municipales 2016

  8. La duración en el poder y el rendimiento electoral de los partidos nacionalistas gobernantes: ¿la ventaja competitiva del nacionalismo?

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Sonia Alonso

    2008-01-01

    Full Text Available Este trabajo se pregunta si el hecho de apelar a identidades supuestamente primordiales, y por tanto fuertemente arraigadas y estables, ha aportado a los partidos nacionalistas alguna ventaja competitiva a lo largo del tiempo frente a otros partidos políticos basados en otras identidades, como las de clase o las religiosas. Para ello, el trabajo compara los partidos nacionalistas y no nacionalistas de los gobiernos regionales de Canadá, Dinamarca, España, Italia y Reino Unido, centrándose en tres indicadores empíricos: el rendimiento electoral, la fluctuación de los niveles de voto y la duración de los partidos gobernantes en el gobierno. Los resultados muestran que los partidos no nacionalistas son, en general, más severamente castigados que los partidos nacionalistas, especialmente en gobiernos de coalición. En términos de duración en el gobierno, sin embargo, no se aprecian diferencias significativas entre los partidos nacionalistas y los que no lo son.

  9. Juventudes y política: usos de la militancia juvenil en La Cámpora en medios nacionales durante la campaña electoral 2013

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Alejandro Cozachcow

    2015-09-01

    Full Text Available El trabajo analiza los usos de la militancia juvenil en la agrupación La Cámpora en medios de comunicación nacionales durante la campaña electoral 2013. A partir del análisis de material periodístico, se intentara reconstruir los usos del concepto de militancia juvenil político-partidaria, en la cual la principal y prácticamente única protagonista será la agrupación juvenil oficialista La Cámpora. A partir de la sociología de la desviación, y los estudios que analizan las formas de nombrar a los jóvenes, se intentará analizar en qué medida estos usos de la militancia remiten a disputas en torno al deber ser de la juventud en la Argentina actual, así como a una estrategia llevada a cabo por actores opuestos al oficialismo de turno, planteada en el marco de una campaña negativa característica de las campañas electorales que buscó atacar de forma directa a uno de los elementos centrales de la construcción del kirchnerismo: la apelación a la juventud, tanto discursiva como en el ámbito de las políticas públicas.

  10. Participación electoral femenina en la victoria del Frente Popular y su contribución a la protesta social en la primavera del 36

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Paloma Seoane Amigo

    2012-01-01

    Full Text Available Se pretende con el presente estudio poner el acento en lo denunciado, tantas veces, en la historiografía de género como «invisibilidad femenina», con el objetivo último de comprender la problemática socio-política a la que se ha visto subyugada la mujer durante el lapso de tiempo que transcurre desde el triunfo del Frente Popular hasta los comienzos de la Guerra Civil. Todo ello con la intención de contribuir intelectualmente al esfuerzo iniciado por otras colegas historiadoras en la materia, enfatizando en aquellos aspectos menos conocidos, o en aquellos otros que han pasado más desapercibidos en determinados círculos académicos. La mujer participa activamente en la vida política republicana, su voto es decisivo en la victoria del Frente Popular; así mismo, es destacable su creciente influencia en el entorno sindical, siendo víctima por este motivo de la represión franquista posterior. Durante el estudio destacamos la activa participación de la mujer republicana y de izquierdas en la campaña electoral de 1936, y su intervención en la conflictividad sociolaboral durante la primavera de 1936. La mujer juega un papel relevante en la campaña electoral, apoyando las listas del Frente Popular. Muchas mujeres hicieron su propia «campaña» particular, con actos de apoyo al Frente Popular y en pro de la amnistía; recorriendo todo el país, impulsando y encabezando numerosos actos electorales. Basaron fundamentalmente sus acciones en cuestiones de naturaleza económica y en todo aquello relacionado con la lucha política clásica.The paper emphasizes the «female historical invisibility», many times reported in Gender Historiography, with the ultimate goal of understanding the socio-politic causes that have subjugated women during the period elapsed since the victory of the Frente Popular to the begining of the Spanish Civil War. This paper is, also, to add a small contribution to the significant effort developed by some colleagues

  11. Índices e indicadores del sistema electoral y del sistema de partidos. Una propuesta informática para su cálculo

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    FRANCISCO A. OCAÑA

    1999-01-01

    Full Text Available En estas páginas se presenta un programa informático que estará a disposición de los usuarios en la página web del CIS a partir del próximo 1 de octubre. Con el programa INDELEC pueden calcularse los más importantes índices de desproporcionalidad de los sistemas electorales, así como los más comunes para conocer las dimensiones de los sistemas de partidos: fragmentación, número de partidos, concentración, competitividad, polarización, volatilidad, voto regional y voto dual. En este artículo, y a modo de ejemplo, se aplica el programa INDELEC a los resultados agregados de las elecciones al Congreso de los Diputados celebradas en España desde 1977. En una monografía que, con el título Análisis electoral, verá la luz en el mes de septiembre en la colección Cuadernos Metodológicos del CIS, se analiza detenidamente cada indicador, apuntando sus ventajas e inconvenientes, y se aplican a las sucesivas convocatorias de los diversos tipos de elecciones celebradas en nuestro país desde la reinstauración de la democracia y en distinto nivel de agregación y desagregación. Dibujamos, de esta forma, un mapa con las principales características de los diversos sistemas y subsistemas (estatales y autonómicos de partidos habidos en España desde 1977.

  12. Europa a nuestra medida: la alfabetización electoral de los ciudadanos españoles a través de la televisión

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    Cristina Zurutuza Muñoz

    2012-07-01

    Full Text Available Normal 0 21 false false false ES X-NONE X-NONE La televisión sigue siendo el medio de comunicación por excelencia para la alfabetización política y electoral de los ciudadanos. En el caso de los comicios europeos, el medio audiovisual juega un papel pedagógico clave acercando a la sociedad una institución alejada y aun desconocida, a pesar de que muchas de las decisiones que se toman en el Parlamento Europeo condicionan la vida cotidiana de los Estados miembros. Conocer cómo las principales cadenas comerciales proyectan la imagen de Europa, a través de sus comicios, resulta fundamental para comprender el tipo de relación y de comportamiento que el ciudadano tiene hacia las instituciones europeas. Esta investigación caracteriza la cobertura informativa de las televisiones privadas españolas durante la campaña de las elecciones al Parlamento Europeo del 7 de junio de 2009. Mediante un análisis de contenido cuantitativo en Antena 3, Cuatro, Telecinco y La Sexta se pretende perfilar quiénes fueron los protagonistas y cuáles los temas más tratados con un doble fin. Por un lado, delimitar qué enfoque (estratégico, de conflicto o temático primó en la cobertura televisiva de estas elecciones. Por otro, conocer si acercaron al ciudadano a Europa o moldearon una idea de ésta a medida de las necesidades nacionales.

  13. Qué se puede y qué no con la propaganda política: modificaciones normativas en la reforma político-electoral de 2014 a nivel federal y en el Estado de México

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Lina Alejandra Nieto Manzano

    2015-07-01

    Full Text Available En este trabajo se describe el marco normativo que regula al modelo de comunicación política y a la propaganda para la ejecución de las campañas electorales mexiquenses; además, se advierten los avances y los vacíos al respecto. Para efectuar lo dicho, el análisis está estructurado en cinco apartados: en el primero se abordan las nociones conceptuales sobre propaganda y campañas electorales que se utilizan a lo largo del documento;en el segundo se explora el contexto de las últimas reformas político-electorales en el país, para ubicar a la de 2014 en un marco histórico-político; en el tercero se examinan las incorporaciones más importantes de la reforma, además se sintetiza lo que está permitido y lo que está prohibido para las campañas comiciales de acuerdo con las disposiciones federales y estatales, así como con jurisprudencias, tesis y criterios en la materia; en el cuarto se efectúa una reflexión sobre la importancia de la propaganda en las campañas electorales locales y los pendientes de la reforma, y, por último, en el quinto se presentan las consideraciones finales, dejando al descubierto lo que podría venir para la regulación a la propaganda, es decir, potenciales escenarios no previstos por los legisladores y las autoridades electorales. / This work describes the regulatory framework that govern the political communication model and the propaganda for the electoral campaigns in the State of Mexico. It also presents the progress and missing points in the matter. In order to do this, the analysis is structured in five sections: in the first one we present the conceptual notions about propaganda and electoral campaigns that will be used throughout the document. In the second, the context of the last political and electoral reforms in the country is explored, in order to locate the one from 2014 in a historical and political framework. In the third section the most important additions are examined and we present

