Singh, M; Jha, R
To see whether advocacy for abortion law and comprehensive abortion care (CAC) sites after legalization of abortion in Nepal is adequate among educated people (above school leaving certificate). 150 participants were assigned randomly who agreed to be in the survey and were given structured questionnaires to find out their perception of abortion and CAC sites. Majority know abortion is legalized and majority have positive attitude about legalization of abortion, however majority are not aware of abortion service in CAC sites and none knew the cost of abortion service. Proper and adequate advocacy of the new abortion law and CAC service is essential.
Hart, T M
The enactment of the Eugenic Protection Act in Japan was followed by many changes. The population explosion was stemmed, the birth rate was halved, and while the marriage rate remained steady the divorce rate declined. The annual total of abortions increased until 1955 and then slowly declined. The highest incidence of abortions in families is in the 30 to 34 age group when there are four children in the family. As elsewhere abortion in advanced stages of pregnancy is associated with high morbidity and mortality. There is little consensus as to the number of criminal abortions. Reasons for criminal abortions can be found in the legal restrictions concerning abortion: Licensing of the abortionist, certification of hospitals, taxation of operations and the requirement that abortion be reported. Other factors are price competition and the patient's desire for secrecy. Contraception is relatively ineffective as a birth control method in Japan. Oral contraceptives are not yet government approved. In 1958 alone 1.1 per cent of married women were sterilized and the incidence of sterilization was increasing.
Changes in homicide and arrest rates were compared among cohorts born before and after legalization of abortion and those who were unexposed to legalized abortion. It was found that legalized abortion improved the lives of many women as they could avoid unwanted births.
A table showing the current status of abortion in the world based on two recent and detailed studies is presented. Countries are categorized according to whether they totally prohibit abortion, permit it to save the mother's life, permit it to preserve her physical health or mental health, permit it for maternal socioeconomic reasons, or provide it at the mother's request. The countries are grouped into 5 geographic areas: America and the Caribbean; Central Asia, Middle East, and North Africa; East and South Asia and the Pacific; Europe; sub-Saharan Africa. The trend toward liberalization of laws is clear. The development of abortion laws is moving in the direction of complete legalization, that is, the creation of health norms that facilitate abortion for all women, with guarantees of medical safety. There are still countries that move to restrict access to abortion, and in a few cases, such as Colombia and Poland, legalization and prohibition have alternated depending on the social and political circumstances of the moment. In the past 12 years, 28 countries liberalized their laws in some way, while 4 countries with close ties to the Vatican restricted or prohibited access.
Perez Duarte, A E
countries with decriminalization of abortion should also be assessed. Factors considered should include the true impunity of abortion, public health problems and socioeconomic problems generated by the state through criminalization of abortion, and the psychological and economic implications for women of the criminal status of abortion. Systems of decriminalization should be examined to decide which would be appropriate for Mexico. These systems include authorizing complete freedom of choice for the 1st trimester and permitting abortion only for specific indications. All penal codes in Mexico now use the system of abortion for specific indications. Few cases are accepted for legal pregnancy termination.
John Donohue; Steven Levitt
We offer evidence that legalized abortion has contributed significantly to recent crime reductions. Crime began to fall roughly 18 years after abortion legalization. The 5 states that allowed abortion in 1970 experienced declines earlier than the rest of the nation, which legalized in 1973 with Roe v. Wade. States with high abortion rates in the 1970s and 1980s experienced greater crime reductions in the 1990s. In high abortion states, only arrests of those born after abortion legaliz...
Charles, Kerwin Kofi; Stephens, Melvin, Jr
We assess whether in utero exposure to legalized abortion in the early 1970's affected individuals' propensities to use controlled substances as adolescents. We exploit the fact that some states legalized abortion before national legalization in 1973 to compare differences in substance use for adolescents across birth cohorts in different states. We find that persons exposed to early legalization were, on average, much less likely to use controlled substances. We also assess how substance use...
60% of more than 2000 women surveyed by the Picker Institute who underwent induced abortion procedures rated the quality of their care as excellent. Another third reported their care as being either very good or good. The survey also found that the quality of abortion care is comparable to other outpatient surgery. However, the high quality of care women receive from abortion providers is lost in the hostile anti-abortion climate created by threatening protesters outside of clinics and the murder of 7 clinic workers and physicians who performed abortions. Abortion opponents fail to acknowledge that legal abortion is a medical procedure which protects women's health and saves their lives. Before abortion was legalized in the US, countless women were either rendered unable to reproduce or died from abortion-related complications. Efforts to outlaw abortion persist despite it being widely recognized by medical experts as one of the most safe medical procedures currently performed in the US. When state legislatures target abortion providers with unduly strict regulations, abortion becomes prohibitively expensive and difficult to obtain.
Abbasi, Mahmoud; Shamsi Gooshki, Ehsan; Allahbedashti, Neda
Abortion traditionally means, "to miscarry" and is still known as a problem which societies has been trying to reduce its rate by using legal means. Despite the pregnant women and fetuses have being historically supported; abortion was firstly criminalized in 1926 in Iran, 20 years after establishment of modern legal system. During next 53 years this situation changed dramatically, so in 1979, the time of Islamic Revolution, aborting fetuses before 12 weeks and therapeutic abortion (TA) during all the pregnancy length was legitimate, based on regulations that used medical justification. After 1979 the situation changed into a totally conservative and restrictive approach and new Islamic concepts as "Blood Money" and "Ensoulment" entered the legal debates around abortion. During the next 33 years, again a trend of decriminalization for the act of abortion has been continuing. Reduction of punishments and omitting retaliation for criminal abortions, recognizing fetal and maternal medical indications including some immunologic problems as legitimate reasons for aborting fetuses before 4 months and omitting the fathers' consent as a necessary condition for TA are among these changes. The start point for this decriminalization process was public and professional need, which was responded by religious government, firstly by issuing juristic rulings (Fatwas) as a non-official way, followed by ratification of "Therapeutic Abortion Act" (TAA) and other regulations as an official pathway. Here, we have reviewed this trend of decriminalization, the role of public and professional request in initiating such process and the rule-based language of TAA.
Aspects of legal and illegal abortion in Switzerland are discussed. About 110,000 births, 25,000 therapeutic abortions (75% for psychiatric indications) and an estimated 50,000 illegal abortions occur annually in Switzerland. Although the mortality and morbidity of therapeutic aborti on are similar to those of normal births (1.4 per 1000 and 11%, respectively) the mortality and morbidity of criminal abortions are far greater (3 per 1000 and 73%, respectively). In the author's view, too strict an interpretatiok of Swiss abortion law (which permits abortion to avoid serious harm to the mother's health) does not take into account the severe and lasting emotional and psychological damage which may be caused by unwanted pregnancy, birth, and childraising. In the present social situation, the social and psychological support required by these women is not available; until it is, abortion is to be preferred.
Ananat, Elizabeth Oltmans; Gruber, Jonathan; Levine, Phillip
The early-1970s abortion legalization led to a significant drop in fertility. We investigate whether this decline represented a delay in births or a permanent reduction in fertility. We combine Census and Vital Statistics data to compare the lifetime fertility of women born in early-legalizing states, whose peak childbearing years occurred in the…
An analysis of the Roman Catholic Church's arguments against abortion rights suggests that its opposition is grounded more in outmoded views regarding women's roles than in concern for protecting fetal life. The 1st argument raised by Catholics and other anti-abortion forces is that abortion represents the unjustifiable destruction of a human life. A 2nd argument focuses on the status of the fetus as a person from the moment of conception, making abortion murder. A 3rd equates the fetus's potential for personhood with the pregnant woman's actual personhood. Despite the vehement sentiments expressed by Catholic leaders against abortion, the majority of Catholics support legal abortion. The assignment of personhood status to the fetus is contraindicated by actual practice in the Church, where aborted or miscarried products of early pregnancy are not baptized. Also, the Church does not forbid the taking of human life in war or to preserve political freedom. Finally, in countries such as Poland where abortion has been made illegal through religious pressure, there have been drastic cuts in health care and child care programs.
Harper, Cynthia; Darney, Philip; Henderson, JT; Puri, M; Blum, M; Harper, CC; Rana, A; Gurung, G; Pradhan, N; Regmi, K; Malla, K; Sharma, S
Background: Abortion was legalized in Nepal in 2002, following advocacy efforts highlighting high maternal mortality from unsafe abortion. We sought to assess whether legalization led to reductions in the most serious maternal health consequences of unsafe
A proposal to legalize abortion has been presented to the Italian parliament by Representative Loris Fortuna. Thus far, the bill has the whole-hearted support of only the Radical Party. The Vatican has already voiced its strong opposition to this legislation. "The proposal to legalize abortion, even in certain circumstances, must inevitably be met with resistance and refusal," said Father Concetti, the Vatican representative. Professor Emanuele Lauricella, secretary of the Italian Obstetrics and Gynecology Society, on the other hand, claimed that abortion should be permitted, not only when an immediate danger to the mother's life exists, but also when there are other, simpler health risks. The passage of the bill in the near future, however, is very doubtful.
Gutierrez Vazquez, Edith Y.; Parrado, Emilio A.
In 2007 abortion was legalized in the Federal District of Mexico, making the largest jurisdiction in Latin America, outside of Cuba, to allow women to have abortions on request during the first trimester of pregnancy. While the implications of the law for women's health and maternal mortality have been investigated, its potential association with fertility behavior has yet to be assessed. In this paper, we examine metropolitan area differences in overall and parity-specific, as well as the age pattern of childbearing between 2000 and 2010 to more precisely isolate the contribution of abortion legalization to fertility in Mexico. Our statistical specification applies difference-in-difference regression methods that control for concomitant changes in other socioeconomic predictors of fertility to assess the differential influence of the law across age groups. In addition, we account for prior fertility levels and change to better separate the effect of the law from preceding trends. Overall, the evidence suggests a systematic association between abortion legalization and fertility. The law appears to have contributed to lower fertility in Mexico City compared to other metropolitan areas and prior trends, though the influence is mostly visible among women aged 20-34 in connection with the transition to first and second child with limited impact on teenage fertility. There is some evidence that its effect might be diffusing to the greater Mexico City metropolitan area. PMID:27285423
Gutiérrez Vázquez, Edith Y; Parrado, Emilio A
In 2007 abortion was legalized in the Federal District of Mexico, making it the largest jurisdiction in Latin America, outside of Cuba, to allow women to have abortions on request during the first trimester of pregnancy. While the implications of the law for women's health and maternal mortality have been investigated, its potential association with fertility behavior has yet to be assessed. We examine metropolitan-area differences in overall and parity-specific childbearing, as well as the age pattern of childbearing between 2000 and 2010 to identify the contribution of abortion legalization to fertility in Mexico. Our statistical specification applies difference-in-difference regression methods that control for concomitant changes in other socioeconomic predictors of fertility to assess the differential influence of the law across age groups. In addition, we account for prior fertility levels and change to better separate the effect of the law from preceding trends. Overall, the evidence suggests a systematic association between abortion legalization and fertility. The law appears to have contributed to lower fertility in Mexico City compared to other metropolitan areas and prior trends. The influence is mostly visible among women aged 20-34 in connection with the transition to first and second child, with limited impact on teenage fertility. There is some evidence that its effect might be diffusing to the Greater Mexico City Metropolitan area. © 2016 The Population Council, Inc.
Faundes; Anibal; Shah; Iqbal H.
Unsafe abortion continues to be a major cause of maternal death; it accounts for 14.5% of all maternal deaths globally and almost all of these deaths occur in countries with restrictive abortion laws. A strong body of accumulated evidence shows that the simple means to drastically reduce unsafe abortion-related maternal deaths and morbidity is to make abortion legal and institutional termination of pregnancy broadly accessible. Despite this evidence, abortion is denied even when the legal con...
Faúndes, Anibal; Shah, Iqbal H
Unsafe abortion continues to be a major cause of maternal death; it accounts for 14.5% of all maternal deaths globally and almost all of these deaths occur in countries with restrictive abortion laws. A strong body of accumulated evidence shows that the simple means to drastically reduce unsafe abortion-related maternal deaths and morbidity is to make abortion legal and institutional termination of pregnancy broadly accessible. Despite this evidence, abortion is denied even when the legal condition for abortion is met. The present article aims to contribute to a better understanding that one can be in favor of greater access to safe abortion services, while at the same time not be "in favor of abortion," by reviewing the evidence that indicates that criminalization of abortion only increases mortality and morbidity without decreasing the incidence of induced abortion, and that decriminalization rapidly reduces abortion-related mortality and does not increase abortion rates. Copyright © 2015. Published by Elsevier Ireland Ltd.
Marchand-Arias, R E
The essay discusses abortion in Puerto Rico from 1937 to 1970, concentrating in its legal status as well as its social practice. The research documents the contradictions between the legality of the procedure and a social practice characterized by secrecy. The essay discusses the role of the Clergy Consultation Service on Abortion in promoting the legal practice of absortion in Puerto Rico. It also discusses the ambivalent role of medical doctors who, despite being legally authorized to perform abortions to protect the life and health of women, refused to perform the procedure arguing abortion was illegal. The essay concludes with a brief discussion on perceptions of illegality regarding abortion, emphasizing the contradictions between the practice of abortion and that of sterilization in Puerto Rico.
Schiavon, Raffaela; Collado, Maria Elena; Troncoso, Erika; Soto Sánchez, José Ezequiel; Zorrilla, Gabriela Otero; Palermo, Tia
In 2007, first trimester abortion was legalized in Mexico City, and the public sector rapidly expanded its abortion services. In 2008, to obtain information on the effect of the law on private sector abortion services, we interviewed 135 physicians working in private clinics, located through an exhaustive search. A large majority of the clinics offered a range of reproductive health services, including abortions. Over 70% still used dilatation and curettage (D&C); less than a third offered vacuum aspiration or medical abortion. The average number of abortions per facility was only three per month; few reported more than 10 abortions monthly. More than 90% said they had been offering abortion services for less than 20 months. Many women are still accessing abortion services privately, despite the availability of free or low-cost services at public facilities. However, the continuing use of D&C, high fees (mean of $157-505), poor pain management practices, unnecessary use of ultrasound, general anaesthesia and overnight stays, indicate that private sector abortion services are expensive and far from optimal. Now that abortions are legal, these results highlight the need for private abortion providers to be trained in recommended abortion methods and quality of private abortion care improved. Copyright © 2010 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Cook, R J; Ortega-Ortiz, A; Romans, S; Ross, L E
Where legal systems allow therapeutic abortion to preserve women's mental health, practitioners often lack access to mental health professionals for making critical diagnoses or prognoses that pregnancy or childcare endangers patients' mental health. Practitioners themselves must then make clinical assessments of the impact on their patients of continued pregnancy or childcare. The law requires only that practitioners make assessments in good faith, and by credible criteria. Mental disorder includes psychological distress or mental suffering due to unwanted pregnancy and responsibility for childcare, or, for instance, anticipated serious fetal impairment. Account should be taken of factors that make patients vulnerable to distress, such as personal or family mental health history, factors that may precipitate mental distress, such as loss of personal relationships, and factors that may maintain distress, such as poor education and marginal social status. Some characteristics of patients may operate as both precipitating and maintaining factors, such as poverty and lack of social support.
Robertson, John A
Stigma marks both surrogacy and abortion. Legal change lessens stigma but may not remove it altogether. Post-legalization regulation may reinstall stigma by surrounding a legalized practice with barriers that make exercise of that right more difficult. As a result, law may reenact stigma even as it purports to take it away. © 2015 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics, Inc.
García-Romero, H; González-González, A; Galicia, J; Garcia-Barrios, C
We revised ethical concepts related to abortion from the points of view of the mothers; life, health, and considerations are made concerning the embryo or fetus as a biological, ontological, moral, and potential person. Certain religious matters on abortion are described and commented on. Effects of abortion penalization in Mexico and the legislation in the Mexican states are examined, as well as the motives of depenalization in certain countries.
Matthiessen, P C
Trends in fertility, abortion, and contraceptive practice in Denmark were analyzed, using previously compiled official statistics; the conclusion was drawn that easy access to abortion may contribute toward a decline in contraceptive practice depending on the level of contraceptive practice in the population and on the degree of confidence the population has in available contraceptive methods. In October 1973 Denmark passed a law permitting women to obtain free abortion on demand. The number of legal abortions increased from 16,500 in 1973 to 28,000 in 1975. This marked increase was not attributable to a decline in illegal abortion since that annual number had declined from 5,000 to 1,000 prior to the passage of the 1973 abortion on demand law. The increase in abortion observed from 1973-1975 was accompanied by a marked decrease in the number of oral contraceptive cycles sold. Annual sales decreased from 3.9 million cycles to 2.6 million. It was difficult to access the factors responsible for this decline. Although IUD insertions increased during this period, the increase could not adequately compensate for the reduction in oral contraceptive sales. The decline in oral contraceptive sales occurred at about the time the negative side effects associated with the pill received widespread news coverage. Some of the decline in pill usage was probably due to fear of side effects, but abortion availability also encouraged women to be more lax about taking the pill and encouraged them to rely on less effective methods of contraception. Tables provide data for Denmark in reference to: 1) number of legal abortions and the abortion rates for 1940-1977; 2) distribution of abortions by season, 1972-1977; 3) abortion rates by maternal age, 1971-1977; 4) oral contraceptive and IUD sales for 1977-1978; and 5) number of births and estimated number of abortions and conceptions, 1960-1975.
In Zimbabwe, where over 70,000 illegal abortions are performed each year and complications from clandestine abortion are a leading cause of maternal mortality, the abortion law debate has been re-opened. Under the present law, abortion is legal only to save the life of the mother and women who undergo illegal abortion face strict criminal sanctions. Timothy Stamps, the Minister of Health and Child Welfare, has stated, "The first rights of a child are to be desired, to be wanted, and to be planned." Dr. Illiff, of the University of Zimbabwe's Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, has noted, "We cannot stop abortion. The choice is how safe it is." Illiff pointed out that urban Zimbabwe women run a 262 times greater risk of dying of abortion complications than their counterparts in the UK where abortion is legal. As the Women's Action Group has observed, men have dominated the current debate on abortion. The group has issued an appeal to women to enter into this debate that concerns their bodies to ensure that another law is not imposed on them. The group's appeal for action states: "We as Women's Action Group believe that every woman should decide what's right and what's wrong in her life. She and only she should be the master of her destiny. Her voice should be heard louder than anyone else's."
Odlind, V.; Ericson, A.
The number of legal abortions in Sweden increased around the time of the Chernobyl accident, particularly in the summer and autumn of 1986. Although there was no recording of reasons for legal abortions, one might have suspected this increase to be a result of fear and anxiety after the accident. However, seen over a longer time perspective, the increase in the number of abortions started before and continued far beyond the time of the accident. There was also a simultaneous and pronounced increase in the number of births during the years subsequent to the accident. Therefore, it seems unlikely that fear of the consequences of radioactive fall-out after the Chernobyl accident resulted in any substantial increase of the number of legal abortions in Sweden
Jillian T Henderson
Full Text Available Abortion was legalized in Nepal in 2002, following advocacy efforts highlighting high maternal mortality from unsafe abortion. We sought to assess whether legalization led to reductions in the most serious maternal health consequences of unsafe abortion.We conducted retrospective medical chart review of all gynecological cases presenting at four large public referral hospitals in Nepal. For the years 2001-2010, all cases of spontaneous and induced abortion complications were identified, abstracted, and coded to classify cases of serious infection, injury, and systemic complications. We used segmented Poisson and ordinary logistic regression to test for trend and risks of serious complications for three time periods: before implementation (2001-2003, early implementation (2004-2006, and later implementation (2007-2010.23,493 cases of abortion complications were identified. A significant downward trend in the proportion of serious infection, injury, and systemic complications was observed for the later implementation period, along with a decline in the risk of serious complications (OR 0.7, 95% CI 0.64, 0.85. Reductions in sepsis occurred sooner, during early implementation (OR 0.6, 95% CI 0.47, 0.75.Over the study period, health care use and the population of reproductive aged women increased. Total fertility also declined by nearly half, despite relatively low contraceptive prevalence. Greater numbers of women likely obtained abortions and sought hospital care for complications following legalization, yet we observed a significant decline in the rate of serious abortion morbidity. The liberalization of abortion policy in Nepal has benefited women's health, and likely contributes to falling maternal mortality in the country. The steepest decline was observed after expansion of the safe abortion program to include midlevel providers, second trimester training, and medication abortion, highlighting the importance of concerted efforts to improve
Henderson, Jillian T; Puri, Mahesh; Blum, Maya; Harper, Cynthia C; Rana, Ashma; Gurung, Geeta; Pradhan, Neelam; Regmi, Kiran; Malla, Kasturi; Sharma, Sudha; Grossman, Daniel; Bajracharya, Lata; Satyal, Indira; Acharya, Shridhar; Lamichhane, Prabhat; Darney, Philip D
Abortion was legalized in Nepal in 2002, following advocacy efforts highlighting high maternal mortality from unsafe abortion. We sought to assess whether legalization led to reductions in the most serious maternal health consequences of unsafe abortion. We conducted retrospective medical chart review of all gynecological cases presenting at four large public referral hospitals in Nepal. For the years 2001-2010, all cases of spontaneous and induced abortion complications were identified, abstracted, and coded to classify cases of serious infection, injury, and systemic complications. We used segmented Poisson and ordinary logistic regression to test for trend and risks of serious complications for three time periods: before implementation (2001-2003), early implementation (2004-2006), and later implementation (2007-2010). 23,493 cases of abortion complications were identified. A significant downward trend in the proportion of serious infection, injury, and systemic complications was observed for the later implementation period, along with a decline in the risk of serious complications (OR 0.7, 95% CI 0.64, 0.85). Reductions in sepsis occurred sooner, during early implementation (OR 0.6, 95% CI 0.47, 0.75). Over the study period, health care use and the population of reproductive aged women increased. Total fertility also declined by nearly half, despite relatively low contraceptive prevalence. Greater numbers of women likely obtained abortions and sought hospital care for complications following legalization, yet we observed a significant decline in the rate of serious abortion morbidity. The liberalization of abortion policy in Nepal has benefited women's health, and likely contributes to falling maternal mortality in the country. The steepest decline was observed after expansion of the safe abortion program to include midlevel providers, second trimester training, and medication abortion, highlighting the importance of concerted efforts to improve access. Other
Henderson, Jillian T.; Puri, Mahesh; Blum, Maya; Harper, Cynthia C.; Rana, Ashma; Gurung, Geeta; Pradhan, Neelam; Regmi, Kiran; Malla, Kasturi; Sharma, Sudha; Grossman, Daniel; Bajracharya, Lata; Satyal, Indira; Acharya, Shridhar; Lamichhane, Prabhat; Darney, Philip D.
Background Abortion was legalized in Nepal in 2002, following advocacy efforts highlighting high maternal mortality from unsafe abortion. We sought to assess whether legalization led to reductions in the most serious maternal health consequences of unsafe abortion. Methods We conducted retrospective medical chart review of all gynecological cases presenting at four large public referral hospitals in Nepal. For the years 2001–2010, all cases of spontaneous and induced abortion complications were identified, abstracted, and coded to classify cases of serious infection, injury, and systemic complications. We used segmented Poisson and ordinary logistic regression to test for trend and risks of serious complications for three time periods: before implementation (2001–2003), early implementation (2004–2006), and later implementation (2007–2010). Results 23,493 cases of abortion complications were identified. A significant downward trend in the proportion of serious infection, injury, and systemic complications was observed for the later implementation period, along with a decline in the risk of serious complications (OR 0.7, 95% CI 0.64, 0.85). Reductions in sepsis occurred sooner, during early implementation (OR 0.6, 95% CI 0.47, 0.75). Conclusion Over the study period, health care use and the population of reproductive aged women increased. Total fertility also declined by nearly half, despite relatively low contraceptive prevalence. Greater numbers of women likely obtained abortions and sought hospital care for complications following legalization, yet we observed a significant decline in the rate of serious abortion morbidity. The liberalization of abortion policy in Nepal has benefited women’s health, and likely contributes to falling maternal mortality in the country. The steepest decline was observed after expansion of the safe abortion program to include midlevel providers, second trimester training, and medication abortion, highlighting the importance
Singer, Elyse Ona
I analyze the alternative tactics and logics of Las Fuertes, a feminist organization that has taken an "alegal" approach to realizing the human right to abortion in the conservative Mexican state of Guanajuato. Since a series of United Nations agreements throughout the 1990s enshrined reproductive rights as universal human rights, Mexican feminists have adopted the human rights platform as a lobbying tool to pressure the government to reform restrictive abortion laws. This strategy bore fruit in Mexico City, with passage of the historic 2007 abortion legalization. Las Fuertes has leveraged the human rights strategy differently - to justify the direct provision of local abortion accompaniment in a context of near-total abortion criminalization. By directly seizing abortion rights, rather than seeking to implement them through legalistic channels, Las Fuertes has effectively challenged Mexican reproductive governance in an adversarial political environment.
According to international press reports, a law that would have allowed Portuguese women abortions through the 10th week of pregnancy and into the 16th week if their physical or mental health was at risk has been rescinded after a referendum to determine the statute's future was voided because of low voter turnout. Passed in February, the law was a liberalization of Portugal's strict anti-abortion laws, which ban all abortions except for narrowly defined medical reasons or in the case of rape (and those are permitted only until the 12th week of pregnancy). Because the issue is such a controversial one, politicians had turned to a national referendum asking Portuguese voters to overturn or ratify the new law. The referendum was the first in the country since the end of its right-wing dictatorship in 1974, and 50% participation was required. Only 31.5% of the country's 8.5 million eligible voters went to the polls on June 28. Of those voting, 50.9% voted against the liberalized new legislation. Sunny weather and World Cup soccer matches were both pointed to as reasons for the low turnout. Officials estimate there are some 20,000 illegal abortions annually in Portugal. Abortion-rights activists in the mostly Roman-Catholic country say hospitals see roughly 10,000 women a year suffering from complications from illegal abortions, and that at least 800 women die each year from the procedure. In the next day's Diario de Noticias, a daily paper in Portugal, the entire front page was filled with a giant question mark. "What now, lawmakers?" the headline read. full text
Malhotra, S; Devi, P K
Abortion was legalized in many states in India in April 1972. This study deals with 2 groups of patients admitted to P.G.I., Chadigarh, with problems of induced septic abortion. Group 1 consisted of 88 patients admitted during the 2 1/2 year period from 1 July 1969 to 31 December 1971, before the legalization of abortion. Group 2 consists of 133 patients admitted during the 2 1/2 year period from 1 July 1973 to 31 December 1975. 1 year after the new abortion law had been in force. Not only has there been an increase in the total number of patients, there has been an increase in the severity of infection. Evidently, the liberalization of the law has encouraged more patients to seek abortions and has encouraged more doctors, lacking proper qualifications, to perform them. The morbidity and mortality with induced septic abortion can only be reduced if enough public propaganda makes the people especially in rural areas conscious of the hazards of induced abortion by "dais" and unqualified personnel, simultaneously making them aware of the provision of law and facilities available at different centers. Meanwhile, the law against unskilled and untrained personnel should be rigorously enforced.
Umaña, A O
Abortion is a social problem and criminal sanctions are very ineffective in limiting it and are seldom applied (133 legal actions vs. 65,600 cases of induced abortion in 1965). Abortion is a social disease, as are prostitution, juvenile delinquency, drug abuse, and so far has been an insoluble problem. Colombian laws should be modified to reflect reality. Sex education must be emphasized, because ignorance is one of the main causes of abortion. Leniency should be applied toward women who cooperate with the authorities in identifying the person who performed an abortion. Legalization of abortion and enforcement of strict laws against it are considered as possible solutions, but both are rejected. The former is regarded as morally unacceptable and as imposing an excessive burden on scarce health services, the latter as even worse, imposing an equivalent burden on the court system, without s olving either health or social problems. The best and probably only solution is to improve education in family planning, to promote knowledge and motivation to enable the population to make sound and responsible decisions.
On April 24 2007, abortion before 12 weeks became legal in Mexico City. The arguments for this decision were: diminish the maternal morbidity and mortality, avoid a "severe health problem" and accomplish the women's physical, mental and social well being. To analyze the scientific evidences that support or reject this arguments. Retrospective study realized by bibliographic search of electronic data basis and Internet portals of interested groups. Mexico is considered by the World Health Organization, one of the countries in the world with low maternal mortality rates (abortion". In the hospitals of the Mexican Institute of Social Security, maternal deaths as consequence of induced abortions were, approximately, three every year. The evidences used as arguments in favor of abortion come from studies performed in Sub-Saharan African countries, which do not apply to Mexico. The scientific evidences show that induced abortion has important psychological sequels in women, a higher frequency of illegal drug abuse, alcoholism, child abuse, low birth weight in the following pregnancy, greater risk of subsequent miscarriage and greater mortality rate. There are no scientific evidences to support the arguments used for the legal approval of abortion in Mexico City.
Aguirre Zozaya, F; Iglesias, M; Reyes, R M; Iturralde, G; Martínez, M; Pineda Hernández, C
The history of abortion is a very long one. Every people and nation used different and widely varied methods during the centuries to get rid of unwanted pregnancies. Unfortunately, in most instances, the great majority of these methods was equivalent to zero effectiveness, or, too often, to suicide. Legal aspects of induced abortion have changed considerably with the passing of time and according to countries; these days 36% of the world countries admit abortion on request, 24% for specific reasons only, 16% for medical reasons only, and 8% still consider it an illegal practice. In Mexico abortion is legal only when pregnancy would imply death of the mother, when it is the result of rape of minors, or when it is done on women with very serious mental pathology. Obviously abortion is not the solution to unwanted pregnancies; an improvement in the socioeconomic condition and in the quality of life of many people would be a much better, and more difficult, approach to the solution. Psychosocial factors of abortion involve concepts which are difficult to define, such as those of the wanted or of the unwanted child, and can cause problems which are very difficult to handle. Health education, and sex education in particular, should not only teach the fundamentals of reproduction, but respect and consideration for the phenomenon of procreation, and a strong sense of personal and social responsibility toward family planning.
Canário, Catarina; Figueiredo, Bárbara; Ricou, Miguel
Pregnancy interruption before fetal viability limit is inherent to a multidisciplinary reflection, due to the conflicts involved. Portuguese laws have been altered along time in the way of women's health protection, allowing the needed information and support towards a free, informed and enlightened decision. Deontological determinants about health professionals towards abortion indicate the practice accordingly the law. Nevertheless, it is safeguarded their right to consciousness objection. Ethical discussion about abortion, in its different ways, includes the concern about the value of intrauterine human life, and also the respect for individual autonomy. Even though the debate about intrauterine human life moral status is viewed from different theories and points of view, it is concluded that different perspectives about this matter are acceptable, in an interpersonal diversity valorization point of view.
Rocca, Corinne H; Puri, Mahesh; Harper, Cynthia C; Blum, Maya; Dulal, Bishnu; Henderson, Jillian T
To assess the contraceptive information received and methods chosen, received, and used among women having abortions one decade after legalization of abortion in Nepal. We examined postabortion contraception with questionnaires at baseline and six months among women obtaining legal abortions (n=838) at four facilities in 2011. Multivariate regression analysis was used to measure factors associated with method information, choice, receipt, and use. One-third of participants received no information on effective methods, and 56% left facilities without a method. The majority of women who chose to use injectables and pills were able to do so (88% and 75%, respectively). However, only 44% of women choosing long-acting reversible contraceptives and 5% choosing sterilization had initiated use of the method by six months. Levels of contraceptive use after medical abortion were on par with those after aspiration abortion. Nulliparous women were far less likely than parous women to receive information and use methods. Women living without husbands or partners were also less likely to receive information and supplies, or to use methods. Improvements in postabortion counseling and provision are needed. Ensuring that women choosing long-acting and permanent contraceptive methods are able to obtain either them or interim methods is essential. Copyright © 2014 International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics. Published by Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
This analysis examines whether the legalization of abortion changed high school graduation rates among the children selected into birth. Unless women in all socio-economic circumstances sought abortions to the same extent, increased use of abortion must have changed the distribution of child development inputs. I find that higher abortion ratios…
Klick, Jonathan; Stratmann, Thomas
Unwanted pregnancy represents a major cost of sexual activity. When abortion was legalized in a number of states in 1969 and 1970 (and nationally in 1973), this cost was reduced. We predict that abortion legalization generated incentives leading to an increase in sexual activity, accompanied by an increase in sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). Using Centers for Disease Control data on the incidence of gonorrhea and syphilis by state, we test the hypothesis that abortion legalization led to an increase in sexually transmitted diseases. We find that gonorrhea and syphilis incidences are significantly and positively correlated with abortion legalization. Further, we find a divergence in STD rates among early legalizing states and late legalizing states starting in 1970 and a subsequent convergence after the Roe v. Wade decision, indicating that the relation between STDs and abortion is casual. Abortion legalization accounts for about one-fourth of the average disease incidence.
The Alan Guttmacher Institute's State Reproductive Health Monitor "Legislative Proposals and Actions" provides US legislative information on abortion. The listing contains information on pending bills: the state, the identifying legislative number, the sponsor, the committee, the date the bill was introduced, a description of the bill, and when available the bill's status. The bills cover: 1) clinic licensing, e.g., requiring outpatient health care facilities in which abortions are performed, to have malpractice liability insurance; 2) comprehensive statues, which require parental notification before minor may obtain abortions, mandate abortion counseling to all women 24 hours before the abortion can be performed and prohibit disciplining or discharging a state employee for refusing to provide abortion counseling; 3) fetal personhood and rights, e.g. providing that life is vested in each person at fertilization; 4) fetal research and remains; 5) gender of fetus, which regulate abortions relative to sex selection in pregnancies; 6) harassment regulation; 7) informed consent and waiting periods detailing the risks and alternatives to abortion, and the 24-hour waiting period; 8) insurance coverage, e.g., eliminating language banning the coverage of abortions for state workers, and prohibiting disclosure by a health insurance carrier to the employer of a claimant that the claimant had a surgical abortion; 9) legality of abortion, urging Congress to reject he Freedom of Choice Act; 10) parental consent and notification; 11) postviability requirements; 12) public funding; 13) reporting requirements; 14) reproductive rights, and 15) spousal and paternal consent and notification.
Jonathan Gruber; Phillip Levine; Douglas Staiger
We estimate the impact of changes in abortion access in the early 1970s on the average living standards of cohorts born in those years. In particular, we address the selection inherent in the abortion decision: is the marginal child who is not born when abortion access increases more or less disadvantaged than the average child? Legalization of abortion in five states around 1970, followed by legalization nationwide due to the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision, generates natural variation which can b...
César, J A; Gomes, G; Horta, B L; de Oliveira, A K; Saraiva, A K; Pardo, D O; Silva, L M; Rodghiero, C L; Gross, M R
Induced abortion is the main cause of maternal death in Brazil. Question of its legalization has been the subject of frequent discussion. In order to assess the influence of the variables affecting the opinion of women of reproductive age, a population-based systematic sample in the county of Rio Grande (Southern Brazil) was examined. Of a total of 1,456 interviews 30% endorsed the legalization, whatever the circumstances; this percentage was directly associated with age, schooling, family income and previous induced abortion (p abortion on favourable opinion. Schooling and previous induced abortion were the main determinants of women's favorable opinions regarding abortion legalization.
Sully, Elizabeth; Dibaba, Yohannes; Fetters, Tamara; Blades, Nakeisha; Bankole, Akinrinola
The 2005 expansion of the Ethiopian abortion law provided minors access to legal abortions, yet little is known about abortion among adolescents. This paper estimates the incidence of legal and clandestine abortions and the severity of abortion-related complications among adolescent and nonadolescent women in Ethiopia in 2014. This paper uses data from three surveys: a Health Facility Survey (n = 822) to collect data on legal abortions and postabortion complications, a Health Professionals Survey (n = 82) to estimate the share of clandestine abortions that resulted in treated complications, and a Prospective Data Survey (n = 5,604) to collect data on abortion care clients. An age-specific variant of the Abortion Incidence Complications Method was used to estimate abortions by age-group. Adolescents have the lowest abortion rate among all women below age 35 (19.6 per 1,000 women). After adjusting for lower levels of sexual activity among adolescents however, we find that adolescents have the highest abortion rate among all age-groups. Adolescents also have the highest proportion (64%) of legal abortions compared with other age-groups. We find no differences in the severity of abortion-related complications between adolescent and nonadolescent women. We find no evidence that adolescents are more likely than older women to have clandestine abortions. However, the higher abortion and pregnancy rates among sexually active adolescents suggest that they face barriers in access to and use of contraceptive services. Further work is needed to address the persistence of clandestine abortions among adolescents in a context where safe and legal abortion is available. Copyright © 2018 The Society for Adolescent Health and Medicine. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Solomon, S G
Russia legalized abortion in 1920. State policy was pronatalist. Regional abortion commissions were established in order to monitor costs and maintain records. The physicians before the legal change were mainly against legalization. In 1923 the abortion rate was 2.91 abortions per live birth. A 1923 study by M. Karlin, M.D., found among 1362 women that the health risk to women of zero parity with an induced abortion was higher than giving birth. Public discussion of abortion was limited between 1921 and 1924. Russian physicians between 1925 and 1927 both publicly and privately discussed the problems; greater attention to demographic concerns occurred during the 1930s. The connection between abortion and the declining birth rate was established in a limited way in a May 1927 obstetricians' society meeting in Kiev, Ukraine. The albeit unreliable statistics appeared to confirm the decline in the birth rate due to increased numbers of abortions. The literature in the 1920s was devoted to the well-being of women as workers; abortion policy favored the interests of working women and was set up for prevention of unsafe illegal abortions. Russian demographers were more concerned with population movements. Surveys found that the profiled abortion client was indeed not destitute, but better off and married. Roesle, a German demographer, considered legal abortion beneficial in reducing maternal mortality, but he was criticized for obscuring abortions' impact on the birth rate. The debate in Russia was tangled in ideology. A comparison of abortion rates in Vienna and Moscow by a Viennese demographer Peller found similar rates regardless of legality. Peller further suggested that contraception had more to do with birth rates. Even though rural populations were hard hit by famine in 1931 and forced collectivization in 1929, increased rural abortions were blamed for the declining rural birth rates. The demographic argument against abortion became prominent again in 1931/32 after
In Defending Life: A Moral and Legal Case Against Abortion Choice (2007) and an earlier article in this journal, "Defending Abortion Philosophically"(2006), Francis Beckwith argues that fetuses are, from conception, prima facie wrong to kill. His arguments are based on what he calls a "metaphysics of the human person" known as "The Substance View." I argue that Beckwith's metaphysics does not support his abortion ethic: Moral, not metaphysical, claims that are part of this Substance View are the foundation of the argument, and Beckwith inadequately defends these moral claims. Thus, Beckwith's arguments do not provide strong support for what he calls the "pro-life" view of abortion.
Puri, Mahesh; Lamichhane, Prabhat; Harken, Tabetha; Blum, Maya; Harper, Cynthia C; Darney, Philip D; Henderson, Jillian T
Abstract Background Unsafe abortion has been a significant cause of maternal morbidity and mortality in Nepal. Since legalization in 2002, more than 1,200 providers have been trained and 487 sites have been certified for the provision of safe abortion services. Little is known about health care workers’ views on abortion legalization, such as their perceptions of women seeking abortion and the implications of legalization for abortion-related health care. Methods To complement a quantitative ...
Hajri, Selma; Raifman, Sarah; Gerdts, Caitlin; Baum, Sarah; Foster, Diana Greene
Barriers to accessing legal abortion services in Tunisia are increasing, despite a liberal abortion law, and women are often denied wanted legal abortion services. In this paper, we seek to explore the reasons for abortion denial and whether these reasons had a legal or medical basis. We also identify barriers women faced in accessing abortion and make recommendations for improved access to quality abortion care. We recruited women immediately after they had been turned away from legal abortion services at two facilities in Tunis, Tunisia. Thirteen women consented to participate in qualitative interviews two months after they were turned away from the facility. Women were denied abortion care on the day they were recruited due to three main reasons: gestational age, health conditions, and logistical barriers. Nine women ultimately terminated their pregnancies at another facility, and four women carried to term. None of the women attempted illegal abortion services or self-induction. Further research is needed in order to assess abortion denial from the perspective of providers and medical staff. PMID:26684189
Teklehaimanot, K I; Smith, C Hord
A number of countries adopt abortion laws recognizing rape as a legal ground for access to safe abortion service. As rape is a crime, these abortion laws carry with them criminal and health care elements that in turn result in the involvement of legal and medical expertise. The most common objective of the laws should be providing safe abortion services to women survivors of rape. Depending on purposes of a given abortion law, the laws usually require women to undergo a medical examination to qualify for a legal abortion. Some abortion laws are so vague as to result in uncertainties regarding the steps health personnel must follow in conducting medical examination. Another group of abortion laws do not leave room for regulation and remain too rigid to respond to changing socio-economic circumstances. Still others require medical examination as a prerequisite for abortion. As a result, a number of abortion laws remain on the books. The paper attempts to analyze legal and practical issues related to medical examination in rape cases.
Abortion laws in India, like other laws, are premised on the 1861 British Penal Code. The Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act was passed in 1971 to circumvent the criminality clause around abortion. Yet the law continues to render invisible women's right to choose. Legal procedures have often hindered in permitting abortion, resulting in the death of a mother or the foetus. Despite the latest techno-medical advances, the laws have remained stagnant or rather restrictive, complicated further by selective female foetus abortions. Legal resistance to abortion-seeking after 20 weeks gestation adversely affects women, depriving them of autonomy of choice. In this paper, raising important gender, health and ethical issues are illustrated through a recent legal case in India. Feminist campaigns against the legal mindset in India are emerging.
This work deals with the relationship between induced abortion and mental health with a special focus on the area of political controversy. This article explores the historical background of the abortion and its legislative implications in Europe with special reference to Bosnia and Herzegovina. This work is based on etnographich, analitical and historical aproaches. It explains abortion in medical terms and analyzes the psychological effects of the abortion. This is a significant and challan...
Valencia Rodríguez, Jorge; Wilson, Kate S; Díaz Olavarrieta, Claudia; García, Sandra G; Sánchez Fuentes, Maria Luisa
In opposition to Mexico City's legalization of first-trimester abortion, 17 Mexican states (53 percent) have introduced initiatives or reforms to ban abortion entirely, and other states have similar legislation pending. We conducted an opinion survey in eight states--four where constitutional amendments have already been approved and four with pending amendments. Using logistic regression analyses, we found that higher education, political party affiliation, and awareness of reforms/initiatives were significantly associated with support for the Mexico City law. Legal abortion was supported by a large proportion of respondents in cases of rape (45-70 percent), risk to a woman's life (55-71 percent), and risk to a woman's health (48-68 percent). A larger percentage of respondents favored the Mexico City law, which limits elective legal abortion to the first 12 weeks of gestation (32-54 percent), than elective abortion without regard to gestational limit (14-31 percent).
Low, Wah-Yun; Tong, Wen-Ting; Wong, Yut-Lin; Jegasothy, Ravindran; Choong, Sim-Poey
Malaysia has an abortion law, which permits termination of pregnancy to save a woman's life and to preserve her physical and mental health (Penal Code Section 312, amended in 1989). However, lack of clear interpretation and understanding of the law results in women facing difficulties in accessing abortion information and services. Some health care providers were unaware of the legalities of abortion in Malaysia and influenced by their personal beliefs with regard to provision of abortion services. Accessibility to safer abortion techniques is also an issue. The development of the 2012 Guidelines on Termination of Pregnancy and Guidelines for Management of Sexual and Reproductive Health among Adolescents in Health Clinics by the Ministry of Health, Malaysia, is a step forward toward increasing women's accessibility to safe abortion services in Malaysia. This article provides an account of women's accessibility to abortion in Malaysia and the health sector response in addressing the barriers. © 2014 APJPH.
Donohue, John J., III; Levitt, Steven D.
Joyce's failure to uncover a negative relationship between crime and abortion was because of his decision to concentrate on a non-representative six-year period. Evidence supporting the claims that the crack-cocaine epidemic hit the high-abortion early-legalizing states earlier and more severely than other states of the U.S in 1970 is presented.
Full Text Available This work deals with the relationship between induced abortion and mental health with a special focus on the area of political controversy. This article explores the historical background of the abortion and its legislative implications in Europe with special reference to Bosnia and Herzegovina. This work is based on etnographich, analitical and historical aproaches. It explains abortion in medical terms and analyzes the psychological effects of the abortion. This is a significant and challanging topic for those who find themselves facing the moral dilemma of whether or not to terminate a pregnancy. Problems of controversy are numerous. Is abortion a murder or not? Is fetus a person or not? When it becomes the one if ever till the birth? If abortion is not morally wrong, that doesn't mean that it's right to have an abortion. If abortion is morally wrong, that doesn't mean that it is always impermissible to have an abortion. The comon dilema is whether having an abortion is less wrong than the alternatives. These are some of the questions this paper deals with.
Mehlan, K H
On March 9, 1972, the German Democratic Republic legalized abortion as one of the social and health policy measures with humanitarian goals to promote family life and improve living conditions. In evaluating the effect of the law, the development of fertility and frequency of abortion in Rostock District were studied for the years 1965 to 1973. In the first year after the new law went into effect, legal abortions increased about fivefold, which was expected; hospital abortions in 1973 decreased by about 40%. Compared to other Eastern European countries and to New York City, the frequency of abortion was still low. In the second year of the law, a further increase in abortions was not seen either in Rostock or the GDR as a whole. More women decided to continue their pregnancies; the number of women on oral contraceptives increased from about 1 million at the beginning of 1972 to about 1.2 million at the beginning of 1973. In 1972, for every 1000 women of reproductive age, there were 33 legal abortions in Rostock District; in the same period, for every 100 live births, there were 56 abortions.
Obel, E B; Madsen, Mette
Feto-placental function was assessed by 24-hour excretion of estrogen in urine and by the concentration of human Placental Lactogen (hPL) in serum in pregnant women whose previous pregnancy was terminated by legally induced abortion. The mean 24-hour excretion of estrogens in urine and the mean...... an increased frequency of dysfunction of the feto-placental unit during the last part of pregnancy in women with previous legally induced abortion. These findings indicate that legal abortion does not seem to increase the frequency of retarded intrauterine growth in a subsequent pregnancy....... concentration of hPL in serum were no lower in this group than in women without previous induced abortion. Neither was the frequency of a low 24-hour excretion of estrogens in urine or low concentration of hPL in serum (values less than mean - 1.96 s) found to be increased. This study could not demonstrate...
Skjeldestad, F E; Borgan, J K
Data on 174,595 Norwegian women aged 15-44 who had an induced abortion between 1979 (when all abortions through 12 weeks of gestation were legalized) and 1990 reveals that the general abortion rate decreased by 12% among married women, while it remained unchanged among unmarried women. Unmarried women had higher abortion rates than did married women among all age-groups except teenagers, increasing from a difference of 11 abortions per 1,000 women in 1979-1981 to a difference of 13 per 1,000 in 1988-1990. Pregnancy terminations occurred at an earlier gestational age during the last three years of the study period, compared with the first three. Abortions beyond 12 gestational weeks, which require the approval of a hospital committee, decreased among unmarried women, while increasing somewhat among married women. A larger proportion of married women than unmarried women terminated pregnancies beyond 18 gestational weeks.