  14. Qué se puede y qué no con la propaganda política: modificaciones normativas en la reforma político-electoral de 2014 a nivel federal y en el Estado de México

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    Lina Alejandra Nieto-Manzano

    2016-08-01

    Full Text Available En este trabajo se describe el marco normativo que regula al modelo de comunicación política y a la propaganda para la ejecución de las campañas electorales mexiquenses; además, se advierten los avances y los vacíos al respecto. Para efectuar lo dicho, el análisis está estructurado en cinco apartados: en el primero se abordan las nociones conceptuales sobre propaganda y campañas electorales que se utilizan a lo largo del documento; en el segundo se explora el contexto de las últimas reformas político-electorales en el país, para ubicar a la de 2014 en un marco histórico-político; en el tercero se examinan las incorporaciones más importantes de la reforma, además se sintetiza lo que está permitido y lo que está prohibido para las campañas comiciales de acuerdo con las disposiciones federales y estatales, así como con jurisprudencias, tesis y criterios en la materia; en el cuarto se efectúa una reflexión sobre la importancia de la propaganda en las campañas electorales locales y los pendientes de la reforma, y, por último, en el quinto se presentan las consideraciones finales, dejando al descubierto lo que podría venir para la regulación a la propaganda, es decir, potenciales escenarios no previstos por los legisladores y las autoridades electorales. / This work describes the regulatory framework that govern the political communication model and the propaganda for the electoral campaigns in the State of Mexico. It also presents the progress and missing points in the matter. In order to do this, the analysis is structured in five sections: in the first one we present the conceptual notions about propaganda and electoral campaigns that will be used throughout the document. In the second, the context of the last political and electoral reforms in the country is explored, in order to locate the one from 2014 in a historical and political framework. In the third section the most important additions are examined and we present

  15. La Construcción política del carisma las imágenes de los líderes y su impacto electoral en España /

    OpenAIRE

    Rico, Guillem

    2008-01-01

    Consultable des del TDX Títol obtingut de la portada digitalitzada Esta investigación examina los factores que inciden en la evaluación de los líderes políticos y analiza la influencia de tales evaluaciones en las decisiones de voto de los españoles. El impacto electoral de las imágenes de los candidatos en las democracias parlamentarias no ha recibido mucha atención por parte de la ciencia política, y los escasos trabajos existentes a menudo han llevado a conclusiones contradictorias. ...

  16. El liderazgo carismático religioso como elemento fundamental en la permanencia del movimiento independiente de renovación absoluta (MIRA) en el panorama electoral colombiano (2000-2014)

    OpenAIRE

    Barros Acosta, Laura Milena

    2015-01-01

    El propósito de esta investigación es explorar los efectos del liderazgo carismático religioso sobre el desempeño electoral y la supervivencia del movimiento político MIRA en Colombia. Para ello, emplea una metodología cualitativa, que se vale principalmente de entrevistas a profundidad y observación no participante, para acercarse a las prácticas religiosas y a las actitudes políticas de los fieles de la Iglesia de Dios Ministerial de Jesucristo Internacional. A partir de la información reca...

  17. Incumbents without a Campaign Finance Advantage: Competition and Money in Chile’s Congressional Elections Sin una ventaja financiera: Incumbentes y el gasto electoral en las elecciones parlamentarias de Chile

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    Joel W. Johnson

    2011-01-01

    Full Text Available Research from various countries has shown that incumbents in legislative elections raise and spend more money when they face a tougher contest. A statistical analysis of Chilean candidates’ campaign finance disclosures shows the opposite: an inverse relationship between incumbent spending and electoral competitiveness. This occurs because Chile’s deputies are relatively limited in their influence over policy and pork and because the congressional electoral system makes most competitive contests relevant only to the intra-coalitional balance of power. This account implies that political finance is as much a function of political systems and the supply of contributions as it is candidates’ demand for funds, and motivates several hypotheses about campaign finance in Chile. Among others, the analysis confirms that incumbents and challengers compete on a level playing field, spending similar amounts of campaign finance. The paper also illustrates that incumbents and challengers fare equally well in Chile’s “secret” donation system.Estudios en varios países han demostrado que los incumbentes en las elecciones legislativas recaudan y gastan más dinero cuando se enfrentan a una competencia más dura. No obstante, el análisis estadístico del financiamiento electoral de candidatos chilenos demuestra lo contrario: una relación inversa entre los gastos de los incumbentes y la competitividad electoral. Esto ocurre porque los diputados son relativamente limitados en su influencia sobre políticas públicas e incluso en la dispensa de favores canalizados (pork-barrel y porque el sistema binominal hace que la competencia suceda principalmente al interior de coaliciones. La implicación lógica es que el financiamiento político es tanto una función del sistema político y de la oferta de contribuciones de campaña, como de la demanda de los candidatos por esos fondos, hecho que motiva la presentación de varias hipótesis sobre la financiaci

  18. Los artífices de la legislación electoral: una aproximación a la teoría del gobierno representativo en España (1845-1870

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    Rafael Zurita

    2006-08-01

    Full Text Available This article will study from a prosopographical point of view the differing ideas about representative government offered by the various political strands of mid-19th century Spain. With the progressive implementation of liberalism in Spain, the debate about the philosophy and mechanisms of political representation in the construction of the liberal state reached a critical point. Although there was only occasionally political and intellectual debate along the lines of that of France or Great Britain, it is possible to isolate the issues that concerned deputies by studying parliamentary debates on electoral legislation.

  19. Carácter jurisdiccional de las resoluciones de la Dirección General del Registro Electoral en materia de faltas electorales: especial referencia a la facultad de recabar datos personales protegidos por el secreto bancario o tributario en el marco de una investigación por faltas en materia de financiamiento de los partidos políticos

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    Ruy López González

    2011-01-01

    Full Text Available El artículo aborda el concepto y características distintivas de la función jurisdiccional del Estado. Con este marco teórico se analiza la función jurisdiccional del Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones en materia electoral y se esboza como tesis la delegación legislativa de competencias jurisdiccionales que operó a favor de la Dirección General del Registro Electoral y de Financiamiento de Partidos Políticos en el trámite y sanción de las faltas electorales tipificadas en el nuevo Código Electoral. Bajo esta premisa, se infiere la facultad de la Dirección de recabar pruebas que contengan datos de carácter confidencial protegidos bajo los institutos del secreto bancario o tributario con el objeto de ejercer su competencia sancionadora

  20. Mobilization Potential and Democratization Processes of the Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (Bersih) in Malaysia: An Interview With Hishamuddin Rais

    OpenAIRE

    Ying Hooi Khoo

    2014-01-01

    "In recent years, protests and popular mobilization have become pronounced elements in Malaysian politics. Bersih (clean) demonstrations are notably the most outstanding protest events in Malaysian history. Bersih is a group of 89 non-governmental organizations (NGOs) pushing for a thorough reform of the electoral process in Malaysia through rallies and demonstrations. Five opposition parties initiated the idea of Bersih in 2005 and included several NGOs in the ‘project’ later on. After the f...

  1. Two Dogs Fight and a Third Grabs the Bone. Reasons for the Electoral Success of Unexpected Candidates – the Croatian Political Scene after the Last Two Parliamentary Election Cycles (2015–2016

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    Mikucka-Wójtowicz Dominika

    2017-10-01

    Full Text Available The last two years in Croatian politics can be seen as an important turning point. The most recent two parliamentary election cycles (2015-2016, as well as the presidential race held a year earlier, were both more interesting and more unpredictable than the previous elections. The objective of this article is to analyse and identify their distinguishing features as well as their significance and implications for the further functioning of the Croatian political scene. Owing to the fact that in both electoral cycles an important voice in the shape of the ruling coalition went to the party that came third in the election and, also surprisingly, this was both a newly established formation and to a great extent with an anti-establishment appeal, particular attention is focused on the appearance on the party scene of new political groupings. The article attempts to place them within the framework of the existing new party typologies and point to the main reasons for their electoral success, as well as evaluating their chances for survival on the party scene.