Nunes, J P
Abortion is the interruption of a dynamic process in a final and irreversible form. The legalization of abortion is applied to human ontogenesis, that is, the development of the human being. However, the embryo that is growing in the uterus is not a human being because a human being is a complex organism with differentiated systems, its own identity and intrinsic autonomy in its process of development. There are basically four levels of the analysis of the problem of abortion: 1) fundamental emotional arguments; 2) profound ignorance of technical and scientific facts; 3) rational positions obfuscated by the dramatic intensity of everyday situations; and 4) the conjunction of deliberated position where culpability is avoided with solidarity for all subjects of the process with a socially oriented view. The phenomenon of abortion from an epidemiological point of view summons the facts with which it is associated: poverty, illiteracy, shortage or lack of community health resources, absence of centers for adolescents, degradation of the environment, and precariousness of employment.
Mileti, D S; Barnett, L D
The 1967 Gallup Poll on attitudes toward abortion legislation taken for the Population Council was studied by multivariate analysis of 9 demographic factors: age, family income, occupation of household head, race, section of the country, sex, city size, education and religion. The poll was taken in two waves that totaled 6,065 cases (after weighting for a representative sample and elimination of "don't know" and "no answer" responses). The question asked for approval or disapproval of the legalization of abortion for the four "hard" reasons: mother's health, rape, incest, or expected child deformity. The analysis revealed that age, family income, occupation of household head, race, section of the country, and sex did not in themselves have an effect on attitudes towards abortion legalization, though they sometimes were an influence in combination with other variables. Significant statistical correlations were found between approval of abortion legalization and increasing city size and higher educational level. Abortion approval also increases along a religious scale from Jewish-Protestant-Catholic. The most significant theoretical conclusion of the study was that 6 of the 9 factors were not influential on abortion attitudes and the remaining 3 did not have strong predictive-explanatory power as expected. Re-examination of the causes of abortion attitudes is needed.
This paper analyzes the strategies used by activist health professionals in Argentina who justify providing abortion despite legal restrictions on the procedure. These "insider activists" make a case for abortion rights by linking pregnancy termination to a woman's ability to exert agency at a key point in her reproductive life, and argue that refusing women access to the procedure constitutes a grievous health risk. This argument frames pregnancy termination as an issue of empowerment and also as a medical necessity. This article is based on ethnographic research conducted in Argentina in 2013 and 2015, which includes in-depth interviews with abortion activists and health professionals and ethnographic observation at activist events and in clinics. During the period of my field research, the medical staff in one clinic shifted from abortion counseling, based on a harm reduction model, to legal pregnancy termination, a new mode of abortion provision where they directly provided abortions based on the legal health exception. These insider activists formalized the latter approach by creating a diagnostic instrument that frames women's "bio-psycho-social" reasons for wishing to terminate a pregnancy as medically justified. The clinical practice analyzed in this article raises important questions about the potential for health professionals to take on an activist role by making safe abortion accessible, even in a context where the procedure is highly restricted.
Center for Disease Control (DHEW/PHS), Atlanta, GA.
This report summarizes abortion information received by the Center for Disease Control from collaborators in state health departments, hospitals, and other pertinent sources. While it is intended primarily for use by the above sources, it may also interest those responsible for family planning evaluation and hospital abortion planning. Information…
Melese, Tadele; Habte, Dereje; Tsima, Billy M.; Mogobe, Keitshokile Dintle; Chabaesele, Kesegofetse; Rankgoane, Goabaone; Keakabetse, Tshiamo R.; Masweu, Mabole; Mokotedi, Mosidi; Motana, Mpho; Moreri-Ntshabele, Badani
Background Maternal mortality due to abortion complications stands among the three leading causes of maternal death in Botswana where there is a restrictive abortion law. This study aimed at assessing the patterns and determinants of post-abortion complications. Methods A retrospective institution based cross-sectional study was conducted at four hospitals from January to August 2014. Data were extracted from patients’ records with regards to their socio-demographic variables, abortion complications and length of hospital stay. Descriptive statistics and bivariate analysis were employed. Result A total of 619 patients’ records were reviewed with a mean (SD) age of 27.12 (5.97) years. The majority of abortions (95.5%) were reported to be spontaneous and 3.9% of the abortions were induced by the patient. Two thirds of the patients were admitted as their first visit to the hospitals and one third were referrals from other health facilities. Two thirds of the patients were admitted as a result of incomplete abortion followed by inevitable abortion (16.8%). Offensive vaginal discharge (17.9%), tender uterus (11.3%), septic shock (3.9%) and pelvic peritonitis (2.4%) were among the physical findings recorded on admission. Clinically detectable anaemia evidenced by pallor was found to be the leading major complication in 193 (31.2%) of the cases followed by hypovolemic and septic shock 65 (10.5%). There were a total of 9 abortion related deaths with a case fatality rate of 1.5%. Self-induced abortion and delayed uterine evacuation of more than six hours were found to have significant association with post-abortion complications (p-values of 0.018 and 0.035 respectively). Conclusion Abortion related complications and deaths are high in our setting where abortion is illegal. Mechanisms need to be devised in the health facilities to evacuate the uterus in good time whenever it is indicated and to be equipped to handle the fatal complications. There is an indication for
Full Text Available Maternal mortality due to abortion complications stands among the three leading causes of maternal death in Botswana where there is a restrictive abortion law. This study aimed at assessing the patterns and determinants of post-abortion complications.A retrospective institution based cross-sectional study was conducted at four hospitals from January to August 2014. Data were extracted from patients' records with regards to their socio-demographic variables, abortion complications and length of hospital stay. Descriptive statistics and bivariate analysis were employed.A total of 619 patients' records were reviewed with a mean (SD age of 27.12 (5.97 years. The majority of abortions (95.5% were reported to be spontaneous and 3.9% of the abortions were induced by the patient. Two thirds of the patients were admitted as their first visit to the hospitals and one third were referrals from other health facilities. Two thirds of the patients were admitted as a result of incomplete abortion followed by inevitable abortion (16.8%. Offensive vaginal discharge (17.9%, tender uterus (11.3%, septic shock (3.9% and pelvic peritonitis (2.4% were among the physical findings recorded on admission. Clinically detectable anaemia evidenced by pallor was found to be the leading major complication in 193 (31.2% of the cases followed by hypovolemic and septic shock 65 (10.5%. There were a total of 9 abortion related deaths with a case fatality rate of 1.5%. Self-induced abortion and delayed uterine evacuation of more than six hours were found to have significant association with post-abortion complications (p-values of 0.018 and 0.035 respectively.Abortion related complications and deaths are high in our setting where abortion is illegal. Mechanisms need to be devised in the health facilities to evacuate the uterus in good time whenever it is indicated and to be equipped to handle the fatal complications. There is an indication for clinical audit on post-abortion care
Paul, Maureen; Norton, Mary E
Restrictions on access to abortion in the United States have reached proportions unprecedented since the nationwide legalization of abortion in 1973. Although some restrictions aim to discourage women from having abortions, many others impede access by affecting the timeliness, affordability, or availability of services. Evidence indicates that these restrictions do not increase abortion safety; rather, they create logistic barriers for women seeking abortion, and they have the greatest effect on women with the fewest resources. In this commentary, we recall the important role that obstetrician-gynecologists (ob-gyns) have played, both before and after Roe v. Wade, in facilitating access to safe abortion care. Using the literature on abortion safety and access as a foundation, we propose several practical ideas about what we as ob-gyns can do to address the current threat to abortion access, whether or not we provide abortion services in practice. We hope that this commentary will encourage discourse within our profession and prompt other suggestions. As ob-gyns who are dedicated to addressing health disparities and promoting the health and well-being of our patients, we can make a difference.
Kummer, J M
In 1967 California adopted updated therapeutic abortion laws which were more liberal than previous laws but which did not allow abortion for fetal indications nor for minor psychiatric reasons. Between November 8, 1967, and September 30, 1968, there were 4291 applicants for abortion in California. 91% of these were approved and 88% performed. Of the applications, 86% were for mental health, 6% for physical health, and 9% for rape or incest. 63% of the abortions were performed in the 9 bay area counties around San Francisco although only 23% of the states births occur in that area. The author feels that these liberalized laws will help to lead to the eventual legalization of abortion in California.
Puri, Mahesh; Lamichhane, Prabhat; Harken, Tabetha; Blum, Maya; Harper, Cynthia C; Darney, Philip D; Henderson, Jillian T
Unsafe abortion has been a significant cause of maternal morbidity and mortality in Nepal. Since legalization in 2002, more than 1,200 providers have been trained and 487 sites have been certified for the provision of safe abortion services. Little is known about health care workers' views on abortion legalization, such as their perceptions of women seeking abortion and the implications of legalization for abortion-related health care. To complement a quantitative study of the health effects of abortion legalization in Nepal, we conducted 35 in-depth interviews with physicians, nurses, counsellors and hospital administrators involved in abortion care and post-abortion complication treatment services at four major government hospitals. Thematic analysis techniques were used to analyze the data. Overall, participants had positive views of abortion legalization - many believed the severity of abortion complications had declined, contributing to lower maternal mortality and morbidity in the country. A number of participants indicated that the proportion of women obtaining abortion services from approved health facilities was increasing; however, others noted an increase in the number of women using unregulated medicines for abortion, contributing to rising complications. Some providers held negative judgments about abortion patients, including their reasons for abortion. Unmarried women were subject to especially strong negative perceptions. A few of the health workers felt that the law change was encouraging unmarried sexual activity and carelessness around pregnancy prevention and abortion, and that repeat abortion was becoming a problem. Many providers believed that although patients were less fearful than before legalization, they remained hesitant to disclose a history of induced abortion for fear of judgment or mistreatment. Providers were generally positive about the implications of abortion legalization for the country and for women. A focus on family planning
Full Text Available This paper analyses the legal and medical aspects of the work of ethics committees on abortion. According to the legislation of the Republic of Serbia, these committees are competent to determine justifiable terms for abortion after the twentieth week of the fetus. It is well known that abortion is not only a medical but a legal, ethic, social and demographic problem as well. A liberal solution in view of abortion in the first trimester has been accepted in most European countries, as by the legislature of the Republic of Serbia. Since prenatal diagnosis cannot always determine the fetus state with certainty but at times may do so at a later stage, abortion is then required when the child is already capable of extrauterine life. The necessity for performing abortion in the third trimester is thus a result of good knowledge of techno-medicine but also from the limited information it provides. In such situations, the physician needs confirmation and justification of his standpoint with respect to abortion through a legal formulation which should contain "minimum moral". Society has found a way to protect and help him through moral and ethic forms of prevention without anybody’s emotions being affected. Ethics committees should thus help the physician in view of determining the terms for performing late abortion, since the rules of doctor’s ethics are not sufficient in this case. The article especially analyses the work of the Ethics Committee of the Clinical Center in Kragujevac in the period 2000-2010. It is stated that the largest number of cases referred to determined diseases or fetus anomalies while only a negligible number (11.29% to the illness of the mother. There were no requests for abortions due to legal reasons (pregnancies from criminal offences. A significant number (40.28% of requests submitted to the Ethics Committee related to pregnancies under the 24th week of pregnancy. Since a pregnancy of 24 weeks represents a boundary
Bitler, Marianne; Madeline, Zavodny
The legalization of abortion in the United States led to well-known changes in reproductive behavior, but its effect on adoptions has not been investigated. Variation across states in the timing and extent of abortion legalization is used to identify the effects of changes in the legal status of abortion on adoption rates from 1961 to 1975. These effects are estimated in regression analyses that control for states' economic, demographic and political characteristics, as well as for health care availability within states. The rate of adoptions of children born to white women declined by 34-37% in states that repealed restrictive abortion laws before Roe v. Wade. The effect was concentrated among adoptions by petitioners not related to the child. Legal reforms resulting in small increases in access, such as in cases of rape and incest, were associated with a 15-18% decline in adoptions of children born to nonwhite women; however, this decline may have been due to other changes in the policy environment for such adoptions. Rates of adoption of children born to white women appear to have declined after Roe v. Wade, but this association is not statistically significant. The estimated effect of abortion legalization on adoption rates is sizable and can account for much of the decline in adoptions, particularly of children born to white women, during the early 1970s. These findings support previous studies' conclusions that abortion legalization led to a reduction in the number of "unwanted" children; such a reduction may have improved average infant health and children's living conditions.
In this thesis, I test with Czech data the hypothesis of Donohue & Levitt (2001) which proposes that the growth of abortion rate lowers the future crime rate. The fixed effects model I use is derived from Donohue & Levitt (2001) and adjusted on the basis of criticism by Foote & Goetz (2005; 2008) and Joyce (2004; 2009a; 2009b). As regards period 1994-2009 the results imply that the rise of abortions by 10 per 100 born children lowers theft by eight percent in an age group after it reaches the...
Ghodrati, Fatemeh; Saadatmand, Narges; Gholamzadeh, Saeid; Akbarzadeh, Marzieh
Background The therapeutic abortion law, in accordance with the fatwa issued by our Muslim jurisprudent approved by the parliament in 2005, has made major developments in dealing with cases of therapeutic abortions. Objective This study aimed at identifying the prevalence and causes of therapeutic abortion requests to the Legal Medicine Organization of Fars province, Shiraz, by pregnant teenager mothers. Methods This study was a retrospective, cross-sectional, descriptive survey. In this study, all documents related to therapeutic abortion requests from the Legal Medicine Organization of Fars province (southern Iran) from 2006 to 2013 were investigated. The total sample size included 1664, out of which 142 were teenagers. Sampling was carried out using Convenience method. Data were analyzed using SPSS statistical software, version 16, descriptive statistics and χ2. Results In this study, 142 mothers were under 20 years of age (8.5%). The prevalence of fetal abortion license requests was 110 (78.6%) and for maternal causes was 30 (21.4%). There was no significant statistical correlation between fetal causes in different years (p = 0.083). The most common causes of fetal abortion request were for thalassemia treatment in 78 cases (79.9%) followed by fetal malformations (20.9%); also, the most common maternal cause was thalassemia in 14 cases (51.9%) and depression in three cases (1.11%), respectively. Conclusion Our results showed that after approval of therapeutic abortion law, requests for therapeutic abortion due to fetal causes are extensively increasing. There is still a need for coordination of judicial, medical and legal authorities for prompt notification.
Full Text Available Background: Migrant-vs.-native differentials in reproductive behavior are typically examined through the prism of socioeconomic and cultural constraints that characterize the migration process and experiences. However, the literature seldom factors in migrant legal status because necessary data is rarely available. Objective: The study seeks to fill this important gap by looking at variations in induced abortion and contraceptive use not only between migrants and nonmigrants but also among migrants of different legal statuses in the Russian Federation. Methods: We use unique survey data collected in urban Russia from Central Asian working migrant women of different legal statuses - regularized vs. irregular - as well as their native counterparts. Binomial and multinomial logistic regressions are fitted to model abortion experience and current contraceptive use and method choice. Results: The results point to higher overall use of abortion among natives, but also to significant differences between migrants with regularized and irregular legal statuses. With respect to contraception, while no variation in overall use between migrants and natives or between migrants of different legal statuses is detected, instructive migrant-vs.-native differences in method choice emerge. Conclusions: The findings underscore the importance of migrants' legal status, along with their other characteristics, for a better understanding of their reproductive behavior and for more effective corresponding policies. Contribution: The study offers pioneering insights into the intersection of migration, legality, and fertility in contemporary Russia and contributes to the cross-national scholarship on migration and reproductive behavior and health.
Mitrut, Andreea; Wolff, François-Charles
We use household survey data and a unique census of institutionalized children to analyze the impact of abortion legalization in Romania. We exploit the lift of the abortion ban in December 1989, when communist dictator Ceausescu and his regime were removed from power, to understand its impact on children's health at birth and during early childhood and whether the lift of the ban had an immediate impact on child abandonment. We find insignificant estimates for health at birth outcomes and anthropometric z-scores at age 4 and 5, except for the probability of low birth weight which is slightly higher for children born after abortion became legal. Additionally, our findings suggest that the lift of the ban had decreased the number of abandoned children. Copyright © 2011 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
During the months following the accident in Chernobyl, Denmark experienced an increasing rate of induced abortion, especially in regions with the largest measured increase in radiation. As the increase in radiation in Denmark was so low that almost no increased risk of birth defects was expected, the public debate and anxiety among the pregnant women and their husbands caused more fetal deaths in Denmark than the accident. This underlines the importance of public debate, the role of the mass media and of the way in which National Health authorities participate in this debate
Abstract State and non-state actors engaged in disputes to expand and limit abortion rights have engaged in legal mobilization—in other words, strategies using rights and law as a central tool for advancing contested political goals. Peru, like other Latin American countries, has experienced an increase in abortion rights legal mobilization in recent years, including litigation before national and international courts. This paper centers on societal legal mobilization, or the legal mobilization that occurs outside the legislative and judicial branches and that includes strategies promoted by the executive branch, political actors, and non-partisan organizations and individuals. It presents an analysis of op-ed articles published in two national newspapers, El Comercio and La República, between 1990 and 2015. The paper argues that the media is also an arena where legal mobilization takes place and is not just a space influenced by legal mobilization. Rather, the media’s agenda operates independently of legal mobilization in the legislature and the courts, and it determines whether certain issues receive coverage and the way these issues are framed. PMID:28630547
State and non-state actors engaged in disputes to expand and limit abortion rights have engaged in legal mobilization-in other words, strategies using rights and law as a central tool for advancing contested political goals. Peru, like other Latin American countries, has experienced an increase in abortion rights legal mobilization in recent years, including litigation before national and international courts. This paper centers on societal legal mobilization, or the legal mobilization that occurs outside the legislative and judicial branches and that includes strategies promoted by the executive branch, political actors, and non-partisan organizations and individuals. It presents an analysis of op-ed articles published in two national newspapers, El Comercio and La República , between 1990 and 2015. The paper argues that the media is also an arena where legal mobilization takes place and is not just a space influenced by legal mobilization. Rather, the media's agenda operates independently of legal mobilization in the legislature and the courts, and it determines whether certain issues receive coverage and the way these issues are framed.
Gebrehiwot, Yirgu; Fetters, Tamara; Gebreselassie, Hailemichael; Moore, Ann; Hailemariam, Mengistu; Dibaba, Yohannes; Bankole, Akinrinola; Getachew, Yonas
CONTEXT In Ethiopia, liberalization of the abortion law in 2005 led to changes in abortion services. It is important to examine how levels and types of abortion care—i.e., legal abortion and treatment of abortion complications—changed over time. METHODS Between December 2013 and May 2014, data were collected on symptoms, procedures and treatment from 5,604 women who sought abortion care at a sample of 439 public and private health facilities; the sample did not include lower-level private facilities—some of which provide abortion care—to maintain comparability with the sample from a 2008 study. These data were combined with monitoring data from 105,806 women treated in 74 nongovernmental organization facilities in 2013. Descriptive analyses were conducted and annual estimates were calculated to compare the numbers and types of abortion care services provided in 2008 and 2014. RESULTS The estimated annual number of women seeking a legal abortion in the types of facilities sampled increased from 158,000 in 2008 to 220,000 in 2014, and the estimated number presenting for postabortion care increased from 58,000 to 125,000. The proportion of abortion care provided in the public sector increased from 36% to 56% nationally. The proportion of women presenting for postabortion care who had severe complications rose from 7% to 11%, the share of all abortion procedures accounted for by medical abortion increased from 0% to 36%, and the proportion of abortion care provided by midlevel health workers increased from 48% to 83%. Most women received postabortion contraception. CONCLUSIONS Ethiopia has made substantial progress in expanding comprehensive abortion care; however, eradication of morbidity from unsafe abortion has not yet been achieved. PMID:28825903
The annual and monthly distributions of congenital abnormalities and pregnancy outcomes as confounding factors were evaluated in Hungary in reflection of the accident at the Chernobyl reactor. The different congenital abnormality entities and the components of fetal radiation syndrome did not show a higher rate after the Chernobyl accident in the data-set of the Hungarian Congenital Abnormality Registry. Among confounding factors, the rate of induced abortions did not increase after the Chernobyl accident in Hungary. In the 9th month after the peak of public concern (May and June, 1986) the rate of livebirths decreased. Three indicator conditions: 15 sentinel anomalies as indicators of germinal dominant gene mutations, Down syndrome as an indicator of germinal numerical and structural chromosomal mutations, and unidentified multiple congenital abnormalities as indicators of germinal dominant gene and chromosomal mutations were selected from the material of the Hungarian Congenital Abnormality Registry. Diagnoses were checked, familial and sporadic cases were separated and only the sporadic cases were evaluated. The analysis of indicator conditions did not reveal any measurable germinal mutagenic effect of the Chernobyl accident in Hungary
An abortion is a procedure to end a pregnancy. It uses medicine or surgery to remove the embryo or ... personal. If you are thinking of having an abortion, most health care providers advise counseling.
The present contribution is part of a research developed with qualitative social research methods. It offers part of the results attained in a study performed at a clinic belonging to Mexico City´s Government, and explores the effects on staff of the implementation of Legal Pregnancy Termination (ILE, for its initials in Spanish). The results highlights that, besides diminishing health risks in the women who abort, the use of misoprostol prompted assertive attitudes in many women, that reduced the negative effects produced by the stigma of abortion. It also acknowledges the persistence of stigma in the opinions of the health personnel. The empowering of the self-image of women who become subject to this procedure is due to the full exercise of their legal right.
Darney, Philip; Harper, Cynthia; Puri, M; Lamichhane, P; Harken, T; Blum, M; Harper, CC; Darney, PD; Henderson, JT
Background: Unsafe abortion has been a significant cause of maternal morbidity and mortality in Nepal. Since legalization in 2002, more than 1,200 providers have been trained and 487 sites have been certified for the provision of safe abortion services. Li
Tuladhar, H; Risal, A
World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that about 25.0% of all pregnancies worldwide end in induced abortion, approximately 50 million each year. More than half of these abortions are performed under unsafe conditions resulting in high maternal mortality ratio specially in developing countries like Nepal. Abortion was legalized under specified conditions in March 2002 in Nepal. But still a large proportion of population are unaware of the legalization and the conditions under which it is permitted. Legal reform alone cannot reduce abortion related deaths in our country. This study was undertaken with the main objective to study the level of awareness about legalization of abortion in women attending gyne out patients department of Nepal Medical College Teaching Hospital (NMCTH), which will give a baseline knowledge for further dissemination and advocacy about abortion law. Total 200 women participated in the study. Overall 133 (66.5%) women said they were aware of legalization of abortion in Nepal. Women of age group 20-34 years, urban residents, service holders, Brahmin/Chhetri caste and with higher education were more aware about it. Majority (92.0%) of the women received information from the media. Detail knowledge about legal conditions under which abortion can be performed specially in second trimester was found to be poor. Large proportion (71.0%) of the women were still unaware of the availability of comprehensive abortion care services at our hospital, which is being provided since last seven years. Public education and advocacy campaigns are crucial to create awareness about the new legislation and availability of services. Unless the advocacy and awareness campaign reaches women, they are not likely to benefit from the legal reform and services.
The reorientation of hospital services in the state of New York to accommodate women's constitutional right to elective abortion was investigated. Market and resource constraints, the social orientations of the organization, and the values of physicians were examined in the effort to evaluate hospital response between 1971 and 1973. Analysis indicates that program innovation in obstetrical and gynecological services to include elective abortion was inhibited by economic factors that generally determined the feasibility of diverting finite resources to a new service and social orientations and values that determined the compatibility of elective abortions with the dominant values underlying hospital operations. The reform of New York abortion statutes and the subsequent ruling by the Supreme Court reiterating the right of women to terminate pregnancy failed to standardize the delivery of health care so that individual rights to service could be obtained everywhere in the state. The social changes ultimately realized through legislative and judicial action were essentially conditional upon the responsiveness of local health care providers. Legal action that failed to specifically address the administrative role of hospitals in social change qualified local access and could not be completely effective in legitimizing the redefinition of abortion in society.
Hung, Suet Lin
This paper reports on a qualitative study in 2007-08 on the abortion experiences of teenage women from deprived backgrounds in Hong Kong. Twenty-nine young women aged 13-24 who had undergone one or more induced abortions in their teen years were interviewed and participated in group empowerment sessions. Ten were unemployed, four were students, the rest were employed on low pay in unskilled occupations. Abortion services are legal and available in public and private services, but they charge fees ranging from HK$310 to $10,000, and do abortions only up to 24 weeks of pregnancy. Many young women resort to poor quality illegal clinics and clinics in mainland China because the cost is lower, they do not wish to tell their parents, who would be asked for consent, and/or they want to protect their sex partners, who may be reported and prosecuted if the girl is under-age. There is a need to strengthen services for teenage women in Hong Kong, especially those who are pregnant and from deprived backgrounds. There is also a need for professionals who deliver adolescent health and social welfare services, and for society to rethink and re-examine its views and attitudes towards teenage pregnancy, sexuality and abortion. Copyright © 2010 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Levels, Mark; Sluiter, Roderick; Need, Ariana
The extent to which women have had access to legal abortions has changed dramatically in Western-Europe between 1960 and 2010. In most countries, abortion laws developed from completely banning abortion to allowing its availability on request. Both the timing and the substance of the various legal
Contreras, Xipatl; van Dijk, Marieke G; Sanchez, Tahilin; Smith, Patricio Sanhueza
This study examines the experiences and opinions of health-care professionals after the legalization of abortion in Mexico City in 2007. Sixty-four semistructured interviews were conducted between 1 December 2007 and 16 July 2008 with staff affiliated with abortion programs in 12 hospitals and 1 health center, including obstetricians/gynecologists, nurses, social workers, key decisionmakers at the Ministry of Health, and others. Findings suggest that program implementation was difficult because of the lack of personnel, space, and resources; a great number of conscientious objectors; and the enormous influx of women seeking services, which resulted in a work overload for participating professionals. The professionals interviewed indicate that the program improved significantly over time. They generally agree that legal abortion should be offered, despite serious concerns about repeat abortions. They recommend improving family planning campaigns and post-procedure contraceptive use, and they encourage the opening of primary health-care facilities dedicated to providing abortion services.
Muzeyen, R; Ayichiluhm, M; Manyazewal, T
To assess women's knowledge and attitude toward Ethiopian current abortion law. A quantitative, community-based cross-sectional survey. Women of reproductive age in three selected lower districts in Bahir Dar, North-West Ethiopia, were included. Multi-stage simple random sampling and simple random sampling were used to select the districts and respondents, respectively. Data were collected using a structured questionnaire comprising questions related to knowledge and attitude toward legal status of abortion and cases where abortion is currently allowed by law in Ethiopia. Descriptive statistics were used to summarize the data and multivariable logistic regression computed to assess the magnitude and significance of associations. Of 845 eligible women selected, 774 (92%) consented to participate and completed the interview. A total of 512 (66%) women were aware of the legal status of the Ethiopian abortion law and their primary sources of information were electronic media such as television and radio (43%) followed by healthcare providers (38.7%). Among women with awareness of the law, 293 (57.2%) were poor in knowledge, 188 (36.7%) fairly knowledgeable, and 31 (6.1%) good in knowledge about the cases where abortion is allowed by law. Of the total 774 women included, 438 (56.5%) hold liberal and 336 (43.5%) conservative attitude toward legalization of abortion. In the multivariable logistic regression, age had a significant association with knowledge, whereas occupation had a significant association with attitude toward the law. Women who had poor knowledge toward the law were more likely to have conservative attitude toward the law (adjusted odds ratio, 0.40; 95% confidence interval, 0.23-0.61). Though the Ethiopian criminal code legalized abortion under certain circumstances since 2005, a significant number of women knew little about the law and several protested legalization of abortion. Countries such as Ethiopia with high maternal mortality records need to lift
Mondragón y Kalb, Manuel; Ahued Ortega, Armando; Morales Velazquez, Jorge; Díaz Olavarrieta, Claudia; Valencia Rodríguez, Jorge; Becker, Davida; García, Sandra G
Legal abortion services have been available in public and private health facilities in Mexico City since April 2007 for pregnancies of up to 12 weeks gestation. As of January 2011, more than 50,000 procedures have been performed by Ministry of Health hospitals and clinics. We researched trends in service users' characteristics, types of procedures performed, post-procedure complications, repeat abortions, and postabortion uptake of contraception in 15 designated hospitals from April 2007 to March 2010. The trend in procedures has been toward more medication and manual vacuum aspiration abortions and fewer done through dilation and curettage. Percentages of post-procedure complications and repeat abortions remain low (2.3 and 0.9 percent, respectively). Uptake of postabortion contraception has increased over time; 85 percent of women selected a method in 2009-10, compared with 73 percent in 2007-08. Our findings indicate that the Ministry of Health's program provides safe services that contribute to the prevention of repeat unintended pregnancies.
SUMMARY: 1. Problem description - 2. State of Russian Legislation regulating of the legal status of the child extracted alive as a result of abortion - 3. Legal basis for the recognition of human dignity and the right to life of the child extracted alive as a result of abortion - 4. Legal guarantees of recognition of the right to life and human dignity of the child extracted alive as a result of abortion and emergency medical care in foreign legislation - 5. Conclusions.
Ravn, Pernille; Rasmussen, Ase; Knudsen, Ulla Breth
AIM: To evaluate the success rate of medical abortion using an outpatient regimen of oral mifepristone 400 mg and oral misoprostol 400 microg for legal abortion in women abortion was defined as an endometrial thickness ... the procedure over a 3-year period and 606 (92%) experienced successful medical abortion. The remaining 8% had vacuum aspiration performed mainly due to uterine retention (70%). Other reasons were vaginal bleeding (25%), vomiting (2%), or pelvic infection (4%). Most women reported no days with severe pain (67......%), 0--1 days with moderate pain (82%), and 0--1 days with light pain (62%). In terms of gastrointestinal side effects, 68% reported nausea, 33% vomiting, and 27% diarrhea. Most women (90%) felt that the information given at the hospital prior to the abortion was sufficient, 74% would prefer medical...
López Gómez, Alejandra
The implementation of a pre- and post-abortion health care strategy, adopted in 2004 in Uruguay within a restrictive legal context prior to the decriminalization of abortion in 2012, opened a window of opportunity to link women facing unwanted pregnancies and abortion to health services in order to prevent unsafe abortion practices. This article looks into the tensions generated by the change of focus from maternal-child health to health and sexual and reproductive rights, and how those tensions operate. Using semi-structured interviews and focus groups, the practices and perception and assessment frameworks of professionals in their care of women facing unwanted pregnancy and abortion in the National Integrated Health System in Montevideo are analyzed. The results offer insights into some of the barriers and difficulties that can currently be observed in the implementation of the new law.
Background Unsafe abortion has been a significant cause of maternal morbidity and mortality in Nepal. Since legalization in 2002, more than 1,200 providers have been trained and 487 sites have been certified for the provision of safe abortion services. Little is known about health care workers’ views on abortion legalization, such as their perceptions of women seeking abortion and the implications of legalization for abortion-related health care. Methods To complement a quantitative study of the health effects of abortion legalization in Nepal, we conducted 35 in-depth interviews with physicians, nurses, counsellors and hospital administrators involved in abortion care and post-abortion complication treatment services at four major government hospitals. Thematic analysis techniques were used to analyze the data. Results Overall, participants had positive views of abortion legalization – many believed the severity of abortion complications had declined, contributing to lower maternal mortality and morbidity in the country. A number of participants indicated that the proportion of women obtaining abortion services from approved health facilities was increasing; however, others noted an increase in the number of women using unregulated medicines for abortion, contributing to rising complications. Some providers held negative judgments about abortion patients, including their reasons for abortion. Unmarried women were subject to especially strong negative perceptions. A few of the health workers felt that the law change was encouraging unmarried sexual activity and carelessness around pregnancy prevention and abortion, and that repeat abortion was becoming a problem. Many providers believed that although patients were less fearful than before legalization, they remained hesitant to disclose a history of induced abortion for fear of judgment or mistreatment. Conclusions Providers were generally positive about the implications of abortion legalization for the country
Full Text Available Abstract Background Unsafe abortion has been a significant cause of maternal morbidity and mortality in Nepal. Since legalization in 2002, more than 1,200 providers have been trained and 487 sites have been certified for the provision of safe abortion services. Little is known about health care workers’ views on abortion legalization, such as their perceptions of women seeking abortion and the implications of legalization for abortion-related health care. Methods To complement a quantitative study of the health effects of abortion legalization in Nepal, we conducted 35 in-depth interviews with physicians, nurses, counsellors and hospital administrators involved in abortion care and post-abortion complication treatment services at four major government hospitals. Thematic analysis techniques were used to analyze the data. Results Overall, participants had positive views of abortion legalization – many believed the severity of abortion complications had declined, contributing to lower maternal mortality and morbidity in the country. A number of participants indicated that the proportion of women obtaining abortion services from approved health facilities was increasing; however, others noted an increase in the number of women using unregulated medicines for abortion, contributing to rising complications. Some providers held negative judgments about abortion patients, including their reasons for abortion. Unmarried women were subject to especially strong negative perceptions. A few of the health workers felt that the law change was encouraging unmarried sexual activity and carelessness around pregnancy prevention and abortion, and that repeat abortion was becoming a problem. Many providers believed that although patients were less fearful than before legalization, they remained hesitant to disclose a history of induced abortion for fear of judgment or mistreatment. Conclusions Providers were generally positive about the implications of abortion
Faúndes, Aníbal; Duarte, Graciana Alves; de Sousa, Maria Helena; Soares Camargo, Rodrigo Paupério; Pacagnella, Rodolfo Carvalho
Unsafe abortions remain a major public health problem in countries with very restrictive abortion laws. In Brazil, parliamentarians - who have the power to change the law - are influenced by "public opinion", often obtained through surveys and opinion polls. This paper presents the findings from two studies. One was carried out in February-December 2010 among 1,660 public servants and the other in February-July 2011 with 874 medical students from three medical schools, both in São Paulo State, Brazil. Both groups of respondents were asked two sets of questions to obtain their opinion about abortion: 1) under which circumstances abortion should be permitted by law, and 2) whether or not women in general and women they knew who had had an abortion should be punished with prison, as Brazilian law mandates. The differences in their answers were enormous: the majority of respondents were against putting women who have had abortions in prison. Almost 60% of civil servants and 25% of medical students knew at least one woman who had had an illegal abortion; 85% of medical students and 83% of civil servants thought this person(s) should not be jailed. Brazilian parliamentarians who are currently reviewing a reform in the Penal Code need to have this information urgently. Copyright © 2013 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Wilson, E L
If you are pregnant and near 40 years old there is 1/137 chance that your child may have Down's syndrome, or 1/65 chance he will have a physical or mental problem. There are tests that can indicate these problems but they increase the risk of spontaneous abortion. A woman should not be forced to carry an unwanted child, and the needs of childless couples should not be addressed in abortion discussions. The Roe v. Wade case made the distinction of not having to determine when life begins, but when it can be sustained outside the body. The Missouri statute states that human life begins at conception, an unborn child has protectable life interests and the parents of that child have protectable life interests of the unborn child in relation to life, health and its well being. States that are really concerned with the interests of unborn children should improve prenatal care, educate teens on contraception, AIDS, and be concerned about violent behavior and smoking. Voters in Michigan and Arkansas approved a law to stop the use of public funds for abortion, other than saving the mother's life. Pro- choice advocates are concerned that the conservative appointees to the supreme court will reverse the previous decision.
Background Unsafe abortion is a major public health problem in Ghana; despite its liberal abortion law, access to safe, legal abortion in public health facilities is limited. Theory is often neglected as a tool for providing evidence to inform better practice; in this study we investigated the reasons for poor implementation of the policy in Ghana using Lipsky’s theory of street-level bureaucracy to better understand how providers shape and implement policy and how provider-level barriers might be overcome. Methods In-depth interviews were conducted with 43 health professionals of different levels (managers, obstetricians, midwives) at three hospitals in Accra, as well as staff from smaller and private sector facilities. Relevant policy and related documents were also analysed. Results Findings confirm that health providers’ views shape provision of safe-abortion services. Most prominently, providers experience conflicts between their religious and moral beliefs about the sanctity of (foetal) life and their duty to provide safe-abortion care. Obstetricians were more exposed to international debates, treaties, and safe-abortion practices and had better awareness of national research on the public health implications of unsafe abortions; these factors tempered their religious views. Midwives were more driven by fundamental religious values condemning abortion as sinful. In addition to personal views and dilemmas, ‘social pressures’ (perceived views of others concerning abortion) and the actions of facility managers affected providers’ decision to (openly) provide abortion services. In order to achieve a workable balance between these pressures and duties, providers use their ‘discretion’ in deciding if and when to provide abortion services, and develop ‘coping mechanisms’ which impede implementation of abortion policy. Conclusions The application of theory confirmed its utility in a lower-middle income setting and expanded its scope by showing that
Becker, Davida; Díaz-Olavarrieta, Claudia; Juárez, Clara; García, Sandra G.; Sanhueza, Patricio; Harper, Cynthia C.
Context In 2007 the Mexico City legislature made the groundbreaking decision to legalize first trimester abortion. Limited research has been conducted to understand clients’ perceptions of the abortion services available in public sector facilities. Methods We measured clients’ perceptions of quality of care at three public sector sites in Mexico City in 2009 (n=402). We assessed six domains of quality of care (client-staff interaction, information provision, technical competence, post-abortion contraceptive services, accessibility, and the facility environment), and conducted ordinal logistic regression analysis to identify which domains were important to women for their overall evaluation of care. We measured the association of overall service evaluation with socio-demographic factors and abortion-visit characteristics, in addition to specific quality of care domains. Results Clients reported a high quality of care for abortion services with an overall mean rating of 8.8 out of 10. Multivariable analysis showed that important domains for high evaluation included client perception of doctor as technically skilled (pabortion and post-abortion emotions (pabortion care in Mexico City. Strategies to improve clients’ service experiences should focus on improving counseling, service accessibility and waiting time. PMID:22227626
Having read Professor Peter Huntingford's letter (25 August, p 496), I am more convinced than ever that reduction to the simplest possible terms will always clarify an issue, and I am at one with him in deploring the terms "serious," "grave," and "substantial." His last paragraph approximates to such clarify when he says "the right of women to choose freely whether or not they bear a child"--but I fear that the phrase is slanted and ignores an essential ingredient in the abortive act. Whereas the secondary effect of abortion is certainly that the woman will not bear a child, the primary effect is the killing of that child, admittedly small and defenceless. Maybe there are many who will seek to justify the killing of their fellow members of the human race on the grounds that they are not wanted, or might be handicapped; if so, let them proclaim these views "in good set terms." But if the principle of getting rid of the unwanted by killing them is to expand its application further, who among us will be safe when someone else can decide our fate? Even the advocates of euthanasia usually insist that it be voluntary. Who yet has asked a fetus whether it wants to live or be killed?
In 1976 there was a complete overhaul and significant liberalization of the criminal code statutes governing termination of pregnancy in the Federal Republic of Germany. Yet in 1989 there was still a demand for restricting the criminal law, whereas others were calling for total elimination of criminal law restrictions on termination of pregnancy (Section 218 of the Criminal Code). Following investigations by the public prosecutors in Celle, Nuremberg, and Koblenz, a major criminal case was generating a great deal of interest in Memmingen, a town in Bavaria. In that case, gynecologist Dr. Horst Theissen stood accused of carrying out 156 illegal abortions. This was revealed during a tax investigation; however, the revenue officials simply disregarded the legal principle of medical confidentiality and passed the doctor's files to the public prosecutor's office. In consequence, hundreds of women and their relatives were served summonses and the doctor himself was put in trial. The charge against him was that the mandatory consultations prior to termination of pregnancy had not been carried out in compliance with the law. However, the main reason for taking action was the assumption that no emergency had existed. The Bavarian Christian Democrats resolved to investigate the possibility of appealing to the Federal Constitutional Court to examine the degree to which Sections 218b and 219 of the Criminal Code might be in conflict with the basic principles of the Constitution. Jurists from the same political camp were demanding a new criminal provision to block the availability of RU-486. The Association of Gynecologists opposed the notion of medical findings being subjected to review by lawyers; it considered this to be a breach of the confidentiality of the doctor/patient relationship. In extensive press campaigns concerned women, men, and physicians acknowledged their involvement in abortions and demanded an end to criminalization.
Ngwena, Charles G
Women in the African region are overburdened with unsafe abortion. Abortion regimes that fail to translate any given abortion rights into tangible access are partly to blame. Historically, African abortion laws have been highly restrictive. However, the post-independence era has witnessed a change toward liberalizing abortion law, even if incremental for many jurisdictions. Furthermore, Article 14 of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa has significantly augmented the regional trend toward liberalization by recognizing abortion as a human right in given circumstances. However, states are failing to implement abortion laws. The jurisprudence that is emerging from the European Court of Human Rights and United Nations treaty bodies is a tool that can be used to render African governments accountable for failure to implement domestic abortion laws. Copyright © 2012 International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics. Published by Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
De Zordo, Silvia
The objective of this qualitative study, carried out in two maternity-hospitals in Salvador da Bahia, was to investigate the experience and representations of health professionals, and particularly obstetricians-gynecologists, regarding legal abortion in comparison with their representations and experience with illegal abortion. A questionnaire was distributed and semi-structured interviews were conducted with 25 health professionals (13 obstetricians-gynecologists) in a hospital providing legal abortion (P) and with 20 health professionals (9 obstetricians-gynecologists) in another hospital that does not provide this service (F). The factors that influence the representations and experience of abortion of most obstetricians-gynecologists and explain the high rate of conscientious objection at Hospital P were: 1- the criminalization of abortion and the fear of being denounced; 2- the stigmatization of abortion by certain religious groups and by the physicians themselves; 3- training in obstetrics and the lack of good training in the epidemiology of maternal morbidity-mortality and abortion; 4- representations on gender relations. The main factors associated with liberal attitudes were: age - under 30 and over 45 years of age - experience with high maternal mortality rates due to abortion and experience with legal abortion.
Full Text Available Background: Authorizing abortion in some cases of fetal and maternal diseases which was implemented by passing its law in 2005, a major change in therapeutic abortion was performed in Iran,s health system. Although there may be cases of illegal abortion, but our study examined legal abortion of Lorestan province in 2013, which led to increase in awareness of health professionals about indications of therapeutic abortion, the time to do it and answer to related questions. Materials and Methods: In this epidemiological and cross-sectional study, all applications for abortion permission, received by Lorestan legal organization in 2013, were studied. The data were recorded in a questionnaire and analyzed using SPSS software. Results: From 205 cases during a year, 144 of them obtained permission for abortion of which 88% issued for fetal abnormalities and 12% due to illness of the mother. The most common diseases in the fetus were, the brain and skull abnormalities, and in the mothers, cardiovascular diseases and hematologic abnormalities were the highest. In these cases, the most frequency belonged to the age group of 25-34 years. For 61 requests, permission for abortion had not been issued. High gestational age (26 cases and diseases of the brain and skull, were the most common reasons of request for abortion. Conclusion: Abortion means therapeutic abortion and with the increase in the authorized therapeutic abortion, the illegal abortion will be reduced and leads to increase in the health of pregnant women. By increasing awareness of the medical staff about permitted therapeutic abortion and related laws, a correct and better guidance of pregnant women, we can help them to have a healthy community. As well as the problems of obstetricians and gynecologists, in this field, will be decreased.
Belsky, J E
If the efforts now underway to limit access to abortion services in the United States are successful, their greatest impact will be on women who lack the funds to obtain abortions elsewhere. There is little published information, however, about the experience of medically indigent women who sought abortions under the old, restrictive state laws. This article details the psychiatric evaluation of 199 women requesting a therapeutic abortion at a large municipal hospital in New York City under a restrictive abortion law. Thirty-nine percent had tried to abort the pregnancy. Fifty-seven percent had concrete evidence of serious psychiatric disorder. Forty-eight percent had been traumatized by severe family disruption, gross emotional deprivation or abuse during childhood. Seventy-nine percent lacked emotional support from the man responsible for the pregnancy, and the majority were experiencing overwhelming stress from the interplay of multiple problems exacerbated by their unwanted pregnancy.
Gogna, Mónica; Romero, Mariana; Ramos, Silvina; Petracci, Mónica; Szulik, Dalia
In Argentina, unsafe abortions are the primary cause of maternal mortality, accounting for 32% of maternal deaths. During reform of the National Constitution in 1994, the women's movement effectively resisted the reactionary government/church position on abortion. Health professionals, including obstetrician-gynaecologists, played conflicting roles in this debate. This article presents results from a study carried out in 1998-1999 of the views of 467 obstetrician-gynaecologists from public hospitals in Buenos Aires and its Metropolitan Area, focus group discussions with 60 of them, and interviews with heads of department from 36 of the hospitals. The great majority believed abortion was a serious public health issue; that physicians should provide abortions which are not illegal; that abortion should not be penalized to save the woman's life, or in cases of rape or fetal malformations; and that women having illegal abortions and abortion providers should not be imprisoned. Some 40% thought abortion should not be penalized if it is a woman's autonomous decision. Those who were better disposed towards the de-penalization of abortion cited a combination of public health reasons and the need for social equity. The women's health and rights movement should do advocacy work with this professional community on women's needs and rights, given the prominent role they play in reproductive health care provision and in the public sphere.
Geleto, Ayele; Markos, Jote
Unsafe abortion has been recognized as an important public health problem in the world. It accounts for 14% of all maternal deaths in sub-Saharan African countries. In Ethiopia, 32% of all maternal deaths are accounted to unsafe abortion. Taking the problem of unsafe abortion into consideration, the penal code of Ethiopia was amended in 2005, to permit safe abortion under a set of circumstances. However, lack of awareness on the revised penal code is a major barrier that hinders women to seek safe abortion. The aim of this study is to assess awareness of female students attending higher educational institutions toward legalization of safe abortion and associated factors in Harari region, eastern Ethiopia. Institution-based descriptive cross sectional study was conducted among 762 female students who are attending five higher educational institutions in Harari Region. Systematic sampling method was used to identify study participants from randomly selected colleges. Self administered structured questionnaire was used to collect data. Data were entered in to Epi Info version 6.04 and analyzed by SPSS version 17.0 statistical packages. Frequency, percentage and ratio were used to describe variables. Multivariable logistic regression analysis was done to control confounders and odds ratio with 95% confidence interval was used to identify factors associated with awareness of female students to legalization of abortion. 762 study participants completed the survey questionnaire making the response rate 90.2%. Only 272 (35.7%) of the respondents reported that they have good awareness about legalization of safe abortion. Studying other fields than health and medicine [AOR 0.48; 95%CI (0.23, 0.85)], being the only child for their family [AOR 0.28; 95%CI (0.13, 0.86)], having no boy friend [AOR 0.34; 95%CI (0.12, 0.74)], using family planning [AOR 0.50; 95%CI (0.13 and 0.86)], being 25 years or older [AOR 1.64; 95%CI (1.33, 2.80)] were significantly associated with awareness
Bessett, Danielle; Gerdts, Caitlin; Littman, Lisa L; Kavanaugh, Megan L; Norris, Alison
Recently, the hypothesis that state-level political context influences individuals' cultural values--the 'red states v. blue states' hypothesis--has been invoked to explain the hyper-polarisation of politics in the USA. To test this hypothesis, we examined individuals' knowledge about abortion in relation to the political context of their current state of residence. Drawing from an internet-survey of 586 reproductive-age individuals in the USA, we assessed two types of abortion knowledge: health-related and legality. We found that state-level conservatism does not modify the existing relationships between individual predictors and each of the two types of abortion knowledge. Hence, our findings do not support the 'red states' versus 'blue states' hypothesis. Additionally, we find that knowledge about abortion's health effects in the USA is low: 7% of our sample thought abortion before 12 weeks gestation was illegal.