  2. El “plebiscito” de Hipólito Yrigoyen: la campaña electoral de 1928 en la ciudad de Buenos Aires vista desde La Época

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    Maria Jose Valdez

    2012-07-01

    Full Text Available En el presente trabajo se analiza la campaña electoral que culminó en abril de 1928 en la ciudad de Buenos Aires a través del diario radical La Época. A partir de la reconstrucción del escenario que llevó por segunda vez a la elección del dirigente radical Hipólito Yrigoyen a la primera magistratura del país (en el comicio que se conoció posteriormente con el nombre de “el plebiscito” el presente artículo estudia la manera en que los propios radicales construyeron su mirada sobre dos aspectos intrínsecamente relacionados: en primer lugar, sobre la forma en que entendieron a su propio partido político; en segundo lugar, sobre la sociedad que ellos mismos pretendían convocar y representar. Para ello, se atenderá a la forma en que los radicales personalistas organizaron su campaña electoral, las actividades realizadas y la forma en que convocaron a sus adherentes.

  3. Electoral system and electoral campaign in Ancient Rome

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    Notari Tamaš

    2011-01-01

    Full Text Available One of the most famous orators of the Antiquity, Marcus Tullius Cicero entered the election for the consul's position held in 64 B.C. arranged under extremely disturbed circumstances and he won the consulatus for 63 B.C. Difficulties were caused among others by the fact that an indebted nobleman called Lucius Sergius Catilina saw the only breakthrough for ensuring his political and financial survival in being elected consul, and manifested that in case he would lose he would be willing to take as well violent actions (later, he actually carried out his threats. The orator's younger brother, Quintus Tullius Cicero wanted to help his brother in his campaign foreseen as having quite a lot of turns; so, he wrote a manual for him on the lawful and illegal instruments that could be used in the elections. This work, Commentariolum petitionis (A Handbook for Applicants for Offices is the first summary of campaign strategy in the history of mankind. In addition to the evaluation of the given situation, the presentation (and exploitation of the weaknesses of counter nominees, the book provides advice on several counts that might possibly continue to have relevance even today. We do not know to what extent the experienced politician, Cicero adhered to his younger brother's advice; it is, however, a fact that he was elected consul, and as a consul he defeated Catilina's revolt in. 63 B.C.

  4. La influencia de la atmósfera política local sobre la conducta electoral. Un estudio del voto socialista en las elecciones locales andaluzas de 2011

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    Ortega Villodres, Carmen

    2013-12-01

    Full Text Available This paper incorporates the contextual perspective in the analysis of electoral behavior. Whilst focusing on the partisan orientation of the vote, this paper takes up one of the classic questions of contextual electoral literature: the influence of the community’s political environment on voting behavior of its inhabitants. We examine the influence of the political composition of Andalusian municipalities on the socialist vote in the 2011 local election. Our analysis shows that the local political atmosphere had a minimal but significant effect on the voting of its residents in the local elections. Accordingly, the political environment in Andalusian localities, pushed voters, whose immediate surroundings did not provide politically relevant information or were independent, to follow the local socialist majority. Urbanization weakens this local effect on the socialist vote. The other main finding of our research is the importance of informal social interaction in explaining the socialist vote, through conversations taking place in the environment immediate to the individual.Este artículo incorpora la perspectiva del “lugar” en el análisis del comportamiento electoral. Aunque centrado en la orientación partidista del voto, este trabajo retoma uno de los interrogantes clásicos de la literatura contextual: la influencia de la atmósfera política de la comunidad sobre la conducta electoral de sus residentes, a través de la observación casual o interacción de baja intensidad. Con esta finalidad, hemos examinado el efecto de la composición política de los municipios andaluces sobre el comportamiento del electorado socialista en los procesos locales de 2011. Nuestro análisis pone de manifiesto que la atmósfera política local tuvo un efecto mínimo, pero significativo sobre la orientación del voto de sus residentes en las pasadas consultas locales. Así, el clima predominantemente socialista de las localidades andaluzas empujó a los

  5. Media competition and electoral politics

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Piolatto, A.; Schütt, F.

    2015-01-01

    We build a framework linking competition in the media market to political participation. Media outlets report on the ability of candidates running for office and compete for audience through their choice of slant. Citizens consume news only if the expected utility of being informed about candidates'

  6. Media Competition and Electoral Politics

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Piolatto, A.; Schuett, F.

    2013-01-01

    Abstract: We build a framework linking competition in the media market to political participation, media slant, and selection of politicians. Media outlets report on the ability of candidates running for office and compete for audience through their choice of slant. Citizens derive utility from

  7. Statistical fingerprints of electoral fraud?

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Kobak, Dmitry; Shpilkin, Sergey; Pshenichnikov, Maxim S.

    2016-01-01

    Protests greeted the results of Russia's federal election in 2011, with accusations of vote-rigging and fraud. With the country heading to the polls again this September, Dmitry Kobak, Sergey Shpilkin and Maxim S. Pshenichnikov shine a light on several anomalies in the election data set.

  8. Democracy Aid and Electoral Accountability

    DEFF Research Database (Denmark)

    Heinrich, Tobias; Loftis, Matthew

    2017-01-01

    for this by analyzing incumbent turnover in elections following poor economic performance – the economic vote – as a measure of voting to achieve performance accountability. In our analysis of over 1,100 elections in 114 developing countries between 1975 and 2010, we find distinct evidence that increasing receipt......Although foreign policies often fail to successfully promote democracy, over a decade of empirical research indicates that foreign aid specifically for democracy promotion is remarkably successful at improving the survival and institutional strength of fragile democracies. However, these measures...... cannot tell us how well democracy aid supports the central promise of democracy: accountable government. Since institutions can be subverted in various ways that undermine accountability, it is vital to know whether democracy aid supports accountability to assess its overall success. We provide evidence...

  9. La base electoral de Obama, redes sociales virtuales y reales: los casos de generation engage y moms for Obama The electoral support of Obama, real and social virtual networks: the case of ‘Generation Engage’ and ‘Moms for Obama’

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    José Luis González

    Full Text Available ResumenDespués de un año de la victoria electoral de Barack Obama, el actual presidente de los Estados Unidos mantiene unas cotas de popularidad muy elevadas, máxime si tenemos en cuenta la actual coyuntura de crisis que afecta de manera frontal a los Estados Unidos. El presente artículo, a partir del estudio de un estado concreto: Carolina del Norte, explica cuáles son las bases sobre las que se sustenta dicho apoyo, bases que tienen que ver con un trabajo realizado desde las elecciones primarias del Partido Demócrata y que se sustentan en un adecuado uso de las redes sociales, tanto virtuales como reales. Para demostrar esta hipótesis, se muestran los resultados de un vasto trabajo de campo realizado, fundamentalmente con dos redes que han centrado sus esfuerzos en afianzar el voto joven y el voto femenino: ‘Generation Engage’ y ‘Mom for Obama’.AbstractAfter one year of the election victory of Barack Obama, the current president of the United Status, has a very high level of popularity, especially bearing in mind the current crisis that affects the United States. This article, from the study of a particular state: North Carolina, explains the keys of support, keys that are related to work done since the primaries and the Democratic Party behind in an appropriate use of social networks, both virtual and real. To prove this hypothesis, we show the results of an extensive field work carried out mainly with two networks that have focused their efforts on strengthening the youth vote and women voters: Generation Engage and 'Moms for Obama.

  10. Process to Obtain Quick Counts from PREP

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    Martínez–Cruz M.Á.

    2011-10-01

    Full Text Available Considering the Preliminary Electoral Results Program (PERP as a database of the federal elections for president of the Mexican Republic, a methodology was developed in order to find representative samples of ballot boxes installed in the election’s day (quick count in different hours, due to its characteristics of gathering of information, the PREP in the first hours forms a non-representative sample of data. In a particular way, in the election of July 2, 2006, after 3 hours of opening the PREP, it was observed that the accuracy of the process of the quick counts was better than the one obtained by the IFE. Among other things, this allows to lower the cost, to increase the confidentiality of the ballot boxes used in the sampling and to distinguish in a precise moment the winning candidate long before PREP finishes.

  11. Revista de Derecho Electoral del Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones de Costa Rica: Diez años de aportar a la reflexión sobre democracia y elecciones

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    Ileana Aguilar Olivares

    2016-01-01

    Full Text Available La gestión de conocimiento es una tarea inherente en la función pública. La necesidad de propiciar espacios para la divulgación de ese conocimiento ha llevado a varias instituciones a la creación de publicaciones para su difusión. El Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones, consciente de dicha necesidad, crea en el año 2006 la Revista de Derecho Electoral en formato digital y de acceso abierto, con el objetivo de propiciar y difundir el conocimiento que día a día se genera en el área de democracia y elecciones. El artículo realiza un repaso por los principales aportes de la Revista durante sus diez años de existencia.