González Vélez, Ana Cristina; Jaramillo, Isabel Cristina
In May 2006, Colombia's Constitutional Court liberalized abortion, introducing three circumstances under which the procedure would not be considered a crime: (1) rape or incest; (2) a risk to the woman's health or life; and (3) fetal malformations incompatible with life. Immediately following the court's ruling, known as Sentence C-355, members of La Mesa por la Vida y Salud de las Mujeres (hereinafter La Mesa) began to mobilize to ensure the decision's implementation, bearing in mind the limited impact that the legal framework endorsed by the court has had in other countries in the region. We argue that La Mesa's strategy is an innovative one in the field of legal mobilization insofar as it presumes that law can be shaped not just by public officials and universities but also by social actors engaged in the creation and diffusion of legal knowledge. In this regard, La Mesa has become a legal expert on abortion by accumulating knowledge about the multiple legal rules affecting the practice of abortion and about the situations in which these rules are to be applied. In addition, by becoming a legal expert, La Mesa has been able to persuade health providers that they will not risk criminal prosecution or being fired if they perform abortions. We call this effect of legal mobilization a "pedagogical effect" insofar as it involves the production of expertise and appropriation of knowledge by health professionals. We conclude by discussing La Mesa's choice to become a legal expert on abortion as opposed to recruiting academics to do this work or encouraging women to produce and disseminate this knowledge.
Schulz, S; Henning, G
Statistics on legal abortions at the Women's Clinic, Karl Marx University, Leipzig, East Germany, are reported. Between 1960-June 30, 1972, there were 3955 abortions and 53,972 births. Of these, 1368 abortions and 1831 births occurred in 1972; a similar large increase in abortions has been reported from other socialist countries. Average age of patients was 30.6 years in 1960, 27.7 years in 1972. In 1960, 83.1% of patients were married, but only 66.4% in 1972. Average hospital stay was 10.3 days in 1960, 3.7 days in 1972. Complications were seen in 32.5% of cases in 1960, and in 8.3% in 1972. Statistics for each year, 1960-1972, are given, and the implications of this information for medical practice and social policy are discussed.
AJRH Managing Editor
In Ghana, despite the availability of safe, legally permissible abortion services, high rates of morbidity and mortality from unsafe abortion persist. Through interviews with Ghanaian physicians on the front lines of abortion provision, we begin to describe major barriers to widespread safe abortion. Their stories illustrate the ...
Joyce, Ted; Tan, Ruoding; Zhang, Yuxiu
We use unique data on abortions performed in New York State from 1971–1975 to demonstrate that women travelled hundreds of miles for a legal abortion before Roe. A100- mile increase in distance for women who live approximately 183 miles from New York was associated with a decline in abortion rates of 12.2 percent whereas the same change for women who lived 830 miles from New York lowered abortion rates by 3.3 percent. The abortion rates of nonwhites were more sensitive to distance than those of whites. We found a positive and robust association between distance to the nearest abortion provider and teen birth rates but less consistent estimates for other ages. Our results suggest that even if some states lost all abortion providers due to legislative policies, the impact on population measures of birth and abortion rates would be small as most women would travel to states with abortion services. PMID:23811233
Macleod, Catriona Ida; Hansjee, Jateen
Discursive constructions of abortion are embedded in the social and gendered power relations of a particular socio-historical space. As part of research on public discourses concerning abortion in South Africa where there has been a radical liberalisation of abortion legislation, we collected data from male group discussions about a vignette concerning abortion, and newspaper articles written by men about abortion. Our analysis revealed how discourses of equality, support and rights may be used by men to subtly undermine women's reproductive right to 'choose' an abortion. Within an Equal Partnership discourse, abortion, paired with the assumption of foetal personhood, was equated with violating an equal heterosexual partnership and a man's patriarchal duty to protect a child. A New Man discourse, which positions men as supportive of women, was paired with the assumption of men as rational and women as irrational in decision-making, to allow for the possibility of men dissuading women from terminating a pregnancy. A Rights discourse was invoked to suggest that abortion violates men's paternal rights.
Henshaw, S K; Singh, S; Haas, T
Accurate measurement of induced abortion levels has proven difficult in many parts of the world. Health care workers and policymakers need information on the incidence of both legal and illegal induced abortion to provide the needed services and to reduce the negative impact of unsafe abortion on women's health. Numbers and rates of induced abortions were estimated from four sources: official statistics or other national data on legal abortions in 57 countries; estimates based on population surveys for two countries without official statistics; special studies for 10 countries where abortion is highly restricted; and worldwide and regional estimates of unsafe abortion from the World Health Organization. Approximately 26 million legal and 20 million illegal abortions were performed worldwide in 1995, resulting in a worldwide abortion rate of 35 per 1,000 women aged 15-44. Among the subregions of the world, Eastern Europe had the highest abortion rate (90 per 1,000) and Western Europe to the lowest rate (11 per 1,000). Among countries where abortion is legal without restriction as to reason, the highest abortion rate, 83 per 1,000, was reported for Vietnam and the lowest, seven per 1,000, for Belgium and the Netherlands. Abortion rates are no lower overall in areas where abortion is generally restricted by law (and where many abortions are performed under unsafe conditions) than in areas where abortion is legally permitted. Both developed and developing countries can have low abortion rates. Most countries, however, have moderate to high abortion rates, reflecting lower prevalence and effectiveness of contraceptive use. Stringent legal restrictions do not guarantee a low abortion rate.
Grimes, David A
An estimated 19 million unsafe abortions occur worldwide each year, resulting in the deaths of about 70,000 women. Legalization of abortion is a necessary but insufficient step toward improving women's health. Without skilled providers, adequate facilities and easy access, the promise of safe, legal abortion will remain unfulfilled, as in India and Zambia. Both suction curettage and pharmacological abortion are safe methods in early pregnancy; sharp curettage is inferior and should be abandoned. For later abortions, either dilation and evacuation or labour induction are appropriate. Hysterotomy should not be used. Timely and appropriate management of complications can reduce morbidity and prevent mortality. Treatment delays are dangerous, regardless of their origin. Misoprostol may reduce the risks of unsafe abortion by providing a safer alternative to traditional clandestine abortion methods. While the debate over abortion will continue, the public health record is settled: safe, legal, accessible abortion improves health.
The author sets forth some of the most recent demographic data, important directions of legal documents as regards abortion, tackling medical and ethical problems of abortion. Some essentials particulars are also given as to the embryonic and foetal development. The whole paper concerns the problems of legal abortion during the first three months of pregnancy. The second part of the paper relates to the consequences of abortion affecting the physical and mental health of a woman as show...
Abortion is a common and widespread form of fertility regulation the world over. Legal and illegal abortion is very common throughout the developing countries. Since abortions are often not legal in the developing countries, unsafe abortions are an important cause of female mortality. The widespread incidence of abortions ...
Therapeutic medical abortion; Elective medical abortion; Induced abortion; Nonsurgical abortion ... A medical, or nonsurgical, abortion can be done within 7 weeks from the first day of the woman's last ...
... Education & Events Advocacy For Patients About ACOG Induced Abortion Home For Patients Search FAQs Induced Abortion Page ... Induced Abortion FAQ043, May 2015 PDF Format Induced Abortion Special Procedures What is an induced abortion? What ...
Conti, Jennifer A; Brant, Ashley R; Shumaker, Heather D; Reeves, Matthew F
To review the status of antiabortion restrictions enacted over the last 5 years in the United States and their impact on abortion services. In recent years, there has been an alarming rise in the number of antiabortion laws enacted across the United States. In total, various states in the union enacted 334 abortion restrictions from 2011 to July 2016, accounting for 30% of all abortion restrictions since the legalization of abortion in 1973. Data confirm, however, that more liberal abortion laws do not increase the number of abortions, but instead greatly decrease the number of abortion-related deaths. Several countries including Romania, South Africa and Nepal have seen dramatic decreases in maternal mortality after liberalization of abortion laws, without an increase in the total number of abortions. In the United States, abortions are incredibly safe with very low rates of complications and a mortality rate of 0.7 per 100 000 women. With increasing abortion restrictions, maternal mortality in the United States can be expected to rise over the coming years, as has been observed in Texas recently. Liberalization of abortion laws saves women's lives. The rising number of antiabortion restrictions will ultimately harm women and their families.
Puri, Mahesh; Singh, Susheela; Sundaram, Aparna; Hussain, Rubina; Tamang, Anand; Crowell, Marjorie
Although abortion has been legal under broad criteria in Nepal since 2002, a significant proportion of women continue to obtain illegal, unsafe abortions, and no national estimates exist of the incidence of safe and unsafe abortions. Data were collected in 2014 from a nationally representative sample of 386 facilities that provide legal abortions or postabortion care and a survey of 134 health professionals knowledgeable about abortion service provision. Facility caseloads and indirect estimation techniques were used to calculate the national and regional incidence of legal and illegal abortion. National and regional levels of abortion complications and unintended pregnancy were also estimated. In 2014, women in Nepal had 323,100 abortions, of which 137,000 were legal, and 63,200 women were treated for abortion complications. The abortion rate was 42 per 1,000 women aged 15-49, and the abortion ratio was 56 per 100 live births. The abortion rate in the Central region (59 per 1,000) was substantially higher than the national average. Overall, 50% of pregnancies were unintended, and the unintended pregnancy rate was 68 per 1,000 women of reproductive age. Despite legalization of abortion and expansion of services in Nepal, unsafe abortion is still common and exacts a heavy toll on women. Programs and policies to reduce rates of unintended pregnancy and unsafe abortion, increase access to high-quality contraceptive care and expand safe abortion services are warranted.
Criminal Aspects of Artificial Abortion This diploma thesis deals with the issue of artificial abortion, especially its criminal aspects. Legal aspects are not the most important aspects of artificial abortion. Social, ethical or ideological aspects are of the same importance but this diploma thesis cannot analyse all of them. The main issue with artificial abortion is whether it is possible to force a pregnant woman to carry a child and give birth to a child when she cannot or does not want ...
Fromer, M J
of ensoulment. The fetus is owed some moral obligations because of its greatly increased potentiality. After a certain point it deserves legal and moral protection. A woman would have the right to be relieved of carrying the fetus, but she would not have the right to the death of the fetus. A significant moral difference exists in these 2 concepts, and it is this issue that forms the basis of the debate concerning the conflict between maternal and fetal rights. When the rights of the fetus and those of the pregnant woman come into direct conflict the rights of the fetus are always subordinated to those of the women. The 3rd ethical foundation of the abortion debate, that of circumstances of horror and hardship surrounding the pregnancy, is really a combination of the first two. A fetus that is known to suffer from disease or deformity has as many or as few rights vis-a-vis the pregnant woman as does a perfectly healthy fetus. The assignment and hierarchy of fetal rights is not dependent upon the circumstances of conception. The next concern is whether the state can enter the private social spheres to regulate the personal activities of individuals. The Supreme court has never made a statement regarding the moral permissibility of abortion. The Court simply has prevented individual states from interfering with a woman's action based on her personal convictions. This is an important difference, and no step should be taken to abrogate this fundamental civil right.
Suction curettage; Surgical abortion; Elective abortion - surgical; Therapeutic abortion - surgical ... Surgical abortion involves dilating the opening to the uterus (cervix) and placing a small suction tube into the uterus. ...
Wang, P D; Lin, R S
Induced abortion is widely practised in Taiwan; however, it had been illegal until 1985. It was of interest to investigate induced abortion practices in Taiwan after its legalization in 1985 in order to calculate the prevalence rate and ratio of induced abortion to live births and to pregnancies in Taiwan. A study using questionnaires through personal interviews was conducted on more than seventeen thousand women who attended a family planning service in Taipei metropolitan areas between 1991 and 1992. The reproductive history and sexual behaviour of the subjects were especially focused on during the interviews. Preliminary findings showed that 46% of the women had a history of having had an induced abortion. Among them, 54.8% had had one abortion, 29.7% had had two, and 15.5% had had three or more. The abortion ratio was 379 induced abortions per 1,000 live births and 255 per 1,000 pregnancies. The abortion ratio was highest for women younger than 20 years of age, for aboriginal women and for nulliparous women. When logistic regression was used to control for confounding variables, we found that the number of previous live births is the strongest predictor relating to women seeking induced abortion. In addition, a significant positive association exists between increasing number of induced abortions and cervical dysplasia.
Anjos, Karla Ferraz dos; Santos, Vanessa Cruz; Souzas, Raquel; Eugênio, Benedito Gonçalves
Discussing the abortion theme in Brazil is highly problematic since it involves ethical, moral and legal precepts. The criminalization of abortion in Brazil favors a clandestine and unsafe practice and can lead to serious consequences to women´s health. In this perspective, this research deals with the legal context in which the abortion problem is inscribed in Brazil, coupled to the specific aims in pinpointing complications caused by the criminalization of clandestine abortion besides deali...
Lazarus, Jeff; Nielsen, Stine; Jakubcionyte, Rita
Surgical abortion in Lithuania is governed by a 1994 ministerial decree that made it legal for any woman 16 or older. This article seeks to determine the key demographic factors in Lithuanian attitudes towards medical abortion, which is currently not legal.......Surgical abortion in Lithuania is governed by a 1994 ministerial decree that made it legal for any woman 16 or older. This article seeks to determine the key demographic factors in Lithuanian attitudes towards medical abortion, which is currently not legal....
Diniz, D; Gonzalez Velez, A C
Although abortion has been the most debated of all issues analyzed in bioethics, no moral consensus has been achieved. The problem of abortion exemplifies the difficulty of establishing social dialogue in the face of distinct moral positions, and of creating an independent academic discussion based on writings that are passionately argumentative. The greatest difficulty posed by the abortion literature is to identify consistent philosophical and scientific arguments amid the rhetorical manipulation. A few illustrative texts were selected to characterize the contemporary debate. The terms used to describe abortion are full of moral meaning and must be analyzed for their underlying assumptions. Of the four main types of abortion, only 'eugenic abortion', as exemplified by the Nazis, does not consider the wishes of the woman or couple--a fundamental difference for most bioethicists. The terms 'selective abortion' and 'therapeutic abortion' are often confused, and selective abortion is often called eugenic abortion by opponents. The terms used to describe abortion practitioners, abortion opponents, and the 'product' are also of interest in determining the style of the article. The video entitled "The Silent Scream" was a classic example of violent and seductive rhetoric. Its type of discourse, freely mixing scientific arguments and moral beliefs, hinders analysis. Within writings about abortion three extreme positions may be identified: heteronomy (the belief that life is a gift that does not belong to one) versus reproductive autonomy; sanctity of life versus tangibility of life; and abortion as a crime versus abortion as morally neutral. Most individuals show an inconsistent array of beliefs, and few groups or individuals identify with the extreme positions. The principal argument of proponents of legalization is respect for the reproductive autonomy of the woman or couple based on the principle of individual liberty, while heteronomy is the main principle of
This review of abortion history considers sacred and secular practice and traces abortion in the US, the legacy of the 19th century, and the change that occurred in the 20th century. Abortion has been practiced since ancient times, but its legality and availability have been threatened continuously by forces that would denigrate women's fundamental rights. Currently, while efforts to decrease the need for abortion through contraception and education continue, access to abortion remains crucial for the well-being of millions of women. That access will never be secure until profound changes occur in the whole society. Laws that prohibit absolutely the practice of abortion are a relatively recent development. In the early Roman Catholic church, abortion was permitted for male fetuses in the first 40 days of pregnancy and for female fetuses in the first 80-90 days. Not until 1588 did Pope Sixtus V declare all abortion murder, with excommunication as the punishment. Only 3 years later a new pope found the absolute sanction unworkable and again allowed early abortions. 300 years would pass before the Catholic church under Pius IX again declared all abortion murder. This standard, declared in 1869, remains the official position of the church, reaffirmed by the current pope. In 1920 the Soviet Union became the 1st modern state formally to legalize abortion. In the early period after the 1917 revolution, abortion was readily available in state operated facilities. These facilities were closed and abortion made illegal when it became clear that the Soviet Union would have to defend itself against Nazi Germany. After World War II women were encouraged to enter the labor force, and abortion once again became legal. The cases of the Catholic church and the Soviet Union illustrate the same point. Abortion legislation has never been in the hands of women. In the 20th century, state policy has been determined by the rhythms of economic and military expansion, the desire for cheap
Ogland, Curtis P; Verona, Ana Paula
This study examines the association between religion and attitudes toward the practice of abortion and abortion policy in Brazil. Drawing upon data from the 2002 Brazilian Social Research Survey (BSRS), we test a number of hypotheses with regard to the role of religion on opposition to the practice of abortion and its legalization. Findings indicate that frequently attending Pentecostals demonstrate the strongest opposition to the practice of abortion and both frequently attending Pentecostals and Catholics demonstrate the strongest opposition to its legalization. Additional religious factors, such as a commitment to biblical literalism, were also found to be significantly associated with opposition to both abortion issues. Ultimately, the findings have implications for the future of public policy on abortion and other contentious social issues in Brazil.
In this article we address the issue, with a tentative empirical application to the Italian data, of the relationship, very debated mainly in north America, between abortion legalization and reduction of crime rates of youth. The rationale of this relationship is that there is a causal factor at work: the more unwanted pregnancies aborted, the less unwanted children breeding their criminal attitude in an hostile/deprived family environment. Many methodological and empirical criticisms have been raised against the proof of the existence of such a relationship: our attempt to test if this link is valid for Italy cannot endorse its existence. The data we used made necessary some assumptions and the reliability of official estimates of crime rates was debatable (probably downward biased). We conclude that, at least for Italy, the suggested relationship is unproven: other reasons for the need of legal abortion have been and should be put forward.
14 Aug 1971 ... The literature on the pros and cons of therapeutic abortion must by now virtually fill an average- sized library. Every expert in every field has had his say, sometimes by invitation and sometimes unasked, yet we seem to be no nearer the answer than when we started. The legal boffins have put their case, the ...
Edwards, R B
This essay seeks to reveal the weakness in arguments against public funding of abortions and abortion counseling in the US based on economic, ethico-religious, anti-racist, and logical-consistency objections and to show that public funding of abortion is strongly supported by appeals to basic human rights, to freedom of speech, to informed consent, to protection from great harm, to justice, and to equal protection under the law. The first part of the article presents the case against public funding with detailed considerations of the economic argument, the ethico/religious argument, the argument that such funding supports racist genocide or eugenic quality control, and arguments that a logical inconsistency exists between the principles used to justify the legalization of abortions and arguments for public funding. The second part of the article presents the case for public funding by discussing the spending of public funds on morally offensive programs, arguments for public funding of abortion counseling for the poor, and arguments for public funding of abortions for the poor. It is concluded that it is morally unacceptable and rationally unjustifiable to refuse to expend public funds for abortions for low income women, because after all most money for legal abortions for the poor comes from welfare payments made to women. If conservative forces want to insure that no public funds pay for abortions, they must stop all welfare payments to pregnant women.
Geary, Cynthia Waszak; Gebreselassie, Hailemichael; Awah, Paschal; Pearson, Erin
Despite Zambia's relatively progressive abortion law, women continue to seek unsafe, illegal abortions. Four domains of abortion attitudes - support for legalization, immorality, rights, and access to services - were measured in 4 communities. A total of 668 people were interviewed. Associations among the 4 domains were inconsistent with expectations. The belief that abortion is immoral was widespread, but was not associated with lack of support for legalization. Instead, it was associated with belief that women need access to safe services. These findings suggest that increasing awareness about abortion law in Zambia may be important for encouraging more favorable attitudes. Copyright © 2012 International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics. Published by Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
In Ghana, despite the availability of safe, legally permissible abortion services, high rates of morbidity and mortality from unsafe abortion persist. Through interviews with Ghanaian physicians on the front lines of abortion provision, we begin to describe major barriers to widespread safe abortion. Their stories illustrate the ...
The field of abortion counseling originated in the abortion rights movement of the 1970s. During its evolution to the present day, it has faced significant challenges, primarily arising from the increasing politicization and stigmatization of abortion since legalization. Abortion counseling has been affected not only by the imposition of antiabortion statutes, but also by the changing needs of patients who have come of age in a very different era than when this occupation was first developed. One major innovation--head and heart counseling--departs in significant ways from previous conventions of the field and illustrates the complex and changing political meanings of abortion and therefore the challenges to abortion providers in the years following Roe v Wade.
Factores asociados con la búsqueda del servicio de interrupción legal del embarazo en la Ciudad de México, 2010 Factors associated with the seeking of legal induced abortion services in Mexico City in 2010
Full Text Available OBJETIVO: Identificar factores asociados con la búsqueda del servicio de interrupción legal del embarazo (ILE en la Ciudad de México. MATERIAL Y MÉTODOS: Se utilizó un diseño casos-controles. Usuarias del servicio de ILE fueron definidas como casos, y usuarias de control prenatal con 13 o más semanas de gestación con un embarazo no deseado constituyeron los controles. Se ajustaron modelos de regresión logística condicional. RESULTADOS: Los años de escolaridad (RM=1.47, IC:1.04-2.07, la ocupación (estudiante, RM=7.31, IC:1.58-33.95; tener empleo remunerado, RM= 13.43, IC:2.04-88.54 y número de interrupciones de embarazo previas (RM=11.41, IC:1.65-79.07 se asociaron con la búsqueda de ILE. El factor de mayor peso fue la ocupación; las mujeres que trabajan tuvieron 13.4 veces mayor posibilidad de demandar el servicio de ILE. CONCLUSIONES: En el contexto de la Ciudad de México, mujeres con más educación y participación laboral activa utilizan más los servicios de ILE. Se requieren estrategias dirigidas a incrementar el uso de estos servicios por mujeres menos favorecidas.OBJECTIVE: To identify factors associated with the seeking of the legal-interruption-pregnancy (LIP services in Mexico City. MATERIALS AND METHODS: We used a case-control design. Users who utilized the LIP were defined as cases, while users of the antenatal care service with gestational age 13 or more weeks and who reported having an unwanted pregnancy were defined as controls. Logistic regressions were fitted to estimate odds ratios. RESULTS: Higher level of education (OR=1.47, 95% CI:1.04-2.07, women's occupation (being student OR=7.31, 95% CI:1.58-33.95; worker OR=13.43, 95% CI:2.04-88.54, and number of previous abortions (OR=11.41, 95% CI:1.65-79.07 were identified as factors associated with the lookup of LIP. CONCLUSIONS: In Mexico City context, empowered women with a higher level of education, or having a work activity are the users of LIP services
Representações e experiências sobre aborto legal e ilegal dos ginecologistas-obstetras trabalhando em dois hospitais maternidade de Salvador da Bahia Representations and experiences of obstetrician/gynecologists with legal and illegal abortion in two maternity-hospitals in Salvador da Bahia
Silvia De Zordo
Full Text Available O objetivo deste estudo qualitativo, realizado em dois hospitais-maternidade de Salvador da Bahia, foi investigar a experiência e as representações do aborto legal, analisadas em contraste com as representações do aborto ilegal, dos profissionais de saúde, em particular dos ginecologistas-obstetras.Usou-se como instrumentos um questionário e entrevistas semi-estruturadas com 25 profissionais de saúde (dos quais 13 ginecologistas-obstetras num hospital que oferece um serviço de aborto legal (P, e 20 profissionais de saúde (dos quais 9 ginecologistas-obstetras em outro hospital, que não oferece este serviço (F. Os fatores que mais influenciam as representações dos ginecologistas-obstetras entrevistados acerca do aborto e que explicam a alta taxa de objeção de consciencia no hospital P foram: 1- a criminalização do aborto e o medo de serem denunciados; 2- a estigmatização do aborto por certos grupos religiosos e pelos proprios médicos; 3- o treinamento em obstetrícia e a falta de uma formação boa no campo da epidemiologia da morbi-mortalidade materna e do aborto; 4- as representações acerca das relações de gênero. Os fatores principais associados à atitudes liberais foram: a idade - abaixo de 30/acima de 45 anos - a experiência com altas taxas de mortalidade materna devidas ao aborto e a experiência com o aborto legal.The objective of this qualitative study, carried out in two maternity-hospitals in Salvador da Bahia, was to investigate the experience and representations of health professionals, and particularly obstetricians-gynecologists, regarding legal abortion in comparison with their representations and experience with illegal abortion. A questionnaire was distributed and semi-structured interviews were conducted with 25 health professionals (13 obstetricians-gynecologists in a hospital providing legal abortion (P and with 20 health professionals (9 obstetricians-gynecologists in another hospital that does not
Thapa, K; Karki, Y; Bista, K P
Unsafe abortion remains a huge problem in Nepal even after legalization of abortion. Various myths and misconceptions persist which prompt women towards unsafe abortive practices. A qualitative study was conducted among different groups of women using focus group discussions and in depth interviews. Perception and understanding of the participants on abortion, methods and place of abortion were evaluated. A number of misconceptions were prevalent like drinking vegetable and herbal juices, and applying hot pot over the abdomen could abort pregnancy. However, many participants also believed that health care providers should be consulted for abortion. Although majority of the women knew that they should seek medical aid for abortion, they were still possessed with various misconceptions. Merely legalizing abortion services is not enough to reduce the burden of unsafe abortion. Focus has to be given on creating awareness and proper advocacy in this issue.
Spinelli, A; Grandolfo, M E
This article discusses the legal and epidemiologic status of abortion in Italy, and its relationship to fertility and contraception. Enacted in May 1978, Italy's abortion law allows the operation to be performed during the 1st 90 days of gestation for a broad range of health, social, and psychological reasons. Women under 18 must receive written permission from a parent, guardian, or judge in order to undergo an abortion. The operation is free of charge. Health workers who object to abortion because of religious or moral reasons are exempt from participating. Regional differences exist concerning the availability of abortion, easy to procure in some places and difficult to obtain in others. After an initial increase following legalization, the abortion rate was 13.5/1000 women aged 15-44 and the abortion ratio was 309/1000 live births -- an intermediate rate and ratio compared to other countries. By the time the Abortion Act of 1978 was adopted, Italy already had one of the lowest fertility levels in Europe. Thus, the legalization of abortion has had no impact on fertility trends. Contrary to initial fears that the legalization of abortion would make abortion a method of family planning, 80% of the women who sought an abortion in 1983-88 were using birth control at the time (withdrawal being the most common method used by this group). In fact, most women who undergo abortions are married, between the ages of 25-34, and with at least one child. Evidence indicates widespread ignorance concerning reproduction. In a 1989 survey, only 65% of women could identify the fertile period of the menstrual cycle. Italy has no sex education in schools or national family planning programs. Compared to most of Europe, Italy still has low levels of reliable contraceptive usage. This points to the need to guarantee the availability of abortion.
Nyong'o, D; Oodit, G
Despite a contraceptive prevalence rate of 75% Mauritius has a high incidence of unsafe abortions because of unprotected intercourse experienced by many young women in a rapidly industrializing environment. The Mauritius Family Planning Association (MFPA) tackled the issue of unsafe abortion in 1993. Abortion is illegal in the country, and the Catholic Church also strongly opposes modern family planning methods, thus the use of withdrawal and/or calendar methods have been increasing. The MFPA organized an advocacy symposium in 1993 on unsafe abortion with the result of revealing the pressure the Church was exerting relative to abortion and contraceptives. The advocacy campaign of the MFPA consists of having abortion legalized on health grounds and improving family planning services, especially for young unmarried women and men. The full support of the media was secured on the abortion issue: articles appeared, meetings were attended by the press, and public relations support was also received from them. The MFPA worked closely with parliamentarians. A motion was tabled in 1994 in the National Assembly which called for legalization of abortion on health grounds, but the Church squelched its debate. In March 1994 MFPA hosted the IPPF African Regional Conference on Unsafe Abortion in Mauritius with the participation of over 100 representatives from 20 countries, and subsequently a second motion was tabled without parliamentary debate. The deliberations were covered by the media and the Ministry of Women's Rights recognized abortion as an urgent issue as outlined in a white paper prepared for the Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The campaign changed the policy climate favorably making the public more conscious of unsafe abortion. The Ministry of Health decided to collect more data and the newly elected government seems to be more open about this issue.
An attempt is made to identify and document the problems of comparative evaluation of the more recent studies of psychiatric morbidity after abortion and to determine the current consensus so that when the results of the joint RCGP/RCOG study of the sequelae of induced abortion become available they can be viewed in a more informed context. The legalization of abortion has provided more opportunities for studies of subsequent morbidity. New laws have contributed to the changing attitudes of society, and the increasing acceptability of the operation has probably influenced the occurrence of psychiatric sequelae. The complexity of measuring psychiatric sequelae is evident from the many terms used to describe symptomatology and behavioral patterns and from the number of assessment techniques involved. Numerous techniques have been used to quantify psychiatric sequelae. Several authors conclude that few psychiatric problems follow an induced abortion, but many studies were deficient in methodology, material, or length of follow-up. A British study in 1975 reported a favorable outcome for a "representative sample" of 50 National Health Service patients: 68% of these patients had an absence of or only mild feelings of guilt, loss, or self reproach and considered abortion as the best solution to their problem. The 32% who had an adverse outcome reported moderate to severe feelings of guilt, regret, loss, and self reproach, and there was evidence of mental illness. In most of these cases the adverse outcome was related to the patient's environment since the abortion. A follow-up study of 126 women, which compared the overall reaction to therapeutic abortion between women with a history of previous mild psychiatric illness and those without reported that a significantly different emotional reaction could not be demonstrated between the 2 groups. In a survey among women seeking an abortion 271 who were referred for a psychiatric opinion regarding terminations of pregnancy
Zwahr, C; Knorre, P; Kunz, L
Rehabilitation after abortion is an important consideration for fertile women and is defined here as recovery of the physical, psychic, and social condition that had been present prior to abortion. 206 women were studied 6-12 months after induced abortion (before 12 weeks by the vacuum suction apparatus method). 9.2% of the women attributed worsening of their physical condition to recent abortion. Duration of work incapacity was 8-21 days, with an average of 19 days; younger women and women with fewer children recuperated more quickly. In most cases menstruation returned late, an average of 35 days after the last period. 33% of the menstruations were unusually heavy. Duration of menstruation decreased from an average of 6.5 days for the 1st period to an average of 5.4 days by the 6th, women over 30 became regular more quickly than younger women. The study revealed that 33% of the women did not use contraceptives even after abortion. After intensive counseling, a disappointing 22.9% still resisted using contraceptives.
Bastit i Costa, M A
Abortion is the termination of pregnancy prior to the 180th day, during which time the fetus is not yet viable outside the womb. Spontaneous abortion is the body's expulsion of a fetus during the 1st months of pregnancy. It is usually not very painful, does not involve much bleeding, and is rarely complicated by infection. Spontaneous abortion is much more frequent at the outset of pregnancy and may occur unnoticed. Its causes are unknown in over half of cases. The most important causes are developmental problems in the products of conception. Causes of spontaneous abortions of maternal etiology are most frequently uterine malposition or malformation. Serious illness in the mother is a less common cause of spontaneous abortion than once believed. Induced abortion is caused by the destruction of a normally implanted and healthy embryo. Its complications are related to the amount of bleeding or the introduction of germs from outside which can spread rapidly. Placental retention is a danger of all induced abortions. Induced abortion is common and in some countries it even creates demographic problems. Abortion is legal in many countries as an expression of the right to choose, but in others it is only legal on therapeutic grounds. Defenders and detractors of abortion have written extensively about it, with some works being sincere and some only tactical. The great majority of moralists are opposed to abortion, while biologists and scientists are divided on the question. The Spanish penal code punishes all persons who cause the death of a fetus or impede the process of gestation. The Catholic Church has considered abortion a homicide and against divine and natural laws. Legal or illegal, it is certain that the number of abortions increases each day. In the face of this reality, the need is for measures to avoid abortion whenever possible. Sex education in schools, full information on contraceptive methods and creation of family planning centers are some means of
Dalvie, Suchitra S
This article gives an overview of what is known about second trimester abortions in India, including the reasons why women seek abortions in the second trimester, the influence of abortion law and policy, surgical and medical methods used, both safe and unsafe, availability of services, requirements for second trimester service delivery, and barriers women experience in accessing second trimester services. Based on personal experiences and personal communications from other doctors since 1993, when I began working as an abortion provider, the practical realities of second trimester abortion and case histories of women seeking second trimester abortion are also described. Recommendations include expanding the cadre of service providers to non-allopathic clinicians and trained nurses, introducing second trimester medical abortion into the public health system, replacing ethacridine lactate with mifepristone-misoprostol, values clarification among providers to challenge stigma and poor treatment of women seeking second trimester abortion, and raising awareness that abortion is legal in the second trimester and is mostly not requested for reasons of sex selection.
<正>Many countries have legalized abortion such as China,America,Japan,France and Italy,but still about one third women cannot have a legal abortion around the world(Debate on Legality).Although two thirds women are protected by law on abortion,some of them cannot get support from others due to the bondage of religions and morality.Some people,especially
Henshaw, S K
This article presents current estimates of the number, rate, and proportion of abortions for all countries which make such data available. 76% of the world's population lives in countries where induced abortion is legal at least for health reasons. Abortion is legal in almost all developed countries. Most developing countries have some laws against abortion, but it is permitted at least for health reasons in the countries of 67% of the developing world's population. The other 33%--over 1 billion persons--reside mainly in subSaharan Africa, Latin America, and the most orthodox Muslim countries. By the beginning of the 20th century, abortion had been made illegal in most of the world, with rules in Africa, Asia, and Latin America similar to those in Europe and North America. Abortion legislation began to change first in a few industrialized countries prior to World War II and in Japan in 1948. Socialist European countries made abortion legal in the first trimester in the 1950s, and most of the industrialized world followed suit in the 1960s and 1970s. The worldwide trend toward relaxed abortion restrictions continues today, with governments giving varying reasons for the changes. Nearly 33 million legal abortions are estimated to be performed annually in the world, with 14 million of them in China and 11 million in the USSR. The estimated total rises to 40-60 million when illegal abortions added. On a worldwide basis some 37-55 abortions are estimated to occur for each 1000 women aged 15-44 years. There are probably 24-32 abortions per 100 pregnancies. The USSR has the highest abortion rate among developed countries, 181/1000 women aged 15-44, followed by Rumania with 91/1000, many of them illegal. The large number of abortions in some countries is due to scarcity of modern contraception. Among developing countries, China apparently has the highest rate, 62/1000 women aged 15-44. Cuba's rate is 59/1000. It is very difficult to calculate abortion rates in countries
Karcher, H L
The German Bundestag has passed a compromise abortion law that makes an abortion performed within the first three months of pregnancy an unlawful but unpunishable act if the woman has sought independent counseling first. Article 218 of the German penal code, which was established in 1871 under Otto von Bismarck, had allowed abortions for certain medical or ethical reasons. After the end of the first world war, the Social Democrats tried to legalize all abortions performed in the first three months of pregnancy, but failed. In 1974, abortion on demand during the first 12 weeks was declared legal and unpunishable under the social liberal coalition government of chancellor Willy Brandt; however, the same year, the German Federal Constitution Court in Karlsruhe ruled the bill was incompatible with article 2 of the constitution, which guarantees the right to life and freedom from bodily harm to everyone, including the unborn. The highest German court also ruled that a pregnant woman had to seek a second opinion from an independent doctor before undergoing an abortion. A new, extended article 218, which included a clause giving social indications, was passed by the Bundestag. When Germany was unified, East Germans agreed to be governed by all West German laws, except article 218. The Bundestag was given 2 years to revise the article; however, in 1993, the Federal Constitution Court rejected a version legalizing abortion in the first 3 months of the pregnancy if the woman sought counsel from an independent physician, and suggested the recent compromise passed by the Bundestag, the lower house of the German parliament. The upper house, the Bundesrat, where the Social Democrats are in the majority, still has to pass it. Under the bill passed by the Bundestag, national health insurance will pay for an abortion if the monthly income of the woman seeking the abortion falls under a certain limit.
Koonin, L M; Smith, J C; Ramick, M
From 1980 through 1991, the number of legal induced abortions reported to CDC remained stable, varying each year by 1969, CDC has compiled abortion data received from 52 reporting areas: 50 states, the District of Columbia, and New York City. In 1991, 1,388,937 abortions were reported--a 2.8% decrease from 1990. The abortion ratio was 339 legal induced abortions per 1,000 live births, and the abortion rate was 24 per 1,000 women 15-44 years of age. Women who were undergoing an abortion were more likely to be young, white, and unmarried; most had had no previous live births and had been obtaining an abortion for the first time. More than half (52%) of all abortions were performed at or before the 8th week of gestation, and 88% were before the 13th week. Younger women (i.e., women may partially account for this decline. An accurate assessment of the number and characteristics of women who obtain abortions in the United States is necessary both to monitor efforts to prevent unintended pregnancy and to identify and reduce preventable causes of morbidity and mortality associated with abortions.
Cook, R J
It is common to find the term illegal abortion misused. Often times this misuse is perpetrated by antiabortion advocates who wish to reinforce negative stereotypes and thus apply pressure on doctors to refrain from performing abortions. Until a practitioner is prosecuted and convicted of performing an abortion contrary to the law, the procedure should not be referred to as illegal. Instead the legally neutral term, abortion, should be used instead. This would better serve the interests of women's reproductive health. There is no legal system that makes abortion illegal in all circumstances. For example, abortion is often legal if the life of the mother in danger. This includes a perception on behalf of the practitioner that the women may be suicidal or attempt to terminate the pregnancy by herself. A practitioner performing an abortion in such circumstances is not doing so illegally. The use of the term illegal abortion ignores the fact that in criminal law one is presumed innocent until proven guilty. A prosecutor must prove 1st that an intervention was performed and 2nd that a criminal intent accompanied the intervention. It is this 2nd criterion that is often the hardest to prove, since the practitioner must only testify that the intervention was indicated by legally allowed circumstances to be innocent. The prosecutor must show bad faith in order to gain a justified conviction. Even abortion by unqualified practitioners may not be illegal if doctors refuse to perform the intervention because it is still indicated. Accurate description of abortions would clarify situations in which abortion can be legally provided.
Christiansen, Connie; Schmidt, Garbi; Christoffersen, Mogens
Gennem en række interview om kvinders oplevelse og erfaringer med provokert abort, samt ved at bruge data fra en stor forløbsundersøgelse af kvinder født i 1966, giver forfatterne bag denne rapport et præcist signalement af de kvinder, der vælger at få foretaget en provokeret abort og de eventuelle...... for sundhedspersonale og andre socialarbejdere. Den statistiske undersøgelse viser, at hver fjerde danske kvinde vil komme i den situation at skulle have en abort. Især kvinder med vanskelige opvækstvilkår er i risikogruppen. Tilgengæld er der næsten ingen langvarige fysiske og psykiske virkninger abort af abort, med...
Harris, Lisa H
Abortion is highly stigmatized in the United States and elsewhere. As a result, many women who seek or undergo abortion keep their decision a secret. In many regions of the world, stigma is a recognized contributor to maternal morbidity and mortality from unsafe abortion, even when abortion is legal. Women may self-induce abortion in ways that are dangerous, or seek unsafe clandestine abortion from inadequately trained health care providers out of fear that their sexual activity, pregnancy, or abortion will be exposed if they present to a safe, licensed facility. However, unsafe abortion rarely occurs in the United States, and accordingly, stigma as a cause of unsafe abortion in the United States context has not been described. I consider the relationship of stigma to two serious abortion complications experienced by U.S. patients. Both patients wished to keep their abortion decision a secret from family and friends, and in both cases, their inability to disclose their abortion contributed to life-threatening complications. The experiences of these patients suggest that availability of legal abortion services in the United States may not be enough to keep all women safe. The cases also challenge the rhetoric that "abortion hurts women," suggesting instead that abortion stigma hurts women.
The topic of this article is the use of unsafe abortion for unwanted pregnancies among adolescents. The significance of unsafe abortion is identified as a high risk of serious health problems, such as infection, hemorrhage, infertility, and mortality, and as a strain on emergency room services. The World Health Organization estimates that at least 33% of all women seeking hospital care for abortion complications are aged under 20 years. 50 million abortions are estimated to be induced annually, of which 33% are illegal and almost 50% are performed outside the health care system. Complications are identified as occurring due to the procedure itself (perforation of the uterus, cervical lacerations, or hemorrhage) and due to incomplete abortion or introduction of bacteria into the uterus. Long-term complications include an increased risk of ectopic pregnancy, chronic pelvic infection, and infertility. Mortality from unsafe abortion is estimated at 1000/100,000 procedures. Safe abortion mortality is estimated at 0.6/100,000. When infertility results, some cultures ascribe an outcast status or marriages are prevented or prostitution is assured. The risk of complications is considered higher for adolescents. Adolescents tend to delay seeking an abortion, lack knowledge on where to go for a safe procedure, and delay seeking help for complications. Peer advice may be limited or inadequate knowledge. Five studies are cited that illustrate the impact of unsafe abortion on individuals and health care systems. Abortions may be desired due to fear of parental disapproval of the pregnancy, abandonment by the father, financial and emotional responsibilities of child rearing, expulsion from school, or inability to marry if the child is out of wedlock. Medical, legal, and social barriers may prevent women and girls from obtaining safe abortion. Parental permission is sometimes a requirement for safe abortion. Fears of judgmental or callous health personnel may be barriers to
Darney, Blair G; Simancas-Mendoza, Willis; Edelman, Alison B; Guerra-Palacio, Camilo; Tolosa, Jorge E; Rodriguez, Maria I
Until 2006, legal induced abortion was completely banned in Colombia. Few facilities are equipped or willing to offer abortion services; often adolescents experience even greater barriers of access in this context. We examined post abortion care (PAC) and legal induced abortion in two large public hospitals. We tested the association of hospital site, procedure type (manual vacuum aspiration vs. sharp curettage), and age (adolescents vs. women 20 years and over) with service type (PAC or legal induced abortion). Retrospective cohort study using 2010 billing data routinely collected for reimbursement (N=1353 procedures). We utilized descriptive statistics, multivariable logistic regression and predicted probabilities. Adolescents made up 22% of the overall sample (300/1353). Manual vacuum aspiration was used in one-third of cases (vs. sharp curettage). Adolescents had lower odds of documented PAC (vs. induced abortion) compared with women over age 20 (OR=0.42; 95% CI=0.21-0.86). The absolute difference of service type by age, however, is very small, controlling for hospital site and procedure type (.97 probability of PAC for adolescents compared with .99 for women 20 and over). Regardless of age, PAC via sharp curettage is the current standard in these two public hospitals. Both adolescents and women over 20 are in need of access to legal abortion services utilizing modern technologies in the public sector in Colombia. Documentation of abortion care is an essential first step to determining barriers to access and opportunities for quality improvement and better health outcomes for women. Following partial decriminalization of abortion in Colombia, in public hospitals nearly all abortion services are post-abortion care, not induced abortion. Sharp curettage is the dominant treatment for both adolescents and women over 20. Women seek care in the public sector for abortion, and must have access to safe, quality services. Copyright © 2014. Published by Elsevier Inc.
Gebrehiwot, Yirgu; Liabsuetrakul, Tippawan
Evidence from developed countries has shown that abortion-related mortality and morbidity has decreased with the liberalization of the abortion law. This study aimed to assess the trend of hospital-based abortion complications during the transition of legalization in Ethiopia in May 2005. Medical records of women with abortion complications from 2003 to 2007 were reviewed (n = 773). Abortion and its complications with regard to legalization were described by rates and ratios, and predictors of fatal outcomes were analyzed by logistic regression. The overall and abortion-related maternal mortality ratios (AMMRs) showed a non-statistically significant downward trend over the 5-year period. However, the case fatality rate of abortion increased from 1.1% in 2003 to 3.6% in 2007. Late gestational age, history of interference and presenting after new abortion legislation passed have been found to be significant predictors of mortality. Decreased trends of abortion ratio and the AMMR were identified, but the severity of abortion complications and the case fatality rate increased during the transition of legal revision.
Across four decades of political and social action, Nepal changed from a country strongly enforcing oppressive abortion restrictions, causing many poor women's long imprisonment and high rates of abortion-related maternal mortality, into a modern democracy with a liberal abortion law. The medical and public health communities supported women's rights activists in invoking legal principles of equality and non-discrimination as a basis for change. Legislative reform of the criminal ban in 2002 and the adoption of an Interim Constitution recognizing women's reproductive rights as fundamental rights in 2007 inspired the Supreme Court in 2009 to rule that denial of women's access to abortion services because of poverty violated their constitutional rights. The government must now provide services under criteria for access without charge, and services must be decentralized to promote equitable access. A strong legal foundation now exists for progress in social justice to broaden abortion access and reduce abortion stigma. Copyright © 2014 International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics. Published by Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
Welsh, P; McCarthy, M; Cromer, B
The purpose of this study was to conduct a comparison, using qualitative analytic methodology, of perceptions concerning abortion among health care providers and administrators, along with politicians and anti-abortion activists (total n = 75) in Great Britain, Sweden, The Netherlands, and the United States. In none of these countries was there consensus about abortion prior to legalization, and, in all countries, public discussion continues to be present. In general, after legalization of abortion has no longer made it a volatile issue European countries have refocused their energy into providing family planning services, education, and more straightforward access to abortion compared with similar activities in the United States.
In Slovenia abortion will continue to be available during the first 10 weeks of pregnancy as it has been since 1978. The Slovenian Constitutional Court passed this decision in December, 1991 calling the right to abortion a basic human right. T he ruling was a setback both for the government's conservative parties and the Catholic church. In Croatia, where the Catholic church is campaigning against abortion, the situation is quite different. Zagreb is full of stickers and posters with anti-abortion messages branding abortion murder and spreading inaccurate information in announcements. In 1990, there were 56,000 abortions. For every child that was born, one was aborted. The largest Croatian newspaper publicizes the Catholic view. They want pro-choice women of the volunteer group Tresnjevka to stop their struggle. The church and conservative women's groups press for inclusion of abortion in the Constitution. They are very powerful, and the fear is that might soon succeed in restricting or outlawing abortion. Tresnjevka is making efforts to organize a coordination and information center for women in Zagreb where there are 350,000 women and children refugees. Informative brochures are printed on natural healing methods in gynecology, as drugs are very scarce, and addresses for gynecological emergency care are also provided. Abortion has been legally available on demand during the 1st 10 weeks of pregnancy since 1978. Fore year Tresnjevka has worked for women, trying to raise funds from personal donations and from the government for their activities. Funds from foreign countries have never been received. At present many of the group's activities are on hold because of lack of funds, nevertheless the determination to continue fighting is alive.
M C Regmi
Full Text Available INTRODUCTION: Unsafe abortion is a significant cause of maternal morbidity and mortality in developing countries despite provision of adequate care and legalization of abortion. The aim of this study was to find out the contribution of unsafe abortion in maternal mortality and its other consequences. METHODS: A retrospective study was carried out in the Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology in BPKIHS between 2005 April to 2008 September analyzing all the unsafe abortion related admissions. RESULTS: There were 70 unsafe abortion patients. Majority of them (52.8% were of high grade. Most of them recovered but there were total 8maternal deaths. CONCLUSIONS: Unsafe abortion is still a significant medical and social problem even in post legalization era of this country. Keywords: abortion, legalization, maternal death, unsafe.