  12. Infracción electoral y violencia política en la construcción de la ciudadanía en América Latina. Propuesta conceptual a partir del caso Boliviano (1825-1952)

    OpenAIRE

    Irurozqui Victoriano, Marta

    2014-01-01

    Después de 1990 comenzó una renovación de los estudios de historia política sobre América Latina. Uno de los temas centrales ha sido el proceso de formación de la ciudadanía. Se pro- pone una perspectiva sistemática sobre el aprendizaje y ejercicio de la ciudadanía en Bolivia como procesos políticos donde interesa entender las dinámicas que revelan las movilizaciones políticas. De este modo, es importante interpretar la infracción electoral evidenciada en el fraude, el clientelismo y la viole...

  13. Muslim Politics in Malaysia and the Democratization Process

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    Lukman Thaib

    2013-06-01

    Full Text Available This article will address the Muslim politics in Malaysia in the light of the broader shifts towards democratization and Islamization by focusing on politics among the majority ethnic Malay community, followed an overview of the ideological rivalry between UMNO and PAS, with special reference to the electoral performances of these parties in the past three general elections (November 1999, March 2004 and March 2008 . It then explores the underlying reason for the perceived importance of Islam in understanding the voting trend among the Malay-Muslim electorate which raised the question to what extent was the discourse on Islam instrumental in persuading the Malays to switch their support from PAS to the UMNO during the 2004 elections, and in the process of continued participation as an ‘Islamic Party’ in Malaysian mainstream politics what factors were that encouraged the PAS leaders to compromises and to play by the ‘rule of democracy’. In the concluding part of the article the writer also provide with an overview on reform agenda of Civilizational Islam (Islam Hadhari under premiership of Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and the current Malaysia’s Transformation Programme (GTP under the leadership of Dato’ Sri Mohd Najib Tun Abdul Razak.

  14. Incidencia de las técnicas de investigación cuantitativa en el diseño de estrategias de marketing electoral. Análisis de la campaña para la presidencia del partido verde 2010.

    OpenAIRE

    Rodríguez Bustamante, Iván Darío

    2012-01-01

    La campana política del Partido Verde para la presidencia en 2010 fue una campaña con muchas particularidades. Este trabajo analiza dicha campaña y resalta las técnicas de investigación cuantitativa y la incidencia de estas en las estrategias de marketing electoral, todo lo anterior bajo el modelo de plan de marketing del profesor Francisco Javier Barranco.

  15. Avances doctrinarios para la teoría democrática y los derechos humanos relacionados con la participación política: Integridad, equidad en la contienda electoral y el nuevo papel de los jueces electorales

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Ricardo Valverde Gómez

    2016-01-01

    Full Text Available Si se reconoce que la participación política es una de las mejores maneras de aproximar a los derechos humanos, forzosamente hay temas como la cultura democrática, la democratización, la participación electoral tanto de partidos políticos y ciudadanos como de otros actores sociales que juegan roles fundamentales en las elecciones, que deben ser tomados en cuenta. Para que las condiciones y eventuales regulaciones (o ninguna, si es que ello se enmarca en los textos constitucionales estén muy claras para todos, sobre todo en el caso de los actores principales del proceso electoral -como son los organismos electorales, partidos y candidatoses necesario que su participación se dé en respeto de una base fundamental que es la equidad. Por eso, una de las más fecundas evoluciones doctrinarias actuales parte de la idea de que los procesos electorales deben estar caracterizados por su integridad, o sea, que todas las etapas de dicho proceso deben ser cumplidas a cabalidad para poder calificar una elección en su conjunto, en su globalidad de partes, como una buena elección. Si la teoría y la institucionalidad electoral avanzan de manera progresiva, progresista y virtuosa, se espera que las personas encargadas de dirigir organismos electorales, en particular el caso de los jerarcas que asumen el delicado papel de administrar justicia electoral, estén profesional y técnicamente, pero sobre todo filosóficamente a la altura del papel histórico y político que deben jugar.

  16. Periodismo y política: polémicas y confrontaciones en la coyuntura electoral 1941-1942. El diario Vanguardia Liberal y la defensa del partido liberal

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Álvaro Acevedo Tarazona

    2015-01-01

    Full Text Available El propósito de este artículo es estudiar las polémicas y las confrontaciones políticas presentadas en la coyuntura electoral de 1941 y 1942 a través de las páginas del periódico bumangués Vanguardia Liberal, donde el espectro de confrontaciones quedó expuesto en múltiples frentes que constituyeron la defensa del régimen liberal para los años siguientes. En el trabajo se resaltan las principales figuras del conservatismo y del liberalismo, de la misma manera que los periódicos que se enfrentaron en intercambios de mensajes para defender o denunciar actos que favorecían o perjudicaban los intereses electorales. Claramente, se puede determinar la principal función del periódico para la época como instrumento que orientó la intención del electorado manteniéndolo firme y leal a los idearios del liberalismo respecto a las campañas de difamación de los periódicos conservadores.

  17. La importancia de salvaguardar el entorno electoral para la seguridad del votante y una elección creíble en África: el caso de Nigeria

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Oludele Mayowa Solaja

    2017-07-01

    Full Text Available La protección del entorno es un proceso de resurgimiento del medio ambiente en lo que concierne a la amenaza de la paz global y la seguridad emergente. Es un esfuerzo pluridimensional que involucra la seguridad mental, económica, social, cultural, informática y la seguridad intelectual. Desde este punto de vista, un tema que se ha mantenido a la vanguardia del debate público es la forma de garantizar la máxima seguridad en el proceso electoral. A la luz de esto, el estudio examina por medio de una teoría de la seguridad social la relevancia de la protección del entorno para garantizar la seguridad y la credibilidad de los votantes en África, particularmente en Nigueria. Utiliza el diseño de motivos con fuerte dependencia de los datos cualitativos secundarios procedentes de publicaciones académicas actuales y relevantes, boletines oficiales e informes, con el objetivo de encontrar a partir del estudio los conocimientos prácticos sobre cómo un medio ambiente asegurado puede contribuir al proceso de democratización de África

  18. Los estudios del comportamiento del elector en América Latina: un análisis bibliográfico de los casos de México, Argentina, Chile y Colombia, 2000-2010

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    John Fredy Bedoya Marulanda

    2015-06-01

    Full Text Available El presente artículo tiene como objetivo resaltar la producción y evaluar los avances logrados por la Ciencia Política latinoamericana en la comprensión del comportamiento del elector. Se toma como punto de referencia la producción bibliográfica en México, Argentina, Chile y Colombia entre 2000 y 2010, con el fin de controlar el efecto que puede tener los distintos niveles de desarrollo de la disciplina en cada país sobre el desarrollo de este subcampo. Para este propósito, se evalúan las preguntas de investigación y la delimitación de su objeto de estudio, las hipótesis que de allí se derivan y la solidez conceptual de esta misma producción. El principal hallazgo es que a pesar de la complejidad metodológica y el aprovechamiento de los contextos para desarrollar preguntas relevantes, el camino por recorrer aun es largo.

  19. Concertación de partidos por la democracia : Coalición política, partidos y sistema electoral en Chile, 1987-2010

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Yopo Herrera, Mladen Daslav

    2013-01-01

    The Chilean transition to democracy in the late 20th century is considered one of the most successful to have ever taken place in the world. During this process the obstacles set in place by the military government and the dangers of radicalization on the part of the opposition were adroitly

  20. ¿Reproduciendo la lógica mediática? Un estudio empírico sobre el impacto del debate electoral español en nuevos y viejos medios.

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Lidia Valera Ordaz

    2013-08-01

    Full Text Available Este artículo se propone analizar el impacto del debate electoral español en el espacio público, concebido como la combinación de la prensa tradicional y nuevos espacios digitales (blogosfera política y conversaciones ciudadanas online. Nuestro objetivo es analizar lasimpresiones del debate de diferentes actores: periodistas, bloggers políticamente comprometidos y ciudadanos, en plataformas comunicativas tradicionales y digitales. Proponemos tres enfoques metodológicos. En primer lugar, el análisis de contenido permitirá indagar en cómo los medios y los blogs cubrieron el debate por medio de variables como los temas, los protagonistas de la información y las evaluaciones que éstos reciben. En segundo lugar, un doble análisis cuantitativo-cualitativo de la estructura de los blogs permitirá analizar el tipo de modelo comunicativo subyacente (elitista o participativo. Finalmente, las conversaciones ciudadanas online que emergen en la blogosfera serán analizadas de acuerdo con un modelo deliberativo de la democracia mediante la observación de los siguientes indicadores: reciprocidad, diversidad discursiva, nivel de argumentación y coherencia. A través de un corpus que comprende dos días de campaña (el día del debate y el posterior, pretendemos evaluar las similitudes y diferencias en la cobertura del debate y su interpretación en tres niveles comunicativos: a la esfera pública tradicional, b la nueva esfera digital y c las conversaciones ciudadanas online.

  1. Aprender a votar con las elecciones al Parlamento Europeo. Una simulación innovadora del proceso electoral diseñado para el alumnado de Educación Secundaria Obligatoria

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Elvira Barriga-Ubed

    2017-01-01

    Full Text Available Este artículo describe una experiencia didáctica innovadora llevada a cabo en el año 2014 en paralelo a las elecciones al Parlamento Europeo. La experiencia se centra en la simulación y evaluación participativa en nueve institutos con cerca de 800 alumnos de tercer y cuarto curso de secundaria obligatoria en Cataluña. En este caso en concreto, el principal objetivo era fomentar el conocimiento de los elementos del sistema democrático europeo en el alumnado de secundaria. El proyecto consistía en motivar la participación política activa del alumnado mostrando varias vías de participación convencional y no convencional. El proyecto culminó con la simulación educativa del ejercicio del voto dos días antes de las elecciones reales estatales, coincidiendo con el ambiente electoral de los comicios al Parlamento Europeo durante mayo de 2014. En el presente artículo se exponen las bases teóricas y metodológicas que fundamentan esta experiencia, se describe el proceso de diseño y elaboración de los materiales didácticos del programa y se explica la ejecución de la experiencia didáctica, fruto de su implementación en las aulas de los distintos centros de educación secundaria participantes, vivida entre el alumnado, el equipo de profesores y el equipo investigador. También se profundiza en las valoraciones y recomendaciones señaladas por parte del profesorado participante.

  2. Strategii de PR în retorica electorala din Parlamentarele -2014, Republica Moldova vs „revoluția crizantemelor”, octombrie 2015 (PR strategies in the electoral rhetoric during the parliamentary elections in 2014, Republic of Moldova vs „the chrysanthemums revolution”, october 2015)

    OpenAIRE

    Aurelia PERU-BALAN

    2015-01-01

    In this article the author approaches the trends of the electoral rhetoric during the parliamentary elections that were held on 30th of November. The article determines which are the most used campaign issues with a mobilizing effect on the voters; among these – the external path of the Republic of Moldova. During the last five years, the right and center-right wing parties have chosen the EU integration, the left-wing parties – the Eurasian Union. The contribution also analyzes the most rele...

  3. «Voto x voto… casilla x casilla…». De la consigna postelectoral a la movilización ciudadana «Vote by vote… box by box…». From the post-electoral slogan to the citizen mobilization

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Diana GUILLÉN RODRÍGUEZ

    2011-06-01

    Full Text Available A partir de la observación directa y de fuentes hemerográficas, el artículo reconstruye las marchas que se realizaron en la ciudad de México los días 8, 16 y 30 de julio de 2006, en protesta por los resultados de la jornada electoral previa (2 de julio para renovar la presidencia de la república. Tras la consigna «Voto x voto… casilla x casilla» se planteó un reto importante a las instituciones y se exigió un derecho básico de la democracia, incluso en su versión más limitada: la certidumbre de que lo expresado a nivel individual en las urnas se contabilizaría en función de criterios y procedimientos confiables. Las movilizaciones en cuestión representaron una experiencia inédita en el contexto mexicano; a diferencia de acciones previas en contra del fraude electoral, en esta ocasión uno de los motores que amalgamó las acciones de protesta fue la certidumbre de que desde la sociedad se podía y se debía intervenir. Desde tal perspectiva e independientemente de las simpatías o antipatías que puedan despertar, constituyen un hito para la historia sociopolítica del México contemporáneo y, por ello, resulta importante recuperar y sistematizar sus características centrales.From direct observation and hemerography sources, this article reconstructs the mobilizations that took place in Mexico city on June 8, 16 and 30 of 2006, in protestation of the results of the previous electoral day. An important challenge was set out for the institutions behind the slogan «Vote by vote... box by box» and a basic right to democracy was demanded, even in its more limited version: the certainty that what was individually expressed on the ballot boxes, would be counted according to reliable and dependable criteria and procedures. These mobilizations represented an unknown experience in the Mexican context. In contrast to previous actions against electoral fraud, one of the driving forces on this particular protest was the certainty that

  4. Divergence over conformity: Change in immigration attitudes after the electoral success of an anti-immigration populist party in the Finnish 2015 parliamentary elections.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Lönnqvist, Jan-Erik; Mannerström, Rasmus; Leikas, Sointu

    2018-06-05

    The populist, anti-immigration-oriented Finns Party was considered the winner of the Finnish 2015 parliamentary elections. In a representative sample of young adults (N = 606), a longitudinal pre- post-election design revealed that attitudes towards immigration became more favourable among those disappointed by the outcome and those who did not vote for the Finns Party. Among the latter, both supporting the green-red rival parties and disliking the Finns Party independently predicted increased support for migration. Other attitudes did not change. The results highlight the importance of social processes and identity concerns, particularly self-categorization, as drivers of attitude change. While previous work has focused on conformity dynamics, our results suggest that diverging from an unwanted identity may be associated with attitude change. © 2018 International Union of Psychological Science.

  5. Educação política: o ensino do processo eleitoral brasileiro em sala de aula = Education policy: the teaching of the electoral process in brazilian classroom

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Flores, Andressa de Rodrigues

    2014-01-01

    Full Text Available O presente artigo trata sobre um projeto desenvolvido pelos bolsistas PIBID, subprojeto História, a respeito da evolução do processo eleitoral brasileiro. Diferentemente da ideia de que falar de política é um assunto delicado e perigoso, pois corre-se o risco dos alunos entenderem o trabalho como uma forma de doutrinação ou propaganda partidária, o que se buscou com essa atividade foi esclarecer algumas questões sobre a questão do voto e das eleições, e, consequentemente, da democracia no país. Ocorreu a apresentação para os estudantes da evolução da política nacional, desde a vinda da Família Real Portuguesa até o momento presente, passando pela Política dos Coronéis, criação da Justiça Eleitoral, voto feminino, Diretas Já e, outros importantes fatos relacionados ao tema. Para que o assunto e os debates não acabem na sala-de-aula, buscou-se a participação da família, com a distribuição de um questionário contendo onze perguntas. Este questionário serviu de base para que o aluno fizesse uma entrevista com algum conhecido que tenha participado, ao menos uma vez, do processo eleitoral e, forme sua opinião e reflexões sobre a política nacional. O grupo percebe que pouco se reflete sobre política, e isso faz falta, pois deve-se entender que ela está presente na nossa vida e deve ser debatida. Conscientizar sobre a importância da conquista do direito do voto, para que eles entendam seus deveres e direitos de cidadãos

  6. Confianza es destino: Un análisis de la percepción de los electores universitarios en la elección presidencial de México, 2012

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Francisco Javier Alatorre

    2014-07-01

    Full Text Available La construcción de la confianza entre los jóvenes electores en los candidatos a un puesto de representa- ción popular y a los partidos políticos que los postulan, ha sido un tema relativamente poco investigado. Este estudio, busca llenar este vacío y pretende identificar los principales factores que impactaron la confianza de los jóvenes en las elecciones presidenciales del 2012 en Mé- xico. Se realizó un estudio cuantitativo utilizando regre- siones para encontrar los factores significativos, basados en las emociones percibidas por los jóvenes estudiantes del Centro Universitario de Ciencias Económico-Admi- nistrativas. Se encontraron cuatro variables que afectaron la confianza de los jóvenes en Josefina Vázquez Mota, seis para Enrique Peña Nieto y seis para Andrés Manuel López Obrador. Se concluye que la confianza es un cons- tructo y una variable muy importante en la política que define un destino, por lo que debe ser estudiada en sus diferentes perspectivas y modalidades. AbstractBuilding confidence among young voters in candi- date for a post of popular representation and political parties that postulate, have been a topic relatively little investigated. This study aims to fill this gap and aims to identify the main factors impacting the confidence of young people in the presidential election in Mexico, 2012. A quantitative study was conducted using regressions to find the significant factors, based on emotions perceived by young students of the University Center for Economic and Administrative Sciences. Four variables that affected the confidence of young people in Josefina Vazquez Mota, Enrique Peña Nieto six for six for Andrés Manuel López Obrador was found. We conclude that trust is a construct and a very important variable in the policy that defines a destination so it should be studied in their different per- spectives and modalities. 