Full Text Available Late termination of pregnancy (LTOP is defined as an abortion carried out beyond 24 gestational weeks, when the fetus has arguably attained viability. In Taiwan, the current abortion law, bearing a eugenic title, allows LTOP on certain medical grounds. However, the fetal and maternal conditions that constitute medical grounds are not clarified and remain legally untested. Professional debate on the abortion issue is also lacking in academia in Taiwan, despite societal concerns. With the advent of technology to detect fetal abnormalities, obstetricians are now confronted more frequently with acute dilemmas regarding LTOP. Quite often, they sail in an uncharted sea with no clinical guidelines from their professional societies or affiliated hospitals. Recently, LTOP at 35 gestational weeks for a fetus with Down syndrome, complicated with polyhydramnios and tetralogy of Fallot, triggered media scrutiny and aroused much public attention. Although the clinical decision making for pregnancies with fetal abnormalities entails increasingly balanced information and consideration in terms of the medical, ethical, legal, psychologic, and societal aspects, society at large is unaware of the complexity and intertwined nature of various abortion issues, especially LTOP. Obstetricians are now in a vulnerable position in Taiwanese society, where litigations relevant to the practice of early abortions are not rare. Therefore, a global and in-depth look into abortion issues from legal and ethical dimensions is indispensable for modern obstetric practice. This review considers the core issues in LTOP, including what conditions constitute a “serious” fetal abnormality to justify LTOP, the incidence of LTOP, legislation regarding LTOP in Western countries, and recent research on ambivalent fetal pain. It will also present procedures, some under the auspices of the ethical committee of a Presbyterian hospital in Taiwan, for clinical decision making, particularly
Wahyudi, A.; Jacky, M.; Mudzakkir, M.; Deprita, R.
An on-going debate of whether or not to legalize abortion has not stopped the number of abortion cases decreases. New practices of abortion such as online abortion has been a growing trend among teenagers. This study aims to determine how teenagers use social media such as Facebook, YouTube and Wikipedia for the practice of abortion. This study adopted online research methods (ORMs), a qualitative approach 2.0 by hacking analytical perspective developed. This study establishes online teen abortion as a research subject. This study finds patterns of online abortions among teenagers covering characteristics of teenagers as perpetrators, styles of communication, and their implication toward policy, particularly Electronic Transaction Information (ETI) regulation. Implications for online abortion behavior among teenagers through social media. The potential abortion client especially girls find practical, fast, effective, and efficient solutions that keep their secret. One of prevention patterns that has been done by some people who care about humanity and anti-abortion in the online world is posting a anti-abortion text, video or picture, anti-sex-free (anti -free intercourse before marriage) in an interesting, educative, and friendly ways.
Guiahi, Maryam; Lim, Sahnah; Westover, Corey; Gold, Marji; Westhoff, Carolyn L
Since the legalization of abortion services in the United States, provision of abortions has remained a controversial issue of high political interest. Routine abortion training is not offered at all obstetrics and gynecology (Ob-Gyn) training programs, despite a specific training requirement by the Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education. Previous studies that described Ob-Gyn programs with routine abortion training either examined associations by using national surveys of program directors or described the experience of a single program. We set out to identify enablers of and barriers to Ob-Gyn abortion training in the context of a New York City political initiative, in order to better understand how to improve abortion training at other sites. We conducted in-depth qualitative interviews with 22 stakeholders from 7 New York City public hospitals and focus group interviews with 62 current residents at 6 sites. Enablers of abortion training included program location, high-capacity services, faculty commitment to abortion training, external programmatic support, and resident interest. Barriers to abortion training included lack of leadership continuity, leadership conflict, lack of second-trimester abortion services, difficulty obtaining mifepristone, optional rather than routine training, and antiabortion values of hospital personnel. Supportive leadership, faculty commitment, and external programmatic support appear to be key elements for establishing routine abortion training at Ob-Gyn residency training programs.
Penal code was revised in Rwanda in 2012 allowing legal termination of pregnancy resulting from rape, incest, forced marriage, or on medical grounds. An evaluation was conducted to assess women's access to abortion services as part of an ongoing program to operationalize the new exemptions for legal abortion.
Background: Abortion is a common cause of maternal mortality and this usually follows severe haemorrhage or sepsis. Septic abortion is sequelae of unsafe abortion and this usually occurs when it is done in a clandestine manner which may be due to lack of legalization of abortion. The study is to determine the pattern of ...
Full Text Available Abstract Background In order to ensure that legalized abortion in South Africa improves reproductive health, women must know that abortion is a legal option in the case of unwanted pregnancy. This study investigated knowledge of abortion legislation eight years after the introduction of legal abortion services in one province of South Africa. Methods In 2004/2005, we conducted a cross-sectional study among 831 sexually-active women attending 26 public health clinics in one urban and one rural health region of the Western Cape Province. Results Thirty-two percent of women did not know that abortion is currently legal. Among those who knew of legal abortion, few had knowledge of the time restrictions involved. Conclusion In South Africa there is an unmet need among women for information on abortion. Strategies should be developed to address this gap so that women are fully informed of their rights to a safe and legal termination of pregnancy.
countries where women do not have legal access to abortion. Postabortion care focuses on treatment of incomplete abortion and provision of postabortion contraceptive services. To enhance women's access to postabortion care, focus is increasingly being placed on upgrading midlevel providers to provide......Forty percent of the world's women are living in countries with restrictive abortion laws, which prohibit abortion or only allow abortion to protect a woman's life or her physical or mental health. In countries where abortion is restricted, women have to resort to clandestine interventions to have...... an unwanted pregnancy terminated. As a consequence, high rates of unsafe abortion are seen, such as in sub-Saharan Africa where unsafe abortion occurs at rates of 18-39/1 000 women. The circumstances under which women obtain unsafe abortion vary and depend on traditional methods known and type of providers...
Pundel, J P
Most of this essay on the abortion problem in French-speaking western Europe concerns the Sermon of Hippocrates forbidding abortion; the discussion ends with an ethical discussion on abortion codes in a pluralist society. 1st, scholars question whether Hippocrates himself actually wrote the text of the Sermon, or whether his Pythagorean followers did. 2nd, probably abortion in Hippocrates' time was relegated to midwives and lithotomists. The meaning of the quotation "I do not give any abortive remedy" is obscure since in other contexts Hippocrates distinguished between abortive and contraceptive drugs and also abortive instruments. Finally, Hipoocrates specifically recommended abortion, e.g., to avoid pregnancy for prostitutes. Persons in authority, then, should not invoke Hippocrates or any other moral code to deprive a woman of medical abortion, especially in cases of rape, age, and failure of contraception. Divorce, for example, has been legalized in most countries, without forcing anyone to take advantage of it.
Krebs, L; Johansen, A M; Helweg-Larsen, K
Up to 31st December 1994 all cases of legally induced abortions were notified by the physician responsible for the operation to the National Board of Health and recorded in the Register of Induced Abortions. Following this data, abortion statistics will rely on data concerning induced abortions...... in the Danish National Patient Register, which includes information based upon the unique personal number of all patients admitted to hospitals. The completeness of the Register of Induced Abortions and the National Patient Register as to induced abortions in 1994 was assessed to evaluate the impact...... of the change in method of monitoring on trends in the national and regional abortion rate. The complete number of induced abortions was estimated to be the sum of the number recorded in both registers, cases recorded only in the Register of Induced Abortions, cases recorded only in the National Patient...
After the fall of Communism in Poland, the Catholic church exerted pressure to increase its influence in public life. One way in which this pressure has manifested itself has been in the passing of a restrictive abortion bill which was signed into law on February 15, 1993. Abortion had been legalized in Poland in 1956 and was used as a means of birth control because of a lack of availability and use of contraceptives. The number of abortions performed was variously reported as 60,000 - 300,000/year. In 1990, the Ministry of Health imposed restrictions on abortions at publicly funded hospitals, and 3 deaths were reported from self-induced abortions. In 1 year (1989-90), the number of induced abortions at 1 hospital dropped from 71 to 19, while the number of self-induced abortions increased from 48 to 85. Further restrictions were introduced in May 1992 as part of the "Ethical Code for Physicians," which allows abortions only in cases where the mother's life or health is in danger or in cases or rape. This code brought abortions to a halt at publicly funded hospitals and doubled or even tripled the cost of private abortions. Women have been refused abortions in tragic and life=threatening situations since the code was adopted. When an outright anti family planning bill was drafted in November 1992, the Polish citizenry collected 1,300,000 signatures to force a referendum. The referendum was not held, but the bill was defeated. The amended bill which passed allows abortions in publicly funded hospitals only when the mother's life or health is in danger and in cases of rape, incest, or incurable deformity of the fetus. The implications of this law remain unclear, since its language is strange and vague. The reproductive rights of Polish women face a further threat because the Catholic church is working to limit the availability of contraceptive methods which they deem to be "early abortives." On the other side of the issue, the Federation for Women and Planned
Variações no conhecimento e nas opiniões dos ginecologistas e obstetras brasileiros sobre o aborto legal, entre 2003 e 2005 Knowledge and opinion variations of Brazilian obstetricians and gynecologists face to legal abortion, between 2003 and 2005
termination of pregnancy, in 2003 and 2005. METHODS: a structured and pre-tested questionnaire was sent to all the members of the Brazilian Federation of Gynecologists and Obstetricians (FEBRASGO. They were asked to answer the questions, anonymously, and return the questionnaire in a stamped envelope provided. They were asked about their knowledge of and opinion on Brazilian legislation related to abortion. RESULTS: in both surveys the percentage of doctors who knew under which circumstances abortion was not penalized was over 80%. However, there was a significant reduction in the percentage of doctors who knew that abortion was legal if the woman’s life was at risk. The participants who knew that abortion because of a severe congenital malformation of the fetus was not currently permitted by law increased by a third. The percentage of doctors in favor of allowing abortion increased consistently for the various circumstances presented. The proportion of those who thought that abortion should not be permitted in any circumstances decreased. The percentage of those who judged that the legal consents should not be modified decreased. There was an increase in the proportion of those who considered that abortion should not be considered a crime under any circumstance. CONCLUSIONS: in general, it seems that people have been thinking more about induced abortion during the time elapsed between the two surveys. Nevertheless, there is the need to correctly inform Brazilian gynecologists and obstetricians on the laws and norms that regulate the practice of legal abortion in the country, so as to ensure that women who need one have, in fact, access to this right.
Von Baross, J
The commentary on West German abortion law, particularly in illegal abortion in the Netherlands, finds the law restrictive and in violation of the dignity and rights of women. The Max-Planck Institute in 1990 published a study that found that a main point of prosecution between 1976 and 1986, as reported by Der Spiegal, was in border crossings from the Netherlands. It is estimated that 10,000 annually have abortions abroad, and 6,000 to 7,000 in the Netherlands. The procedure was for an official to stop a young person and query about drugs; later the woman would admit to an abortion, and be forced into a medical examination. The German Penal Code Section 218 stipulates abortion only for certain reasons testified to by a doctor other than the one performing the abortion. Counseling on available social assistance must be completed 3 days prior to the abortion. Many counseling offices are church related and opposed to abortions. Many doctors refuse legally to certify, and access to abortion is limited. The required hospital stay is 3-4 nights with no day care facilities. Penal Code Section 5 No. 9 allows prosecution for uncounseled illegal abortion. Abortion law reform is anticipated by the end of 1992 in the Bundestag due to the Treaty or the Unification of Germany. The Treaty states that the rights of the unborn child must be protected and that pregnant women relieve their distress in a way compatible with the Constitution, but improved over legal regulations from either West or East Germany, which permits abortion on request within 12 weeks of conception without counseling. It is hoped that the law will be liberalized and Penal Code Section 5 No. 9 will be abolished.
Affonso Renato Meira
Full Text Available São apresentados os resultados de um levantamento realizado com o objetivo de conhecer a opinião de grupos ligados à problemática do abortamento em razão de sua formação universitária e da idade. Foi levantada a opinião de 155 estudantes de Medicina e de 141 de Direito, mediante questionário, distribuído em sala de aula, contendo três indagações a respeito do assunto. Seis (2,1% estudantes não emitiram opinião, 142 (48,4% responderam favoravelmente à liberação e 148 (49,5% mostraram-se contrários. Destes, somente 12 (4,1% negaram o abortamento em qualquer hipótese. A análise estatística não mostrou significância nas diferenças, ao nível de 5%. Os resultados obtidos permitiram inferir que nos grupos existia uma divisão paritária de opiniões sobre a liberação do abortamento. Analisados em relação ao curso freqüentado e ao sexo, verificou-se que os resultados apresentavam a mesma divisão.The results of a survey carried out with the participation of 155 medical and 141 law students are given. Of the total of 296 students, 142 agreed with the freeing of abortion from legal restrictions, 144 agreed with such restrictions and 6 gave no opinion. Of the 144, 12 rejected abortion under any circunstances. The differences were analysed by sex and school. The statistical analysis did not show significance at the level of 5%.
Shrestha, Dirgha Raj; Regmi, Shibesh Chandra; Dangal, Ganesh
Unsafe abortion is affecting a lot, in health, socio-economic and health care cost of many countries. Despite invention of simple technology and scientifically approved safe abortion methods, women and girls are still using unsafe abortion practices. Since 2002, Nepal has achieved remarkable progress in developing policies, guidelines, task shifting, training human resources and increasing access to services. However, more than half of abortion in Nepal are performed clandestinely by untrained or unapproved providers or induced by pregnant woman herself. Knowledge on legalization and availability of safe abortion service among women is still very poor. Stigma on abortion still persists among community people, service providers, managers, and policy makers. Access to safe abortion, especially in remote and rural areas, is still far behind as compared to their peers from urban areas. The existing law is not revised in the spirit of current Constitution of Nepal and rights-based approach. The existence of abortion stigma and the shifting of the government structure from unitary system to federalism in absence of a complete clarity on how the safe abortion service gets integrated into the local government structure might create challenge to sustain existing developments. There is, therefore, a need for all stakeholders to make a lot of efforts and allocate adequate resources to sustain current achievements and ensure improvements in creating a supportive social environment for women and girls so that they will be able to make informed decisions and access to safe abortion service in any circumstances.
Viterna, Jocelyn; Bautista, Jose Santos Guardado
Abstract Using the case of El Salvador, this article demonstrates how the anti-abortion catchphrase “abortion is murder” can become embedded in the legal practice of state judicial systems. In the 1990s, a powerful anti-abortion movement in El Salvador resulted in a new legal context that outlawed abortion in all circumstances, discouraged mobilization for abortion rights, and encouraged the prosecution of reproduction-related “crimes.” Within this context, Salvadoran women initially charged ...
Full Text Available This article considers the legal issues surrounding induced late abortion in cases when severe medical, therapeutic or ethical reasons have not been in dispute. Generally discussing the essential question about abortion today, it means not anymore legality of abortion but, in the first place, safety of abortion. From the aspect of woman health the most important aim is to detect and avoid possible risks of medical intervention, such as late abortion present. This is the matter of medical law context and also the matter of the woman's reproductive rights, here observed through legislation and court practice. The gynecologist has an obligation to obtain the informed consent of each patient. Information's should be presented in reasonably understandable terms and include alternative modes of treatment, objectives, risks, benefits, possible complications, and anticipated results of such treatment. Pregnant woman should receive supportive counseling before and particularly after the procedure. The method chosen for all terminations should ensure that the fetus is born dead. This should be undertaken by an appropriately trained practitioner. Reform in abortion law, making it legally accessible to woman, is not necessarily the product of a belief in woman's rights, but can be a means of bringing the practice of abortion back under better control. Counseling and good medical practice in performing late abortion are the instruments to drive this point even further home. It does not undermine the woman who wants to make a positive decision about her life and its purpose is not to produce feelings of insecurity and guilt. It concludes that existing law should not be changed but that clear rules should be devised and board created to review late term abortion. In Serbia, this leads to creation and set up guidelines for reconciling medical justification for late abortion with existing law, especially with solutions which brings comparative law. .
Mouniq, C; Moron, P
Results are presented of a literature review to identify social and psychological aspects of abortion. The literature does not provide a true profile of women requesting abortions, but some characteristics emerge. Reasons for requesting abortion include economic problems, difficult previous pregnancies, general medical contraindications to pregnancy, marital conflicts, feelings of loneliness, professional aspirations, problems with existing children, and feelings of insecurity about the future. However, the same feelings are found among women carrying their pregnancies to term. Unplanned pregnancies are more common during periods of depression. Most authors have found about 1/2 of women seeking abortions to be single and about 1/2 to be under 25 years old. Religion does not appear to be a determining factor. 1 study of psychological factors in abortion seekers found that a large number of single women seeking abortion had suffered traumatic experiences in childhood and were seeking security in inappropriate amorous relationships. Helene Deutsch stressed the destructive impulses latent in all pregnancies. Others have cited the ambivalence of the desire for pregnancy and feelings of loss after abortion. Studies published after legalization of abortion in the US and France however have stressed the nearly total absence of moderate or severe psychiatric symptoms after abortion. Responses immediately after the abortion may include feelings of relief, guilt, indifference, or ambivalence. Secondary affects appear minor to most authors. Psychological effects do not appear to be influenced by age, marital status, parity, intelligence, occupation, existence of a later pregnancy, or concommitant sterilization. "Premorbidity" and coercion by spouse or family were most closely associated with psychological symptoms. Numerous authors have found about twice as many negative reactions among women undergoing abortion for medical reasons. Most patients undergoing abortions for
Introduction. Septic sacroilitis is a rare complication of abortion. 1 . Pregnant women are often at risk of developing varying degree of sacroiliac joint dysfunction due to laxity of the ligaments; this laxity is hormonally induced. Pregnancy arthropathy, which is the commonest cause of hip and pelvic pain in pregnancy, must be ...
Juraci A. César
Full Text Available INTRODUÇÃO: O aborto provocado é o principal determinante da mortalidade materna no Brasil. Isto tem provocado diversas discussões quanto à possibilidade de legalizá-lo. MATERIAL E MÉTODO: Através de delineamento transversal e de amostragem sistemática por conglomerados foram aplicados questionários individualizados a todas as mulheres com idade entre 15 e 49 anos, residentes no Município de Rio Grande, RS. RESULTADOS: Dentre as 1.456 mulheres entrevistadas, 30% mostraram-se favoráveis à legalização do aborto em qualquer situação; o percentual de mulheres favoráveis esteve diretamente associado à idade, escolaridade, renda familiar e ocorrência prévia de aborto provocado (pINTRODUCTION: Induced abortion is the main cause of maternal death in Brazil. Question of its legalization has been the subject of frequent discussion. MATERIAL AND METHOD: In order to assess the influence of the variables affecting the opinion of women of reproductive age, a population-based systematic sample in the couty of Rio Grande (Southern Brazil was examined. RESULTS: Of a total of 1,456 interviews 30% endorsed the legalization, whatever the circunstances; this percentage was directly associated with age, schooling, family income and previous induced abortion (p<0.01. Adjusted analysis using logistic regression showed a significant effect of schooling and previous induced abortion on favourable opinion. CONCLUSION: Schooling and previous induced abortion were the main determinants of women's favorable opinions regarding abortion legalization.
In 1991, 4158 women from Ireland and 1766 from Northern Ireland traveled to England for abortions. This situation has been ignored by Irish authorities. The 1992 case of the 14-year old seeking an abortion in England finally caught legal attention. This study attempts to help define who these abortion seekers are. Questionnaires from 200 Irish abortion seeking women attending private Marie Stopes clinics in London and the British Pregnancy Advisory Services clinic in Liverpool between September 1988 and December 1990 were analyzed. Findings pertain to demographic characteristics, characteristics of first intercourse, family discussion of sexual activity, and contraceptive use. From this limited sample, it appears that Irish women are sexually reserved and without access to modern methods of birth control and abortion. Sex is associated with shame and guilt. 23% had intercourse before the age of 18 years and 42% after the age of 20. 76% were single and 16% were currently married. 95% were Catholic; 33% had been to church the preceding Sunday and 68% within the past month. Basic information about menstruation is also limited and procedures such as dilatation and curettage may be performed selectively. 28% of married women were uninformed about menstruation prior to its onset. Only 24% had been using birth control around the time of pregnancy. The reason for nonuse was frequently the unexpectedness of intercourse. 62% of adults and 66% of women believe in legalizing abortion in Ireland. British groups have tried to break through the abortion information ban by sending telephone numbers of abortion clinics to Irish firms for distribution to employees. On November 25, 1992, in the general election, there was approval of constitutional amendments guaranteeing the right to travel for abortions and to receive information on abortion access. The amendment to allow abortion to save the life of the mother was not accepted.
Bettarini, S S; D'Andrea, S S
Subsequent to the legalization of abortion in Italy in 1978, abortion; rates among Italian women first rose and then declined steadily, from a peak of 16.9 abortions per 1,000 women of reproductive age in 1983 to 9.8 per 1,000 in 1993. Abortion rates vary considerably by geographic region, with rates typically highest in the more secular and modernized regions and lowest in regions where traditional values predominate. Data from 1981 and 1991 indicate that age-specific abortion rates decreased during the 1980s for all age-groups, with the largest declines occurring in regions with the highest levels of abortion. Moreover, a shift in the age distribution of abortion rates occurred during the 1980s, with women aged 30-34 registering the highest abortion rate in 1991, whereas in 1981 the highest level of abortion occurred among those aged 25-29. The abortion rate among adolescent women was low at both times (7.6 per 1,000 in 1981 and 4.6 per 1,000 in 1991). These data are based only on reported legal abortions; the number of clandestine abortions remains unknown.
Johansson, A; Nga, N T; Huy, T Q; Dat, D D; Holmgren, K
This study analyzes the involvement of men in abortion in Vietnam, where induced abortion is legal and abortion rates are among the highest in the world. Twenty men were interviewed in 1996 about the role they played in their wives' abortions and about their feelings and ethical views concerning the procedure. The results showed that both husbands and wives considered the husband to be the main decisionmaker regarding family size, which included the decision to have an abortion, but that, in fact, some women had undergone an abortion without consulting their husbands in advance. Parents and in-laws were usually not consulted; the couples thought they might object to the decision on moral grounds. Respondents' ethical perspectives on abortion are discussed. When faced with an unwanted pregnancy, the husbands adopted an ethics of care and responsibility toward family and children, although some felt that abortion was immoral. The study highlights the importance of understanding husbands' perspectives on their responsibilities and rights in reproductive decisionmaking and their ethical and other concerns related to abortion.
Latham, Stephen R
On the fourth day of his presidency, Donald Trump reinstated and greatly expanded the "Mexico City policy," which imposes antiabortion restrictions on U.S. foreign health aid. In general, the policy has prohibited U.S. funding of any family-planning groups that use even non-U.S. funds to perform abortions; prohibited aid recipients from lobbying (again, even with non-U.S. money) for liberalization of abortion laws; prohibited nongovernment organizations from creating educational materials on abortion as a family-planning method; and prohibited health workers from referring patients for legal abortions in any cases other than rape, incest, or to save the life of the mother. The policy's prohibition on giving aid to any organization that performs abortions is aimed at limiting alleged indirect funding of abortions. The argument is that if U.S. money is used to fund nonabortion programs of an abortion-providing NGO, then the NGO can simply shift the money thus saved into its abortion budget. Outside the context of abortion, we do not reason this way. And the policy's remaining three prohibitions are deeply troubling. © 2017 The Hastings Center.
Sedgh, Gilda; Sylla, Amadou Hassane; Philbin, Jesse; Keogh, Sarah; Ndiaye, Salif
CONTEXT Abortion is highly restricted by law in Senegal. Although women seek care for abortion complications, no national estimate of abortion incidence exists. METHODS Data on postabortion care and abortion in Senegal were collected in 2013 using surveys of a nationally representative sample of 168 health facilities that provide postabortion care and of 110 professionals knowledgeable about abortion service provision. Indirect estimation techniques were applied to the data to estimate the incidence of induced abortion in the country. Abortion rates and ratios were calculated for the nation and separately for the Dakar region and the rest of the country. The distribution of pregnancies by planning status and by outcome was estimated. RESULTS In 2012, an estimated 51,500 induced abortions were performed in Senegal, and 16,700 (32%) resulted in complications that were treated at health facilities. The estimated abortion rate was 17 per 1,000 women aged 15–44 and the abortion ratio was 10 per 100 live births. The rate was higher in Dakar (21 per 1,000) than in the rest of the country (16 per 1,000). Poor women were far more likely to experience abortion complications, and less likely to receive treatment for complications, than nonpoor women. About 31% of pregnancies were unintended, and 24% of unintended pregnancies (8% of all pregnancies) ended in abortion. CONCLUSIONS Unsafe abortion exacts a heavy toll on women in Senegal. Reducing the barriers to effective contraceptive use and ensuring access to postabortion care without the risk of legal consequences may reduce the incidence of and complications from unsafe abortion. PMID:25856233
Sedgh, Gilda; Sylla, Amadou Hassane; Philbin, Jesse; Keogh, Sarah; Ndiaye, Salif
Abortion is highly restricted by law in Senegal. Although women seek care for abortion complications, no national estimate of abortion incidence exists. Data on postabortion care and abortion in Senegal were collected in 2013 using surveys of a nationally representative sample of 168 health facilities that provide postabortion care and of 110 professionals knowledgeable about abortion service provision. Indirect estimation techniques were applied to the data to estimate the incidence of induced abortion in the country. Abortion rates and ratios were calculated for the nation and separately for the Dakar region and the rest of the country. The distribution of pregnancies by planning status and by outcome was estimated. In 2012, an estimated 51,500 induced abortions were performed in Senegal, and 16,700 (32%) resulted in complications that were treated at health facilities. The estimated abortion rate was 17 per 1,000 women aged 15-44 and the abortion ratio was 10 per 100 live births. The rate was higher in Dakar (21 per 1,000) than in the rest of the country (16 per 1,000). Poor women were far more likely to experience abortion complications, and less likely to receive treatment for complications, than nonpoor women. About 31% of pregnancies were unintended, and 24% of unintended pregnancies (8% of all pregnancies) ended in abortion. Unsafe abortion exacts a heavy toll on women in Senegal. Reducing the barriers to effective contraceptive use and ensuring access to postabortion care without the risk of legal consequences may reduce the incidence of and complications from unsafe abortion.
Brown, D; Elkins, T E; Larson, D B
Although flawed by methodological problems, the research literature tends to provide support for the assumption that induced abortion in the 1st trimester is not accompanied by enduring negative psychological sequelae. In cases where such sequelae are reported, the morbidity is attributed to a pre-existing psychiatric condition or circumstances precipitating the choice of abortion. However, detailed descriptive letters from 45 women prepared in response to a request by a pastor of an upper-middle-class Protestant congregation in Florida indicate that prolonged grieving after abortion may be more widespread phenomenon than previously believed. Letter writers ranged in age from 25-60 years; 75% were unmarried at the time of the procedure and 29% aborted before the legalization of abortion in the US. The most frequently cited long-term sequela, especially among those who felt coerced to abort, was a continued feeling of guilt. Fantasies about the aborted fetus was the next most frequently mentioned experience. Half of the letter writers referred to their abortions, as "murder" and 44% voiced regret about their decision to abort. Other long-term effects included depression (44%), feelings of loss (31%), shame (27%), and phobic responses to infants (13%). For 42% of these women, the adverse psychological effects of abortion endured over 10 years. Since letter-writers came from a self-selected population group with a known bias against abortion and only negative experiences were solicited, these experiences must be regarded as subjectives and anecdotal. However, they draw attention to the need for methodologically sound studies of a possible prolonged grief syndrome among a small percentage of women who have abortions, especially when coercion is involved.
Full Text Available BACKGROUND: Abortion is a serious public health issue, and it poses high risks to the health and life of women. Yet safe abortion services are not readily available because few doctors are trained to provide such services. Many doctors are unaware of laws pertaining to abortion. This article reports survey findings on Malaysian medical students' attitudes toward abortion education and presents a case for including abortion education in medical schools. METHODS AND RESULTS: A survey on knowledge of and attitudes toward abortion among medical students was conducted in two public universities and a private university in Malaysia in 2011. A total of 1,060 students returned the completed questionnaires. The survey covered about 90% of medical students in Years 1, 3, and 5 in the three universities. About 90% of the students wanted more training on the general knowledge and legal aspects of abortion, and pre-and post-abortion counseling. Overall, 75.9% and 81.0% of the students were in favor of including in medical education the training on surgical abortion techniques and medical abortion, respectively. Only 2.4% and 1.7% were opposed to the inclusion of training of these two methods in the curriculum. The remaining respondents were neutral in their stand. Desire for more abortion education was associated with students' pro-choice index, their intention to provide abortion services in future practice, and year of study. However, students' attitudes toward abortion were not significantly associated with gender, type of university, or ethnicity. CONCLUSIONS: Most students wanted more training on abortion. Some students also expressed their intention to provide abortion counseling and services in their future practice. Their desire for more training on abortion should be taken into account in the new curriculum. Abortion education is an important step towards making available safe abortion services to enable women to exercise their reproductive rights.
Ojha, N; Sharma, S; Paudel, J
Abortion has been legalized in Nepal since September 2002 by 11th amendment to the Muluki Ain. The present study was conducted in Paropakar Shree Panch Indra Rajya Laxmi Devi Maternity Hospital to assess the magnitude of induced abortion, its causes and the types of complications, in the post legalization phase. Prospective descriptive analyses of the patients who were admitted with history of induced abortion from 16th Dec 2003 to 13th March 2004 was carried out. A total of 305 cases of abortion complications were admitted during the three-month study period, which is 39.7% of the total gynaecological admissions (768). Of these 31 (10.25%) patients had history of induced abortion. Half of the induced abortion cases (52%) were of age group 21-29 yrs and 42% had three or more children. 39% of the cases had history of induced abortion at more than 12 weeks and almost half of the cases (48%) had history of family planning. The most common reason for seeking abortion was too many children (59%) followed by illegitimate pregnancy (16%). Twenty-one patients gave history of abortion being performed by doctors and the most common method used was D and C (75%). 77% of cases presented as incomplete abortion and one case presented with uterine perforation, bowel injury and peritonitis. Twenty patients had evacuation under sedation while five had manual vacuum aspiration (MVA); one patient required laparatomy. In two third of the patients intravenous fluid and antibiotics were used. Four patients required blood transfusion. Abortion complications constitute almost 40% of the total gynaecological admissions. Ten percent of the abortion cases had history of induced abortion. Medical persons, mainly doctors, performed most of the cases of induced abortion and D and C was the most commonly used method. However the patients had faced various types of complications. Untrained provider, resulting in serious life threatening injuries, performed more than a third of the cases of
Granberg, D; Burlison, J
The political opponents of legal abortion achieved considerable gains in the 1980 American elections. A president who was committed to a strong antiabortion position was elected, and antiabortion candidates prevailed in six out of seven Senate races that pitted supporters against opponents of legal abortion and in seven out of nine similar confrontations in the House races. However, it is not clear that abortion was an overriding or decisive factor in determining those outcomes. Democrats and Republicans, Carter voters and Reagan voters did not differ significantly in their attitudes toward abortion. The presidential voter groups were divided on several other issues, and along income and racial lines, to a far greater extent than they were on abortion. Voters were not likely to name abortion as one of the more important problems facing the nation. Carter supporters rated abortion as more important than did Reagan supporters. Although the party platforms and the presidential candidates were clearly differentiated in their abortion stands, these differences were not well communicated to the citizenry. When voters attempted to describe the position of each candidate on abortion, they displayed a great deal of uncertainty, error and confusion. In the key Senate races, those who voted for the prochoice candidates held more liberal abortion attitudes than those who voted for the right-to-life candidates. This difference, although statistically significant, was not great, and was smaller than the differences related to several other issues--such as attitudes toward the role of government, women's rights and economic policies.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)
I first replicate Donohue and Levitt's results for violent and property crime arrest rates. I apply their data and specification to an analysis of age-specific homicide rates and murder arrest rates. The coefficients on the abortion rate have the wrong sign for two of the four measures of crime and none is statistically significant at conventional levels. I then use the legalization of abortion in 1973 to exploit two sources of variation: between-state changes in abortion rates before and aft...
Kathpalia, S K
Prior to legalization of abortion, induced abortions were performed in an illegal manner and that resulted in many complications hence abortion was legalized in India in 1971 and the number of induced abortions has been gradually increasing since then. One way of preventing abortions is to provide family planning services to these abortion seekers so that same is not repeated. The study was performed to find out the acceptance of contraception after abortion. A prospective study was performed over a period of five years from 2010 to 2014. The study group included all the cases reporting for abortion. A proforma was filled in detail to find out the type of contraception being used before pregnancy and acceptance of contraception after abortion. The existing facilities were also evaluated. 1228 abortions were performed over a period of five years. 94.5% of abortions were during the first trimester. 39.9% had not used any contraceptive before, contraceptives used were natural and barrier which had high failure. The main indication for seeking abortion was failure of contraception and completion of family. 39.6% of patients accepted sterilization as a method of contraception. The existing post abortion family planning services are inadequate. Post abortion period is one which is important to prevent subsequent abortions and family planning services after abortion need to be strengthened.
Erdman, Joanna N
The legal regulation of abortion by gestational age, or length of pregnancy, is a relatively undertheorized dimension of abortion and human rights. Yet struggles over time in abortion law, and its competing representations and meanings, are ultimately struggles over ethical and political values, authority and power, the very stakes that human rights on abortion engage. This article focuses on three struggles over time in abortion and human rights law: those related to morality, health, and justice. With respect to morality, the article concludes that collective faith and trust should be placed in the moral judgment of those most affected by the passage of time in pregnancy and by later abortion-pregnant women. With respect to health, abortion law as health regulation should be evidence-based to counter the stigma of later abortion, which leads to overregulation and access barriers. With respect to justice, in recognizing that there will always be a need for abortion services later in pregnancy, such services should be safe, legal, and accessible without hardship or risk. At the same time, justice must address the structural conditions of women's capacity to make timely decisions about abortion, and to access abortion services early in pregnancy.
Regmi, M C; Rijal, P; Subedi, S S; Uprety, D; Budathoki, B; Agrawal, A
Unsafe abortion is a significant cause of maternal morbidity and mortality in developing countries despite provision of adequate care and legalization of abortion. The aim of this study was to find out the contribution of unsafe abortion in maternal mortality and its other consequences. A retrospective study was carried out in the Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology in BPKIHS between 2005 April to 2008 September analyzing all the unsafe abortion related admissions. There were 70 unsafe abortion patients. Majority of them (52.8%) were of high grade. Most of them recovered but there were total 8 maternal deaths. Unsafe abortion is still a significant medical and social problem even in post legalization era of this country.
In the 25 years since the US Supreme Court's landmark Roe vs. Wade decision legalizing abortion, activists on both sides of the issue have drawn further apart as they have vied for the support of the majority of US voters who express ambivalence towards the law. These voters believe that abortion may be murder but that it must be legal. The Roe vs. Wade anniversary has sparked new legislative priorities on both sides. Abortion-rights activists will seek legislation that attempts to decrease the need for abortion by increasing funding for family planning services in the US and abroad, supporting funding for contraceptive research, and requiring health insurers to pay for contraceptives. Abortion opponents will continue to press for "partial birth" abortion bans and will support efforts to make it a federal crime for an adult to transport a minor across state lines to evade state parental notification or consent laws.
Finer, Louise; Fine, Johanna B
There is a global trend toward the liberalization of abortion laws driven by women's rights, public health, and human rights advocates. This trend reflects the recognition of women's access to legal abortion services as a matter of women's rights and self-determination and an understanding of the dire public health implications of criminalizing abortion. Nonetheless, legal strategies to introduce barriers that impede access to legal abortion services, such as mandatory waiting periods, biased counseling requirements, and the unregulated practice of conscientious objection, are emerging in response to this trend. These barriers stigmatize and demean women and compromise their health. Public health evidence and human rights guarantees provide a compelling rationale for challenging abortion bans and these restrictions.
There is a global trend toward the liberalization of abortion laws driven by women’s rights, public health, and human rights advocates. This trend reflects the recognition of women’s access to legal abortion services as a matter of women’s rights and self-determination and an understanding of the dire public health implications of criminalizing abortion. Nonetheless, legal strategies to introduce barriers that impede access to legal abortion services, such as mandatory waiting periods, biased counseling requirements, and the unregulated practice of conscientious objection, are emerging in response to this trend. These barriers stigmatize and demean women and compromise their health. Public health evidence and human rights guarantees provide a compelling rationale for challenging abortion bans and these restrictions. PMID:23409915
In the conviction that abortion is a fundamental right of women and that its illegal practice constitutes a serious threat to life, several Latin American women's groups have united to work for decriminalization. The groups have been attempting to increase public awareness of the consequences of illegal abortion. Official silence on the topic appears to deny the existence of a problem. Proposals in the different Latin American countries are adapted to their political and legal circumstances. In Argentina, a campaign has been underway for nearly two years to collect signatures for a petition for a law concerning contraception and abortion. The National Network for Women's Health and other groups have held regional and national workshops on the issue. In Bolivia, radio and television programs have been broadcast in Spanish and indigenous languages on the right to choose, reproductive health, and sex education. Abortion was debated in Brazil during the process of constitutional reform, but it remains illegal. Illegal abortion continues to be a reality and women's groups are lobbying for decriminalization. Abortion is considered a crime in Colombia's penal code. Attempts to legalize abortion have been rejected by the legislature without debate. The practice of abortion under the circumstances has become a lucrative business whose lack of regulation has resulted in a growing number of maternal deaths. Attempts are underway in Costa Rica to legalize abortion in cases of rape or incest. Studies show that illegal abortion is the third most important cause of maternal death. A bill to legalize abortion is under study in Chile's Parliament but has not been approved. Abortion is illegal but common in Ecuador. Efforts are underway in Mexico and Nicaragua to encourage debate on abortion. Peru's Health Commission was recently prevented from classifying abortion for any reason other than grave congenital anomaly as homicide. Abortion has been legal in Puerto Rico since 1974, but
Buga, G A B
Unsafe abortion causes 13% of maternal deaths worldwide. Safe abortion can only be offered under conditions where legislation has been passed for legal termination of unwanted pregnancy. Where such legislation exists, accessibility of safe abortion depends on the attitudes of doctors and other healthcare workers to induced abortion. Medical students as future doctors may have attitudes to abortion that will affect the provision of safe abortion. Little is known about the attitudes of South African medical students to abortion. To assess sexual practices and attitudes of medical students to induced abortion and to determine some of the factors that may influence these attitudes. A cross-sectional analytic study involving the self-administration of an anonymous questionnaire. The questionnaire was administered to medical students at a small, but growing, medical school situated in rural South Africa. Demographic data, sexual practices and attitudes to induced abortion. Two hundred and forty seven out of 300 (82.3%) medical students responded. Their mean age was 21.81 +/- 3.36 (SD) years, and 78.8% were Christians, 17.1% Hindus and 2.6% Muslims. Although 95% of the respondents were single, 68.6% were already sexually experienced, and their mean age at coitarche was 17.24+/-3.14 (SD) years. Although overall 61.2% of the respondents felt abortion is murder either at conception or later, the majority (87.2%) would perform or refer a woman for abortion under certain circumstances. These circumstances, in descending order of frequency, include: threat to mother's life (74.1%), in case of rape (62.3%), the baby is severely malformed (59.5%), threat to mother's mental health (53.8%) and parental incompetence (21.0%). Only 12.5% of respondents would perform or refer for abortion on demand, 12.8% would neither perform nor refer for abortion under any circumstances. Religious affiliation and service attendance significantly influenced some of these attitudes and beliefs
Major, Brenda; Appelbaum, Mark; Beckman, Linda; Dutton, Mary Ann; Russo, Nancy Felipe; West, Carolyn
The authors evaluated empirical research addressing the relationship between induced abortion and women's mental health. Two issues were addressed: (a) the relative risks associated with abortion compared with the risks associated with its alternatives and (b) sources of variability in women's responses following abortion. This article reflects and updates the report of the American Psychological Association Task Force on Mental Health and Abortion (2008). Major methodological problems pervaded most of the research reviewed. The most rigorous studies indicated that within the United States, the relative risk of mental health problems among adult women who have a single, legal, first-trimester abortion of an unwanted pregnancy is no greater than the risk among women who deliver an unwanted pregnancy. Evidence did not support the claim that observed associations between abortion and mental health problems are caused by abortion per se as opposed to other preexisting and co-occurring risk factors. Most adult women who terminate a pregnancy do not experience mental health problems. Some women do, however. It is important that women's varied experiences of abortion be recognized, validated, and understood. 2009 APA.
Ethical investment funds have traditionally boycotted the arms industry, companies known to pollute the environment, and those involved in animal research. However, recent newspaper reports suggest that some investment funds plan to also boycott hospitals and pharmaceutical companies involved in abortion-related activities. Ethical Financial, anti-abortion independent financial advisors, are encouraging a boycott of investment in private hospitals and manufacturers of equipment involved in abortions, and pharmaceutical firms which produce postcoital contraception or conduct embryo research. Ethical Financial claims that Family Assurance has agreed to invest along anti-abortion lines, Aberdeen Investment is already boycotting companies linked to abortion, and Hendersons ethical fund plans to follow suit. There is speculation that Standard Life, the largest mutual insurer in Europe, will also refuse to invest in abortion-related concerns when it launches its ethical fund in the spring. Managers of ethical funds should, however, understand that, contrary to the claims of the anti-choice lobby, there is extensive public support for legal abortion, emergency contraception, and embryo research. Individuals and institutions which contribute to the development of reproductive health care services are working to alleviate the distress of unwanted pregnancy and infertility, laudable humanitarian goals which should be encouraged. Those who try to restrict the development of abortion methods and services simply show contempt for women, treating them as people devoid of conscience who are incapable of making moral choices.
This article presents the history and grounds of the official position of the Roman Catholic Church that abortion under any circumstances, including abortion to save the life of the mother, should be prohibited. After an introduction that deplores the lack of mercy shown to killers of abortionists while Catholic priests threatened by pro-abortion forces are not offered protection, the article traces the historic development of the Catholic abortion policy and rebuts arguments that abortion was permitted in the early Christian Church. The next section explains Catholic views on the personhood of a conceptus and refutes the contentions of Joseph Donceel that early abortion should be permitted because of uncertainty about the nature of the conceptus and the possibility of delayed animation. The fourth section of the paper debates the points raised by Susan Teft Nicholson who maintains that the Catholic position regarding abortion rests on the Church's animosity towards sexual pleasure. The paper goes on to criticize Nicholson's claims that the Roman Catholic position on abortion is inconsistent with the Church's own understanding of the Principle of Double Effect because the Church fails to allow abortion in many cases where it would be permissible under the Principle. Section 6 describes the underlying motive of the Roman Catholic Church's abortion position as an attempt to protect the innocent fetus from deliberate death and to justify the Church's application of protection from deliberate killing to those who are innocent of aggressive action. This discussion is followed by a justification of the Church's prohibition of abortion in cases of aggression, such as the aggression ascribed to a fetus when a pregnancy imperials the life of a mother. It is concluded that the US will likely legalize suicide and mercy killing as it has the killing of innocent fetuses who are probably ensouled with personhood and are not formal aggressors.
Jotkowitz, Alan; Zivotofsky, Ari Z
Abortion remains a highly contentious moral issue, with the debate usually framed as a battle between the fetus's right to life and the woman's right to choose. Often overlooked in this debate is the impact of the concurrent legalization of abortion and the development of new prenatal screening tests on the birth prevalence of many inherited diseases. Most proponents of abortion support abortion for fetuses with severe congenital diseases, but there has unfortunately been, in our opinion, too little debate over the moral appropriateness of abortion for much less severe congenital conditions such as Down's syndrome, deafness, and dwarfism. Due to scientific advances, we are looking at a future in which prenatal diagnosis will be safer and more accurate, raising the specter, and the concomitant ethical concerns, of wholesale abortions. Herein, we present a reframing of the abortion debate that better encompasses these conditions and offers a more nuanced position. Copyright © 2010 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
Despite legal restriction, induced abortions and resulting complications are common in Nigeria. Misoprostol administration for incomplete abortion was introduced in 3 Nigerian hospitals. The feasibility of the hospitals, patient and provider acceptability were assessed using questionnaire and interview guides administered ...
Oriji, Vaduneme K; Jeremiah, Israel; Kasso, Terhemen
Induced abortion is the termination of pregnancy through a deliberate intervention intended to end the pregnancy. This practice is widespread in Nigeria despite the restrictive abortion laws in Nigeria. Many women still undergo induced abortion every year and endanger their health and lives as induced abortion can only be procured illegally in Nigeria. We hope to determine the proportion of undergraduate students who had induced abortion in the past and the contributing factors. To determine the proportion of the undergraduate students who support the restrictive abortion laws in Nigeria. A cross sectional questionnaire survey of undergraduate students of the University of Port Harcourt was done through a cluster sampling method along with focus group discussion with some of the respondents. 451 out of 500 administered questionnaires were retrieved and analyzed. The incidence of induced abortion amongst the respondents was 47.2%. About 40% had never used an effective form of contraception in the past and 13% were unaware of contraception. 77.9% of the induced abortion was by dilation and curettage and 1% by manual vacuum aspiration. Up to two third of the respondents were against legalization of abortion. Up to 47% of these undergraduates had performed abortion in the past. Protecting educational career was the single most important reason for this. Although most of these undergraduates are against legalizing abortion, they highly patronize unsafe abortion. Improving contraceptive awareness and usage will reduce unwanted pregnancy and induced abortion. This option appears next to total abstinence in reducing the morbidity and mortality from induced abortion in this country.
History of induced abortion in Denmark from 1200 to 1979 is reviewed. The 1st Danish law of 1200 did not touch upon the question of induced abortion. From the beginning of the 13th century to Religious Reformation in 1536, Roman Catholic law influenced every aspect of Danish life including induced abortion. In 1683 in King Christian V's constitution called Dansk Lov induced abortion was discussed. Immoral women who aborted fetuses or killed newborn babies were decapitated. In Copenhagen in the years 1624-1632 and 1638-1663 17 women were executed because of induced abortion or murder of newborn babies. Although Dansk Lov was effective till 1866, Danish kings came to treat female criminals less severely since about 1780-1800. For example, between 1855 and 1866 42 women convicted of murder of newborn babies or abortion were given pardon (12 years of imprisonment instead of life sentence). In 1866, abortion and murder of babies were treated separately in the Danish criminal law. Induced abortion meant up to 8 years of imprisonment and labor. In 1930 life sentence was abolished; induced abortion called for only up to 2 years of imprisonment, while those who assisted for money were punished more severely (up to 8 years in prison). In 1937 the Danes legalized induced abortion for medical, ethical, (e.g. rape case) and eugenic reasons. By 1973 legalized abortion was available, free of charge, to every Danish female resident within 12 weeks of pregnancy. In 1980 abortion rate was about 41% of total births. It is estimated 2/3 of Danish women experience abortion. Lastly, illegitimate births and miscarriages are on the rise due to changes in women's social status and role.
Kumar, Anuradha; Hessini, Leila; Mitchell, Ellen M. H.