  7. Imagen y discursos sobre la inmigración: la campaña electoral del 14 de marzo de 2004 en los medios de comunicación escritos

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Moreno Preciado, Manuel

    2006-06-01

    Full Text Available The author discusses the general election of March 14th, 2004 in Spain as a way to highlight the social, cultural and political atmosphere reigning in the country toward the issue of immigration. By analyzing the coverage of the 15-day election campaign by four major newspapers —El País, ABC, El Mundo and La Vanguardia—, he points to a number of recurrent themes in the editions: the absence of the immigrant as main actor, the overproduction of news portraying immigration as conflictive, the emphasis on the need of monitoring immigration, the lack of positive news regarding integration, and little political debate on the whole matter. In sum, immigration was not a major issue in the campaign, while the media —notwithstanding some significant differences— projected oft-repeated stereotypes of the subjetct as problematic and conflictive. It was only after the election that the immigrant emerged as news-maker himself.

    Esta investigación tiene como objetivo, la utilización de una campaña electoral para captar el clima social, cultural y político hacia la inmigración, a través de la documentación de cuatro medios de comunicación (El País, ABC, El Mundo y La Vanguardia, durante los quince días de campaña. Los inmigrantes están ausentes como protagonistas en primera persona de las noticias; hay una saturación de información que describe el contexto migratorio como conflictivo; se hace énfasis en la necesidad de controlar la inmigración; escasez de noticias positivas sobre la convivencia y poco debate político. La inmigración no ha sido, pues, un tema estrella en la campaña, donde, de forma general, los medios han proyectado la imagen estereotipada de la inmigración como fenómeno problemático y conflictivo, encontrándose enfoques mediático-políticos sensiblemente diferentes. Sólo después del 11-M emerge la figura del inmigrante en primera persona.

  8. Seeking electoral equality for IDP voters

    OpenAIRE

    Jeremy Grace; Jeff Fischer

    2008-01-01

    Guiding Principle 22 affirms IDPs’ “right to vote and toparticipate in governmental and public affairs, includingthe right to have access to the means necessary to exercisethis right.” Despite the clarity of this language, there is noset of universally accepted policies and practices protectingIDP voting rights.

  9. Seeking electoral equality for IDP voters

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Jeremy Grace

    2008-12-01

    Full Text Available Guiding Principle 22 affirms IDPs’ “right to vote and toparticipate in governmental and public affairs, includingthe right to have access to the means necessary to exercisethis right.” Despite the clarity of this language, there is noset of universally accepted policies and practices protectingIDP voting rights.

  10. Electoral Politics and ETA’s ceasefire

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Javier Argomaniz

    2011-01-01

    Full Text Available The recent Euskadi ta Alkartasuna (ETA ceasefire declaration has been received with much interest and fanfare by the international media. The same announcement was met instead with a tangible lack of enthusiasm by Spanish and Basque political figures.  The Spanish president Zapatero, the Basque president Lopez and Urkullu, the leader of the most voted Basque nationalist party (PNV, agreed that the communiqué was a ‘step forward’ but ultimately ‘insufficient’ and ‘not the news the country had been hoping for’. Such mix of scepticism and disappointment is partly a product of the previous failed experience with the 2006 ETA truce. Months of painstakingly slow negotiations between ETA and government representatives were then shattered with a bomb attack at Madrid airport that killed two people. The outcome left the Zapatero’s government frustrated and unwilling to get their fingers burnt again.

  11. Actual and Potential Electoral Absenteeism in Belgium

    OpenAIRE

    ACKAERT, Johan; DUMONT, P.; DE WINTER, L.

    2007-01-01

    During the eighties and nineties of the 20th century, absenteeism increased in Belgium. This evolution ended for all types of elections at the beginning of the current century. This paper offered a number of potential explanations for this puzzle, but we acknowledge that further examination is necessary to provide a clear answer for this change. We showed that potential absenteeists share specific characteristics. Potential turnout (in case of abolishment of compulsory voting) ...

  12. Heterogeneity in Models of Electoral Choice

    OpenAIRE

    Rivers, Douglas

    1983-01-01

    Heterogeneity or the presence of a variety of decision rules in a population has usually been ignored in voting research. A method for handling heterogeneous preferences using rank order data is developed and applied to a simple issue-voting model. The estimated average effect of partisanship is substantially higher when the assumption of homogeneity is relaxed, though many self-identified partisans also use ideological criteria to evaluate candidates and many independents rely on partisan cr...

  13. Lo registral civil desde lo electoral

    OpenAIRE

    Arlette Bolaños Barquero

    2018-01-01

    En este trabajo se aborda la naturaleza jurídica del Registro Civil de Costa Rica y se intenta proveer elementos para comprender la decisión de los constituyentes, en 1949, acerca de su adscripción en definitiva al Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones (también lo llamaremos TSE) y de cómo, con el devenir del tiempo y en la práctica actual, se ha estrechado la relación e interdependencia entre este organismo y el TSE, para la correcta ejecución de las tareas que se deben cumplir en las diferentes di...

  14. Venezuela electoral 2012: escenarios y perspectivas

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Juan Manuel Trak Vásquez

    2014-06-01

    Full Text Available El objetivo de estas líneas es reflexionar sobre los posibles escenarios que se pueden dar en Venezuela a partir de las elecciones presidenciales del 7 de octubre, en donde se juega la reelección de Hugo Chávez Frías (HCF. Para ello es necesario hacer un breve recorrido por la historia política reciente de Venezuela, cómo llega HCF al poder y los hitos más importantes que han marcado sus mandatos desde 1998.

  15. Electoral Politics and Election Outcomes in Kenya

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    sulaiman.adebowale

    2006-09-16

    Sep 16, 2006 ... section of the presidential and National Assembly Elections Act. The change .... of its functions, such as registering voters and supervising the conduct of ..... civil rights as well as civic duties, including the need to contest ...

  16. Electoral cycles in electricity losses in India

    International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

    Min, Brian; Golden, Miriam

    2014-01-01

    A third of electricity in India is lost each year, where losses refer to power that is supplied but not billed. Utilizing data from the power corporation of Uttar Pradesh, India's most populous state, we study the politics of electricity losses. Examining annual data over four decades, we document that UP's electricity losses tend to increase in periods immediately prior to state assembly elections. Drawing upon geographically disaggregated data for the period 2000–09, we observe higher line losses just prior to the 2002 and 2007 state elections. Our analysis shows that the incumbent party was more likely to retain the assembly seat as line losses in the locality increased. We interpret these results as corroboration that political parties deliberately redirect electricity to flat rate and unbilled users in a context of chronically inadequate supply. Political factors appear to affect line losses in ways that technical and economic factors alone cannot explain. - Highlights: • A third of electricity in India is lost each year. • Electricity losses increase by 3 percentage points in periods leading up to statewide elections in India's largest state. • Candidates are more likely to win re-election in areas where line losses are allowed to increase. • Political factors affect line losses in ways that technical and economic factors alone cannot explain

  17. Elections and Electoral Tribunal in Nigeria

    African Journals Online (AJOL)

    User

    2011-04-19

    Apr 19, 2011 ... 'pulpits' were angels that may shun the acceptance of gratification to uphold or upturn ..... INEC in the 2007 election, it will be out of place for election tribunal to use .... Democratic theory and practice: The Nigerian experience.