Abortion stigma is widely acknowledged in many countries, but poorly theorised. Although media accounts often evoke abortion stigma as a universal social fact, we suggest that the social production of abortion stigma is profoundly local. Abortion stigma is neither natural nor 'essential' and relies
Abstract The aim of this paper is to provide a panoramic view of laws and policies on abortion around the world, giving a range of country-based examples. It shows that the plethora of convoluted laws and restrictions surrounding abortion do not make any legal or public health sense. What makes abortion safe is simple and irrefutable—when it is available on the woman’s request and is universally affordable and accessible. From this perspective, few existing laws are fit for purpose. However, the road to law reform is long and difficult. In order to achieve the right to safe abortion, advocates will need to study the political, health system, legal, juridical, and socio-cultural realities surrounding existing law and policy in their countries, and decide what kind of law they want (if any). The biggest challenge is to determine what is possible to achieve, build a critical mass of support, and work together with legal experts, parliamentarians, health professionals, and women themselves to change the law—so that everyone with an unwanted pregnancy who seeks an abortion can have it, as early as possible and as late as necessary. PMID:28630538
Kant, Shashi; Srivastava, Rahul; Rai, Sanjay Kumar; Misra, Puneet; Charlette, Lena; Pandav, Chandrakant S
Induced abortion has been legal in India on a broad range of medical and social grounds since 1980s. Often, induced abortion is resorted to as a means for contraception, and has a potential to be misused for sex selective feticide. We assessed the rates, trends, causes and determinants of induced abortions from 2008-12 in a rural community of northern India. Present study is a secondary data analysis of pregnancy outcomes at Ballabgarh Health and Demographic Surveillance System from 2008-12. The data was retrieved from the Health and Management Information System maintained at Ballabgarh. Cause of abortion was self-reported by the women who underwent abortion. Of the 11,102 pregnancies, 1,226 (11%) culminated as abortions of which 425 (3.8%) were induced abortions. Spontaneous abortion rate (7.2%) was twice that of induced abortion rate (3.8%). Both abortion rates had an increasing trend during the course of the study period. Self-reported reasons for opting for induced abortions were bleeding per vaginum (23%), unwanted pregnancy (16%), and unviable fetus diagnosed by ultrasonography (11%). Eight percent of the induced abortions were due to the female sex of the fetus. About 11% of the abortions were performed beyond 20 weeks of gestation which was the upper legal permissible gestational age for performing induced abortions in India. About 10% of the abortions were performed by unqualified practitioners. Caste, wealth index, birth order and size of the village population were the factors that were significantly associated with induced abortion. Though the abortion rate was low, the proportionate contribution of induced abortion was more than what could be expected. Unsafe and sex selective abortion, though illegal, was prevalent. Upper caste and higher socio-economic status families were more likely to opt for induced abortion.
Sjöström, Susanne; Essen, Birgitta; Gemzell-Danielsson, Kristina; Klingberg-Allvin, Marie
BACKGROUND: Unsafe abortions are estimated to cause eight per-cent of maternal mortality in India. Lack of providers, especially in rural areas, is one reason unsafe abortions take place despite decades of legal abortion. Education and training in reproductive health services has been shown to influence attitudes and increase chances that medical students will provide abortion care services in their future practice. To further explore previous findings about poor attitudes toward abortion amo...
Hansen, S K; Birkebaek, J S; Husfeldt, C; Munck, C B; Nøddebo, S M; Petersson, B H
The object of this study was to describe a group of women applying for legal abortion in relation to their use of contraception and reasons for choosing an abortion. During a period of 13 months (1991-92) a questionnaire was distributed to women applying for legal abortion at Hillerød Hospital in Denmark. Three hundred and thirty-nine women participated. Fifty-nine percent of the women had become pregnant although they had used contraception. As seen in other studies, women still state demographic factors as their most important reasons for choosing an abortion. Women with two or more children do not want to have more children. Single women do not want children without being in a stable relationship. Furthermore occupation and education were frequently stated as important reasons for having an abortion. Economy and housing were not main reasons but contributory factors. Thirty percent of the women expressed ambivalence about the choice of abortion at the time when the abort was due.
lack of knowledge about legal rights relating to sexual health and risks, particularly on ... had sex); (ii) a measure of abortion attitudes using a 7-point response format ranging from ... School of Applied Human Sciences, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa ... gov.za/files/a1-08.pdf (accessed 10 April 2015). 5.
Rasch, V; Silberschmidt, Margrethe; Mchumvu, Y
that gave them the right to seek family planning services and in practice these services are not being provided. There is a need for youth-friendly family planning services and to make abortion safe and legal, in order to reduce unwanted pregnancies and abortion-related complications and deaths among......This article reports on a study of induced abortion among adolescent girls in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, who were admitted to a district hospital in Dar es Salaam because of an illegally induced abortion in 1997. In the quantitative part of the study, 197 teenage girls (aged 14-19) were asked...
Cresswell, Jenny A; Schroeder, Rosalyn; Dennis, Mardieh; Owolabi, Onikepe; Vwalika, Bellington; Musheke, Maurice; Campbell, Oona; Filippi, Veronique
Objectives In Zambia, despite a relatively liberal legal framework, there remains a substantial burden of unsafe abortion. Many women do not use skilled providers in a well-equipped setting, even where these are available. The aim of this study was to describe women's knowledge of the law relating to abortion and attitudes towards abortion in Zambia. Setting Community-based survey in Central, Copperbelt and Lusaka provinces. Participants 1484 women of reproductive age (15–44 years). Primary and secondary outcome measures Correct knowledge of the legal grounds for abortion, attitudes towards abortion services and the previous abortions of friends, family or other confidants. Descriptive statistics and multivariable logistic regression were used to analyse how knowledge and attitudes varied according to sociodemographic characteristics. Results Overall, just 16% (95% CI 11% to 21%) of women of reproductive age correctly identified the grounds for which abortion is legal. Only 40% (95% CI 32% to 45% of women of reproductive age knew that abortion was legally permitted in the extreme situation where the pregnancy threatens the life of the mother. Even in urban areas of Lusaka province, only 55% (95% CI 41% to 67%) of women knew that an abortion could legally take place to save the mother's life. Attitudes remain conservative. Women with correct knowledge of abortion law in Zambia tended to have more liberal attitudes towards abortion and access to safe abortion services. Neither correct knowledge of the law nor attitudes towards abortion were associated with knowing someone who previously had an induced abortion. Conclusions Poor knowledge and conservative attitudes are important obstacles to accessing safe abortion services. Changing knowledge and attitudes can be challenging for policymakers and public health practitioners alike. Zambia could draw on its previous experience in dealing with its large HIV epidemic to learn cross-cutting lessons in effective mass
Anisa R Assifi
Full Text Available Incorrect knowledge of laws may affect how women enter the health system or seek services, and it likely contributes to the disconnect between official laws and practical applications of the laws that influence women's access to safe, legal abortion services.To provide a synthesis of evidence of women's awareness and knowledge of the legal status of abortion in their country, and the accuracy of women's knowledge on specific legal grounds and restrictions outlined in a country's abortion law.A systematic search was carried for articles published between 1980-2015. Quantitative, mixed-method data collection, and objectives related to women's awareness or knowledge of the abortion law was included. Full texts were assessed, and data extraction done by a single reviewer. Final inclusion for analysis was assessed by two reviewers. The results were synthesised into tables, using narrative synthesis.Of the original 3,126 articles, and 16 hand searched citations, 24 studies were included for analysis. Women's correct general awareness and knowledge of the legal status was less than 50% in nine studies. In six studies, knowledge of legalization/liberalisation ranged between 32.3%-68.2%. Correct knowledge of abortion on the grounds of rape ranged from 12.8%-98%, while in the case of incest, ranged from 9.8%-64.5%. Abortion on the grounds of fetal impairment and gestational limits, varied widely from 7%-94% and 0%-89.5% respectively.This systematic review synthesizes literature on women's awareness and knowledge of the abortion law in their own context. The findings show that correct general awareness and knowledge of the abortion law and legal grounds and restrictions amongst women was limited, even in countries where the laws were liberal. Thus, interventions to disseminate accurate information on the legal context are necessary.
Assifi, Anisa R; Berger, Blair; Tunçalp, Özge; Khosla, Rajat; Ganatra, Bela
Incorrect knowledge of laws may affect how women enter the health system or seek services, and it likely contributes to the disconnect between official laws and practical applications of the laws that influence women's access to safe, legal abortion services. To provide a synthesis of evidence of women's awareness and knowledge of the legal status of abortion in their country, and the accuracy of women's knowledge on specific legal grounds and restrictions outlined in a country's abortion law. A systematic search was carried for articles published between 1980-2015. Quantitative, mixed-method data collection, and objectives related to women's awareness or knowledge of the abortion law was included. Full texts were assessed, and data extraction done by a single reviewer. Final inclusion for analysis was assessed by two reviewers. The results were synthesised into tables, using narrative synthesis. Of the original 3,126 articles, and 16 hand searched citations, 24 studies were included for analysis. Women's correct general awareness and knowledge of the legal status was less than 50% in nine studies. In six studies, knowledge of legalization/liberalisation ranged between 32.3%-68.2%. Correct knowledge of abortion on the grounds of rape ranged from 12.8%-98%, while in the case of incest, ranged from 9.8%-64.5%. Abortion on the grounds of fetal impairment and gestational limits, varied widely from 7%-94% and 0%-89.5% respectively. This systematic review synthesizes literature on women's awareness and knowledge of the abortion law in their own context. The findings show that correct general awareness and knowledge of the abortion law and legal grounds and restrictions amongst women was limited, even in countries where the laws were liberal. Thus, interventions to disseminate accurate information on the legal context are necessary.
Abortion continues to be a major public health issue that evokes social, political, legal, cultural and religious sentiments and debates in all societies. This is particularly so in countries with restrictive abortion laws. It is one of the leading causes of maternal mortality and morbidity. Despite variations in the legal status of ...
Dastgiri, Saeed; Yoosefian, Maryam; Garjani, Mehraveh; Kalankesh, Leila R
Induced abortion accounts for 1 in 8 of approximately 600000 maternal deaths that occur annually worldwide. Induced abortion rate can be considered as one of the indicators for assessing availability of the appropriate reproductive health plans for women and identifying needs for appropriate related health policies and programs. Researchers searched Pubmed, Google Scholar, CINAHL, Embase, PsycINFO, Cochrane, Iranian Scientific Information Database (SID), Iranian biomedical journals (Iranmedex), and Iranian Research Institute of Information and Documentation (Irandoc) between January 2000 and June 2013, which reported induced abortion. Search terms from two categories including abortion and termination of pregnancy were compiled. The search terms were "induced abortion", "illegal abortion", "illegal abortion", "unsafe abortion", and "criminal abortion". The search was also conducted with "induced termination of pregnancy", "illegal termination of pregnancy", "illegal termination of pregnancy", "unsafe termination of pregnancy" and "criminal termination of pregnancy". Meta-analysis was carried out by using OpenMeta software. Induced abortion rates were calculated based on the random effect model. Overall induced abortion rate was obtained 58.1 per 1000 women (95%CI: 55.16-61.04). In continental level, rate of induced abortion was 14 per 1000 women (95%CI: 11-16). Nation-wide and local rates were obtained 67.27 per 1000 women (95% CI: 60.02-74.23) and 148.92 (95% CI: 140.06-157.79) respectively. Induced abortion is a major public health problem that occurs worldwide whether under the legal restriction or freedom, and it remains as reproductive health concern globally. To eliminate the need for induced abortion is at the core of any effort for preventing this issue. Option with the highest priority is to prevent unwanted pregnancies through promoting reproductive health plans for women of reproductive age. In case the prevention strategies fail, universal provision of
Thesis: Abortion in the light of case law of European Court of Human Rights This thesis focuses on the legal regulation of abortion in selected European countries in order to find single European standard. It concentrates primarily on issues of assessing violations of particular articles of the Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms by the European Court of Human Rights or former European Commission of Human Rights in relation to specific cases associated with abortion. Abortion ...
John R. Lott, Jr.; John Whitley
Abortion may prevent the birth of ''unwanted'' children, who would have relatively small investments in human capital and a higher probability of crime. On the other hand, some research suggests that legalizing abortion increases out-of-wedlock births and single parent families, which implies the opposite impact on investments in human capital and thus crime. The question is: what is the net impact? We find evidence that legalizing abortion increased murder rates by around about 0.5 to 7 perc...
Eduardo Díaz Amado
Full Text Available Tradicionalmente el aborto en Colombia ha sido un tema sensible y bastante controvertido en el escenario público. Aunque la Corte Constitucional descriminalizó el aborto en 2006 en tres circunstancias específi cas, la sociedad colombiana permanece polarizada alrededor de la moralidad del aborto. Sin embargo, esta decisión de la Corte es una oportunidad para ver como ética, política y derecho pueden ser en verdad combinados. De hecho, diferenciar cada campo y reconocer sus posibilidades puede ser la llave para convivir pacífi camente, incluso aunque en últimas los desacuerdos éticos no puedan resolverse completamente.
Keogh, L A; Newton, D; Bayly, C; McNamee, K; Hardiman, A; Webster, A; Bismark, M
In Victoria, Australia, abortion was decriminalised in October 2008, bringing the law in line with clinical practice and community attitudes. We describe how experts in abortion service provision perceived the intent and subsequent impact of the 2008 Victorian abortion law reform. Experts in abortion provision in Victoria were recruited for a qualitative semi-structured interview about the 2008 law reform and its perceived impact, until saturation was reached. Nineteen experts from a range of health care settings and geographic locations were interviewed in 2014/2015. Thematic analysis was conducted to summarise participants' views. Abortion law reform, while a positive event, was perceived to have changed little about the provision of abortion. The views of participants can be categorised into: (1) goals that law reform was intended to address and that have been achieved; (2) intent or hopes of law reform that have not been achieved; (3) unintended consequences; (4) coincidences; and (5) unfinished business. All agreed that law reform had repositioned abortion as a health rather than legal issue, had shifted the power in decision making from doctors to women, and had increased clarity and safety for doctors. However, all described outstanding concerns; limited public provision of surgical abortion; reduced access to abortion after 20 weeks; ongoing stigma; lack of a state-wide strategy for equitable abortion provision; and an unsustainable workforce. Law reform, while positive, has failed to address a number of significant issues in abortion service provision, and may have even resulted in a 'lull' in action. Published by the BMJ Publishing Group Limited. For permission to use (where not already granted under a licence) please go to http://www.bmj.com/company/products-services/rights-and-licensing/.
Political change in Bulgaria has meant the beginning of the recognition of the reproduction rights of women. Abortion, for example, was legalized in 1990. Women in Bulgaria, however, still lack the information they need on basic hygiene and sex. It is impossible to promulgate a progressive strategy in Bulgaria if one ignores the isolation of the Turkish and Gypsy ethnic communities. In addition, an economic crisis exists, and no real measures have been undertaken to mitigate the situation. The new democratic institutions have settled comfortably into the structures of the former communist rule, even to the point of adopting the same extensive demagogic terminology which perpetrates the old gap between words and deeds. For example, although a new birth control strategy and plan for sex education was announced 2 years ago, nothing definite has been done. One development, however, has been the legalization of abortion, which was accompanied by an immediate drop in the abortion rate (still 1.5 abortions/birth). Because of a lack of sex education, 900 children are born to girls under age 15 each year. Bulgaria is just starting to embrace modern values and must update its attitudes towards women. Bulgaria's formal institutions seem to be unable to face this issue, and many societies and foundations have emerged to work for women's rights, to protect out-of-wedlock children, and to fight disease (including AIDS) and drug addiction. However, these organizations are not producing real results and are simply providing shelter to representatives of the old nomenclature. Real efforts to overcome these problems will continue despite the current discouraging state of affairs.
Shellenberg, Kristen M; Moore, Ann M; Bankole, Akinrinola; Juarez, Fatima; Omideyi, Adekunbi Kehinde; Palomino, Nancy; Sathar, Zeba; Singh, Susheela; Tsui, Amy O
It is well recognised that unsafe abortions have significant implications for women's physical health; however, women's perceptions and experiences with abortion-related stigma and disclosure about abortion are not well understood. This paper examines the presence and intensity of abortion stigma in five countries, and seeks to understand how stigma is perceived and experienced by women who terminate an unintended pregnancy and influences her subsequent disclosure behaviours. The paper is based upon focus groups and semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted with women and men in Mexico, Nigeria, Pakistan, Peru and the United States (USA) in 2006. The stigma of abortion was perceived similarly in both legally liberal and restrictive settings although it was more evident in countries where abortion is highly restricted. Personal accounts of experienced stigma were limited, although participants cited numerous social consequences of having an abortion. Abortion-related stigma played an important role in disclosure of individual abortion behaviour.
Miller, Grant; Valente, Christine
A longstanding debate exists in population policy about the relationship between modern contraception and abortion. Although theory predicts that they should be substitutes, the empirical evidence is difficult to interpret. What is required is a large-scale intervention that alters the supply (or full price) of one or the other and, importantly, that does so in isolation (reproductive health programs often bundle primary health care and family planning-and in some instances, abortion services). In this article, we study Nepal's 2004 legalization of abortion provision and subsequent expansion of abortion services, an unusual and rapidly implemented policy meeting these requirements. Using four waves of rich individual-level data representative of fertile-age Nepalese women, we find robust evidence of substitution between modern contraception and abortion. This finding has important implications for public policy and foreign aid, suggesting that an effective strategy for reducing expensive and potentially unsafe abortions may be to expand the supply of modern contraceptives.
Cockrill, Kate; Weitz, Tracy A
Most states regulate abortion differently than other health care services. Examples of these regulations include mandating waiting periods and the provision of state-authored information, and prohibiting private and public insurance coverage for abortion. The primary purpose of this paper is to explore abortion patients' perspectives on these regulations. We recruited 20 participants from three abortion providing facilities located in two states in the U.S. South and Midwest. Using a survey and semistructured interview, we collected information about women's knowledge of abortion regulation and policy preferences. During the interviews, women weighed the pros and cons of abortion regulations. We used grounded theory analytical techniques and matrix analysis to organize and interpret the data. We discovered five themes in these women's considerations of regulation: responsibility, empathy, safe and accessible health care, privacy, and equity. Women in the study generally supported policies that they felt protected women or informed decisions. However, most women also opposed laws mandating two-day abortion appointments for women who were traveling long distances. Women tended to favor financial coverage of abortion, arguing that it could help poor women afford abortion or reduce state expenditures. Overall the study participants' opinions on abortion policy reflect key values for advocates and policy makers to consider: responsibility, empathy, safe and accessible health care, privacy, and equity. Future work should examine abortion regulations in light of these shared values. Laws that promote misinformation or prohibit accommodations of unique circumstances are not consistent the positions articulated by the subjects in our study. Copyright 2010 Jacobs Institute of Women
Although the Second National Abortion Survey Gallup found that 88% of Mexicans believe abortion should be a woman's choice and 77% think the decriminalization of abortion would substantially reduce maternal mortality, abortion in Mexico remains governed by a 1931 criminal code. The survey was initiated by the Information and Reproductive Choice Group to provide information for the 1994 national debate on abortion. Supporters of legal abortion note that poor women resort to unsafe pregnancy terminations without regard to the criminal status of abortion. According to Patricia Mercado, co-founder of the Reproductive Choice Group, "You can be against abortion, but still allow it to be decriminalized. In other words, criminalization does not prevent women from having abortions, it only makes then have then in bad conditions. The idea is that women should be able to decide freely without risking problems of health and social justice." Despite public support for abortion legalization, survey results indicate widespread fear about acknowledging the existence of clandestine abortion. An estimated 1-2 million illegal abortions occur each year in Mexico, yet only 26% of survey respondents would admit to knowing a woman who had undergone illegal abortion.
Full Text Available The debates and feminist actions in favor of the legalization of abortion in Brazil were characterized by progresses and regressions, and above all by countless political negotiations. From the omission of the word “abortion”, in the mid-seventies, to the political choice of decriminalization and application of the cases foreseen by law, Brazilian feminism has been marked by the choice of negotiation. The article concludes that these negotiations have succeeded politically but failed to reach society and heighten public awareness at a large scale.
... Simplified (Mandarin dialect)) PDF Reproductive Health Access Project Emergency Contraceptive Pill and the Abortion Pill: What's the Difference? - English PDF Emergency Contraceptive Pill and the Abortion Pill: What's the Difference? - ...
de Costa, Caroline; Douglas, Heather; Hamblin, Julie; Ramsay, Philippa; Shircore, Mandy
This article reviews the current legal status of abortion in Australia and its implications. Australian abortion law has been a matter for the states since before Federation. In the years since Federation there have been significant reforms and changes in the abortion laws of some jurisdictions, although not all. Across Australia there are now nine sets of laws, state and Commonwealth, concerned with abortion. The test of a lawful abortion varies greatly across jurisdictions. In a number of states and territories, it is necessary to establish a serious risk to the physical or mental health of the woman if the pregnancy was to continue. In some cases, the certification of two doctors is required, particularly for abortions at later gestations. There are also physical restrictions on access, such as in South Australia and the Northern Territory where abortion must take place in a hospital. Only in the ACT has abortion been removed from the criminal law altogether. Variations in the law and restrictions arising from these are not consistent with the aims and provision of the universal, accessible health care system aspired to in Australia. There is an urgent need for overall reform and the introduction of uniformity to Australia's abortion laws, including removal of abortion from the criminal law. © 2015 The Royal Australian and New Zealand College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists.
Adler, Nancy E.; Ozer, Emily J.; Tschann, Jeanne
Reviews the current status of abortion laws pertaining to adolescents worldwide, examining questions raised by parental consent laws in the United States and by the relevant psychological research (risk of harm from abortion, informed consent, consequences of parental involvement in the abortion decision, and current debate). Discusses issues…
Abortion is one of the most widely discussed medical-ethical subjects in medical, legal, philosophical, and religious literature as well as in the lay press. There is hardly a religion or country in the world that is not currently concerned about this issue. The complexity of the topic relates to the fact that it deals with a being that is close to us but not identical to us. On the other hand, the fetus is not like a plant or even like a living being in the animal kingdom. Yet the fetus is not a complete and independent human being either. There are strongly opposing philosophical/religious viewpoints on abortion. On the one hand, pro-life groups and the Roman Catholic Church absolutely oppose abortion. They view the fetus as a full and independent human being, with absolute rights equal to those of the mother. According to this view, the right of the fetus to life can never be disregarded, and abortion is viewed as murder. On the other hand, the permissive, feminist, liberal view, emphasizes the basic right of a woman over her body. This right justifies abortion on demand solely dependent on the woman's wishes at any stage of pregnancy and for any reason whatsoever. This view totally ignores the rights of the fetus and views it as a part of the mother's body. This article deals with some aspects of the approaches of various religions to abortion due to fetal indications, in particular the Jewish viewpoint.
David, H P
Hoping to provide women other choice besides abortion as a way to regulate fertility, 220 experts from 27 mostly European countries met in Tbilisi, Georgia, USSR to discuss ways of increasing access to modern contraceptives. Held last October, the conference was sponsored by the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), the World Health Organization European Regional Office (WHO/EURO), the International Planned Parenthood Federation/Europe, and the Zhordania Institute of Human Reproduction, Tbilisi. The meeting produced the Tbilisi Declaration, which -- among other things -- recognizes that unwanted pregnancies and unsafe abortions pose a serious health and social problem. Criminalization, the experts agreed, does little to reduce the number of abortions, and only increases the number of unsafe operations. The Tbilisi Declaration also affirms women's right to decide freely on the number and spacing of children, their right to reproductive health, their right to self-determination in their sexual and reproductive lives, and the right of every child to be a wanted child. The participants addressed the high incidents of abortion in some European countries -- particularly the Soviet Union. With the highest rate of abortion in Europe, the Soviet Union recorded 6 million legal abortions in 1988, and estimates that another 6 million were performed illegally. Nonetheless, perestroika has begun to facilitate access to contraceptives. Participants also discussed new methods of early pregnancy termination, RU486 and menstrual regulation procedures (MR), neither of which is readily available. Increasing access to these methods would help reduce suffering and unnecessary deaths.
Sisson, Gretchen; Kimport, Katrina
Popular entertainment may reflect and produce-as well as potentially contest-stigma regarding abortion provision. Knowledge of how providers are portrayed on-screen is needed to improve understanding of how depictions may contribute to the stigmatization of real providers. All abortion provision plotlines on American television from 2005 to 2014 were identified through Internet searches. Plotlines were assessed in their entirety and coded for genre, abortion provision space, provider characteristics, method and efficacy of provision, and occurrence of violence. Inductive content analysis was used to identify themes in how these features were depicted. Fifty-two plotlines involving abortion provision were identified on 40 television shows; a large majority of plotlines appeared in dramas, particularly in the subgenre of medical dramas. Medical spaces were depicted as normal and safe for abortion provision, and nonmedical spaces were often portrayed as remote and unsafe. Legal abortion care using medical methods was depicted as effective and safe, and legal providers were presented as compassionate, while providers operating outside of medical and legal authority were depicted as ineffective, dangerous and uncaring. Fictional providers were largely motivated by the belief that abortion provision is a necessary and moral service. Plotlines linked abortion provision to violence. The differing ways in which legal and illegal abortion are portrayed reveal potential consequences regarding real-world abortion provision, and suggest that representations situated in medical contexts may work to legitimate and destigmatize such provision. Copyright © 2016 by the Guttmacher Institute.
Koch, Elard; Aracena, Paula; Gatica, Sebastián; Bravo, Miguel; Huerta-Zepeda, Alejandra; Calhoun, Byron C
In countries where induced abortion is legally restricted, as in most of Latin America, evaluation of statistics related to induced abortions and abortion-related mortality is challenging. The present article reexamines recent reports estimating the number of induced abortions and abortion-related mortality in Mexico, with special reference to the International Classification of Diseases (ICD). We found significant overestimations of abortion figures in the Federal District of Mexico (up to 10-fold), where elective abortion has been legal since 2007. Significant overestimation of maternal and abortion-related mortality during the last 20 years in the entire Mexican country (up to 35%) was also found. Such overestimations are most likely due to the use of incomplete in-hospital records as well as subjective opinion surveys regarding induced abortion figures, and due to the consideration of causes of death that are unrelated to induced abortion, including flawed denominators of live births. Contrary to previous publications, we found important progress in maternal health, reflected by the decrease in overall maternal mortality (30.6%) from 1990 to 2010. The use of specific ICD codes revealed that the mortality ratio associated with induced abortion decreased 22.9% between 2002 and 2008 (from 1.48 to 1.14 deaths per 100,000 live births). Currently, approximately 98% of maternal deaths in Mexico are related to causes other than induced abortion, such as hemorrhage, hypertension and eclampsia, indirect causes, and other pathological conditions. Therefore, only marginal or null effects would be expected from changes in the legal status of abortion on overall maternal mortality rates. Rather, maternal health in Mexico would greatly benefit from increasing access to emergency and specialized obstetric care. Finally, more reliable methodologies to assess abortion-related deaths are clearly required. PMID:23271925
In Greece modern contraceptive methods are used only in a very limited manner and abortion is the primary form of birth control. There are several social and psychological issues that are considered to be responsible. A 1985 study done for the Family Planning Center of Thessaloniki found that the ratio of live births is 1.3 and the ratio of abortion is 1.8/woman. 88% of women in the study had had an abortion while practicing coitus interruptus. 90% of the women never bought condoms. In a 1989 study only 6% of women had a positive attitude about condoms. Abortion is used as the primary method of birth control regardless of a woman's socioeconomic status. Further it was found that abortion did not correlate with other modern attitudes or the emancipation of women. The decision to abort was related to difficulties and constraints inherent in bring up a child. However positive attitudes toward contraception were related to educational and occupational levels. To complicate matters the information concerning contraceptives was problematic and related to the women's own lack of initiative to find out, and a lack of correct information offered from gynecologists. A 1990 study on knowledge, attitudes, beliefs and practices in relation to HIV infection indicated that the most favored method of contraception was condoms, but 60.8% of the men reported use versus 33.7% of the women. However these figures are not very representative because the survey was given in the context of HIV prevention and no attempt was made to distinguish between regular and irregular use patterns. Abortions is not a moral issue in Greece. It was legalized in 1986 only because it came to the attention of the government that the previous prohibition was being completely ignored. Abortion is strongly affected by social and psychological factors that are complex and result from cultural view points about fertility, maternal value, and life itself that are unique to the Greek culture.
Full Text Available Objective: The aim of this study was to investigate the opinions of women who presented to the hospital for elective abortion. Materials and Methods: This descriptive study was designed and conducted at our university hospital between March 2013-April 2013 by the method of face-to-face interviews with 500 women who presented to the hospital as patient or relatives of patients. Poll consisted of 6 questions about demographic characteristics and 14 questions evaluating the opinions and attitudes about abortion. Results: The age of the women who participated in the study was ranging between 18 and 75 years with the mean age of 31.5±11.9 years. Twenty-six women (5.2% were illiterate, while 109 (21.8% were university graduates. 70.8% of women stated that they were against elective abortion. Among the reasons against abortion on request were: “forbidden by the religion”-53.1% of women, “against human rights”-35.3%, and “unhealthy for the mother”-7.1% of women. About the prohibition of abortion, 82.4% of women said that “it may be performed under necessary conditions”, 9.6% “it should be completely forbidden”, and 8% stated that “it should never be forbidden”. Conclusion: A large number of respondents reported that they have negative attitude towards elective abortion, however, in case of medical necessity, abortion should be performed. During the legal arrangements done about situations that may affect the public health, such as abortion regulations, we believe it would be useful to assess the perspective of the society on this issue.
Moore, Ann M; Kibombo, Richard; Cats-Baril, Deva
While laws in Uganda surrounding abortion remain contradictory, a frequent interpretation of the law is that abortion is only allowed to save the woman's life. Nevertheless abortion occurs frequently under unsafe conditions at a rate of 54 abortions per 1000 women of reproductive age annually, taking a large toll on women's health. There are an estimated 148,500 women in Uganda who experience abortion complications annually. Understanding opinion leaders' knowledge and perceptions about unsafe abortion is critical to identifying ways to address this public health issue. We conducted in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 41 policy-makers, cultural leaders, local politicians and leaders within the health care sector in 2009-10 at the national as well as district (Bushenyi, Kamuli and Lira) level to explore their knowledge and perceptions of unsafe abortion and the potential for policy to address this issue. Only half of the sample knew the current law regulating abortion in Uganda. Respondents understood that the result of the current abortion restrictions included long-term health complications, unwanted children and maternal death. Perceived consequences of increasing access to safe abortion included improved health as well as overuse of abortion, marital conflict and less reliance on preventive behaviour. Opinion leaders expressed the most support for legalization of abortion in cases of rape when the perpetrator was unknown. Understanding opinion leaders' perspectives on this politically sensitive topic provides insight into the policy context of abortion laws, drivers behind maintaining the status quo, and ways to improve provision under the law: increase education among providers and opinion leaders. Published by Oxford University Press in association with The London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine © The Author 2013; all rights reserved.
Lamichhane, Prabhat; Harken, Tabetha; Puri, Mahesh; Darney, Philip D; Blum, Maya; Harper, Cynthia C; Henderson, Jillian T
Sex-selective abortion is expressly prohibited in Nepal, but limited evidence suggests that it occurs nevertheless. Providers' perspectives on sex-selective abortion were examined as part of a larger study on legal abortion in the public sector in Nepal. In-depth interviews were conducted with health care providers and administrators providing abortion services at four major hospitals (n = 35), two in the Kathmandu Valley and two in outlying rural areas. A grounded theory approach was used to code interview transcripts and to identify themes in the data. Most providers were aware of the ban on sex-selective abortion and, despite overall positive views of abortion legalization, saw sex selection as an increasing problem. Greater availability of abortion and ultrasonography, along with the high value placed on sons, were seen as contributing factors. Providers wanted to perform abortions for legal indications, but described challenges identifying sex-selection cases. Providers also believed that illegal sex-selective procedures contribute to serious abortion complications. Sex-selective abortion complicates the provision of legal abortion services. In addition to the difficulty of determining which patients are seeking abortion for sex selection, health workers are aware of the pressures women face to bear sons and know they may seek unsafe services elsewhere when unable to obtain abortions in public hospitals. Legislative, advocacy, and social efforts aimed at promoting gender equality and women's human rights are needed to reduce the cultural and economic pressures for sex-selective abortion, because providers alone cannot prevent the practice. Copyright © 2011 Jacobs Institute of Women's Health. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Zurbriggen, Ruth; Keefe-Oates, Brianna; Gerdts, Caitlin
Legal restrictions on abortion access impact the safety and timing of abortion. Women affected by these laws face barriers to safe care that often result in abortion being delayed. Second-trimester abortion affects vulnerable groups of women disproportionately and is often more difficult to access. In Argentina, where abortion is legally restricted except in cases of rape or threat to the health of the woman, the Socorristas en Red, a feminist network, offers a model of accompaniment wherein they provide information and support to women seeking second-trimester abortions. This qualitative analysis aimed to understand Socorristas' experiences supporting women who have second-trimester medication abortion outside the formal health care system. We conducted 2 focus groups with 16 Socorristas in total to understand experiences accompanying women having second-trimester medication abortion who were at 14-24 weeks' gestational age. We performed a thematic analysis of the data and present key themes in this article. The Socorristas strived to ensure that women had the power of choice in every step of their abortion. These cases required more attention and logistical, legal and medical risks than first-trimester care. The Socorristas learned how to help women manage the possibility of these risks and were comfortable providing this support. They understood their work as activism through which they aim to destigmatize abortion and advocate against patriarchal systems denying the right to abortion. Socorrista groups have shown that they can provide supportive, women-centered accompaniment during second-trimester medication abortions outside the formal health care system in a setting where abortion access is legally restricted. Second-trimester self-use of medication abortion outside of the formal health system supported by feminist activist groups could provide an alternative model for second-trimester care worldwide. More research is needed to document the safety and
Bromham, D R; Oloto, E J
It is known that, since antiquity, women confronted with an unwanted pregnancy have used abortion as a means of resolving their dilemma. Although undoubtedly widely used in all historical ages, abortion has come to be regarded as an event preferably avoided because of the impact on the women concerned as well as considerations for fetal life. Policies to reduce numbers and rates of abortion must acknowledge certain observations. Criminalization does not prevent abortion but increases maternal risks. A society's 'openness' in discussing sexual matters inversely correlates with abortion rates. Correlation between contraceptive use and abortion is also inverse but relates most closely to the efficacy of contraceptive methods used. 'Revolution' in the range of contraceptive methods used will have an equivalent impact on abortion rates. Secondary or emergency contraceptive methods have a considerable role to play in the reduction of abortion numbers. Good sex (and 'relationships') education programs may delay sexual debut, increase contraceptive usage and be associated with reduced abortion. Finally, interaction between socioeconomic factors and the choice between abortion and ongoing pregnancy are complex. Abortion is not necessarily chosen by those least able to support a child financially.
Abortion has become something to hide, something you can't tell other people, something you have to expiate forever. Besides, abortion is more and more difficult to achieve because of the raising average of consciencious objection (from 70 to 90% of health care providers are conscientious objectors, 2014 data, Ministero della Salute) and illegal abortion is "coming back"from the 70s, when abortion was a crime (Italian law n. 194/1978). Abortion is often blamed as a murder, an unforgivenable sin, even as genocide. Silence against shouting "killers!" to women who are going to have an abortion: this is a common actual scenario. Why is it so difficult to discuss and even to mention abortion?
Nidadavolu, Vijaya; Bracken, Hillary
Public information campaigns are an integral component of reproductive health programmes, including on abortion. In India, where sex selective abortion is increasing, public information is being disseminated on the illegality of sex determination. This paper presents findings from a study undertaken in 2003 in one district in Rajasthan to analyse the content of information materials on abortion and sex determination and people's perceptions of them. Most of the informational material about abortion was produced by one abortion service provider, but none by the public or private sector. The public sector had produced materials on the illegality of sex determination, some of which failed to distinguish between sex selection and other reasons for abortion. In the absence of knowledge of the legal status of abortion, the negative messages and strong language of these materials may have contributed to the perception that abortion is illegal in India. Future materials should address abortion and sex determination, including the legal status of abortion, availability of providers and social norms that shape decision-making. Married and unmarried women should be addressed and the participation of family members acknowledged, while supporting independent decisions by women. Sex determination should also be addressed, and the conditions under which a woman can and cannot seek an abortion clarified, using media and materials accessible to low-literate audiences. Based on what we learned in this research, a pictorial booklet and educator's manual were produced, covering both abortion and sex determination, and are being distributed in India.
Andaya, Elise; Mishtal, Joanna
Women's rights to legal abortion in the United States are now facing their greatest social and legislative challenges since its 1973 legalization. Legislation restricting rights and access to abortion care has been passed at state and federal levels at an unprecedented rate. Given the renewed vigor of anti-abortion movements, we call on anthropologists to engage with this shifting landscape of reproductive politics. This article examines recent legislation that has severely limited abortion access and maps possible directions for future anthropological analysis. We argue that anthropology can provide unique contributions to broader abortion research. The study of abortion politics in the United States today is not only a rich opportunity for applied and policy-oriented ethnographic research. It also provides a sharply focused lens onto broader theoretical concerns in anthropology and new social formations across moral, medical, political, and scientific fields in 21st-century America. © 2016 by the American Anthropological Association.
Roberto Arriada Lorea
Full Text Available In Brazil, facing an issue like abortion requires a secular perspective since the freedom of conscience assured by the Federal Constitution places upon the State the need to regard not only different viewpoints of different religions, but more specifically assure the right to diversity existing within a same religion, as well as the right to exercise different views from those of the hierarchy of his/her own religion. As such, there is no legal barrier for the decriminalization of abortion in the country. It is up to legislators to reform the present law and decriminalize abortion, assuming the commitments Brazil has assumed with international human-rights organizations, thus assuring the efficacy of civil liberties.
Viterna, Jocelyn; Bautista, Jose Santos Guardado
Using the case of El Salvador, this article demonstrates how the anti-abortion catchphrase "abortion is murder" can become embedded in the legal practice of state judicial systems. In the 1990s, a powerful anti-abortion movement in El Salvador resulted in a new legal context that outlawed abortion in all circumstances, discouraged mobilization for abortion rights, and encouraged the prosecution of reproduction-related "crimes." Within this context, Salvadoran women initially charged with the crime of abortion were convicted of "aggravated homicide" and sentenced to up to 40 years in prison. Court documents suggest that many of these women had not undergone abortions, but had suffered naturally occurring stillbirths late in their pregnancies. Through analysis of newspaper articles and court cases, this article documents how El Salvador came to prosecute obstetrical emergencies as "murder," and concludes that activism on behalf of abortion rights is central to protecting poor pregnant women from prosecution for reproduction-related "crimes."
Girard, Françoise; Nowicka, Wanda
On 25 July 2001 the Polish Federation for Women and Family Planning organised a Tribunal on Abortion Rights in Warsaw, to publicize the negative consequences of the criminalization of abortion in Poland. A panel of Polish and foreign experts heard the testimonials of seven Polish women's experiences under the 1993 "Anti-Abortion Act". Only two of the seven women were able to tell their stories in person. One died in 2001, at the age of 21, of an unsafe abortion. One is legally blind after having carried her last pregnancy to term. One is in prison for infanticide, which in all likelihood was committed by her boyfriend. National and foreign journalists were in attendance, as well as observers from all walks of life--writers, students, mothers, activists, feminists, husbands. The evidence was clear and compelling. Restrictive abortion laws make abortion unsafe by pushing it underground, endanger women's health, create a climate where even those services that are allowed by law-become unavailable, and contravene standards set by international human rights law. The restrictive abortion law in Poland has not increased the number of births; it has only caused women and their families suffering. The Tribunal brought the issue of abortion into the media prior to an election campaign and galvanised Polish and other Eastern European women's groups to become more active in defence of abortion rights.
Whilst the medical indications for therapeutic abortion and the legal limitations set vary enormously from one country to another there is in general an undoubted trend towards giving the pregnant woman herself a greater say in the decision. During the first year of the operation of the Abortion Act, 1967, in England some 72 pregnant women were referred to the author and his colleagues for a recommendation on abortion. A psychiatric examination and follow-up over a period of one year was made both in those cases where abortion was performed as well as in those cases who were refused therapeutic abortion. In this communication a comparison is made between the reactions and outcome in the two groups. A provisional conclusion is reached that no significant psychiatric disturbance could be attributed to the performance of the operation or on the other hand to refusal of the woman's request.
Astbury-Ward, Edna; Parry, Odette; Carnwell, Ros
This study qualitatively explores perceptions of women who have experienced abortion care. It explores women's journey through abortion from confirmation of pregnancy to post-abortion. The study seeks to understand the implications of these perceptions for policy and practice. A qualitative study involving in-depth semi-structured interviews with 17 women, aged between 22 and 57 years, who had undergone legal induced abortion in the UK when they were 16 years or older. Participants were not recruited under the age of 16 because of the ethical and legal complexities of interviewing minors. Additionally, 16 years was deemed to be the most appropriate age as this is the legal age of consent in the UK. Participants were recruited from 12 community contraception and sexual health clinics in two NHS trusts, one in England and one in Wales. Participant recruitment was set at a minimum of 12 and participants were recruited on a "first come first served basis" (i.e., the first 12 who contacted the researcher). The number of participants was raised to seventeen as this was the number deemed to be the most suitable for data saturation in this particular qualitative research. Women in this study understood abortion as highly taboo and a potentially personally stigmatizing event. These perceptions continued to affect disclosure to others, long after the abortion, and affected women's perceptions of the response of others, including society in general, significant others, and health professionals. Women's experiences of abortion may be influenced by perceived negative social attitudes. Health professionals and abortion service providers might combat the perceived isolation of women undergoing abortion by attending not only to clinical/technical aspects of the procedure but also to women's psychological/emotional sensitivities surrounding the event. © 2012 International Society for Sexual Medicine.
Shahawy, Sarrah; Diamond, Megan B
Induced abortion is an important public health issue in the occupied Palestinian territories (OPT), where it is illegal in most cases. This study was designed to elicit the views of Palestinian women on induced abortion given the unique religious, ethical and social challenges in the OPT. Sixty Palestinian women were interviewed on their perceptions of the religious implications, social consequences and accessibility of induced abortions in the OPT at Al-Makassed Islamic Charitable Hospital in East Jerusalem. Themes arising from the interviews included: the centrality of religion in affecting women's choices and views on abortion; the importance of community norms in regulating perspectives on elective abortion; and the impact of the unique medico-legal situation of the OPT on access to abortion under occupation. Limitations to safe abortion access included: legal restrictions; significant social consequences from the discovery of an abortion by one's community or family; and different levels of access to abortion depending on whether a woman lived in East Jerusalem, the West Bank, or Gaza. This knowledge should be incorporated to work towards a legal and medical framework in Palestine that would allow for safe abortions for women in need.
Sorhaindo, Annik M; Juárez-Ramírez, Clara; Díaz Olavarrieta, Claudia; Aldaz, Evelyn; Mejía Piñeros, María Consuelo; Garcia, Sandra
Social manifestations of abortion stigma depend upon cultural, legal, and religious context. Abortion stigma in Mexico is under-researched. This study explored the sources, experiences, and consequences of stigma from the perspectives of women who had had an abortion, male partners, and members of the general population in different regional and legal contexts. We explored abortion stigma in Mexico City where abortion is legal in the first trimester and five states-Chihuahua, Chiapas, Jalisco, Oaxaca, and Yucatán-where abortion remains restricted. In each state, we conducted three focus groups-men ages 24-40 years (n = 36), women 25-40 years (n = 37), and young women ages 18-24 years (n = 27)-and four in-depth face-to-face interviews in total; two with women (n = 12) and two with the male partners of women who had had an abortion (n = 12). For 4 of the 12 women, this was their second abortion. This exploratory study suggests that abortion stigma was influenced by norms that placed a high value on motherhood and a conservative Catholic discourse. Some participants in this study described abortion as an "indelible mark" on a woman's identity and "divine punishment" as a consequence. Perspectives encountered in Mexico City often differed from the conservative postures in the states.
Bergallo, Paola; Ramón Michel, Agustina
For most of the 20th Century, restrictive abortion laws were in place in continental Latin America. In recent years, reforms have caused a liberalizing shift, supported by constitutional decisions of the countries' high courts. The present article offers an overview of the turn toward more liberal rules and the resolution of abortion disputes by reference to national constitutions. For such purpose, the main legal changes of abortion laws in the last decade are first surveyed. Landmark decisions of the high courts of Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, and Mexico are then analyzed. It is shown that courts have accepted the need to balance interests and competing rights to ground less restrictive laws. In doing so, they have articulated limits to protection of fetal interests, and basic ideas of women's dignity, autonomy, and equality. The process of constitutionalization has only just begun. Constitutional judgments are not the last word, but they are important contributions in reinforcing the legality of abortion. Copyright © 2016 International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics. Published by Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
Conti, Jennifer A; Cahill, Erica
To review updates in how abortion care is depicted and analysed though various media outlets: news, television, film, and social media. A surge in recent media-related abortion research has recognized several notable and emerging themes: abortion in the news media is often inappropriately sourced and politically motivated; abortion portrayal in US film and television is frequently misrepresented; and social media has a new and significant role in abortion advocacy. The portrayal of abortion onscreen, in the news, and online through social media has a significant impact on cultural, personal, and political beliefs in the United States. This is an emerging field of research with wide spread potential impact across several arenas: medicine, policy, public health.
The paper analyzes conscientious objection by physicians, through the concrete situation of legal abortion in Brazil. It reviews the two main ethical frameworks about conscientious objection in public health, the incompatibility thesis and the integrity thesis, to analyze the reality of legal abortion services in the referral services of the Brazilian public health care system. From these two perspectives, a third perspective is proposed - the justification thesis, to manage the right to conscientious objection among physicians in referral services. This analysis may contribute to the organization of services for legal abortion and to the education of future physicians working in emergency obstetric care.
Serrano Gil, A; García Casado, M L
The issue of conscientious objection in Spain has been used by pro-choice groups against objecting health personnel as one of the obstacles to the implementation of the abortion law, a misnomer. At present objection is massive in the public sector; 95% of abortions are carried out in private clinics with highly lucrative returns; abortion tourism has decreased; and false objection has proliferated in the public sector when the objector performs abortions in the private sector for high fees. The legal framework for conscientious objection is absent in Spain. Neither Article 417 of the Penal Code depenalizing abortion, nor the Ministerial Decree of July 31, 1985, nor the Royal Decree of November 21, 1986 recognize such a concept. However, the ruling of the Constitutional Court on April 11, 1985 confirmed that such objection can be exercised with independence. Some authors refer to the applicability of Law No. 48 of December 16, 1984 that regulates conscientious objection in military service to health personnel. The future law concerning the fundamental right of ideological and religious liberty embodied in Article 16.1 of the Constitution has to be revised. A draft bill was submitted in the Congress or Representatives concerning this issue on May 3, 1985 that recognizes the right of medical personnel to object to abortion without career repercussions. Another draft bill was introduced on April 17, 1985 that would allow the nonparticipation of medical personnel in the interruption of pregnancy, however, they would be prohibited from practicing such in the private hospitals. Neither of these proposed bills became law. Professional groups either object unequivocally, or do not object at all, or object on an ethical level but do not object to therapeutic abortion. The resolution of this issue has to be by consensus and not by imposition.
To find the latest and most accurate information on aspects of induced abortion. A literature survey was carried out in which five aspects of abortion were scrutinised: risk to life, risk of breast cancer, risk to mental health, risk to future fertility, and fetal pain. Abortion is clearly safer than childbirth. There is no evidence of an association between abortion and breast cancer. Women who have abortions are not at increased risk of mental health problems over and above women who deliver an unwanted pregnancy. There is no negative effect of abortion on a woman's subsequent fertility. It is not possible for a fetus to perceive pain before 24 weeks' gestation. Misinformation on abortion is widespread. Literature and websites are cited to demonstrate how data have been manipulated and misquoted or just ignored. Citation of non-peer reviewed articles is also common. Mandates insisting on provision of inaccurate information in some US State laws are presented. Attention is drawn to how women can be misled by Crisis Pregnancy Centres. There is extensive promulgation of misinformation on abortion by those who oppose abortion. Much of this misinformation is based on distorted interpretation of the scientific literature.