  18. CONSPIROLOGICAL APPROACHES TO THE REPRESENTATION OF POLITICAL PROCESSES

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Наталья Владимировна Кадурина

    2013-08-01

    Full Text Available The author of the paper makes an attempt to synthesize the effect of conspirological approaches on ideas of particular social groups of community about the existing political events around the world. Conspirological concepts are proving very popular in postmodern society as most modern political technologists try to treat unexplainable events of political reality through different conspiracy theories. Media actively uses conspirological concepts to attract readers and audiences, and political technologists use them as one of the means to influence the electoral processes.A growing interest to conspiracy theory determines its connection with political science. The general disadvantage of conspirological approach is poor evidences which show, according to some researches, its parascientific basis. A wide spread of conspirological concepts among political technologists and mass-media distorts the representation of political processes. To form a scientific vision of political processes the transparency of political situation is required which enables to decrease the role of conspirological approaches to political process.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2218-7405-2013-6-26

  19. Federalismo, dinâmica eleitoral e políticas públicas no Brasil: uma tipologia e algumas hipóteses Federalism, electoral dynamics and public policies in Brazil: a typology and some hypotheses

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    André Borges

    2010-08-01

    Full Text Available O presente trabalho propõe um modelo tipológico capaz de fundamentar o entendimento da conexão entre políticas públicas e dinâmica eleitoral em uma democracia federal onde o poder de formular e implementar políticas públicas é relativamente descentralizado. De modo mais geral, esta tipologia de políticas públicas pretende avançar além das dicotomias tradicionais da ciência política - clientelismo vs. universalismo / partidos catch-all vs. partidos programáticos - oferecendo uma nova perspectiva analítica, de corte não dualista. A tipologia classifica as políticas públicas a partir de duas dimensões: os critérios de alocação de recursos (políticopartidários ou universalistas e a natureza dos bens e serviços produzidos (privados ou públicos. A partir do cruzamento das duas dimensões, o trabalho define quatro tipos de estratégias de implementação de políticas públicas: clientelismo, política distributiva, focalização e universalismo. Também são definidas algumas hipóteses capazes de explicar as escolhas de política pública realizadas pelos governos subnacionais. O trabalho leva em conta três ordens de fatores explicativos: competição política horizontal (entre partidos políticos, competição vertical (entre esferas de governo e contexto socioeconômico e demográfico.This paper proposes a typological model to provide further understanding of the connection between public policies and electoral dynamics in a federal democracy in which the power to formulate and implement public policies is relatively decentralized. More generally, this typology of public policies is intended to move beyond the traditional dichotomies of political science - clientelism vs. universalism / catch-all parties vs. programmatic parties - offering a new analytical perspective, with a non-dualistic approach. The typology classifies public policies according to two dimensions: the criteria for allocation of resources (partisan

  20. La mayor "calidad democrática" del nuevo Estatuto de Autonomía de las Islas Baleares: régimen electoral, Consejo Consultivo y procedimiento de reforma

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Joan Oliver Araujo

    2007-08-01

    Full Text Available La Ley Orgánica 1/2007, de 28 de febrero, de reforma del Estatuto de Autonomía de las Illes Balears (EAIB, ha derogado, de facto, el texto anterior, aprobando un nuevo Estatuto. Sus objetivos van en una doble dirección: por una parte, «avanzar» en el «autogobierno» de estas tierras y, por otra, profundizar en el «sistema democrático», al que califica literalmente de «valor supremo». En este trabajo hemos reflexionado sobre los pasos que ha dado el nuevo texto para incidir en el segundo de los objetivos indicados, esto es, en la mejora de la «calidad democrática» del sistema político instaurado en la Comunidad Autónoma balear. En concreto, y no de forma casual, nuestro análisis se ha centrado en tres cuestiones de capital importancia para lograr aquel «valor supremo» al que alude el Estatuto en su preámbulo. En primer lugar, el sistema electoral que se utilizará para que las preferencias políticas de los ciudadanos de Baleares, expresadas en votos, se transformen en escaños en el Parlamento autonómico, el cual es —sin duda—el corazón político de la Comunidad y fuente de donde emanan todos los demás poderes de la misma. En segundo lugar, la nueva configuración del Consejo Consultivo de las Illes Balears, ya que—en su doble dimensión del órgano de consulta y órgano de control—será un instrumento de auxilio a la Administración activa, para que —en su quehacer diario—no se aparte de los imperativos legales, y una garantía para los ciudadanos, que verán como los actos más importantes de aquélla son dictaminados de oficio por un órgano independiente y de reconocida preparación jurídica para corregir abusos, evitar errores o, más comúnmente, reparar actuaciones u omisiones que suponen una inadmisible pasividad o dejadez ante sus justos intereses o sus legítimas reclamaciones. Por último, en tercer lugar, hemos centrado nuestro análisis en el nuevo proceso de reforma del propio Estatuto de Autonom

  1. (Unsettlement: political parody and the Northern Irish peace processDOI:10.5007/2175-8026.2010n58p191

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Mark Phelan

    2010-01-01

    Full Text Available This essay examines Tim Loane's political comedies, Caught Red-Handed and To Be Sure, and their critique of the Northern Irish peace process. As "parodies of esteem", both plays challenge the ultimate electoral victors of the peace process (the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin as well as critiquing the cant, chicanery and cynicism that have characterised their political rhetoric and the peace process as a whole. This essay argues that Loane's transformation of these comedic pantomime horses into Trojan ones loaded with a ruthless polemical critique of our ruling political elites is all the more important in the context of a self-censoring media that has stifled dissent and debate by protecting the peace process from inconvenient truths. From these close and contextual readings of Loane's plays, wider issues relating to the political efficacy of comedy and its canonical relegation below 'higher forms' in Irish theatre historiography will also be considered.

  2. Strategii de PR în retorica electorala din Parlamentarele -2014, Republica Moldova vs „revoluția crizantemelor”, octombrie 2015 (PR strategies in the electoral rhetoric during the parliamentary elections in 2014, Republic of Moldova vs „the chrysanthemums revolution”, october 2015

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Aurelia PERU-BALAN

    2015-12-01

    Full Text Available In this article the author approaches the trends of the electoral rhetoric during the parliamentary elections that were held on 30th of November. The article determines which are the most used campaign issues with a mobilizing effect on the voters; among these – the external path of the Republic of Moldova. During the last five years, the right and center-right wing parties have chosen the EU integration, the left-wing parties – the Eurasian Union. The contribution also analyzes the most relevant special events organized by the political parties’ staffs in order to create an image well covered by the media and favorable for the political actors.

  3. 28 CFR 55.11 - General.

    Science.gov (United States)

    2010-07-01

    ... electoral process enable members of applicable language minority groups to participate effectively in the electoral process. It is the responsibility of covered jurisdictions to determine what languages, forms of...

  4. CODE SETTING TRENDS IN ELECTORAL MATTERS - CODE OF GOOD PRACTICE IN ELECTORAL MATTERS - VENICE 2002

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Mircea-Constantin SINESCU

    2016-05-01

    Full Text Available The integrated and ongoing effort of the of the states in the European area to modernize and adapt their laws to the current needs and exigencies of the citizens is transposed, in terms of constitutional matters, in the actions of the European Commission for Democracy through Law, better known as the Venice Commission, as Venice is the place of the proceedings of this Council of Europe's advisory body on constitutional matters.

  5. CODE SETTING TRENDS IN ELECTORAL MATTERS - CODE OF GOOD PRACTICE IN ELECTORAL MATTERS - VENICE 2002

    OpenAIRE

    Mircea-Constantin SINESCU; Mihai-Daniel ONIȘOR

    2016-01-01

    The integrated and ongoing effort of the of the states in the European area to modernize and adapt their laws to the current needs and exigencies of the citizens is transposed, in terms of constitutional matters, in the actions of the European Commission for Democracy through Law, better known as the Venice Commission, as Venice is the place of the proceedings of this Council of Europe's advisory body on constitutional matters.

  6. The United Arab Emirates (UAE): Issues for U.S. Policy

    National Research Council Canada - National Science Library

    Katzman, Kenneth

    2007-01-01

    The United Arab Emirates (UAE), its leadership transition now complete, undertook its first major electoral process in December 2006, although with a small, hand-picked electorate and for a body with limited powers...

  7. Crisis, neoliberal health policy, and political processes in Mexico.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Laurell, A C

    1991-01-01

    The Mexican case represents an orthodox neoliberal health policy in the context of the structural adjustment adopted by the Mexican government in 1983. The social costs of this strategy are very high, including an increase in unemployment, wage depression, regressive redistribution of wealth, and profound changes in social policies. These transformations are reflected in the health sector, where the four main axes of neoliberal policy--expenditure restrictions, targeting, decentralization, and privatization--have been implemented. This represents a change in social policy from a model based on citizens' social rights and the state's obligation to guarantee them, to a model characterized by selective public charity. This strategy has been imposed on society as a result of the Mexican corporative political regime based on a state party system. Since 1985, however, there has been a growing process of independent organization of civil society. This led in the presidential elections of 1988 to the defeat of the candidate of the governing party by the candidate of a popular-democratic opposition front. Although the government party imposed its candidate through electoral fraud, social mobilization against neoliberal policies continues in the midst of an important political crisis that can only be resolved by profound democratization of Mexican society.

  8. Fuel processing. Wastes processing

    International Nuclear Information System (INIS)

    Bourgeois, M.

    2000-01-01

    The gaseous, liquid and solid radioactive effluents generated by the fuel reprocessing, can't be release in the environment. They have to be treated in order to respect the limits of the pollution regulations. These processing are detailed and discussed in this technical paper. A second part is devoted to the SPIN research program relative to the separation of the long life radionuclides in order to reduce the radioactive wastes storage volume. (A.L.B.)

  9. Alcances en materia jurídico electoral de la recién promulgada Ley 9379 para la promoción de la Autonomía Personal de las Personas con Discapacidad: Un análisis de la función cuasi legislativa del Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Lucía Soto Chacón

    2018-01-01

    Full Text Available En el marco del vigésimo aniversario de la promulgación de la Ley 7600, y habiéndose cumplido ocho años desde la ratificación de la Convención sobre los Derechos de las Personas con Discapacidad por parte del Estado costarricense, se promulgó en agosto de 2016 la ley 9379 para la Promoción de la Autonomía Personal de las Personas con Discapacidad. Esta norma busca dotar de asistentes personales y apoyo legal a aquellos sujetos con diversidad funcional cuya situación económica no les permite acceder a tales servicios. Además, estatuye la anulación de los regímenes de “Interdicción”, “Insania” y “Nombramiento de Curador” dispuestos en los códices civiles y de familia. Así, la Ley 9379 aboga por la recuperación de la capacidad de actuar de estos individuos, con lo que recobran aquellos derechos personales que habían perdido con su inhabilitación. Entre tales prerrogativas está el derecho al sufragio activo, en razón de lo cual se manda a reinscribir al Padrón Electoral a quienes fueron segregados en cumplimiento de una sentencia civil.

  10. Process Accounting

    OpenAIRE

    Gilbertson, Keith

    2002-01-01

    Standard utilities can help you collect and interpret your Linux system's process accounting data. Describes the uses of process accounting, standard process accounting commands, and example code that makes use of process accounting utilities.

  11. Unionism, the Decision-Making Process and Social Security Reform in Brazil

    Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)

    Sidney Jard da Silva

    2016-08-01

    Full Text Available Despite the vast literature on social security reform there are relatively few studies that analyze the participation of representatives coming from the union movement in the decision-making process. This article aims to fill part of that gap in Brazilian academic production on unionism and public policy. In situations in which unionist representatives support the ruling party, does the union bloc tend to defend the specific interests of their base of social representation or to follow the guidance of the party coalition of which they are part? The study addresses this research problemby analyzing the participation of the union bloc in the decision-making process of a social security reform, Proposal of Amendment to the Constitution, Article 40 (PEC 40, during the first term of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's government. The main findings of the study confirm the thesis of party predominance. In an institutional political scenario in which party discipline prevails, unionist representatives and senators tend to follow the guidance of the party coalition even under contrary pressures from their electoral base. The research sheds light on the relations involved between the Executive and Legislative branches, in the process of changing public policy, in which a government considered to be allied imposes losses for specific sectors of the union base, notably the active and inactive public servants of the federal government, states and municipalities.

  12. Meat Processing.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Legacy, Jim; And Others

    This publication provides an introduction to meat processing for adult students in vocational and technical education programs. Organized in four chapters, the booklet provides a brief overview of the meat processing industry and the techniques of meat processing and butchering. The first chapter introduces the meat processing industry and…

  13. Red and processed meat consumption and purchasing behaviours and attitudes: impacts for human health, animal welfare and environmental sustainability.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Clonan, Angie; Wilson, Paul; Swift, Judy A; Leibovici, Didier G; Holdsworth, Michelle

    2015-09-01

    Higher intakes of red and processed meat are associated with poorer health outcomes and negative environmental impacts. Drawing upon a population survey the present paper investigates meat consumption behaviours, exploring perceived impacts for human health, animal welfare and the environment. Structured self-completion postal survey relating to red and processed meat, capturing data on attitudes, sustainable meat purchasing behaviour, red and processed meat intake, plus sociodemographic characteristics of respondents. Urban and rural districts of Nottinghamshire, East Midlands, UK, drawn from the electoral register. UK adults (n 842) aged 18-91 years, 497 females and 345 males, representing a 35·6 % response rate from 2500 randomly selected residents. Women were significantly more likely (P60 years) were more likely to hold positive attitudes towards animal welfare (Psustainability. Policy makers, nutritionists and health professionals need to increase the public's awareness of the environmental impact of eating red and processed meat. A first step could be to ensure that dietary guidelines integrate the nutritional, animal welfare and environmental components of sustainable diets.

  14. Process development

    Energy Technology Data Exchange (ETDEWEB)

    Schuegerl, K

    1984-01-01

    The item 'process development' comprises the production of acetonic/butonal with C. acetobylicum and the yeasting of potato waste. The target is to increase productivity by taking the following measures - optimation of media, on-line process analysis, analysis of reaction, mathematic modelling and identification of parameters, process simulation, development of a state estimator with the help of the on-line process analysis and the model, optimization and adaptive control.

  15. Poisson processes

    NARCIS (Netherlands)

    Boxma, O.J.; Yechiali, U.; Ruggeri, F.; Kenett, R.S.; Faltin, F.W.

    2007-01-01

    The Poisson process is a stochastic counting process that arises naturally in a large variety of daily life situations. We present a few definitions of the Poisson process and discuss several properties as well as relations to some well-known probability distributions. We further briefly discuss the

  16. Calling for a Theoretical Turn in Researches on China's Community Elections: from Explanations of the Functions to Analyses of the Process%中国城市社区选举的想象:从功能阐释到过程分析

    Institute of Scientific and Technical Information of China (English)

    刘春荣

    2005-01-01

    On the basis of direct election of resident committee in Shanghai since late 1990s, this paper raises a certain theoretical perspectives on the urban community elections in China. A review of empirical studies on resident committee election reveals that much scholastic attentions have been focused on the socio-political function of community election, leaving the pattern of resident participation and electoral mobilization unexplained. The author therefore calls for a theoretical turn to map the behavioral process of Chinese community election.Some preliminary theorizing strategies are proposed by linking the behavioral process with the more general theories of participation and social mobilization. Analytical unit and research method for this object are also discussed.

  17. Data processing

    CERN Document Server

    Fry, T F

    2013-01-01

    Data Processing discusses the principles, practices, and associated tools in data processing. The book is comprised of 17 chapters that are organized into three parts. The first part covers the characteristics, systems, and methods of data processing. Part 2 deals with the data processing practice; this part discusses the data input, output, and storage. The last part discusses topics related to systems and software in data processing, which include checks and controls, computer language and programs, and program elements and structures. The text will be useful to practitioners of computer-rel

  18. Reform of abortion law in Uruguay: context, process and lessons learned.

    Science.gov (United States)

    Wood, Susan; Abracinskas, Lilián; Correa, Sonia; Pecheny, Mario

    2016-11-01

    In October 2012, a new law was approved in Uruguay that allows abortion on demand during the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, 14 weeks in the case of rape, and without a time limit when the woman's health is at risk or in the case of foetal anomalies. This paper analyses this legal reform. It is based on 27 individual and group interviews with key informants, and on review of primary documents and the literature. The factors explaining the reform include: secular values in society, favourable public opinion, a persistent feminist movement, effective coalition building, particular party politics, and a vocal public health sector. The content of the new law reflects the tensions between a feminist perspective of women's rights and public health arguments that stop short of fully recognizing women's autonomy. The Uruguayan reform shows that, even in Latin America, abortion can be addressed politically without electoral cost to the parties that promote it. On the other hand, the prevailing public health rationale and conditionalities built into the law during the negotiation process resulted in a law that cannot be interpreted as a full recognition of women's rights, but rather as a modified protectionist approach that circumscribes women's autonomy. Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

  19. Stochastic processes

    CERN Document Server

    Parzen, Emanuel

    1962-01-01

    Well-written and accessible, this classic introduction to stochastic processes and related mathematics is appropriate for advanced undergraduate students of mathematics with a knowledge of calculus and continuous probability theory. The treatment offers examples of the wide variety of empirical phenomena for which stochastic processes provide mathematical models, and it develops the methods of probability model-building.Chapter 1 presents precise definitions of the notions of a random variable and a stochastic process and introduces the Wiener and Poisson processes. Subsequent chapters examine

  20. Magnetics Processing

    Data.gov (United States)

    Federal Laboratory Consortium — The Magnetics Processing Lab equipped to perform testing of magnetometers, integrate them into aircraft systems, and perform data analysis, including noise reduction...