Che, Yan; Liu, Xiaoting; Zhang, Bin; Cheng, Linan
Abstract Oral contraceptives (OCs) following induced abortion offer a reliable method to avoid repeated abortion. However, limited data exist supporting the effective use of OCs postabortion. We conducted this systematic review and meta-analysis in the present study reported immediate administration of OCs or combined OCs postabortion may reduce vaginal bleeding time and amount, shorten the menstruation recovery period, increase endometrial thickness 2 to 3 weeks after abortion, and reduce the risk of complications and unintended pregnancies. A total of 8 major authorized Chinese and English databases were screened from January 1960 to November 2014. Randomized controlled trials in which patients had undergone medical or surgical abortions were included. Chinese studies that met the inclusion criteria were divided into 3 groups: administration of OC postmedical abortion (group I; n = 1712), administration of OC postsurgical abortion (group II; n = 8788), and administration of OC in combination with traditional Chinese medicine postsurgical abortion (group III; n = 19,707). In total, 119 of 6160 publications were included in this analysis. Significant difference was observed in group I for vaginal bleeding time (P = 0.0001), the amount of vaginal bleeding (P = 0.03), and menstruation recovery period (P abortion (P abortion, and reduce the risk of complications and unintended pregnancies. PMID:27399060
Abstract The Dublin Declaration on Maternal Healthcare—issued by self-declared pro-life activists in Ireland in 2012—states unequivocally that abortion is never medically necessary, even to save the life of a pregnant woman. This article examines the influence of the Dublin Declaration on abortion politics in Latin America, especially El Salvador and Chile, where it has recently been used in pro-life organizing to cast doubt on the notion that legalizing abortion will reduce maternal mortality. Its framers argue that legalizing abortion will not improve maternal mortality rates, but reproductive rights advocates respond that the Dublin Declaration is junk science designed to preserve the world’s most restrictive abortion laws. Analyzing the strategy and impact of the Dublin Declaration brings to light one of the tactics used in anti-abortion organizing. PMID:28630540
Petersen, Mille Nyboe; Fandt Hansen, Christl
The objective of this review is to investigate Scandinavian women’s experiences in connection with "abortion on request”. Types of participants: This review will consider studies that include adult women from age 18 living in (but not necessarily legal citizens of) Scandinavia, defined as Denmark...... and after the intervention - an abortion on request and in investigating possible and self-reported psychosocial or psychological health consequences following the abortion. Types of context: This review will focus on Scandinavian women who have had a legal abortion on request in a Scandinavian hospital......, Sweden and Norway, who have experienced an induced (medical or surgical) abortion without a medical reason, described here as an “abortion on request”. Phenomena of interest: The objective of this review is to investigate Scandinavian women’s experiences in connection with – meaning before, during...
Coast, Ernestina; Murray, Susan F
Unsafe abortion is a significant but preventable cause of global maternal mortality and morbidity. Zambia has among the most liberal abortion laws in sub-Saharan Africa, however this alone does not guarantee access to safe abortion, and 30% of maternal mortality is attributable to unsafe procedures. Too little is known about the pathways women take to reach abortion services in such resource-poor settings, or what informs care-seeking behaviours, barriers and delays. In-depth qualitative interviews were conducted in 2013 with 112 women who accessed abortion-related care in a Lusaka tertiary government hospital at some point in their pathway. The sample included women seeking safe abortion and also those receiving hospital care following unsafe abortion. We identified a typology of three care-seeking trajectories that ended in the use of hospital services: clinical abortion induced in hospital; clinical abortion initiated elsewhere, with post-abortion care in hospital; and non-clinical abortion initiated elsewhere, with post-abortion care in hospital. Framework analyses of 70 transcripts showed that trajectories to a termination of an unwanted pregnancy can be complex and iterative. Individuals may navigate private and public formal healthcare systems and consult unqualified providers, often trying multiple strategies. We found four major influences on which trajectory a woman followed, as well as the complexity and timing of her trajectory: i) the advice of trusted others ii) perceptions of risk iii) delays in care-seeking and receipt of services and iv) economic cost. Even though abortion is legal in Zambia, girls and women still take significant risks to terminate unwanted pregnancies. Levels of awareness about the legality of abortion and its provision remain low even in urban Zambia, especially among adolescents. Unofficial payments required by some providers can be a major barrier to safe care. Timely access to safe abortion services depends on chance rather
Latin America is undergoing profound social, economic, political, demographic, and epidemiologic change. Reproductive health indicators have generally improved over the past two decades, but most pregnancies are still unintended and more than 4 million are terminated annually. Clandestine abortions necessitated by restrictive legal and social structures cause more than 1,000 deaths and 500,000 hospitalizations per year, primarily among poor and marginalized women. Abortions are becoming safer and less frequent, however, as a consequence of increased modern contraceptive use, misoprostol adoption, emergency contraception availability, and postabortion care provision, notwithstanding many impediments to these changes. Advocacy and conflict over abortion have grown. The contested policy shifts include Mexico City's 2007 legalization of first-trimester abortion. Drawing on numerous sources of evidence, this article provides a regional analysis of the rapidly changing practice and context of abortion in Latin America, and examines emerging issues, legal and policy developments, and contrasting country situations.
Campbell, Nancy B.; And Others
Explored differences between 35 women who had abortions as teenagers and 36 women who had abortions as adults. Respondents reported on their premorbid psychiatric histories, the decision-making process itself, and postabortion distress symptoms. Antisocial and paranoid personality disorders, drug abuse, and psychotic delusions were significantly…
María Eugenia Monte
Full Text Available In Argentina, women and feminist movements concentrated abortion liberalization demand repertories of action in state juridical institutions displacing other repertories of action focused on the politicization of sexuality. This switch implied a change in the construction of abortion. From being constructed as part of sexual liberation demands during the 1960s and the 1970s, to being constructed as part of reproductive rights and broader human rights discourses during the 1980s and the 1990s, and particularly at Courts since 2000s. Precisely, the objective of this article is to analyze how abortion demand was constructed by a women’s organization defending a structural case at Court in Córdoba province (Argentina between 2012-2013. En Argentina, los movimientos de mujeres y feministas concentraron los repertorios de acción de la demanda por la liberalización del aborto en las instituciones jurídicas estatales, desplazando otros repertorios de acción concentrados en la politización de la sexualidad. Este desplazamiento implicó una modificación en la construcción del aborto. De construirse como parte de las demandas por la liberación sexual durante las décadas de 1960 y 1970, durante las décadas de 1980 y 1990 pasó a construirse como parte de los discursos sobre derechos reproductivos y, más ampliamente, de los derechos humanos, y sobre todo como parte de disputas judiciales a partir del año 2000. Precisamente, el objetivo de este artículo es analizar cómo construyó la demanda de aborto por una organización de mujeres en defensa de un caso estructural en la provincia de Córdoba (Argentina entre 2012-2013. DOWNLOAD THIS PAPER FROM SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2707027
The preabortion interview required by French law takes place between the medical consultation and the aspiration or administration of RU-486. The three marriage counselors at the Center for Social Gynecology in Marseilles have each undertaken a course of personal therapy to enable them to understand their own reactions and motivations as a way of improving their effectiveness with clients. The preabortion interview is an opportunity to listen to and support women who may be experiencing anguish, sadness, ambivalence, or aggressivity. Each client determines the content of the interview. Often the reason for the abortion is given, frequently in terms of economic problems, unemployment, or other justification. The women almost always state that they "cannot", not that they "do not want", to continue the pregnancy, as if external circumstances had made their decision. The decision is usually made with little discussion. Young adolescents are often astounded to find themselves pregnant. Among young girls, the pregnancy may represent an appeal to the parents for attention or understanding. Sometimes the abortion represents a repetition or a reminder of some difficult event in the past, such as a previous abortion or the death of a child. Often the abortion exacerbates problems in the couple's relationship. The mother often experiences rejection of the pregnancy by the father as rejection of herself. Repeat abortions raise questions about whether some aspect of counseling was neglected. The abortion request always occasions a great feeling of guilt, both for being pregnant and for refusing the pregnancy. The interview permits the client to express her feelings and may help her make sense of the experience.
Harries, Jane; Gerdts, Caitlin; Momberg, Mariette; Greene Foster, Diana
Despite the change in legal status of abortion in South Africa in 1996, barriers to access remain. Stigma associated with abortion provision and care, privacy concerns, and negative provider attitudes often discourage women from seeking legal abortion services and sometimes force women outside of the legal system. What happens when women present for abortion at a designated abortion facility and are denied abortions due to gestational limits or other factors-is unknown. Whether women seek care at referral facilities, seek illegal abortion, or carry pregnancies to term has never been documented. This study, part of a multi-country Global Turnaway Study, explored the experiences of women after denial of legal abortion services. Qualitative research methods were used to collect data at two non-governmental organization health care facilities providing abortion services. In depth interviews were held with women 2 to 3 months after they were denied an abortion. Data were analyzed using a thematic analysis approach. The most common reason for being turned away was due to gestational age over 12 weeks with some women denied abortions that day because they did not have enough money to pay for the procedure. Almost all women were extremely upset at being denied an abortion on the day that they visited the health care facility. Some women were so distressed that they openly discussed the option of seeking an illegal provider or exploring the possibility of securing another health care professional who would assist them. Despite South Africa's liberal abortion law and the relatively widespread availability of abortion services in urban settings, women in South Africa are denied abortion services largely due to being beyond the legal limits to obtain an abortion. A high proportion of women who were initially denied an abortion at legal facilities went on to seek options for pregnancy termination outside of the legal system through internet searches--some of which could have
The annual Campaign for the Prevention of Maternal Mortality and Morbidity to be held on May 28 will focus upon abortion-related maternal mortality with the goal of mobilizing women to discuss abortion and turn it into an issue of public debate. First, however, people must stop blaming women for abortion. People say women are responsible for abortion because they failed to use contraception, they had sexual intercourse outside of marriage, they were behaving immorally, and/or they violated religious precepts. However, blaming women for abortion simply denies reality. This paper explains what is known and not known about abortion and its related maternal morbidity and mortality, and counters some myths about the criminalization and legalization of abortion, religious prohibition of abortion, who has abortions, whether women will always be traumatized by an abortion, the health risks of induced abortion, and the need for abortion services. The history of the campaign is also described.
The continued illegality of induced abortion in Latin America has led to substantial, preventable maternal mortality and morbidity. The first strategy for preventing unsafe clandestine abortion is to reduce the incidence of unwanted pregnancy through measures such as improved access to effective contraception, post-abortion family planning counseling, health education campaigns aimed at promoting condom use among young people, involvement of men in family planning decision making, biomedical research on safer and more effective male and female contraceptive methods, and empowering women to demand the use of condoms or avoid unwanted intercourse. The second strategy is to reduce abortion-related mortality and morbidity through more effective clinical management of incomplete illegal abortions, introduction of menstrual regulation services, formation of women's solidarity groups aimed at discouraging the practice of self-induced abortion, and, ultimately, abortion legalization.
Levels, M.; Need, Ariana; Nieuwenhuis, Rense; Sluiter, Roderick; UItee, W.
In the Netherlands, abortion is legal, safe, easily available, and free of charge. Paradoxically, it is also extremely rare. Little quantitative research into the Netherlands’ abortion practice has been done. We analyse the fertile life-course of N = 3,793 Dutch women between 1954 and 2002. Using
Levels, M.; Need, A.; Nieuwenhuis, R.; Sluiter, R.; Ultee, W.C.
In the Netherlands, abortion is legal, safe, easily available, and free of charge. Paradoxically, it is also extremely rare. Little quantitative research into the Netherlands' abortion practice has been done. We analyse the fertile life-course of N = 3,793 Dutch women between 1954 and 2002. Using
E.M.H. Mitchell (Ellen); S.G. Heumann (Silke); A. Araujo (Ana); L. Adesse (Leila); C.T. Halpern (Carolyn)
textabstractBackground: Internet surveys that draw from traditionally generated samples provide the unique conditions to engage adolescents in exploration of sensitive health topics.Methods: We examined awareness of unwanted pregnancy, abortion behaviour, methods, and attitudes toward specific legal
Aghakhani, Nader; Cleary, Michelle; Zarei, Abbas; Lopez, Violeta
To explore attitudes to safe-induced abortion among pregnant women in Iran. In Islamic teachings, abortion is generally forbidden. However in specific circumstances, abortion may be permitted and currently, in Iran, the law allows termination of pregnancy only if three specialist physicians confirm that the pregnancy outcome may be harmful for the mother during pregnancy or after birth. Pilot, descriptive survey. A 15-item structured questionnaire focusing on attitudes to safe-induced abortion was developed and pilot tested. Participants were pregnant women who were referred to the Legal Medical Centre (July-December 2015) to obtain permission for abortion. On obtaining their informed consent, the women were asked to respond to each item if they agreed (Yes) or disagreed (No). Only their age, education, employment, marital status and religion were obtained. Of the 80 survey participants referred for a safe-induced abortion, 90% were carrying foetuses with a diagnosed congenital malformation and 10% were experiencing complications of pregnancy that endangered their health. The majority of women (85%) perceived abortion to be dangerous to health; 86% indicated that partners should be involved in decision-making about abortion, while 83% believed that public health officials should have complete control of abortion law. There is a need to improve women's and couples' awareness and practice of effective contraceptive methods. Further research is needed to better understand the complex issues that lead to unintended pregnancies and abortions considering religious beliefs and cultural and legal contexts. © 2017 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
Awoyemi, Bosede O; Novignon, Jacob
While induced abortion is considered to be illegal and socially unacceptable in Nigeria, it is still practiced by many women in the country. Poor family planning and unsafe abortion practices have daunting effects on maternal health. For instance, Nigeria is on the verge of not meeting the Millennium development goals on maternal health due to high maternal mortality ratio, estimated to be about 630 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births. Recent evidences have shown that a major factor in this trend is the high incidence of abortion in the country. The objective of this paper is, therefore, to investigate the factors determining the demand for abortion and post-abortion care in Ibadan city of Nigeria. The study employed data from a hospital-based/exploratory survey carried out between March to September 2010. Closed ended questionnaires were administered to a sample of 384 women of reproductive age from three hospitals within the Ibadan metropolis in South West Nigeria. However, only 308 valid responses were received and analysed. A probit model was fitted to determine the socioeconomic factors that influence demand for abortion and post-abortion care. The results showed that 62% of respondents demanded for abortion while 52.3% of those that demanded for abortion received post-abortion care. The findings again showed that income was a significant determinant of abortion and post-abortion care demand. Women with higher income were more likely to demand abortion and post-abortion care. Married women were found to be less likely to demand for abortion and post-abortion care. Older women were significantly less likely to demand for abortion and post-abortion care. Mothers' education was only statistically significant in determining abortion demand but not post-abortion care demand. The findings suggest that while abortion is illegal in Nigeria, some women in the Ibadan city do abort unwanted pregnancies. The consequence of this in the absence of proper post-abortion
Background While induced abortion is considered to be illegal and socially unacceptable in Nigeria, it is still practiced by many women in the country. Poor family planning and unsafe abortion practices have daunting effects on maternal health. For instance, Nigeria is on the verge of not meeting the Millennium development goals on maternal health due to high maternal mortality ratio, estimated to be about 630 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births. Recent evidences have shown that a major factor in this trend is the high incidence of abortion in the country. The objective of this paper is, therefore, to investigate the factors determining the demand for abortion and post-abortion care in Ibadan city of Nigeria. Methods The study employed data from a hospital-based/exploratory survey carried out between March to September 2010. Closed ended questionnaires were administered to a sample of 384 women of reproductive age from three hospitals within the Ibadan metropolis in South West Nigeria. However, only 308 valid responses were received and analysed. A probit model was fitted to determine the socioeconomic factors that influence demand for abortion and post-abortion care. Results The results showed that 62% of respondents demanded for abortion while 52.3% of those that demanded for abortion received post-abortion care. The findings again showed that income was a significant determinant of abortion and post-abortion care demand. Women with higher income were more likely to demand abortion and post-abortion care. Married women were found to be less likely to demand for abortion and post-abortion care. Older women were significantly less likely to demand for abortion and post-abortion care. Mothers’ education was only statistically significant in determining abortion demand but not post-abortion care demand. Conclusion The findings suggest that while abortion is illegal in Nigeria, some women in the Ibadan city do abort unwanted pregnancies. The consequence of this
January 2018, the American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology issued a position statement opposing the punishment of women for self-induced abortion. To those unfamiliar with emerging trends in abortion in the United States and worldwide, the need for the declaration might not be apparent. Several studies suggest that self-induced abortion is on the rise in the United States. Simultaneously, prosecutions of pregnant women for behavior thought to harm the fetus are increasing. The ACOG statement responds to both trends by urging doctors to honor the integrity and confidentiality inherent in the doctor-patient relationship. Seen in the context of the larger battle over legal abortion, the statement has far broader implications. By acknowledging the role doctors play in enforcing pregnancy-related crimes, the ACOG position statement wisely anticipates the ways in which doctors will be implicated should access to legal abortion be further restricted. To understand the need for the ACOG directive, you must first understand that the story of what will happen if abortion becomes a crime in the United States is not to be found in history books; it is staring at us across our southern border. © 2018 The Hastings Center.
Olson, Rose McKeon; Kamurari, Solomon
A 15-year-old girl at 18 weeks gestation by the last menstrual period presented to a rural Ugandan healthcare facility for termination of her pregnancy as a result of rape by her uncle. Skilled healthcare workers at the facility refused to provide the abortion due to fear of legal repercussions. The patient subsequently obtained an unsafe abortion by vaginal insertion of local herbs and sharp objects. She developed profuse vaginal bleeding and haemorrhagic shock. She was found to have uterine rupture and emergent hysterectomy was performed. Young and poor women are at high risk of unplanned pregnancy and subsequent mortality during pregnancy and childbirth. Unsafe abortion is a leading and entirely preventable cause of maternal mortality worldwide. Multiple barriers restrict access to safe abortions including social and moral stigma, gender-based power imbalances, inadequate contraceptive use and sexual education, high cost and poor availability, and restrictive abortion laws. © BMJ Publishing Group Ltd (unless otherwise stated in the text of the article) 2017. All rights reserved. No commercial use is permitted unless otherwise expressly granted.
There is general agreement that uncertainty persists regarding the psychological sequelae of abortion. Inconsistencies of interpretation stem from a lack of consensus about the symptoms, severity, and duration of mental disorder. In addition, opinions differ based on individual case studies and there is no national reporting system or adequate follow up system. Frequently, reviews combine studies conducted prior to and after the 1973 Supreme Court decision, mix elective abortion with those induced for medical reasons, or fail to distinguish between abortions performed early or late in gestation. The literature reveals methodological problems, a lack of controls, and sampling inadequacies. A review of the available literature and the files of "Abortion Research Notes" suggests that women at particular risk for postabortion stress reactions are those who terminate an originally wanted pregnancy, are strongly ambivalent, come very late in their pregnancy, or lack the support of significant others.
Konje, J C; Obisesan, K A; Ladipo, O A
Over a period of 7 years, 230 cases of illegally induced abortions complicated by sepsis were treated at the University College Hospital, Ibadan, Nigeria. The number of terminations complicated by sepsis doubled from 25.4 (between 1981 and 1985) to 51.0 (between 1986 and 1987) cases per year. Peritonitis was the commonest associated complication while maternal mortality was 8.3%. The average cost of treatment was US$223.11, while the average monthly earnings was US$45.00. Legalization of abortion would have resulted in a saving of US$50,022.28. Provision of legal abortion would reduce the incidence of sepsis after termination while reproductive health education and information dissemination and provision of easily accessible family planning services would greatly reduce the number of unwanted pregnancies.
Ganatra, Bela; Hirve, Siddhi
In a study in rural Maharashtra, India, adolescents constituted 13.1% of the 1717 married women who had an induced abortion during an 18-month period in 1996-1998. The 197 adolescents who were subsequently interviewed had a lesser role in the decision-making process on abortion than women older than them. Most abortions were obtained in the private sector. Though spacing was the main reason for adolescents seeking abortion, prior contraceptive use among them was low. Additionally, they were less likely to receive post-abortion contraceptive counselling or to adopt contraception. Sex selection accounted for more than a fifth of abortions among adolescents. Additional qualitative data from 43 never-married and separated adolescents seeking abortion showed that non-consensual sex made many pregnancies unwanted, and cost, limited mobility, lack of family and partner support and the need for privacy to prevent stigma led many to go to traditional providers, even though safer options existed. Family planning programmes need to address the contraceptive needs of newly married adolescent women as well as unmarried adolescents. Informing adolescents of their legal rights, sensitising providers to adopt an empathetic attitude, and exploring innovative ways of increasing access to safe services for unmarried adolescents are all recommended.
de Campos, Thana Cristina
This paper suggests that the focus on abortion legalization in the aftermath of the Zika outbreak is distracting for policy and lawmakers from what needs to be done to address the outbreak effectively. Meeting basic health needs (i.e. preventive measures), together with research and development conducive to a vaccine or treatment for the Zika virus should be priorities.
Quintero-Roa, Eliana M; Ochoa-Vera, Miguel E
Objective To explore if the academic exposure to legal abortion affects the knowledge and attitudes of medical students. Method To asses this relationship, both qualitative and quantitative approaches were performed. We analyzed a medical student cohort enrolled in gynecology and obstetrics at two accredited universities in Bucaramanga, Colombia during the second half of 2011. Students were invited to participate in two anonymous surveys. One survey was conducted in the first three weeks of the semester, and the second was done in the last three weeks. A quantitative approach was taken by a group interview of two random groups of participants. One group was composed of medical students of gynecology and obstetrics (fourth year of medicine), and the other group was composed of medical students in their last year (internal medical students). Results The items pregnancy with risk to the mother´s life, or affected by a non-viable fetal malformation, or result of rape were recognized and accepted. 46% of the participants changed their attitude about legal abortion at the end of the semester. Three out of every four participants changed their attitude to accept the decriminalized conditions, while one out of every four people had the opposite change of opinion. Medical student´s don´t believe that general practitioners are trained to advice patients in these cases. Conclusions Educating and training general practitioners in issues related to legal abortion may decrease the risk of inadequate medical assessment in cases of legal abortion.
Assifi, Anisa R.; Berger, Blair; Tunçalp, Özge; Khosla, Rajat; Ganatra, Bela
Background Incorrect knowledge of laws may affect how women enter the health system or seek services, and it likely contributes to the disconnect between official laws and practical applications of the laws that influence women’s access to safe, legal abortion services. Objective To provide a synthesis of evidence of women’s awareness and knowledge of the legal status of abortion in their country, and the accuracy of women’s knowledge on specific legal grounds and restrictions outlined in a country’s abortion law. Methods A systematic search was carried for articles published between 1980–2015. Quantitative, mixed-method data collection, and objectives related to women’s awareness or knowledge of the abortion law was included. Full texts were assessed, and data extraction done by a single reviewer. Final inclusion for analysis was assessed by two reviewers. The results were synthesised into tables, using narrative synthesis. Results Of the original 3,126 articles, and 16 hand searched citations, 24 studies were included for analysis. Women’s correct general awareness and knowledge of the legal status was less than 50% in nine studies. In six studies, knowledge of legalization/liberalisation ranged between 32.3% - 68.2%. Correct knowledge of abortion on the grounds of rape ranged from 12.8% – 98%, while in the case of incest, ranged from 9.8% - 64.5%. Abortion on the grounds of fetal impairment and gestational limits, varied widely from 7% - 94% and 0% - 89.5% respectively. Conclusion This systematic review synthesizes literature on women’s awareness and knowledge of the abortion law in their own context. The findings show that correct general awareness and knowledge of the abortion law and legal grounds and restrictions amongst women was limited, even in countries where the laws were liberal. Thus, interventions to disseminate accurate information on the legal context are necessary. PMID:27010629
Hoctor, Leah; Lamačková, Adriana
Several Central and Eastern European countries have recently enacted retrogressive laws and policies introducing new preconditions that women must fulfill before they can obtain legal abortion services. Mandatory waiting periods and biased counseling and information requirements are particularly common examples of these new prerequisites. The present article considers these requirements in light of international human rights standards and public health guidelines, and outlines the manner in which, by imposing regressive barriers on women's access to legal abortion services, these new laws and policies undermine women's health and well-being, fail to respect women's human rights, and reinforce harmful gender stereotypes and abortion stigma. © 2017 International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics.
Background Induced abortion is one of the greatest human rights dilemmas of our time. Yet, abortion is a very common experience in every culture and society. According to the World Health Organization, Ethiopia had the fifth largest number of maternal deaths in 2005 and unsafe abortion was estimated to account for 32% of all maternal deaths in Ethiopia. Youth are disproportionately affected by the consequences of unsafe abortion. The objective of this study was, therefore, to determine the magnitude and identify factors associated with abortion among female Wolaita Sodo University students. Methods A descriptive, cross-sectional study was conducted in Wolaita Sodo University between May and June 2011. Data were collected from 493 randomly selected female students using structured and pre-tested questionnaires. Results The rate of abortion among students was found to be 65 per 1000 women, making it three fold the national rate of abortion for Ethiopia (23/1000 women aged 15–44). Virtually all of the abortions (96.9%) were induced and only half (16) were reported to be safe. Students with history of alcohol use, who are first-year and those enrolled in faculties with no post-Grade 10 Natural Science background had higher risk of abortion than their counterparts. About 23.7% reported sexual experience. Less than half of the respondents (44%) ever heard of emergency contraception and only 35.9% of those who are sexually experienced ever used condom. Conclusions High rate of abortion was detected among female Wolaita Sodo University students and half of the abortions took place/initiated under unsafe circumstances. Knowledge of students on legal and safe abortion services was found to be considerably poor. It is imperative that improved sexual health education, with focus on safe and legal abortion services is rendered and wider availability of Youth Friendly family planning services are realized in Universities and other places where young men and women congregate
Smith, T W
In the US attitudes toward abortion in the 1980s seem to have reached a more liberal plateau, much more favored than in the 1960s or earlier, but not longer moving in a liberal direction. Catholic attitudes basically have followed the same trend. Traditionally Catholic support has been slightly lower than Protestant, and both are less inclined to support abortion than Jews or the nonreligious. During the 1970s support among non-black Catholics averaged about 10 percentage points below non-black Protestants. Blacks tend to be anti-abortion and thereby lower support among Protestants as a whole. A comparison of Protestants and Catholics of both races shows fewer religious differences -- about 7 percentage points. There are some indications that this gap may be closing. In 1982, for the 1st time, support for abortions for social reasons, such as poverty, not wanting to marry, or not wanting more children, was as high among Catholics as among Protestants. 1 of the factors contributing to this narrowing gap has been the higher level of support for abortion among younger Catholics. Protestants show little variation on abortion attitudes, with those over age 65 being slightly less supportive. Among Catholics, support drops rapidly with age. This moderate and possibly vanishing difference between Catholics and Protestants contrasts sharply with the official positions of their respective churches. The Catholic Church takes an absolute moral position against abortion, while most Protestant churches take no doctrinaire position on abortion. Several, such as the Unitarians and Episcopalians, lean toward a pro-choice position as a matter of social policy, though fundamentalist sects take strong anti-abortion stances. Few Catholics agree with their church's absolutist anti-abortion position. The big split on abortion comes between what are sometimes termed the "hard" abortion reasons -- mother's health endangered, serious defect in fetus, rape, or incest. Support among Catholics
Requero Ibáñez, José Luís
The article focuses on the different factors and circumstances that have led to the reform of Spanish Abortion Law (1985). Judicial investigations of several abortion clinics have demonstrated that up until today there has been a widespread tendency of the clinics to practice beyond the limits established by the law. Nonetheless, the reaction of the government has not been to protect the life of the unborn. Its reaction has been, however, to cover the irregularities committed by the abortionists through the legalization of their abusive practices. Besides, the reform of the law has been inspired by elements of radical feminism. The author points out the major reasons that make this reform unconstitutional and offers alternative solutions for the protection of the mother and the unborn child.
Suranga, M S; Silva, K T; Senanayake, L
Abortion is legally permitted in Sri Lanka, only if it is performed to save the mother’s life. However, it is estimated that a large number of induced abortions take place in Sri Lanka. Knowledge and attitudes towards induced abortion in the society are key issues influencing the policy response towards changes in the law. This study aimed to assess the knowledge and attitudes of adults towards induced abortion in Sri Lanka. Six Grama Niladhari Divisions (GNDs) and five to eight housing clusters from each GND were selected from Thimbirigasyaya Divisional Secretariat Division using multi stage stratified random sampling. Fifty households were systematically selected from each GND. An interview was scheduled among 743 residents aged between 19 to 49 years of age after receiving written informed consent. Only 11% of the respondents knew the situations in which abortion was legal in Sri Lanka. Approximately one tenth of the respondents (11%) did not agree with the current law which allows an induced abortion only to save the life of the mother. However, a majority agreed to legalization of abortion for rape (65%), incest (55%) and pregnancies with lethal fetal abnormalities (53%). Less than one tenth of respondents agreed with legalisation of induced abortion for other reasons such as con-traceptive failure (6%), poor economic conditions (7%) and, on request (4%). Although the society rejects abortion on request majority are in favour of allowing abortions for rape, incest and fetuses with lethal abnormalities.
Smith, R G; Gardner, R W; Steinhoff, P; Chung, C S; Palmore, J A
There was a decrease in the recorded number of cases and in the incidence rate of Down's syndrome in Hawaii between 1963-1969 and 1971-1977. Independent of all other factors, induced abortion accounted for 43 percent of the decline in the number of cases, based on the assumption that a substantial number of clandestine abortions were being performed in Hawaii before the 1970 legalization of abortion. However, if we assume that very few illegal abortions were performed prior to 1970, there would have been an actual 3.5 percent increase in the number of cases of Down's syndrome in the absence of legal abortion. Declining pregnancy rates and decreasing age-specific incidence rates of Down's syndrome also contributed to the drop in the number of cases between 1963-1969 and 1971-1977.
Kimport, Katrina; Weitz, Tracy A; Freedman, Lori
Roe v. Wade was heralded as an end to unequal access to abortion care in the United States. However, today, despite being common and safe, abortion is performed only selectively in hospitals and private practices. Drawing on 61 interviews with obstetrician-gynecologists in these settings, we examine how they determine which abortions to perform. We find that they distinguish between more and less legitimate abortions, producing a narrative of stratified legitimacy that privileges abortions for intended pregnancies, when the fetus is unhealthy, and when women perform normative gendered sexuality, including distress about the abortion, guilt about failure to contracept, and desire for motherhood. This stratified legitimacy can perpetuate socially-inflected inequality of access and normative gendered sexuality. Additionally, we argue that the practice by physicians of distinguishing among abortions can legitimate legislative practices that regulate and restrict some kinds of abortion, further constraining abortion access. © American Sociological Association 2016.
Full Text Available Abortion is seen as an immoral and unjust act by many. Nonetheless these views are under pressure to conform to the learned opinion on abortion. A variety of prestigious in the field of applied ethics support abortion in one way or another. And it is a dogma of modern liberalism that even if one is personally opposed to abortion, one must accept the neutral solution of its public permissibility. The present article defends the thesis that abortion is immoral and unjust against these contentions. With regards to the moral status of abortion, it argues that the prohibition of abortion is off a piece with the prohibition of killing generally, which is characterized by protecting all human beings equally. With regards to the compatibility of abortion permissibility with liberalism, the article argues that such a compromise is not neutral, but heavily rigged in favor of the interests and world-views of abortion proponents.
Yegon, Erick Kiprotich; Kabanya, Peter Mwaniki; Echoka, Elizabeth; Osur, Joachim
The rate of unsafe abortions in Kenya has increased from 32 per 1000 women of reproductive age in 2002 to 48 per 1000 women in 2012. This is one of the highest in Sub-Saharan Africa. In 2010, Kenya changed its Constitution to include a more enabling provision regarding the provision of abortion services. Abortion-related stigma has been identified as a key driver in silencing women's ability to reproductive choice leading to seeking to unsafe abortion. We sought to explore abortion-related stigma at the community level as a barrier to women realizing their rights to a safe, legal abortion and compare manifestations of abortion stigma at two communities from regions with high and low incidence of unsafe abortion. A qualitative study using 26 focus group discussions with general community members in Machakos and Trans Nzoia Counties. We used thematic and content analysis to analyze and compare community member's responses regarding abortion-related stigma. Although abortion is recognized as being very common within communities, community members expressed various ways that stigmatize women seeking an abortion. This included being labeled as killers and are perceived to be a bad influence for women especially young women. Women reported that they were poorly treated by health providers in health facilities for seeking abortion especially young unmarried women. Institutionalization of stigma especially when Ministry of Health withdrew of standards and guidelines only heightened how stigma presents at the facilities and drives women seeking an abortion to traditional birth attendants who offer unsafe abortions leading to increased morbidity and mortality as a result of abortion-related complications. Community members located in counties in regions with high incidence of unsafe abortion also reported higher levels of how they would stigmatize a woman seeking an abortion compared to community members from counties in low incidence region. Young unmarried women bore the
Lüleci, Nimet Emel; Kaya, Eda; Aslan, Ece; Şenkal, Ece Söylem; Çiçek, Zehra Nadide
Historically, sexual assault is a common issue in Turkey. As doctors are one of the steps to help sexually assaulted women, medical students should have basic knowledge of and sensitivity regarding this subject. Another common women's public health issue is induced abortion. In countries where access to abortion is restricted, there is a tendency towards unhealthy abortion. The aims of this study are: (1) to determine the attitudes and opinions of Marmara University Medical Faculty students about sexual assault against women and induced abortion and (2) to propose an educational program for medical students about sexual assault and abortion. Cross-sectional study. The questionnaires were self-administered and the data were analyzed using SPSS v.15.0. First, the descriptive statistics were analyzed, followed by Chi-square for contingency tests assessing differences in attitudes toward sexual assault and induced abortion by factors such as gender and educational term. Differences were considered statistically significant at p0.05). Although there was no significant difference regarding the extent of punishment by victim's status as a virgin, 21.3% (n=63) agreed that punishment should be more severe when the victim was a virgin. About 40.7% (n=120) agreed that the legal period of abortion in Turkey (10 weeks) should be longer. The majority (86.1%, n=255) agreed that legally prohibiting abortions causes an increase in unhealthy abortions. An educational program on these issues should be developed for medical students.
Before elective abortion was legalized nationally in 1973 with the U.S. Supreme Court decision Roe v. Wade, seventeen states and the District of Columbia liberalized their abortion statutes. While scholars have examined the history of physicians who had performed abortions before and after it was legal and of feminists' work to expand the range of healthcare choices available to women, we know relatively little about nurses' work with abortion. By focusing on the history of nursing in those states that liberalized their abortion laws before Roe, this article reveals how women who sought greater control over their lives by choosing abortion encountered medical professionals who were only just beginning to question the gendered conventions that framed labor roles in American hospitals. Nurses, whose workloads increased exponentially when abortion laws were liberalized, were rarely given sufficient training to care for abortion patients. Many nurses directed their frustrations to the women patients who sought the procedure. This essay considers how the expansion of women's right to abortion prompted nurses to question the gendered conventions that had shaped their work experiences.
Jones, Emma L; Pemberton, Neil
This article addresses the social, cultural, and political history of backstreet abortion in post-war Britain, focusing on the murders of Beryl Evans and her daughter Geraldine, at Ten Rillington Place in 1949. It shows how the commonplace connection of John Christie to abortion and Beryl Evan's death was not a given in the wider public, legal, political, and forensic imagination of the time, reflecting the multi-layered and shifting meanings of abortion from the date of the original trials in the late 1940s and 1950s, through the subsequent judicial and literary reinvestigations of the case in the 1960s, to its cinematic interpretation in the 1970s. Exploring the language of abortion used in these different contexts, the article reveals changes in the gendering of abortionists, the increasing power and presence of abortion activists and other social reformers, the changing representation of working-class women and men, and the increasing critique of the practice of backstreet abortion. The case is also made for a kind of societal blind spot on abortion at the time of both the Evans and Christie trials; in particular, a reluctance to come to terms with the concept of the male abortionist, which distorted the criminal investigations and the trials themselves. Only when public acceptance for legalizing abortion grew in the more liberal climate of the 1960s and beyond did a revisionist understanding of the murder of Beryl Evans, in which abortion came to be positioned as a central element, gain a sustained hearing.
Full Text Available Elard Koch,1,2 Paula Aracena,1 Sebastián Gatica,1 Miguel Bravo,1 Alejandra Huerta-Zepeda,3 Byron C Calhoun41Institute of Molecular Epidemiology (MELISA, Center of Embryonic Medicine and Maternal Health, Faculty of Medicine, Universidad Católica de la Santísima Concepción, Concepción, Chile; 2Faculty of Medicine, University of Chile, Santiago, Chile; 3Universidad Popular Autónoma del Estado de Puebla UPAEP, Puebla, México; 4Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, West Virginia University, Charleston, WV, USAAbstract: In countries where induced abortion is legally restricted, as in most of Latin America, evaluation of statistics related to induced abortions and abortion-related mortality is challenging. The present article reexamines recent reports estimating the number of induced abortions and abortion-related mortality in Mexico, with special reference to the International Classification of Diseases (ICD. We found significant overestimations of abortion figures in the Federal District of Mexico (up to 10-fold, where elective abortion has been legal since 2007. Significant overestimation of maternal and abortion-related mortality during the last 20 years in the entire Mexican country (up to 35% was also found. Such overestimations are most likely due to the use of incomplete in-hospital records as well as subjective opinion surveys regarding induced abortion figures, and due to the consideration of causes of death that are unrelated to induced abortion, including flawed denominators of live births. Contrary to previous publications, we found important progress in maternal health, reflected by the decrease in overall maternal mortality (30.6% from 1990 to 2010. The use of specific ICD codes revealed that the mortality ratio associated with induced abortion decreased 22.9% between 2002 and 2008 (from 1.48 to 1.14 deaths per 100,000 live births. Currently, approximately 98% of maternal deaths in Mexico are related to causes other than
Oppong-Darko, Prince; Amponsa-Achiano, Kwame; Darj, Elisabeth
Unsafe abortion is a major preventable public health problem and contributes to high mortality among women. Ghana has ratified international conventions to prevent unwanted pregnancies and provide safe abortion services, legally authorizing midwives to provide induced abortion services in certain circumstances. The aim of the study was to understand midwives' readiness to be involved in legal induced abortions, should the law become less restricted in Ghana. A qualitative study design, with a topic guide for individual in-depth interviews of selected midwives, was adopted. The interviews were tape-recorded and analyzed using content analysis. Participants emphasized their willingness to reduce maternal mortalities, their experiences of maternal deaths, and their passion for the health of pregnant women. Knowledge of Ghana's abortion law was generally low. Different views were expressed regarding readiness to engage in abortion services. Some expressed it as being sinful and against their religion to assist in abortion care, whilst others felt it was good to save the lives of women. The midwives made it clear that unsafe abortions are common, stigmatizing and contributing to maternal mortality, issues that must be addressed. They made various suggestions to reduce this preventable tragedy.
In the UK in 1988, 13.3% of abortions were performed at 13 weeks' gestation or later. Reasons for this delay, in addition to the diagnosis through amniocentesis of a fetal abnormality, include late recognition of pregnancy, a change of mind about completing the pregnancy, a failure of primary care physicians to entertain the diagnosis of pregnancy, travel or financial problems, and referral difficulties and scheduling delays. Women with little education and very young women are most likely to present for late abortions. From 13-16 weeks, dilatation and evacuation is the safest method of pregnancy termination. The procedure can be made easier through preparation of the cervix with a prostaglandin pessary or Foley catheter. After 16 weeks, an instillation method is recommended; prostaglandin administration can be intro- or extra-amniotic. Complication rates at 13-19 weeks are 14.5/1000 for vaginal methods of abortion and 7.2/1000 for prostaglandin methods. The risk of complications is 3 times higher for women who have 2nd-trimester abortions through the National Health Service. Although it is not realistic to expect that late abortions ever can be eliminated, improved sex education and contraceptive reliability as well as reforms in the National Health Service could reduce the number substantially. To reduce delay, it is suggested that the National Health Service set up satellite day care units and 1-2 central units in each region to deal quickly with midtrimester abortions. Delays would be further reduced by legislation to allow abortion on request in at least the 1st trimester of pregnancy.
Thapa, Shyam; Sharma, Sharad K
In Nepal, following the liberalization of the abortion law, expansion and scaling up of services proceeded in parallel with efforts to create awareness of the legalization status of abortion and provide women with information about where services are available. This article assesses the effectiveness of these programmatic interventions in the early years of the country's abortion program. Data from a 2006 national survey are analyzed with 2 outcome measures-awareness of the legal status of abortion and knowledge of places to obtain abortion services among women ages 15 to 44 years. The variations in the outcomes are analyzed by ecological-development subregion, residence, education, household wealth quintile, age, and number of living children. Bivariate and multivariate logistic regression techniques are used. Overall 32.3% (95% confidence interval = 31.4% to 33.2%) of the respondents were aware of the legal status of abortion and 56.5% (95% confidence interval = 55.5% to 57.4%) knew of a place where they could obtain an abortion. Both outcome measures showed considerable variations by the covariates. Women with secondary or higher level of education had the highest odds ratio of being aware of the law and having knowledge of a source for abortion services. Ecological-development subregions showed the second highest levels of odds ratios. Significant disparities among the population subgroups existed in the diffusion of awareness of the legal status of abortion and having knowledge of a place for abortion services in Nepal. The results point to which population subgroups to focus on and also serve as a baseline for assessing future progress in the diffusion process. © 2012 APJPH.
Cogitação e prática do aborto entre jovens em contexto de interdição legal: o avesso da gravidez na adolescência Considering and submitting to abortion among young people in the context of legal prohibition: the hidden side of teenage pregnancy
Simone Ouvinha Peres
Full Text Available Este artigo objetiva desvelar a presença da idéia do aborto como elemento do âmbito das reflexões dos jovens sobre uma gravidez na adolescência. Analisam-se dados de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com 123 jovens de 18 a 24 anos de ambos os sexos, moradores de Porto Alegre, Rio de Janeiro e Salvador, Brasil, pertencentes a distintos estratos sociais. A partir de informações sobre as circunstâncias amorosas, sexuais e reprodutivas dos entrevistados, foi construída uma tipologia das experiências de aborto, em um gradiente que vai desde a cogitação, a tentativa de concretizá-lo, sua realização e até a exclusão da possibilidade de interrupção da gestação. Os dados apontam que 73% dos jovens considerou a possibilidade do aborto, demonstrando uma expressiva presença da idéia desse recurso face à gravidez não prevista, mesmo em contexto de ilegalidade. Entre os 86 jovens com experiência de gestação, 27 declararam a prática do aborto, sendo vinte rapazes e sete moças. Os resultados indicam diferenças relativas ao gênero e contribuem para a compreensão da gravidez na adolescência ao examinar o aborto induzido, dimensão encoberta no debate público e científico sobre o tema.This article aims to unveil the notion of abortion as an element in young people's thoughts on teenage pregnancy. The study analyzes data from semi-structured interviews with 123 young men and women 18-24 years of age in Porto Alegre, Rio de Janeiro, and Salvador, Brazil, belonging to different social strata. Based on information concerning their affective, sexual, and reproductive circumstances, an abortion typology was established with a gradient ranging from considering the act to the attempt to materialize it, actually submitting to abortion, and even ruling out the possibility of interrupting the pregnancy. According to the data, 73% of interviewees had considered the possibility of an abortion, demonstrating an important presence of this notion
Full Text Available Introduction/Aim. Induced termination of unwanted pregnancy after 12th gestational week (late-term abortion is legally restricted in Serbia as well as in many other countries. On the other hand, unwanted pregnancy very often brings women into the state of personal crisis. Psychiatric indications for legally approved late-term abortion on women’s demand include only severe psychiatric disorders. The aim of this paper was to compare sociodemographic, psychological characteristics and claimed reasons for abortion in the two groups of women with late-term demand for abortion - the group of women satisfying legally prescribed mental health indications, and the group of women not satisfying these indications. The aim of the study was also to determine predictive validity of the abovementioned parameters for late-term abortion as the outcome of unwanted pregnancy. Methods. A total of 62 pregnant women with demand for late-term abortion were divided into two groups according to the criteria of satisfying or not satisfying legally proposed psychiatric indications for late-term abortion after psychiatric evaluation. For the assessment of sociodemographic and psychological parameters sociodemographic questionnaire and symptom checklist - 90 revised (SCL-90® scale were used, respectively. The outcome of unwanted pregnancy was followed 6 months after the initial assessment. Results. The obtained results showed a statistically significant difference between the groups in educational level, satisfaction with financial situation, elevated anxiety and distress reactions. Unfavorable social circumstances were the main reason for an abortion in both groups and were predictive for an abortion. A 6-month follow-up showed that women had abortion despite legal restrictions. Conclusion. Pregnant women with psychiatric indication for late-term abortion belong to lower socioeconomic and educational level group compared to women without this indication who have more
Madsen, Helle Bødker
The issue of how to dispose of aborted foetuses is a sensitive ethical and legal issue which relates directly to the legal status of the foetus. An illustrative example of this issue’s practical legal relevance is the Danish Council of Ethics’ recommendation of March 3, 2011, in reply...... to the Municipality of Odense regarding the establishment of a separate anonymous lawn for aborted foetuses at the town’s principal cemetery in order to provide parents with a free and optional alternative to the current procedure.The aim of this article is to analyse death before life in Danish law and to offer some...... general reflections on the legal status of cadaveric foetuses....
Munthe, Christian; Nielsen, Morten Ebbe Juul
This article analyzes the idea of a legal right to conscientious refusal for healthcare professionals from a basic legal ethical standpoint, using refusal to perform tasks related to legal abortion (in cases of voluntary employment) as a case in point. The idea of a legal right to conscientious...... refusal is distinguished from ideas regarding moral rights or reasons related to conscientious refusal, and none of the latter are found to support the notion of a legal right. Reasons for allowing some sort of room for conscientious refusal for healthcare professionals based on the importance of cultural...... identity and the fostering of a critical atmosphere might provide some support, if no countervailing factors apply. One such factor is that a legal right to healthcare professionals’ conscientious refusal must comply with basic legal ethical tenets regarding the rule of law and equal treatment...
"Research on abortion is important for the Latin American women's movements. Rates of illegal abortion seem quite high. Cuba is the only country where abortion is legal. Policies on abortion are closely related to attitudes towards sexuality and women. Contraception has, in addition to health and economic costs, social and psychological costs, therefore unwanted pregnancies are the normal results of behavior that follows a certain rationality. Consequences of abortion depend on a woman's integration in her social network. The Latin American scene has two main differences from industrialized countries: mass poverty and the influence of the Catholic Church. Conditions of poverty affect less the motivation for abortion and more the conditions of its use." (SUMMARY IN ENG) excerpt
Levandowski, Brooke A; Kalilani-Phiri, Linda; Kachale, Fannie; Awah, Paschal; Kangaude, Godfrey; Mhango, Chisale
Malawian women in all sectors of society are suffering from social implications of unwanted pregnancy and unsafe abortion. Unwanted pregnancies occur among women who have limited access to family planning and safe abortion. A legally restrictive setting for safe abortion services leads many women to unsafe abortion, which has consequences for them and their families. In-depth interviews were conducted with 485 Malawian stakeholders belonging to different political and social structures. Interviewees identified the impact of unwanted pregnancy and unsafe abortion to be the greatest on young women. Premarital and extramarital pregnancies were highly stigmatized; stigma directly related to abortion was also found. Community-level discussions need to focus on reduction of stigma. Copyright © 2012 International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics. Published by Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
de Souza e Silva, Rebeca; Andreoni, Solange
The scope of this study was to evaluate the association between having had an induced abortion and marital status (being single or legally married) in women residing in the city of São Paulo. This analysis is derived from a broader population survey on abortion conducted in 2008. In this study we focus on the subset of 389 single and legally married women between 15 and 49 years of age. Logistic regression models were used to evaluate the association between induced abortion and being single or married, monitoring age, education, income, number of live births, contraceptive use and acceptance of the practice of abortion. Being single was the only characteristic associated with having had an induced abortion, in other words, when faced with a pregnancy single women were four times more likely to have an abortion than married women (OR=3.9; p=0.009).
In Jewish law right and wrong, good and evil, are absolute values which transcend time, place, and environment. They defy definition by human intuition or expediency. Jewish law derives from the Divine revelation at Mount Sinai as expounded by sages faithful to, and authorized by, its writ. The Talmud rules that if a woman is in hard travail, and her life must be saved, the child must be aborted and extracted. The mother's life comes first. The fetus is not a human life until it is born. But 19th century Rabbinical works state that it is immoral to destroy a monster child. Modern rabbis are unanimous in condemning abortion, feticide, or infanticide as an unconscionable attack on human life. However, Jewish law allows abortion if the pregnancy will cause severe psychological damage to the mother. No civilized society could survive without laws which occasionally cause some suffering or personal anguish. One human life is worth a million lives, because each life is infinite in value. In cases of rape or incest Jewish law still does not sanction abortion. Man's procreative responsibilities are serious and carry rights and obligations which would be upset by liberalized abortion laws. If a person kills a person who is mortally wounded, the killer is guilty of a moral offense.
Rhodes, A M
The right to abortion is confirmed in the Roe versus Wade case, by the US Supreme Court. It is a fundamental right of privacy but not an absolute right, and must consider state interests. During the first trimester of pregnancy abortion is a decision of the woman and her doctor. During the second trimester of pregnancy the state may control the abortion practice to protect the mothers health, and in the last trimester, it may prohibit abortion, except in cases where the mother's life or health are in danger. The states enacted laws, including one that required parents to give written consent for a unmarried minor's abortion. This law was struck down by the US Court, but laws on notification were upheld as long as there was alternative procedures where the minor's interests are upheld. Many of these law have been challenged successfully, where the minor was judged mature and where it served her best interests. The state must enact laws on parental notification that take into consideration basic rights of the minor woman. Health professionals and workers should be aware of these laws and should encourage the minor to let parents in on the decision making process where possible.
Boundary work refers to the strategies deployed by professionals in the arenas of the public, the law and the workplace to define and defend jurisdictional authority. Little attention has been directed to the role of documents in negotiating professional claims. While boundary work over induced abortion has been extensively documented, few studies have examined jurisdictional disputes over the treatment of abortion complications, or post-abortion care (PAC). This study explores how medical providers deploy medical records in boundary work over the treatment of complications of spontaneous and induced abortion in Senegal, where induced abortion is prohibited under any circumstance. Findings are based on an institutional ethnography of Senegal’s national PAC program over a period of 13 months between 2010 and 2011. Data collection methods included in-depth interviews with 36 health care professionals, observation of PAC services at three hospitals, a review of abortion records at each hospital, and a case review of illegal abortions prosecuted by the state. Findings show that health providers produce a particular account of the type of abortion treated through a series of practices such as the patient interview and the clinical exam. Providers obscure induced abortion in medical documents in three ways: the use of terminology that does not differentiate between induced and spontaneous abortion in PAC registers, the omission of data on the type of abortion altogether in PAC registers, and reporting the total number but not the type of abortions treated in hospital data transmitted to state health authorities. The obscuration of suspected induced abortion in the record permits providers to circumvent police inquiry at the hospital. PAC has been implemented in nearly 50 countries worldwide. This study demonstrates the need for additional research on how medical professionals negotiate conflicting medical and legal obligations in the daily practice of treating abortion
Shapiro, Gilla K
certain Islamic legal schools, emphasizing significant actors that support abortion, and being mindful of policy frames that will not be well-received in Muslim-majority countries.
In Ghana, abortion mortality constitutes 11% of maternal mortality. Empirical studies on possible disparities in abortion experience and access to safe abortion services are however lacking. Based on a retrospective survey of 1,370 women aged 15-49 years in two districts in Ghana, this paper examines disparities in ...
Gerdts, Caitlin; DeZordo, Silvia; Mishtal, Joanna; Barr-Walker, Jill; Lohr, Patricia A
Restrictive policies that limit access to abortion often lead women to seek services abroad. We present results from an exploratory study aimed at documenting the socio-demographic characteristics, travel and abortion-seeking experiences of non-resident women seeking abortions in the UK. Between August 2014 and March 2015, we surveyed a convenience sample of 58 non-UK residents seeking abortions at three British Pregnancy Advisory Service (BPAS) abortion clinics in England in order to better understand the experiences of non-resident women who travel to the UK seeking abortion services. Participants travelled to England from 14 countries in Europe and the Middle East. Twenty-six percent of participants reported gestational ages between 14 and 20 weeks, and 14% (n = 8) were beyond 20 weeks since their last menstrual period (LMP). More women from Western Europe sought abortions beyond 13 weeks gestation than from any other region. Women reported seeking abortion outside of their country of residence for a variety of reasons, most commonly, that abortion was not legal (51%), followed by having passed the gestational limit for a legal abortion (31%). Women paid an average of £631 for travel expenses, and an average of £210 for accommodation. More than half of women in our study found it difficult to cover travel costs. Understanding how and why women seek abortion care far from their countries of residence is an important topic for future research and could help to inform abortion-related policy decisions in the UK and in Europe.
The provision of the Irish Constitution that guarantees "the unborn" a right to life equal to that of a pregnant woman has consequences for access to abortion and the care of women in pregnancy generally. Long-awaited legislation to give effect to the narrow constitutional right to abortion was enacted into law in 2013. In 2014, a guidance document for health professionals' implementation of the legislation was published. However, the legislation and guidance document fall far short of international human rights bodies' recommendations: they fail to deliver effective procedural rights to all of the women eligible for lawful abortion within the state and create new legal barriers to women's reproductive rights. At the same time, cases continue to highlight that the Irish Constitution imposes an unethical and rights-violating legal regime in non-abortion-related contexts. Recent developments suggest that both the failure to put guidelines in place and the development of guidelines that are not centered on women or based on rights further reduce women's access to rights and set unacceptable limitations on women's reproductive autonomy. Nevertheless, public and parliamentary scrutiny of cases involving Ireland's abortion laws is increasingly focusing on the need for reform. Copyright © 2015 International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics. Published by Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
Aug 14, 1971 ... abortion on the demand of any pregnant woman. Although .... Of these abortions 55% were in single, widowed, divorced or separated women and the ... gists found reluctance in nursing staff for the performance of therapeutic ...
Vroh, Joseph Benie Bi; Tiembre, Issaka; Attoh-Toure, Harvey; Kouadio, Daniel Ekra; Kouakou, Lucien; Coulibaly, Lazare; Kouakou, Hyacinthe Andoh; Tagliante-Saracino, Janine
The objective of this study was to examine induced abortion in Côte d'Ivoire. A nationwide cross-sectional descriptive study of induced abortion was carried out in 2007 among 3,057 women aged 15-49 years. The study showed that induced abortion is a widespread practice in Côte d'Ivoire, with a prevalence estimated at 42.5%. The women who had undergone an abortion were generally under 25, unmarried, and illiterate, and had used contraception. More than half (52.1%) of all induced abortions were performed at home by traditional abortionists or were self-induced with plants or decoctions. The main reasons for induced abortion were concern about the reaction of parents (27.7%), age (22.2%), a lack of financial resources (21.3%) and the desire of women to continue their education. More than half of the participants (55.8%) stated that they had suffered complications, which were more common after a home abortion than after a hospital abortion. Political and legal measures or reforms aimed at changing abortion laws in Côte d'Ivoire and better access to family planning are required in order to prevent or treat the social issue of induced abortion.
This paper provides an overview of legal, religious, medical and social factors that serve to support or hinder women's access to safe abortion services in the 21 predominantly Muslim countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, where one in ten pregnancies ends in abortion. Reform efforts, including progressive interpretations of Islam, have resulted in laws allowing for early abortion on request in two countries; six others permit abortion on health grounds and three more also allow abortion in cases of rape or fetal impairment. However, medical and social factors limit access to safe abortion services in all but Turkey and Tunisia. To address this situation, efforts are increasing in a few countries to introduce post-abortion care, document the magnitude of unsafe abortion and understand women's experience of unplanned pregnancy. Religious fatāwa have been issued allowing abortions in certain circumstances. An understanding of variations in Muslim beliefs and practices, and the interplay between politics, religion, history and reproductive rights is key to understanding abortion in different Muslim societies. More needs to be done to build on efforts to increase women's rights, engage community leaders, support progressive religious leaders and government officials and promote advocacy among health professionals.
Lindley, J T
Rumania provides the opportunity to determine the effects of change in abortion laws by comparing it to Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary with whom it has a similar background, government, and growth pattern. Rumania had legalized abortion in 1957 but reversed its decision in 1966. 3 years later when compared with the other countries where legalized abortion continued, there was a significant increase in the crude birthrate of Rumania, a notable increase resulting mainly from the change in its abortion law. This same conclusion can also be reached by applying microeconomic theory using the concept that children are, on the margin, the result of a maximizing process. The decision to have an abortion in the countries in question is voluntary. No one is coerced and even when abortion is illegal it can be seen as an increase in price. By doing this the decision of whether to have an abortion can be analyzed as a microeconomic decision. The birth decision is made on the margin where the expected cost of a child is compared with the expected return. Traditional analysis implies that there is no cost involved in not having children, but there are both monetary and nonmonetary costs, the latter being physical and psychological. All forms of birth control involve costs, and the following analysis could be used on any of them. By combining the cost of preventing birth with the concept of traditional theory, there is now a threefold margin of decision rather than a twofold one. The cost of prevention must be included. If the amount that will have to be expended for prevention exceeds the net cost of having the child, the ultimate decision will be to have the child. The demand curve for abortion shows that as abortion is legalized the supply curve will shift out and the price will fall, with the opposite case if abortion is again made illegal. The demand curve might also shift as abortion was legalized or made illegal as the desire for abortion could change. It could be
Casas, Lidia; Vivaldi, Lieta
This article examines, from a human rights perspective, the experience of women, and the practices of health care providers regarding abortion in Chile. Most abortions, as high as 100,000 a year, are obtained surreptitiously and clandestinely, and income and connections play a key role. The illegality of abortion correlates strongly with vulnerability, feelings of guilt and loneliness, fear of prosecution, physical and psychological harm, and social ostracism. Moreover, the absolute legal ban on abortion has a chilling effect on health care providers and endangers women's lives and health. Although misoprostol use has significantly helped to prevent greater harm and enhance women's agency, a ban on sales created a black market. Against this backdrop, feminists have taken action in aid of women. For instance, a feminist collective opened a telephone hotline, Linea Aborto Libre (Free Abortion Line), which has been crucial in informing women of the correct and safe use of misoprostol. Chile is at a crossroads. For the first time in 24 years, abortion law reform seems plausible, at least when the woman's life or health is at risk and in cases of rape and fetal anomalies incompatible with life. The political scenario is unfolding as we write. Congressional approval does not mean automatic enactment of a new law; a constitutional challenge is highly likely and will have to be overcome. Copyright © 2014 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Despite previous research suggesting that social class influences experiences of and attitudes to abortion, there is a dearth of research which studies the intersection of abortion and social class in England. Across the UK, abortion rates and experiences differ by region and socio-economic status, reflecting broader health inequalities. Contemporary austerity in the UK creates an imperative for new research which contextualises the experience of abortion within this socio-historical moment, and the worsening inequalities which have accompanied it. Whilst work on abortion and social inequality exists, it has often approached class as an a priori category. I argue that contemporary post-structural work on class provides a framework to go beyond this approach by examining how these social classifications occur; who has the power to classify; and how these classifications might be resisted. This framework is demonstrated with emerging findings from a life history study of abortion experiences in England. The applications of this to the work on abortion are potentially rich, because the act of ending a pregnancy invites classification from many quarters, from the legal (legal/illegal) to the medical (early/late) to the moral (deserved/undeserved). This work, therefore, speaks to public health concerns about access to and stigma around abortion and social inequalities.
presentation, she noticed coital bleeding; it was mildI self with no associated dizziness or dyspareunis. She had been treated with drugs on many occasions at hospitals as well as over the counter medicaiions with no improvement. Eight years prior to presentation, she had an induced abortion at about 14 weeks of gestaiion ...
Di Nucci, Ezio
This paper shows that the counterexamples proposed by Strong in 2008 in the Journal of Medical Ethics to Marquis's argument against abortion fail. Strong's basic idea is that there are cases--for example, terminally ill patients--where killing an adult human being is prima facie seriously morally...
Claudia Escobar García
This work explains that the discourses opposing the criminalization ofabortion and that reject the constitutional rules that protect human life,are an artificially constructed ideology made only to justify abortion,and hide the asymmetrical relations of power between women and theunborn. In order for this purpose, these arguments are identified andsubjected to critical analysis, demonstrating that it is purely emotionaland lacking fundaments.
Jun 1, 2014 ... 95% of women would have had an induced abortion. (10), which ... who were fluent in both English and the local language were chosen ... the woman and society. The Muslims ... that “traditional methods are only effective at the early stages of ... modern and traditional family planning services. However ...
Three years in the making, the draft program of action of the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development sets nonbinding policy guidelines to contain the world's population at 7.27 billion in 2015. Although the Vatican was pleased to see Pakistan put forward a compromise formula developed to appease Catholic and Muslim objectors of abortion, the Church was unprepared to accept the compromise immediately and requested further discussion. The Vatican's rejection drew a strong chorus of vocal disapproval from other conference delegates. Even Iran accepted the draft as a "perfect text," while Sweden grudgingly accepted it as a "rock-bottom compromise." With no Catholic countries objecting to the compromise, the Vatican stood alone in its refusal to compromise with the rest of the world's leaders and peoples. Germany, speaking for the European Union, warned that enough concessions had already been made. The rationale for Vatican opposition was unclear since the section explicitly rejects abortion as a means of family planning and urges countries to minimize both the incidence of unsafe abortion and abortion overall by improving family planning. Prevention of unwanted pregnancies must be given highest priority and women should have ready access to compassionate counselling, with abortion never promoted as a means of family planning. Moreover, there is no longer a reference to sexual health education, a plea to governments to review their laws and policies on abortion, and a call to consider women's health rather than relying upon criminal codes and punitive measures. Participants said the Vatican objected to a phrase stating that abortions, where legal, should be safe, while the Church representative argued that any suggestion that abortion is safe contradicts church doctrine on the sanctity of life.
Yang, Cheng-Fang; Che, Hui-Lian; Hsieh, Hsin-Wan; Wu, Shu-Mei
To explore the experiences of nurses involved with induced abortion care in the delivery room in Taiwan. Induced abortion has emotional, ethical and legal facets. In Taiwan, several studies have addressed the ethical issues, abortion methods and women's experiences with abortion care. Although abortion rates have increased, there has been insufficient attention on the views and experiences of nurses working in the delivery room who are involved with induced abortion care. Qualitative, semistructured interviews. This study used a purposive sampling method. In total, 22 nurses involved with induced abortion care were selected. Semistructured interviews with guidelines were conducted, and the content analysis method was used to analyse the data. Our study identified one main theme and five associated subthemes: concealing emotions, which included the inability to refuse, contradictory emotions, mental unease, respect for life and self-protection. This is the first specific qualitative study performed in Taiwan to explore nurses' experiences, and this study also sought to address the concealing of emotions by nurses when they perform induced abortion care, which causes moral distress and creates ethical dilemmas. The findings of this study showed that social-cultural beliefs profoundly influence nurses' values and that the rights of nurses are neglected. The profession should promote small-group and case-study discussions, the clarification of values and reflective thinking among nurses. Continued professional education that provides stress relief will allow nurses to develop self-healing and self-care behaviours, which will enable them to overcome the fear of death while strengthening pregnancy termination counselling, leading to better quality professional care. © 2016 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
O'Neil, Mary Lou
Abortion in Turkey has been legal since 1983 and remains so today. Despite this, in 2012 the Prime Minister declared that, in his opinion, abortion was murder. Since then, there has been growing evidence that abortion access particularly in state hospitals is being restricted, although no new legislation has been offered. The study aimed to determine the number of state hospitals in Turkey that provide abortions. The study employed a telephone survey in 2015-2016 where 431 state hospitals were contacted and asked a set of questions by a mystery patient. If possible, information was obtained directly from the obstetrics/gynecology department. I removed specialist hospitals from the data set and the remaining data were analyzed for frequency and cross-tabulations were performed. Only 7.8% of state hospitals provide abortion services without regard to reason which is provided for by the current law, while 78% provide abortions when there is a medical necessity. Of the 58 teaching and research hospitals in Turkey, 9 (15.5%) provide abortion care without restriction to reason, 38 (65.5%) will do the procedure if there is a medical necessity and 11 (11.4%) of these hospitals refuse to provide abortion services under any circumstances. There are two regions, encompassing 1.5 million women of childbearing age, where no state hospital provides for abortion without restriction as to reason. The vast majority of state hospitals only provide abortions in the narrow context of a medical necessity, and thus are not implementing the law to its full extent. It is clear that although no new legislation restricting abortion has been enacted, state hospitals are reducing the provision of abortion services without restriction as to reason. This is the only nationwide study to focus on abortion provision at state hospitals. Copyright © 2017 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Full Text Available This article, which offers a regional overview of the feminist struggle for abortion rights in Latin America, begins by reminding the reader of the context, characterized by poverty and marginalization, in which the region's women become mothers, as well as the deadly consequences of illegal abortion. It subsequently outlines the political tension between some state governments and feminists, particularly the friction that results from interference by the Catholic church hierarchy. The article outlines a few paradigmatic cases that exemplify the Vatican's sensationalist strategy as well as feminist responses by means of networks and taking advantage of regional and international arenas. It argues that abortion rights are a question of social justice and public health and form part of aspirations for democracy. It also makes mention of the theoretical debate on how differences between the sexes are handled by legal systems.
Full Text Available Unsafe abortion constitutes a major public health problem in Burkina Faso and concerns mainly young women. The legal restriction and social stigma make abortions most often clandestine and risky for women who decide to terminate a pregnancy. However, the exposure to the risk of unsafe induced abortion is not the same for all the women who faced unwanted pregnancy and decide to have an abortion. Drawn from a qualitative study on the issue of abortion in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso’s capital, the contrasting cases of two young women who had abortion allow us to show how the women’s personal resources (such as the school level, financial resources, the compliance to social norms, the social network, etc. may determine the degree of vulnerability of women, the delay to have an abortion, the type of care they are likely to benefit from, and the cost they have to face. This study concludes that the poorest always pay more (cost and consequences, take longer to have an abortion, and have more exposure to the risk of unsafe abortion.
With the advent of legalized abortion in the US in 1973, the innovation, adoption and dissemination of new and improved medical procedures for the voluntary termination of pregnancy became an important objective. 3 principal techniques were introduced: suction curettage, instillation procedures using saline solution or prostaglandin, and dilatation and evacuation (D and E). Suction curettage in the 1st trimester was readily adopted because the procedure was less traumatic than the traditional dilatation and curettage. Instillation procedures for abortions in the 2nd trimester were also readily adopted. Physicians preferred them to surgical procedures, were familiar with the delivery simulation, and were comfortable with the hospital setting in which the procedure was performed. D and E, an extension of the suction procedure to abortions in the 2nd trimester has lower complication rates than instillation procedures and can be performed early in the midtrimester. A 1981 membership survey conducted by the National Abortion Federation found that about 1/3 of the members performed D and E midtrimester abortions, a wider acceptance than was expected. In 1978, of the 2nd trimester abortions, 85% of the early midtrimester and 25% of the 16 weeks gestation or later abortions were done by D and E. Acceptance in some other countries is also increasing. A study of the relationship of a history of 2nd trimester abortions and subsequent adverse pregnancy outcomes was unable to identify any statistically significant relationship with the possible exception of low birth weight infants. According to a 1976 survey of teaching hospitals, less than 1/4 require their residents to perform midtrimester abortions. Very few medical schools include D and E procedures in their residency training programs. Residents should use the D and E technique only under supervision and after becoming experienced in 1st trimester suction curettage. A survey reported that D and E techniques can be learned
Ekmekci, Perihan Elif
Abortion is among the most widely discussed concepts of medical ethics. Since the well-known ethical theories have emerged from Western world, the position of Islamic ethics regarding main issues of medical ethics has been overlooked. Muslims constitute a considerable amount of world population. Turkish Republic is the only Muslim country ruled with secular democracy and one of the three Muslim countries where abortion is legalized. The first aim of this paper is to present discussions on abortion in Islamic ethics in the context of major ethical concepts; the legal status of the fetus, respect for life and the right not to be born. The second aim is to put forth Turkey's present legislation about abortion in the context of Islamic ethical and religious aspects.
Rominski, Sarah D; Lori, Jody R; Morhe, Emmanuel Sk
Even given the liberal abortion law in Ghana, abortion complications are a large contributor to maternal morbidity and mortality. This study sought to understand why young women seeking an abortion in a legally enabling environment chose to do this outside the formal healthcare system. Women being treated for complications arising from a self-induced abortion as well as for elective abortions at three hospitals in Ghana were interviewed. Community-based focus groups were held with women as well as men, separately. Interviews and focus group discussions were conducted until saturation was reached. A total of 18 women seeking care for complications from a self-induced abortion and 11 seeking care for an elective abortion interviewed. The women ranged in age from 13 to 35 years. There were eight focus groups; two with men and six with women. The reasons women self-induce are: (1) abortion is illegal; (2) attitudes of the healthcare workers; (3) keeping the pregnancy a secret; and (4) social network influence. The meta-theme of normalisation of self-inducing' an abortion was identified. When women are faced with an unplanned and unwanted pregnancy, they consult individuals in their social network whom they know have dealt with a similar situation. Misoprostol is widely available in Ghanaian cities and is successful at inducing an abortion for many women. In this way, self-inducing abortions using medication procured from pharmacists and chemical sellers has become normalised for women in Kumasi, Ghana. © Faculty of Sexual and Reproductive Healthcare of the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists (unless otherwise stated in the text of the article) 2017. All rights reserved. No commercial use is permitted unless otherwise expressly granted.
Herrmann, Janne Rothmar
in which embryos and foetuses are placed are much more complex. These categories are identified using Danish legislation as an example and on that basis the article extracts and identifies the different parameters that play a part in the legal categorisation of the human conceptus.......The article discusses the inadequacy of traditional theory on legal personhood in relation to embryos and foetuses. To challenge the somewhat binary view of legal personhood according to which the ‘born alive' criterion is paramount the article demonstrates that the number of legal categories...
Aimakhu, C O; Adepoju, O J; Nwinee, H I D; Oghide, O; Shittu, A A; Oladunjoye, O A
Unsafe abortion is one of the causes of maternal morbidity and mortality globally and it is still a burden in Nigeria. Restriction laws have been blamed for the recurrent vulnerability of women including female adolescents to unsafe abortions. A cross-sectional, semi-structured, self-administered questionnaire was administered to 407 first year female undergraduates in the three female halls of residence of the University of Ibadan, Nigeria in February 2012 to determine their attitudes to abortion laws and the social acceptance of abortion laws in Nigeria. A vast majority (96.1%) knew what an abortion was and barely half were aware of the grounds in which it may be legal. Only 84 (20.6%) of the respondents knew that there were 2 abortion laws in operation in Nigeria. One hundred and thirteen (27.8%) wanted the current abortion law to be reformed and thirteen (3.2%) admitted that they had had an abortion in the past. More than half of them, 212 (52.1%) would support an abortion if pregnancy followed rape/ incest and 201(49.4%) if there was fetal abnormality. Religious reasons influenced the social opinions on abortion laws in most of the students (73%). The study showed some awareness towards abortion law reforms and we advocate that sexually active young individuals should be encouraged to adopt effective dual protection against unwanted pregnancy and STIs. Efforts should also be made at imparting reproductive health education to youths, especially girls.
Full Text Available Abstract Background Improving access to safe abortion is an essential strategy in the provision of universal access to reproductive health care. Australians are largely supportive of the provision of abortion and its decriminalization. However, the lack of data and the complex legal and service delivery situation impacts upon access for women seeking an early termination of pregnancy. There are no systematic reviews from a health services perspective to help direct health planners and policy makers to improve access comprehensive medical and early surgical abortion in high income countries. This review therefore aims to identify quality studies of abortion services to provide insight into how access to services can be improved in Australia. Methods We undertook a structured search of six bibliographic databases and hand-searching to ascertain peer reviewed primary research in English between 2005 and 2015. Qualitative and quantitative study designs were deemed suitable for inclusion. A deductive content analysis methodology was employed to analyse selected manuscripts based upon a framework we developed to examine access to early abortion services. Results This review identified the dimensions of access to surgical and medical abortion at clinic or hospital-outpatient based abortion services, as well as new service delivery approaches utilising a remote telemedicine approach. A range of factors, mostly from studies in the United Kingdom and United States of America were found to facilitate improved access to abortion, in particular, flexible service delivery approaches that provide women with cost effective options and technology based services. Standards, recommendations and targets were also identified that provided services and providers with guidance regarding the quality of abortion care. Conclusions Key insights for service delivery in Australia include the: establishment of standards, provision of choice of procedure, improved provider
Banerjee, Sushanta K; Andersen, Kathryn L; Warvadekar, Janardan; Pearson, Erin
Although abortion became legal in India in 1971, many women are unaware of the law. Behavior change communication interventions may be an effective way to promote awareness of the law and change knowledge of and perceptions about abortion, particularly in settings in which abortion is stigmatized. To evaluate the effectiveness of a behavior change communication intervention to improve women's knowledge about India's abortion law and their perceptions about abortion, a quasi-experimental study was conducted in intervention and comparison districts in Bihar and Jharkhand. Household surveys were administered at baseline in 2008 and at follow-up in 2010 to independent, randomly selected cross-sectional samples of rural married women aged 15-49. Logistic regression difference-in-differences models were used to assess program effectiveness. Analysis demonstrated program effectiveness in improving awareness and perceptions about abortion. The changes in the odds of knowing that abortion is legal and where to obtain safe abortion services were larger between baseline and follow-up in the intervention districts than the changes in odds observed in the comparison districts (odds ratios, 16.1 and 1.9, respectively). Similarly, the increase in women's perception of greater social support for abortion within their families and the increase in perceived self-efficacy with respect to family planning and abortion between baseline and follow-up was greater in the intervention districts than in the comparison districts (coefficients, 0.17 and 0.18, respectively). Behavior change communication interventions can be effective in improving knowledge of and perceptions about abortion in settings in which lack of accurate knowledge hinders women's access to safe abortion services. Multiple approaches should be used when attempting to improve knowledge and perceptions about stigmatized health issues such as abortion.
Claudia Escobar García
Full Text Available This work explains that the discourses opposing the criminalization ofabortion and that reject the constitutional rules that protect human life,are an artificially constructed ideology made only to justify abortion,and hide the asymmetrical relations of power between women and theunborn. In order for this purpose, these arguments are identified andsubjected to critical analysis, demonstrating that it is purely emotionaland lacking fundaments.
Knudsen, Lisbeth B.; Rasch, Vibeke; Gammeltoft, Tine
A register-based study in Denmark covering 1994-1998 revealed higher rates of legally induced abortion among groups of immigrant/descendant women than among Danish women. To elucidate the development of induced abortion among Danes and non-Danes, the National Board of Health initiated studies...... on abortion. We conducted a study using a triangle of methods: register-based quantitative analyses, hospital-based questionnaires and in-depth qualitative interviews with a number of women (40). This paper presents primarily results from the register-based part of the study, analysing the rates of induced...... abortion 1980-2001 for women born since 1960 in relation to age, country of origein and fertility pattern. The main findings showed a stronger decrease in the rate of induced abortion among some immigrant groups of women than among Danes. However, in both Danish and other etnic groups social vulnerability...
Alejandra López Gómez
Full Text Available The implementation of a pre- and post-abortion health care strategy, adopted in 2004 in Uruguay within a restrictive legal context prior to the decriminalization of abortion in 2012, opened a window of opportunity to link women facing unwanted pregnancies and abortion to health services in order to prevent unsafe abortion practices. This article looks into the tensions generated by the change of focus from maternal-child health to health and sexual and reproductive rights, and how those tensions operate. Using semi-structured interviews and focus groups, the practices and perception and assessment frameworks of professionals in their care of women facing unwanted pregnancy and abortion in the National Integrated Health System in Montevideo are analyzed. The results offer insights into some of the barriers and difficulties that can currently be observed in the implementation of the new law.
While various reports have been published concerning ethical dilemmas in nursing and midwifery, and while many nurses and midwives struggle with the conflict between personal feelings raised by abortion and the duties of their position, few studies investigate the extent and conditions of abortion-care education for registered nurses (RNs) and certified nurse-midwives (CNMs) in Japan. To describe Japanese abortion-care education programs and to investigate program directors' or other relevant persons' perceptions of abortion-care education. Descriptive study was used to determine the extent of abortion-care education programs and the respondents' perceptions of abortion-care education. All 228 Japanese nursing and/or midwifery schools were invited to participate in the study. The response rate was 33.8% (n=77). Response rate varied by program type: 18.4% (n=45) for nursing programs and 29.0% (n=32) for midwifery programs. A confidential survey requesting information about curricular coverage of ten reproductive health topics related to abortion was mailed to program directors. The results show that the majority of CNM and RN programs surveyed offer didactic exposure to instruction in family planning and contraception, emergency contraception, legal considerations, and possible medical complications. However, few programs offer clinical exposure to all 10 topics. Of the respondents, 36% reported that lack of time and the low priority given to abortion-care education were issues of curriculum priority. As for educational materials, few textbooks or guidebooks exist on abortion care in Japan, and most educators use general nursing textbooks to cover this topic. Regardless of interest in or intention to provide abortion services as part of their practice, all providers of abortion-care education need to be knowledgeable about the full range of reproductive health options, including family planning and abortion, and to be able to convey this information to clients
Gerdts, Caitlin; Raifman, Sarah; Daskilewicz, Kristen; Momberg, Mariette; Roberts, Sarah; Harries, Jane
In settings where abortion is legally restricted, or permitted but not widely accessible, women face significant barriers to abortion access, sometimes leading them to seek services outside legal facilities. The advent of medication abortion has further increased the prevalence of informal sector abortion. This study investigates the reasons for attempting self-induction, methods used, complications, and sources of information about informal sector abortion, and tests a specific recruitment method which could lead to improved estimates of informal sector abortion prevalence among an at-risk population. We recruited women who have sought informal sector abortion services in Cape Town, South Africa using respondent driven sampling (RDS). An initial seed recruiter was responsible for initiating recruitment using a structured coupon system. Participants completed face-to-face questionnaires, which included information about demographics, informal sector abortion seeking, and safe abortion access needs. We enrolled 42 women, nearly one-third of whom reported they were sex workers. Thirty-four women (81%) reported having had one informal sector abortion within the past 5 years, 14% reported having had two, and 5% reported having had three. These women consumed home remedies, herbal mixtures from traditional healers, or tablets from an unregistered provider. Twelve sought additional care for potential warning signs of complications. Privacy and fear of mistreatment at public sector facilities were among the main reported reasons for attempting informal sector abortion. Most women (67%) cited other community members as their source of information about informal sector abortion; posted signs and fliers in public spaces also served as an important source of information. Women are attempting informal sector abortion because they seek privacy and fear mistreatment and stigma in health facilities. Some were unaware how or where to seek formal sector services, or believed the
Shoesmith, Gary L.
This article disaggregates Donohue and Levitt’s (DL’s) national panel-data models to the state level and shows that high concentrations of teenage abortions in a handful of states drive all of DL’s results in their 2001, 2004, and 2008 articles on crime and abortion. These findings agree with previous research showing teenage motherhood is a major maternal crime factor, whereas unwanted pregnancy is an insignificant factor. Teenage abortions accounted for more than 30% of U.S. abortions in the 1970s, but only 16% to 18% since 2001, which suggests DL’s panel-data models of crime/arrests and abortion were outdated when published. The results point to a broad range of future research involving teenage behavior. A specific means is proposed to reconcile DL with previous articles finding no relationship between crime and abortion. PMID:28943645
Wardle, L D
They only certain outcomes of the Webster decision is that state legislatures will be stimulated to enact more legislation regulating abortion. However it is unlikely that the worst prochoice fears will be realized. A return to the 19th century abortion prohibition era is very unlikely because of trends in Western societal attitudes and laws. Since 1973 and the Roe decision there have been more than 300 bills or acts enacted by state legislatures that regulate abortion. Whether it is criminal prohibitions, licensing requirements, zoning restrictions, parental participation, spousal participation, informed consent, health and sanitation regulations, post viability regulations, laws protecting the right of health care workers not to participate in abortion, public funding restrictions, or regulations of fetal experimentation, abortion regulations have definitely been wide spread. The democratic process is going to produce a moderate position on abortion as a result of the Webster decision for 7 reasons: (1) the period before Roe was a time when abortion legislation was in a trend towards moderation. In 1962 abortion prohibitions were in place in all states. In 1967 4 states adopted an abortion reform position that allowed for abortion in the hard cases: (1) maternal health, (2) fetal defect, (3) rape/incest. Over the next 5 years 9 more states followed and 3 others went even farther by allowing unrestricted abortion during early pregnancy. (2) public opinion is consistent and strong in favoring abortion restrictions except for the hard cases. (3) the trend towards moderation in abortion regulations is closely related to other legal trends toward moderation. No fault divorce was a move towards moderation. The abortion experience in Western Europe was towards moderation. (5) Medical technological developments are putting the power of abortion in the hands of women. Abortificant drugs that can be used without medical assistance give women greater freedom. (6) The
Walker, Ruth; van Zyl, Liezl
A diagnosis of fetal abnormality presents parents with a difficult - even tragic - moral dilemma. Where this diagnosis is made in the context of surrogate motherhood there is an added difficulty, namely that it is not obvious who should be involved in making decisions about abortion, for the person who would normally have the right to decide - the pregnant woman - does not intend to raise the child. This raises the question: To what extent, if at all, should the intended parents be involved in decision-making? In commercial surrogacy it is thought that as part of the contractual agreement the intended parents acquire the right to make this decision. By contrast, in altruistic surrogacy the pregnant woman retains the right to make these decisions, but the intended parents are free to decide not to adopt the child. We argue that both these strategies are morally unsound, and that the problems encountered serve to highlight more fundamental defects within the commercial and altruistic models, as well as in the legal and institutional frameworks that support them. We argue in favour of the professional model, which acknowledges the rights and responsibilities of both parties and provides a legal and institutional framework that supports good decision-making. In particular, the professional model acknowledges the surrogate's right to decide whether to undergo an abortion, and the intended parents' obligation to accept legal custody of the child. While not solving all the problems that arise in surrogacy, the model provides a framework that supports good decision-making. © 2015 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
This paper gives a historical, international and cultural outlook on the debate related to the 1982 legalization of abortion in the modern democratic republic of Turkey. A belief that the country is under-populated and subsequent pro-natalist concerns of the turn of the century seem to have strongly influenced the legal prohibition of abortion. The paper first discusses the widespread social practice and the permissive attitudes towards abortion in the late Ottoman Empire and in contemporary Turkey. The contrast between the above social situation and until recently the strict, non-permissive religious and secular attitudes are presented with a discussion of the effects of the westernization and secularization processes in the late Ottoman Empire. Moral concerns and judgements regarding abortion seem to have penetrated Ottoman society as part of the above processes beginning in the nineteenth century. The present day official religious interpretations seem to conform with the more conservative Islamic schools of thought rather than the more liberal Islamic interpretations. Furthermore, the 1982 laws which legalize abortion until the eight week of pregnancy consider family planning to be a family issue and bring the restriction of making married women have their husband's permission before preceding with abortion. As such, the present legal platform opens to question the rationales and population control motives behind the law and the importance of who it is that can make the decision to proceed with abortion. Thus, in the last 70 years a historical and ideological progression can be discerned in the line of assuming first the state and then the family to have decision making legitimacy as regards reproductive choices. Today, the platform of radical discussion has shifted to evaluating the importance of individual women in making this reproductive choice. In this context, in conclusion, the paper discussed the rationale and the logic behind and the implications for
Hunt, M E
A female Catholic theologian imagines a just society that does not judge women who decide to undergo an abortion. The Church, practitioners, and the courts must trust that women do make person-enhancing choices about the quality of life. In the last 15 years most progress in securing a woman's right to abortion has been limited to white, well-educated, and middle or upper middle class women. A just society would consider reproductive options a human right. Abortion providers are examples of a move to a just society; they are committed to women's well-being. There are some facts that make one pessimistic about achieving abortion in a just society. The US Supreme Court plans to review important decisions establishing abortion as a civil right. Further, some men insist on suing women who want to make their own reproductive decisions--an anti-choice tactic to wear away women's right to reproductive choice. Bombings of abortion clinics and harassment campaigns by anti-choice groups are common. These behaviors strain pro-choice proponents emotionally, psychically, and spiritually. Their tactics often lead to theologians practicing self-censorship because they fear backlash. Abortion providers also do this. Further, the reaction to AIDS is that sex is bad. Anti-abortion groups use AIDS to further their campaigns, claiming that AIDS is a punishment for sex. Strategies working towards abortion in a just society should be education and persuasion of policymakers and citizens about women's right to choose, since they are the ones most affected by abortion. Moreover, only women can secure their rights to abortion. In a just society, every health maintenance organization, insurance company, and group practice would consider abortion a normal service. A just society provides for the survival needs of the most marginalized.
Informed consent mandates for abortion providers may infringe the First Amendment's freedom of speech. On the other hand, they may reinforce the physician's duty to obtain informed consent. Courts can promote both doctrines by ensuring that compelled physician speech pertains to medical facts about abortion rather than abortion ideology and that compelled speech is truthful and not misleading. © 2015 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics, Inc.
Hourieh, Shamshiri-Milani; Abolghasem, Pourreza; Feizollah, Akbari
Unsafe and illegal abortions are the third leading cause of maternal death. It affects physical, emotional and social health of women and their families. Abortion is a multi-dimensional phenomenon with several social, legal, and religious implications. The views of policy-makers affect the approach to abortion in every society. Understanding the attitudes and knowledge of high-ranking decision makers towards abortion was the purpose of this study. A qualitative research was implemented by carrying out individual interviews with 29 out of a selection of 80 presidents of medical sciences universities, senior executive managers in the legal system, forensic medicine and decision-makers in the health system and a number of top Muslim clerics, using a semi-structured questionnaire for data gathering. Content analysis revealed the results. There were considerable unwillingness and reluctance among the interviewees to participate in the study. The majority of participants fairly knew about the prevalence of illegal abortions and their complications. There was strong agreement on abortion when health of the mother or the fetus was at risk. Abortion for reproductive health reasons was supported by a minority of the respondents. The majority of them disagreed with abortion when pregnancy was the result of a rape, temporary marriage or out of wedlock affairs. Making decision for abortion by the pregnant mother, as a matter of her right, did not gain too much approval. It seemed that physical health of the mother or the fetus was of more importance to the respondents than their mental or social health. The mother's hardship was not any indication for induced abortion in the viewpoints of the interviewed policy-makers. Strengthening family planning programs, making appropriate laws in lines with religious orders and advocacy programs targeting decision makers are determined as strategies for improving women's health rights.
This article traces the establishment of abortion clinics following Roe v Wade. Abortion clinics followed one of two models: (1) a medical model in which physicians emphasized the delivery of high quality medical services, contrasting their clinics with the back-alley abortion services that had sent many women to hospital emergency rooms prior to legalization, or (2) a feminist model in which clinics emphasized education and the dissemination of information to empower women patients and change the structure of women's health care. Male physicians and feminists came together in the newly established abortion services and argued over the priorities and characteristics of health care delivery. A broad range of clinics emerged, from feminist clinics to medical offices run by traditional male physicians to for-profit clinics. The establishment of the National Abortion Federation in the mid-1970s created a national forum of health professionals and contributed to the broadening of the discussion and the adoption of compromises as both feminists and physicians influenced each other's practices.
Clarkson, S E
The medical profession was relieved when the Contraceptive, Sterilization and Abortion Act was passed in New Zealand in 1977, but it now appears that there are continuing problems with the implementation of the law. Most of the law's clauses are concerned with the practical aspects of the performance of abortions in New Zealand. Outlined in the law are requirements for licenses of hospitals, certifying consultants and operating surgeons, and the tasks of the supervising committee are specified. Thus, the medical profession accepted the impossible job of becoming the arbiter of morals of New Zealand society. There have been problems, since passage of the law, with inadequate numbers of certifying consultants being recruited, the resignation of the chair of the Abortion Supervisory Committee, a lack of resources to provide the required counseling services, and local variation in interpretations resulting in inconsistent treatment of abortion requests in different parts of the country. The basis of the problem is the fact that this law requires a moral rather than a medical decision to be made. Although at 1st glance the phrase serious risk to mental health would appear to be easily interpreted, this is not so. The morality of an act of abortion depends on the right afforded the fetus, and no society has as yet achieved a consensus on this. Thus, this must remain the conviction of each separate individual. Some guidance may come from medidal and legal advisers in this moral decision, but it is impossible to delegate personal moral decisions.
Vanessa Cruz Santos
Full Text Available Abortion in Brazil provides public health impacts, mainly due to the high rate of maternal morbidity and mortality, because it most often occurs in an illegal practice and / or unsafe, because of the illegality of abortion in certain situations in the country. Therefore, it is an issue that refers to the various reflections, such as legal, moral, cultural, socio-economic and bioethical. Given the above, the study aims to address about abortion in Brazil and the impacts of illegality in public health. Study of literature review, descriptive and discursive, held in the database SciELO sites and governmental and non-governmental organizations. It was evident that the illegality of abortion in Brazil is harmful to the health of women who resort to unsafe practices and / or illegal, a violation of human rights, the women’s autonomy, as well as providing public health impacts, and sometimes this actually happens because the deficit in quality of care, specifically to sexual and reproductive health, as the actions of Family Planning. It is considered that the way of abortion in Brazil requires modifications, especially with regard to legislative and bioethics conflicts.
González Vélez, Ana Cristina
This article discusses the illegality of abortion in Colombia, situating this country within the 0.4% of the world population where abortion is completely banned. Absolute criminalization of abortion turns it into a public health matter and produces social inequality. The Colombian legislation has always disregarded women as individuals and as persons in full possession of their legal rights. In contrast to a comprehensive conceptualization of sexual and reproductive rights, the various abortion bills merely refer either to "morally unacceptable" situations such as pregnancy resulting from rape or to therapeutic motives. Contradictions between illegality and reality give rise to a public discourse that features rejection of abortion practices, in keeping with the prevailing stance of the ecclesiastic hierarchy, while in practice, and at the private level, people resort to voluntary interruption of pregnancy under conditions of safety and confidentiality, at least for women from the higher socioeconomic strata. This situation not only causes social inequality but also reflects how laws lose meaning and create the collective impression of being useless or unnecessary, thus undermining the state's governing role.
Sex selection in India and China is fostered by a limiting social structure that disallows women from performing the roles that men perform, and relegates women to a lower status level. Individual parents and individual families benefit concretely from having a son born into the family, while society, and girls and women as a group, are harmed by the widespread practice of sex selection. Sex selection reinforces oppression of women and girls. Sex selection is best addressed by ameliorating the situations of women and girls, increasing their autonomy, and elevating their status in society. One might argue that restricting or prohibiting abortion, prohibiting sex selection, and prohibiting sex determination would eliminate sex selective abortion. But this decreases women's autonomy rather than increases it. Such practices will turn underground. Sex selective infanticide, and slower death by long term neglect, could increase. If abortion is restricted, the burden is placed on women seeking abortions to show that they have a legally acceptable or legitimate reason for a desired abortion, and this seriously limits women's autonomy. Instead of restricting abortion, banning sex selection, and sex determination, it is better to address the practice of sex selection by elevating the status of women and empowering women so that giving birth to a girl is a real and positive option, instead of a detriment to the parents and family as it is currently. But, if a ban on sex selective abortion or a ban on sex determination is indeed instituted, then wider social change promoting women's status in society should be instituted simultaneously.
Diniz, Debora; Madeiro, Alberto; Rosas, Cristião
In Brazil, to have a legal abortion in the case of rape, the woman's statement that rape has occurred is considered sufficient to guarantee the right to abortion. The aim of this study was to understand the practice and opinions about providing abortion in the case of rape among obstetricians-gynecologists (OBGYNs) in Brazil. A mixed-method study was conducted from April to July 2012 with 1,690 OBGYNs who responded to a structured, electronic, self-completed questionnaire. In the quantitative phase, 81.6% of the physicians required police reports or judicial authorization to guarantee the care requested. In-depth telephone interviews with 50 of these physicians showed that they frequently tested women's rape claim by making them repeat their story to several health professionals; 43.5% of these claimed conscientious objection when they were uncertain whether the woman was telling the truth. The moral environment of illegal abortion alters the purpose of listening to a patient - from providing care to passing judgement on her. The data suggest that women's access to legal abortion is being blocked by these barriers in spite of the law. We recommend that FEBRASGO and the Ministry of Health work together to clarify to physicians that a woman's statement that rape occurred should allow her to access a legal abortion. Copyright © 2014 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Himma, K E
There is no issue more central to the abortion debate than the controversial issue of whether the fetus is a moral person. Abortion-rights opponents almost universally claim that abortion is murder and should be legally prohibited because the fetus is a moral person at the moment of conception. Abortion-rights proponents almost universally deny the crucial assumption that the fetus is a person; on their view, whatever moral disvalue abortion involves does not rise to the level of murder and hence does not rise to the level of something that should be legally prohibited. In this essay, I argue that, under dualist assumptions about the nature of mind, the fetus is not a person until brain activity has begun.(i) First, I argue it is a necessary condition for a thing to be a moral person that it is (or has) a self. Second, I argue it is a necessary condition for a fetus to be (or have) a self, under dualist assumptions, that there has been some electrical activity in the brain. I conclude that a dualist can take the position that abortion ought to be legally permitted at least until the beginning of brain activity in the fetus.iI make no attempt to determine what conditions are sufficient for moral personhood; for this reason, the relevant claim about personhood is purely negative.
Wiebe, Ellen R; Sandhu, Supna
Whether Canadian physicians can refuse to refer women for abortion and whether private clinics can charge for abortions are matters of controversy. We sought to identify barriers to access for women seeking therapeutic abortion and to have them identify what they considered to be most important about access to abortion services. Women presenting for abortion over a two-month period at two free-standing abortion clinics, one publicly funded and the other private, were invited to participate in the study. Phase I of the study involved administration of a questionnaire seeking information about demographics, perceived barriers to access to abortion, and what the women wanted from abortion services. Phase II involved semi-structured interviews of a convenience sample of women to record their responses to questions about access. Responses from Phase I questionnaires were compared between the two clinics, and qualitative analysis was performed on the interview responses. Of 423 eligible women, 402 completed questionnaires, and of 45 women approached, 39 completed interviews satisfactorily. Women received information about abortion services from their physicians (60.0%), the Internet (14.8%), a telephone directory (7.8%), friends or family (5.3%), or other sources (12.3%). Many had negative experiences in gaining access. The most important issue regarding access was the long wait time; the second most important issue was difficulty in making appointments. In the private clinic, 85% of the women said they were willing to pay for shorter wait times, compared with 43.5% in the public clinic. Physicians who failed to refer patients for abortion or provide information about obtaining an abortion caused distress and impeded access for a significant minority of women requesting an abortion. Management of abortion services should be prioritized to reflect what women want: particularly decreased wait times for abortion and greater ease and convenience in booking appointments
Feng Chenxia; Zhou Weimin; Leng Yongbin
Beam abort signal is a timing signal of the SSRF (Shanghai Synchrotron Radiation Facility) storage ring. It is used to synchronize BPM processor Libera logging beam position data to identify beam abort source and improve the stability of accelerator. The concept design and engineering design of beam abort trigger module are introduced in this paper, and lab test results of this module using RF signal source also presented. Online beam test results show that this module has achieved design goal, could be used to log beam position data before beam abort. (authors)
Stotland, N L
US anti-abortion groups have used misinformation on the long-term psychological impact of induced abortion to advance their position. This article reviews the available research evidence on the definition, history, cultural context, and emotional and psychiatric sequelae of induced abortion. Notable has been a confusion of normative, transient reactions to unintended pregnancy and abortion (e.g., guilt, depression, anxiety) with serious mental disorders. Studies of the psychiatric aspects of abortion have been limited by methodological problems such as the impossibility of randomly assigning women to study and control groups, resistance to follow-up, and confounding variables. Among the factors that may impact on an unintended pregnancy and the decision to abort are ongoing or past psychiatric illness, poverty, social chaos, youth and immaturity, abandonment issues, ongoing domestic responsibilities, rape and incest, domestic violence, religion, and contraceptive failure. Among the risk factors for postabortion psychosocial difficulties are previous or concurrent psychiatric illness, coercion to abort, genetic or medical indications, lack of social supports, ambivalence, and increasing length of gestation. Overall, the literature indicates that serious psychiatric illness is at least 8 times more common among postpartum than among postabortion women. Abortion center staff should acknowledge that the termination of a pregnancy may be experienced as a loss even when it is a voluntary choice. Referrals should be offered to women who show great emotional distress, have had several previous abortions, or request psychiatric consultation.
Rossi, A S; Sitaraman, B
Reform of abortion laws in the United States stemmed from concern over the health consequences of illegal abortion. Feminists were relative latecomers to the movement, and abortion did not become a major political issue until after the Roe v. Wade decision by the Supreme Court. Most social scientists began to study public attitudes toward abortion, which have been relatively stable since that 1973 decision, only after the Supreme Court ruling, and they thus probably missed documenting the period in which the major attitudinal changes occurred. Polls showed that the American public is most likely to approve of abortion when there is a fetal defect and when the pregnancy endangers maternal health or is the result of rape. These single reasons do not seem to jibe with the complexities of real life, however: The majority of women who have abortions indicate more than one reason for doing so, and the major reasons given concern the conflicting responsibilities of school, work and family and an inability to afford another child. A view of the abortion controversy that puts it into a larger context than do most polls and most American research suggests that legal abortion in the United States is unlikely to be jeopardized in the long run. The trend in most Western industrial nations is toward a more secularized society that features more individual discretion and less control by religious and political institutions over private aspects of life. In the immediate future, a number of factors will perpetuate the need for access to abortion. Among them are early sexual activity that often results in pregnancies among very young women; dim prospects for innovative technological advances in the contraceptive field; and the AIDS epidemic, which may result in the use of contraceptives that are more effective against that deadly virus but less effective at preventing pregnancy. Nor will abortion decisions become any easier for the families and individuals involved, as technology
Drovetta, Raquel Irene
This paper describes the implementation of five Safe Abortion Information Hotlines (SAIH), a strategy developed by feminist collectives in a growing number of countries where abortion is legally restricted and unsafe. These hotlines have a range of goals and take different forms, but they all offer information by telephone to women about how to terminate a pregnancy using misoprostol. The paper is based on a qualitative study carried out in 2012-2014 of the structure, goals and experiences of hotlines in five Latin American countries: Argentina, Chile, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela. The methodology included participatory observation of activities of the SAIH, and in-depth interviews with feminist activists who offer these services and with 14 women who used information provided by these hotlines to induce their own abortions. The findings are also based on a review of materials obtained from the five hotline collectives involved: documents and reports, social media posts, and details of public demonstrations and statements. These hotlines have had a positive impact on access to safe abortions for women whom they help. Providing these services requires knowledge and information skills, but little infrastructure. They have the potential to reduce the risk to women's health and lives of unsafe abortion, and should be promoted as part of public health policy, not only in Latin America but also other countries. Additionally, they promote women's autonomy and right to decide whether to continue or terminate a pregnancy. Copyright © 2015. Published by Elsevier Ltd.
Bettahar, K; Pinton, A; Boisramé, T; Cavillon, V; Wylomanski, S; Nisand, I; Hassoun, D
Updated clinical recommendations for medical induced abortion procedure. A systematic review of French and English literature, reviewing the evidence relating to the provision of medical induced abortion was carried out on PubMed, Cochrane Library and international scientific societies recommendations. The effectiveness of medical abortion is higher than 95% when the protocols are adjusted to gestational age (EL1). Misoprostol alone is less effective than a combination of mifepristone and misoprostol (EL1). Gemeprost is less effective than misoprostol (EL2). The dose of 200mg of mifepristone should be preferred to 600mg (NP1, Rank A). Mifepristone can be taken at home (professional agreement). The optimum interval between mifepristone and misoprostol intake should be 24 to 48 hours (EL1, grade A). Before 7 weeks LMP, the dose of 400μg misoprostol should be given orally (EL1, grade A) eventually repeated after 3hours if no bleeding occurs. For optimal effectiveness between 7 and 14 LMP, the interval between mifepristone and misoprostol should not be shortened to less than 8hours (grade 1). An interval of 24 to 48hours will not affect the effectiveness of the method provided misoprostol dosage is 800μg (EL1). Vaginal, sublingual or buccal routes of administration are more effective and better tolerated than the oral route, which should be abandoned (EL1). An amount of 800μg sublingual or buccal misoprostol route has the same effectiveness than the vaginal route but more gastrointestinal side effects (EL1, grade A). Between 7 and 9 LMP, it does not seem necessary to repeat misoprostol dose whereas it should be repeated beyond 9 SA (grade B). Between 9 and 14 LMP, the dose of 400μg misoprostol given either vaginally, buccally or sublingually should be repeated every 3hours if needed (with a maximum of 5 doses) (EL2, grade B). There is no strong evidence supporting routine antibiotic prophylaxis for medical abortion (professional agreement). Rare contraindications
Watter, W W
There is no scientific evidence to support the hypothesis put forth by Dr. Philip Ney in a recent article published in the Canadian Journal of Psychiatry that induced abortion is associated with an increase in child abuse. There are, however, numerous studies which support the contention that mandatory motherhood adversely affects the mental health of both the mother and the offspring. Studies conducted in Sweden, Scotland, and Czechoslovakia revealed that women who were refused abortions frequently experienced serious psychosocial difficulties for long periods of time following abortion refusal. Case controlled follow-up studies, conducted in Sweden and Czechoslovakia, of offspring born to women who were refused abortions demonstrated that a higher proportion of the unwanted children required psychiatric services, engaged in criminal behavior, and did less well in school than the controlled children. These studies have implications for the current Canadian law which permits a woman to obtain an abortion if pregnancy continuation will endanger her health. In view of the above statistical evidence, and the fact that mortality and morbidity are known to be lower for abortion than for childbirth, any person who denies a woman the right to have an abortion is increasing the risk that the health of the woman will be endangered. By law, therefore, all abortion requests should be honored.
González Vélez, Ana Cristina; Jaramillo, Isabel Cristina
Abstract In May 2006, Colombia’s Constitutional Court liberalized abortion, introducing three circumstances under which the procedure would not be considered a crime: (1) rape or incest; (2) a risk to the woman’s health or life; and (3) fetal malformations incompatible with life. Immediately following the court’s ruling, known as Sentence C-355, members of La Mesa por la Vida y Salud de las Mujeres (hereinafter La Mesa) began to mobilize to ensure the decision’s implementation, bearing in mind the limited impact that the legal framework endorsed by the court has had in other countries in the region. We argue that La Mesa’s strategy is an innovative one in the field of legal mobilization insofar as it presumes that law can be shaped not just by public officials and universities but also by social actors engaged in the creation and diffusion of legal knowledge. In this regard, La Mesa has become a legal expert on abortion by accumulating knowledge about the multiple legal rules affecting the practice of abortion and about the situations in which these rules are to be applied. In addition, by becoming a legal expert, La Mesa has been able to persuade health providers that they will not risk criminal prosecution or being fired if they perform abortions. We call this effect of legal mobilization a “pedagogical effect” insofar as it involves the production of expertise and appropriation of knowledge by health professionals. We conclude by discussing La Mesa’s choice to become a legal expert on abortion as opposed to recruiting academics to do this work or encouraging women to produce and disseminate this knowledge. PMID:28630545
Singer, Elyse Ona
The Catholic Hierarchy unequivocally bans abortion, defining it as a mortal sin. In Mexico City, where the Catholic Church wields considerable political and popular power, abortion was recently decriminalized in a historic vote. Of the roughly 170,000 abortions that have been carried out in Mexico City's new public sector abortion program to date, more than 60% were among self-reported Catholic women. Drawing on eighteen months of fieldwork, including interviews with 34 Catholic patients, this article examines how Catholic women in Mexico City grapple with abortion decisions that contravene Church teachings in the context of recent abortion reform. Catholic women consistently leveraged the local cultural, economic, and legal context to morally justify their abortion decisions against church condemnation. I argue that Catholic women seeking abortion resist religious injunctions on their reproductive behavior by articulating and asserting their own moral agency grounded in the contextual dimensions of their lives. My analysis informs conversations in medical anthropology on moral decision-making around reproduction and on local dynamics of resistance to reproductive governance. Moreover, my findings speak to the deficiencies of a feminist vision focused narrowly on fertility limitation, versus an expanded framework of reproductive justice that considers as well the need for conditions of income equality and structural supports to facilitate reproduction and parenting among women who desire to keep their pregnancies.
Laura Florence Harris
Full Text Available Conscientious objection to abortion, clinicians' refusal to perform legal abortions because of their religious or moral beliefs, has been the subject of increasing debate among bioethicists, policymakers, and public health advocates in recent years. Conscientious objection policies are intended to balance reproductive rights and clinicians' beliefs. However, in practice, clinician objection can act as a barrier to abortion access-impinging on reproductive rights, and increasing unsafe abortion and related morbidity and mortality. There is little information about conscientious objection from a medical or public health perspective. A quantitative instrument is needed to assess prevalence of conscientious objection and to provide insight on its practice. This paper describes the development of a survey instrument to measure conscientious objection to abortion provision.A literature review, and in-depth formative interviews with stakeholders in Colombia were used to develop a conceptual model of conscientious objection. This model led to the development of a survey, which was piloted, and then administered, in Ghana.The model posits three domains of conscientious objection that form the basis for the survey instrument: 1 beliefs about abortion and conscientious objection; 2 actions related to conscientious objection and abortion; and 3 self-identification as a conscientious objector.The instrument is intended to be used to assess prevalence among clinicians trained to provide abortions, and to gain insight on how conscientious objection is practiced in a variety of settings. Its results can inform more effective and appropriate strategies to regulate conscientious objection.
texts disseminating legal concepts in different situations (Wikipedia article for general public, article from ministry aimed at children and adolescents) and especially investigate, to what extent the paraphrase concept is applicable also for describing dissemination strategies in such situations...
Wheeler, Stephanie B.; Zullig, Leah L.; Reeve, Bryce B.; Buga, Geoffrey A.; Morroni, Chelsea
CONTEXT Although South Africa liberalized its abortion law in 1996, significant barriers still impede service provision, including the lack of trained and willing providers. A better understanding is needed of medical students’ attitudes, beliefs and intentions regarding abortion provision. METHODS Surveys about abortion attitudes, beliefs and practice intentions were conducted in 2005 and 2007 among 1,308 medical school students attending the University of Cape Town and Walter Sisulu University in South Africa. Bivariate and multivariate analyses identified associations between students’ characteristics and their general and conditional support for abortion provision, as well as their intention to act according to personal attitudes and beliefs. RESULTS Seventy percent of medical students believed that women should have the right to decide whether to have an abortion, and large majorities thought that abortion should be legal in a variety of medical circumstances. Nearly one-quarter of students intended to perform abortions once they were qualified, and 72% said that conscientiously objecting clinicians should be required to refer women for such services. However, one-fifth of students believed that abortion should not be allowed for any reason. Advanced medical students were more likely than others to support abortion provision. In multivariate analyses, year in medical school, race or ethnicity, religious affiliation, relationship status and sexual experience were associated with attitudes, beliefs and intentions regarding provision. CONCLUSIONS Academic medical institutions must ensure that students understand their responsibilities with respect to abortion care—regardless of their personal views—and must provide appropriate abortion training to those who are willing to offer these services in the future. PMID:23018137
Ruvani T Jayaweera
Full Text Available Safe and legal abortions are rarely practiced in the public health sector in Kenya, and rates of maternal mortality and morbidity from unsafe abortion is high. Little is known about women's experiences seeking and accessing abortion in informal settlements in Nairobi, Kenya.Seven focus group discussions were conducted with a total of 71 women and girls recruited from an informal settlement in Nairobi. The interview guide explored participants' perceptions of unplanned pregnancy, abortion, and access to sexual and reproductive health information in their community. Thematic analysis of the focus group transcripts was conducted using MAX QDA Release 12.Participants described a variety of factors that influence women's experiences with abortion in their communities. According to participants, limited knowledge of sexual and reproductive health information and lack of access to contraception led to unplanned pregnancy among women in their community. Participants cited stigma and loss of opportunities that women with unplanned pregnancies face as the primary reasons why women seek abortions. Participants articulated stigma as the predominant barrier women in their communities face to safe abortion. Other barriers, which were often interrelated to stigma, included lack of education about safe methods of abortion, perceived illegality of abortion, as well as limited access to services, fear of mistreatment, and mistrust of health providers and facilities.Women in informal settlements in Nairobi, Kenya face substantial barriers to regulating their fertility and lack access to safe abortion. Policy makers and reproductive health advocates should support programs that employ harm reduction strategies and increase women's knowledge of and access to medication abortion outside the formal healthcare system.
Jayaweera, Ruvani T; Ngui, Felistah Mbithe; Hall, Kelli Stidham; Gerdts, Caitlin
Safe and legal abortions are rarely practiced in the public health sector in Kenya, and rates of maternal mortality and morbidity from unsafe abortion is high. Little is known about women's experiences seeking and accessing abortion in informal settlements in Nairobi, Kenya. Seven focus group discussions were conducted with a total of 71 women and girls recruited from an informal settlement in Nairobi. The interview guide explored participants' perceptions of unplanned pregnancy, abortion, and access to sexual and reproductive health information in their community. Thematic analysis of the focus group transcripts was conducted using MAX QDA Release 12. Participants described a variety of factors that influence women's experiences with abortion in their communities. According to participants, limited knowledge of sexual and reproductive health information and lack of access to contraception led to unplanned pregnancy among women in their community. Participants cited stigma and loss of opportunities that women with unplanned pregnancies face as the primary reasons why women seek abortions. Participants articulated stigma as the predominant barrier women in their communities face to safe abortion. Other barriers, which were often interrelated to stigma, included lack of education about safe methods of abortion, perceived illegality of abortion, as well as limited access to services, fear of mistreatment, and mistrust of health providers and facilities. Women in informal settlements in Nairobi, Kenya face substantial barriers to regulating their fertility and lack access to safe abortion. Policy makers and reproductive health advocates should support programs that employ harm reduction strategies and increase women's knowledge of and access to medication abortion outside the formal healthcare system.
Larsson, Sofia; Eliasson, Miriam; Klingberg Allvin, Marie; Faxelid, Elisabeth; Atuyambe, Lynn; Fritzell, Sara
Ugandan law prohibits abortion under all circumstances except where there is a risk for the woman's life. However, it has been estimated that over 250 000 illegal abortions are being performed in the country yearly. Many of these abortions are carried out under unsafe conditions, being one of the most common reasons behind the nearly 5000 maternal deaths per year in Uganda. Little research has been conducted in relation to societal views on abortion within the Ugandan society. This study aims to analyze the discourse on abortion as expressed in the two main daily Ugandan newspapers. The conceptual content of 59 articles on abortion between years 2006-2012, from the two main daily English-speaking newspapers in Uganda, was studied using principles from critical discourse analysis. A religious discourse and a human rights discourse, together with medical and legal sub discourses frame the subject of abortion in Uganda, with consequences for who is portrayed as a victim and who is to blame for abortions taking place. It shows the strong presence of the Catholic Church within the medial debate on abortion. The results also demonstrate the absence of medial statements related to abortion made by political stakeholders. The Catholic Church has a strong position within the Ugandan society and their stance on abortion tends to have great influence on the way other actors and their activities are presented within the media, as well as how stakeholders choose to convey their message, or choose not to publicly debate the issue in question at all. To decrease the number of maternal deaths, we highlight the need for a more inclusive and varied debate that problematizes the current situation, especially from a gender perspective.
Korejo, Razia; Noorani, Khurshid Jehan; Bhutta, Shereen
To determine the frequency of induced abortion and identify the role of sociocultural factors contributing to termination of pregnancy and associated morbidity and mortality in hospital setting. Prospective observational study. The study was conducted in the Department of Obstetrics and Gynaecology, Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Centre, Karachi from January 1999 to June 2001. The patients who were admitted for induced abortion were interviewed in privacy. On condition of anonymity they were asked about the age, parity, family setup and relationships, with particular emphasis on sociocultural reasons and factors contributing to induction of abortion. Details of status of abortionist and methods used for termination of pregnancy, the resulting complications and their severity were recorded. Out of total admissions, 57(2.35%) gave history of induced abortion. All women belonged to low socioeconomic class and 59.6% of them were illiterate. Forty-three (75.5%) of these women had never practiced contraception. Twenty-four (42%) were grandmultiparae and did not want more children. In 29 women (50.9%) the decision for abortion had been supported by the husband. In 25 women (43.8%) abortion was carried out by Daiyan (traditional midwives). Serious complications like uterine perforation with or without bowel injury were encountered in 25 (43.8%) of these women. During the study period illegally induced abortion accounted for 6 (10.5%) maternal deaths. Prevalence of poverty, illiteracy, grand multiparity and non-practice of contraception are strong determinants of induced abortion.
Korejo, R.; Noorani, K.J.; Bhutta, S.
Objective: To determine the frequency of induced abortion and identity the role of sociocultural factors contributing to termination of pregnancy and associated morbidity and mortality in hospital setting. Subjects and Methods: The patients who were admitted for induced abortion were interviewed in privacy. On condition of anonymity they were asked about the age, parity, family setup and relationships, with particular emphasis on sociocultural reasons and factors contributing to induction of abortion. Details of status of abortionist and methods used for termination of pregnancy, the resulting complications and their severity were recorded. Results: Out of total admissions, 57(2.35%) gave history of induced abortion. All women belonged to low socioeconomic class and 59.6% of them were illiterate. Forty-three (75.5%) of these women had never practiced concentration. Twenty-four (42%) were grandmultiparae and did not want more children. In 29 women (50.9%) the decision for abortion had been supported by the husband. In 25 (43.8%) abortion was carried out by Daiyan (traditional midwives). Serious complications like uterine perforation with or without bowel injury were encouraged in 25 (43.8%) of these women. During the study period illegally induced abortion accounted for 6 (10.5%) maternal deaths. Conclusion: Prevalence of poverty, illiteracy, grand multiparity and non-practice of contraception are strong determinants of induced abortion. (author)
Family planning centres are structures designed to receive and care for women requesting elective abortions. Here the specially trained, dedicated teams offer personalised care. The instrumental elective abortion is prepared in the same way as a surgical procedure and is subject to the same monitoring. Copyright © 2015 Elsevier Masson SAS. All rights reserved.
A federal appeals court has affirmed lower court rulings that substantial portions of the Illinois' 1975 Abortion Act and 1977 Abortion Parental Consent Act are unconstitutional. The 7th Court adopted an April 12, 1978 district court opinion that invalidated several sections of the Illinois 1975 abortion statute, including parental and spousal consent requirements and provisions requiring that a woman be informed of the "physical competency" of the fetus at the time the abortion was to be performed. The appeals court specifically addressed the statute's provision making a liveborn fetus resulting from an abortion a ward of the state, unless the abortion was performed to save the woman's life. Regarding the 1977 Parental Consent Act, the 7th Circuit reaffirmed its August 1978 ruling that it is unconstitutional to require an unmarried minor to have the consent of both parents or, if they refused consent, a circuit court judge before undergoing an abortion. The appeals court also agreed with the lower court's November 2nd ruling that the Act's requirement of a 48-hour delay between the time the minor gives her consent and the performance of an abortion violated the equal protection clause of the 14th amendment.
Martin, Lisa A; Hassinger, Jane A; Debbink, Michelle; Harris, Lisa H
Researchers have described the difficulties of doing abortion work, including the psychosocial costs to individual providers. Some have discussed the self-censorship in which providers engage in to protect themselves and the pro-choice movement. However, few have examined the costs of this self-censorship to public discourse and social movements in the US. Using qualitative data collected during abortion providers' discussions of their work, we explore the tensions between their narratives and pro-choice discourse, and examine the types of stories that are routinely silenced - narratives we name "dangertalk". Using these data, we theorize about the ways in which giving voice to these tensions might transform current abortion discourse by disrupting false dichotomies and better reflecting the complex realities of abortion. We present a conceptual model for dangertalk in abortion discourse, connecting it to functions of dangertalk in social movements more broadly. Copyright © 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Lipper, Irene; Cvejic, Helen; Benjamin, Peter; Kinch, Robert A.
A study was carried out at the Adolescent Unit of The Montreal Children's Hospital from September 1970 to December 1972, the focus of which evolved from the pregnant teenager in general to the short- and long-term effects of her abortion. Answers to a questionnaire administered to 65 pregnant girls to determine the psychosocial characteristics of the pregnant teenager indicated that these girls are not socially or emotionally abnormal. A follow-up study of 50 girls who had an abortion determined that the girls do not change their life styles or become emotionally unstable up to one year post-abortion, although most have a mild, normal reaction to the crisis. During the study period the clinic services evolved from mainly prenatal care to mainly abortion counselling, and then to providing the abortion with less counselling, placing emphasis on those cases which require other than medical services. PMID:4750298
Hanschmidt, Franz; Linde, Katja; Hilbert, Anja; Riedel-Heller, Steffi G; Kersting, Anette
Although stigma has been identified as a potential risk factor for the well-being of women who have had abortions, little attention has been paid to the study of abortion-related stigma. A systematic search of the databases Medline, PsycArticles, PsycInfo, PubMed and Web of Science was conducted; the search terms were "(abortion OR pregnancy termination) AND stigma * ." Articles were eligible for inclusion if the main research question addressed experiences of individuals subjected to abortion stigma, public attitudes that stigmatize women who have had abortions or interventions aimed at managing abortion stigma. To provide a comprehensive overview of this issue, any study published by February 2015 was considered. The search was restricted to English- and German-language studies. Seven quantitative and seven qualitative studies were eligible for inclusion. All but two dated from 2009 or later; the earliest was from 1984. Studies were based mainly on U.S. samples; some included participants from Ghana, Great Britain, Mexico, Nigeria, Pakistan, Peru and Zambia. The majority of studies showed that women who have had abortions experience fear of social judgment, self-judgment and a need for secrecy. Secrecy was associated with increased psychological distress and social isolation. Some studies found stigmatizing attitudes in the public. Stigma appeared to be salient in abortion providers' lives. Evidence of interventions to reduce abortion stigma was scarce. Most studies had limitations regarding generalizability and validity. More research, using validated measures, is needed to enhance understanding of abortion stigma and thereby reduce its impact on affected individuals. Copyright © 2016 by the Guttmacher Institute.
Daling, J R; Malone, K E; Voigt, L F; White, E; Weiss, N S
Certain events of reproductive life, especially completed pregnancies, have been found to influence a woman's risk of breast cancer. Prior studies of the relationship between breast cancer and a history of incomplete pregnancies have provided inconsistent results. Most of these studies included women beyond the early part of their reproductive years at the time induced abortion became legal in the United States. We conducted a case-control study of breast cancer in young women born recently enough so that some or most of their reproductive years were after the legalization of induced abortion to determine if certain aspects of a woman's experience with abortion might be associated with risk of breast cancer. Female residents of three counties in western Washington State, who were diagnosed with breast cancer (n = 845) from January 1983 through April 1990, and who were born after 1944, were interviewed in detail about their reproductive histories, including the occurrence of induced abortion. Case patients were obtained through our population-based tumor registry (part of the Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results Program of the National Cancer Institute). Similar information was obtained from 961 control women identified through random digit dialing within these same counties. Logistic regression analysis was used to estimate odds ratios and confidence intervals (CIs). Among women who had been pregnant at least once, the risk of breast cancer in those who had experienced an induced abortion was 50% higher than among other women (95% CI = 1.2-1.9). While this increased risk did not vary by the number of induced abortions or by the history of a completed pregnancy, it did vary according to the age at which the abortion occurred and the duration of that pregnancy. Highest risks were observed when the abortion was done at ages younger than 18 years--particularly if it took place after 8 weeks' gestation--or at 30 years of age or older. No increased risk of breast
Morgenthau, J E
The issue of abortion, except when it is rendered moot because the fetus endangers the life of the mother, is not really a medical issue. The physician's role is to help patients achieve and maintain their maximum potential for physical, mental, and social well-being. To accomplish this, the physician must acquire a constantly evolving database of scientific knowledge, must evaluate this information in a critical and ethical manner, and must be prepared to apply what is learned. In the realm of applied ethics, no particular religion, profession, culture, class, or sex should be thought of as having all the answers in the realm of applied ethics. This physician's actions are predicated on the belief that, to a large extent, ethical precepts reflect the broader social and economic issues of the period in which they are articulated. If this is the case, then in today's world the population explosion, the postindustrial society, the women's rights movement, inequality of access, and the ability to perform prenatal diagnosis are all factors which have molded the approach to the issue of abortion. Only the last 3 of these can in any way be considered as medical. When considering the role of a physician in dealing with the issue of abortion in the adolescent, this individual relies on the concept articulated by the World Health Association (WHA): promoting the physical, emotional, and social well-being of one's patients. Each year in the US over 1 million 15-19 year olds become pregnant, resulting in over 600,000 births. Most of these pregnancies are unintentional, yet approximately 90% of the infants are kept in the home by mothers who are ill prepared to be parents. What is most disturbing is that the pregnancy rate for the younger mother, 16 years or under, is accounting for an ever increasing percentage of the total. Studies at the Adolescent Health Center of the Mount Sinai Hospital in New York City as well as national studies suggest that the younger teens are more
Munthe, Christian; Nielsen, Morten Ebbe Juul
This article analyzes the idea of a legal right to conscientious refusal for healthcare professionals from a basic legal ethical standpoint, using refusal to perform tasks related to legal abortion (in cases of voluntary employment) as a case in point. The idea of a legal right to conscientious refusal is distinguished from ideas regarding moral rights or reasons related to conscientious refusal, and none of the latter are found to support the notion of a legal right. Reasons for allowing some sort of room for conscientious refusal for healthcare professionals based on the importance of cultural identity and the fostering of a critical atmosphere might provide some support, if no countervailing factors apply. One such factor is that a legal right to healthcare professionals' conscientious refusal must comply with basic legal ethical tenets regarding the rule of law and equal treatment, and this requirement is found to create serious problems for those wishing to defend the idea under consideration. We conclude that the notion of a legal right to conscientious refusal for any profession is either fundamentally incompatible with elementary legal ethical requirements, or implausible because it undermines the functioning of a related professional sector (healthcare) or even of society as a whole.
Full Text Available Background: Induced abortion contributes significantly to maternal mortality in developing countries yet women still seek repeat induced abortion in spite of the availability of contraceptive services. Objectives: (1 To study the sociodemographic profile of abortion seekers. (2 To study the reasons for procuring abortions by married women of reproductive age group. Materials and Methods: It was a cross-sectional community-based study. All the married women of reproductive age group (15–49 years with a history of induced abortion were selected as the subjects. Results: The most common reason for seeking an abortion was poverty (39.4%, followed by girl child and husband's insistence, which accounted for 17.2% each. More complications were noted in women undergoing an abortion in places other than government hospitals and also who did it in the second trimester. Conclusions: To reduce maternal deaths from unsafe abortion, several broad activities require strengthening such as decreasing unwanted pregnancies, increasing geographic accessibility and affordability, upgrading facilities that offers medical termination of pregnancy (MTP services, increasing awareness among the reproductive age about the legal and safe abortion facilities, the consequences of unsafe abortion, ensuring appropriate referral facilities, increasing access to safe abortion services and increasing the quality of abortion care, including postabortion care.
Zane, Suzanne; Creanga, Andreea A.; Berg, Cynthia J.; Pazol, Karen; Suchdev, Danielle B.; Jamieson, Denise J.; Callaghan, William M.
OBJECTIVE To examine characteristics and causes of legal induced abortion–related deaths in the United States between 1998 and 2010. METHODS Abortion-related deaths were identified through the national Pregnancy Mortality Surveillance System with enhanced case-finding. We calculated the abortion mortality rate by race, maternal age, and gestational age and the distribution of causes of death by gestational age and procedure. RESULTS During the period from 1998–2010, of approximately 16.1 million abortion procedures, 108 women died, for a mortality rate of 0.7 deaths per 100,000 procedures overall, 0.4 deaths for non-Hispanic white women, 0.5 deaths for Hispanic women, and 1.1 deaths for black women. The mortality rate increased with gestational age, from 0.3 to 6.7 deaths for procedures performed at 8 weeks or less and at 18 weeks or greater, respectively. A majority of abortion-related deaths at 13 weeks of gestation or less were associated with anesthesia complications and infection, whereas a majority of abortion-related deaths at more than 13 weeks of gestation were associated with infection and hemorrhage. In 20 of the 108 cases, the abortion was performed as a result of a severe medical condition where continuation of the pregnancy threatened the woman’s life. CONCLUSION Deaths associated with legal induced abortion continue to be rare events—less than 1 per 100,000 procedures. Primary prevention of unintended pregnancy, including those in women with serious pre-existing medical conditions, and increased access to abortion services at early gestational ages may help to further decrease abortion-related mortality in the United States. PMID:26241413
Background The demand for induced abortions in Uganda is high despite legal and moral proscriptions. Abortion seekers usually go to illegal, hidden clinics where procedures are performed in unhygienic environments by under-trained practitioners. These abortions, which are usually unsafe, lead to a high rate of severe complications and use of substantial, scarce healthcare resources. This study was performed to estimate the costs associated with induced abortions in Uganda. Methods A decision tree was developed to represent the consequences of induced abortion and estimate the costs of an average case. Data were obtained from a primary chart abstraction study, an on-going prospective study, and the published literature. Societal costs, direct medical costs, direct non-medical costs, indirect (productivity) costs, costs to patients, and costs to the government were estimated. Monte Carlo simulation was used to account for uncertainty. Results The average societal cost per induced abortion (95% credibility range) was $177 ($140-$223). This is equivalent to $64 million in annual national costs. Of this, the average direct medical cost was $65 ($49-86) and the average direct non-medical cost was $19 ($16-$23). The average indirect cost was $92 ($57-$139). Patients incurred $62 ($46-$83) on average while government incurred $14 ($10-$20) on average. Conclusion Induced abortions are associated with substantial costs in Uganda and patients incur the bulk of the healthcare costs. This reinforces the case made by other researchers--that efforts by the government to reduce unsafe abortions by increasing contraceptive coverage or providing safe, legal abortions are critical. PMID:22145859
Full Text Available Current ethical and legal issues with regard to abortion, prenatal genetic testing and managing pregnancy are discussed in this paper. These problems are considered from the legal theory point of view as well as from the standpoint of the Serbian Law, the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, European Court of Human Rights, legal regulations of several EU countries, the USA, Japan, and their judicial practice. First, the pregnancy termination standards that exist in Serbia are introduced. Then the following issues are explained separately: the pro life and pro choice approaches to abortion; abortion according to the legal approach as a way of survival; the moral and legal status of the fetus; prenatal genetic testing, and finally matters regarding managing pregnancy today. Moral and legal principals of autonomy, namely freedom of choice of the individual, privacy and self-determination give women the right to terminate unwanted pregnancies. In addition, the basic question is whether the right of the woman to abortion clashes with the rights of others. Firstly, with the right of the "fetus to life". Secondly, with the right of the state to intervene in the interest of protecting "the life of the fetus". Third, with the rights of the woman’s partner. The fetus has the moral right to life, but less in relation to the same right of the woman as well as in relation to her right to control her life and her physical and moral integrity. On the other hand, the value of the life of the fetus increases morally and legally with the maturity of gestation; from the third trimester, the interest of the state prevails in the protection of the "life of the fetus" except when the life or health of the pregnant woman are at risk. As regards the rights of the woman’s partner, namely the husband’s opinion, there is no legal significance. The law does not request his participation in the decision on abortion because
Besselink, L.F.M.; Pennings, F.J.L.; Prechal, A.
This is the Introductory chapter to The Eclipse of the Legality Principle in the European Union, Edited by Leonard Besselink, Frans Pennings, Sacha Prechal [European Monographs, vol. 75], Kluwer Law International, Alphen aan den Rijn, 2011 , xxv + 303 pp.
Paine, Jennifer; Noriega, Regina Tamés; Puga, Alma Luz Beltrán Y
While women in Mexico City can access free, safe and legal abortion during the first trimester, women in other Mexican states face many barriers. To complicate matters, between 2008 and 2009, 16 state constitutions were amended to protect life from conception. While these reforms do not annul existing legal abortion indications, they have created additional obstacles for women. Health providers increasingly report women who seek life-saving care for complications such as haemorrhage to the police, and some cases eventually end up in court. The Grupo de Información en Reproducción Elegida (GIRE) has successfully litigated such cases in state courts, with positive outcomes. However, state courts have mainly focused on procedural issues. The Mexican Supreme Court ruling supporting Mexico City's law has had a positive effect, but a stronger stance is needed. This paper discusses the constitutional framework and jurisprudence regarding abortion in Mexico, and the recent Costa Rica decision of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. We assert that Mexican states must guarantee women's access to abortion on the legal grounds established in law. We continue to support litigation at the state level to oblige courts to exonerate women prosecuted for illegal abortion. Advocacy should, of course, also address the legislative and executive branches, while working simultaneously to set legal precedents on abortion. Copyright © 2014 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Bingham, Allison; Drake, Jennifer Kidwell; Goodyear, Lorelei; Gopinath, C Y; Kaufman, Anne; Bhattarai, Sanju
Legal, procedural, and institutional restrictions on safe abortion services-such as laws forbidding the practice or policies preventing donors from supporting groups who provide legal services-remain a major access barrier for women worldwide. However, even when abortion services are legal, women face social and cultural barriers to accessing safe abortion services and preventing unwanted pregnancy. Interpersonal communication interventions play an important role in overcoming these obstacles, including as part of broad educational- and behavioral-change efforts. This article presents results from an interpersonal communication behavior change pilot intervention, Dialogues for Life, undertaken in Nepal from 2004 to 2006, after abortion was legalized in 2002. The project aimed to encourage and enable women to prevent unplanned pregnancies and unsafe abortions and was driven by dialogue groups and select community events. The authors' results confirm that a dialogue-based interpersonal communication intervention can help change behavior and that this method is feasible in a low-resource, low-literacy setting. Dialogue groups play a key role in addressing sensitive and stigmatizing health issues such as unsafe abortion and in empowering women to negotiate for the social support they need when making decisions about their health.
It is submitted that whilst the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act fails to provide the principles for determining the limits of the right to conscientious ... 'n Reg op gewetensbeswaar teen deelname aan vrugafdrywingsprosedures is egter implisiet in artikel 15 van die Grondwet van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika vervat.
Sánchez-Siancas, Luis E; Rodríguez-Medina, Angélica; Piscoya, Alejandro; Bernabe-Ortiz, Antonio
This study aimed to assess the association between perceived social support and induced abortion among young women in Lima, Peru. In addition, prevalence and incidence of induced abortion was estimated. A cross-sectional study enrolling women aged 18-25 years from maternal health centers in Southern Lima, Peru, was conducted. Induced abortion was defined as the difference between the total number of pregnancies ended in abortion and the number of spontaneous abortions; whereas perceived social support was assessed using the DUKE-UNC scale. Prevalence and incidence of induced abortion (per 100 person-years risk) was estimated, and the association of interest was evaluated using Poisson regression models with robust variance. A total of 298 women were enrolled, mean age 21.7 (± 2.2) years. Low levels of social support were found in 43.6% (95%CI 38.0%-49.3%), and 17.4% (95%CI: 13.1%- 21.8%) women reported at least one induced abortion. The incidence of induced abortion was 2.37 (95%CI: 1.81-3.11) per 100 person-years risk. The multivariable model showed evidence of the association between low perceived social support and induced abortion (RR = 1.94; 95%CI: 1.14-3.30) after controlling for confounders. There was evidence of an association between low perceived social support and induced abortion among women aged 18 to 25 years. Incidence of induced abortion was similar or even greater than rates of countries where abortion is legal. Strategies to increase social support and reduce induced abortion rates are needed.
Torres, A; Forrest, J D
Most respondents to a survey of abortion patients in 1987 said that more than one factor had contributed to their decision to have an abortion; the mean number of reasons was nearly four. Three-quarters said that having a baby would interfere with work, school or other responsibilities, about two-thirds said they could not afford to have a child and half said they did not want to be a single parent or had relationship problems. A multivariate analysis showed young teenagers to be 32 percent more likely than women 18 or over to say they were not mature enough to raise a child and 19 percent more likely to say their parents wanted them to have an abortion. Unmarried women were 17 percent more likely than currently married women to choose abortion to prevent others from knowing they had had sex or became pregnant. Of women who had an abortion at 16 or more weeks' gestation, 71 percent attributed their delay to not having realized they were pregnant or not having known soon enough the actual gestation of their pregnancy. Almost half were delayed because of trouble in arranging the abortion, usually because they needed time to raise money. One-third did not have an abortion earlier because they were afraid to tell their partner or parents that they were pregnant. A multivariate analysis revealed that respondents under age 18 were 39 percent more likely than older women to have delayed because they were afraid to tell their parents or partner.
... 28 Judicial Administration 2 2010-07-01 2010-07-01 false Abortion. 551.23 Section 551.23 Judicial..., Pregnancy, Child Placement, and Abortion § 551.23 Abortion. (a) The inmate has the responsibility to decide either to have an abortion or to bear the child. (b) The Warden shall offer to provide each pregnant...
In this Journal in 1972, 100 leaders in obstetrics and gynecology published a compelling statement that recognized the legalization of abortion in several states and anticipated the 1973 Supreme Court decision in Roe v Wade. They projected the numbers of legal abortions that likely would be required by women in the United States and described the role of the teaching hospital in meeting that responsibility. They wrote to express their concern for women's health in a new legal and medical era of reproductive control and to define the responsibilities of academic obstetrician-gynecologists. Forty years later, 100 professors examine the statement of their predecessors in light of medical advances and legal changes and suggest a further course of action for obstetrician gynecologists. Copyright © 2013 Mosby, Inc. All rights reserved.
Full Text Available This essay will analyze some of the debates around abortion in the National Congress due to the Constitutional Amendment Bill – PEC25/95, by Deputy Severino Cavalcanti (PPB/PE, where the main issue was precisely life defense. The discursive blocks that present the debate in relation to pregnancy interruption, the religious principles or biological determinism on which those debates are based, and the ways in which such discourses are maintained will be identified. Distinct understandings of life, as a result of the points used in such discourses, which are aligned with the position of the Catholic Church and the Feminist Movement - the social actors of this debate- are also discussed here.
Sjöström, Susanne; Essén, Birgitta; Gemzell-Danielsson, Kristina; Klingberg-Allvin, Marie
Unsafe abortions are estimated to cause eight per-cent of maternal mortality in India. Lack of providers, especially in rural areas, is one reason unsafe abortions take place despite decades of legal abortion. Education and training in reproductive health services has been shown to influence attitudes and increase chances that medical students will provide abortion care services in their future practice. To further explore previous findings about poor attitudes toward abortion among medical students in Maharastra, India, we conducted in-depth interviews with medical students in their final year of education. We used a qualitative design conducting in-depth interviews with twenty-three medical students in Maharastra applying a topic guide. Data was organized using thematic analysis with an inductive approach. The participants described a fear to provide abortion in their future practice. They lacked understanding of the law and confused the legal regulation of abortion with the law governing gender biased sex selection, and concluded that abortion is illegal in Maharastra. The interviewed medical students' attitudes were supported by their experiences and perceptions from the clinical setting as well as traditions and norms in society. Medical abortion using mifepristone and misoprostol was believed to be unsafe and prohibited in Maharastra. The students perceived that nurse-midwives were knowledgeable in Sexual and Reproductive Health and many found that they could be trained to perform abortions in the future. To increase chances that medical students in Maharastra will perform abortion care services in their future practice, it is important to strengthen their confidence and knowledge through improved medical education including value clarification and clinical training.
Behroozi-Lak, T; Derakhshan-Aydenloo, S; Broomand, F
Abortion, spontaneous or induced, is a common complication of pregnancy and exploration of available and safe regimens for medical abortion in developing countries seems crucial. The present study was aimed to assess the effect of letrozole in combination with misoprostol in women eligible for legal therapeutic abortion with gestational age ≤14weeks. This clinical randomized trial was conducted on 78 women who were candidate of medical abortion and eligible for legal abortion with gestational age ≤14 weeks that were randomly divided into two groups of case and controls. Case group received daily oral dose of 10mg letrozole for three days followed by vaginal misoprostol. In control group the patients received only vaginal misoprostol. The rate of complete abortion, induction-of-abortion time, and side-effects were assessed. Complete abortion was observed in 30 patients (76.9%) in case group and 9 (23.1%) cases were failed. In control group there was 16 (41.03%) complete abortions and 23 (58.97%) cases were failed to abort. Patients with gestational age of between 6 and 10 weeks did not show significant difference in both groups (P=0.134). Regarding pregnancy remnants there were significant differences between two groups (P=0.034). The time form admission to discharge in case groups were significantly shorter than those in control group (P=0.001). The indication for curettage in case group was significantly less than control group (P=0.001). A 3-day course of letrozole (10mg/daily) followed by misoprostol was associated with a higher complete abortion and lower curettage rates and reduction in time from admission to discharge in women with gestational age ≤14 weeks compared to misoprostol alone. Copyright © 2017 Elsevier Masson SAS. All rights reserved.
Romans-Clarkson, S E
This article reviews the scientific literature on the psychological sequelae of induced abortion. The methodology and results of studies carried out over the last twenty-two years are examined critically. The unanimous consensus is that abortion does not cause deleterious psychological effects. Women most likely to show subsequent problems are those who were pressured into the operation against their own wishes, either by relatives or because their pregnancy had medical or foetal contraindications. Legislation which restricts abortion causes problems for women with unwanted pregnancies and their doctors. It is also unjust, as it adversely most affects lower socio-economic class women.
Bhatti, Khadijah Z; Nguyen, Antoinette T; Stuart, Gretchen S
Medical abortion is a safe, effective, and acceptable option for patients seeking an early nonsurgical abortion. In 2014, medical abortion accounted for nearly one third (31%) of all abortions performed in the United States. State-level attempts to restrict reproductive and sexual health have recently included bills that require physicians to inform women that a medical abortion is reversible. In this commentary, we will review the history, current evidence-based regimen, and regulation of medical abortion. We will then examine current proposed and existing abortion reversal legislation. The objective of this commentary is to ensure physicians are armed with rigorous evidence to inform patients, communities, and policy makers about the safety of medical abortion. Furthermore, given the current paucity of evidence for medical abortion reversal, physicians and policy makers can dispel bad science and misinformation and advocate against medical abortion reversal legislation. Copyright © 2017 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Henriques, C U; Wilken-Jensen, C; Thorsen, P
days postoperatively, underwent pelvic examination. Clinical endpoints were noted. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Post-operative pelvic inflammatory disease in women applying for legal first trimester abortion. RESULTS: Seven hundred and eighty-six women fulfilled the criteria for evaluation. A tendency toward...... for legal first trimester abortion, treated peroperatively with ceftriaxone. No significant difference was demonstrated between high risk patients treated with ceftriaxone or ampicillin/pivampicillin and metronidazole. Udgivelsesdato: 1994-Jul......OBJECTIVE: To investigate the incidence of post-operative infection after first trimester abortion in women treated with a long-acting cephalosporin (ceftriaxone) compared with low risk patients receiving no treatment and with high risk patients receiving our standard treatment of ampicillin...
Spinelli, A; Boccuzzo, G; Grandolfo, M E; Buratta, V; Pediconi, M; Donati, S; Frova, L; Timperi, F
Induced abortion was legalized in Italy in 1978. After an initial increase in the incidence, from 187,631 in 1979 to 234,801 in 1983, induced abortion has steadily decreased to 140,398 in 1996. Analysis of the abortion rates has shown that the main decrease has been among married women aged 25-35, while there has been an increase among unmarried women. Women with lower levels of education tend to have higher rates and housewives have higher rates than women in paid work. Programmes for the prevention of induced abortion should be directed at directed at easily accessible groups: women who have just delivered a baby, couples who marry, teenagers in school and women who have already had an induced abortion. In any case, the need for rationalisation of the procedure to obtain an induced abortion is urgent.
Carnevale, A; Lisker, R; Villa, A R; Armendares, S
pregnancies. In personal situations of fetal disorder, the general tendency was to abort; however, geneticists seeing more than 5 patients per week, and those who believe that religion is important, were more likely to reject abortion. The sample is representative of Mexican geneticists, and the main limitation of this study is that the geneticists have very little experience in PD, and that their responses were mostly based on theory. However, their opinions may influence the demand and the availability of PD and abortion, as well as the possibility of legalization of abortion on the basis of a fetal defect.
This is a discussion on pregnancy interruption as it was carried out in the last years in the German Federal Republic, as well as in the German Democratic Republic. Ethical and moral problems and concepts concerning abortion and abortion legislation are discussed from the viewpoint of various ideas and philosophies, especially from the marxist point of view. Moral and ethical concepts result from an evaluation process of human behavior and social relationships. From the marxist insight of people it is known that this is historically concrete and not eternally existing in the nature of man. It is based on concrete people within concrete social situations. Moral values are dependent on social concepts and include human motivations. There is a close relationship between human needs and interests on the one hand and ethical values on the other hand. In abortion too, the single decision of the person does not constitute an ethical value. Abortion cannot be considered independent from the woman, nor from social reality. Reasons for legal abortion have changed through the years according to social needs; before and after World War II poverty, hardship, malnutrition; today it mainly is a question of woman's need for equality in education, profession, and family. Population policies play a role: "soldiers for Hitler" during World War II; preservation of the German race; influx of foreign people with large families. Ethical naturalism "survival of the fittest" is rejected. "Human life" cannot be separated from "developing human life"; zygote, embryo, fetus and newborn are all inseparable stages in human life. A newborn child is not purely biological, like an animal; social aspects are involved. Human nature is a product of history. The developing embryo has no significance as a primary basis for induced abortion but secondarily serves only to determine the optimal time period for abortion. To base abortion on the nature of prenatal human life means nothing more than to
The controversy as to whether abortion on demand will be legalized in Nigeria has been long and protracted. This is not unconnected with the fact that the issues that border on life are always sensitive for society and all the more for the legislature and the Courts. Notwithstanding the comparatively conservative status of law ...
Rasch, V; Silberschmidt, M; Mchumvu, Y
that gave them the right to seek family planning services and in practice these services are not being provided. There is a need for youth-friendly family planning services and to make abortion safe and legal, in order to reduce unwanted pregnancies and abortion-related complications and deaths among......This article reports on a study of induced abortion among adolescent girls in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, who were admitted to a district hospital in Dar es Salaam because of an illegally induced abortion in 1997. In the quantitative part of the study, 197 teenage girls (aged 14-19) were asked...
Stotland, Nada L
Approximately one third of the women in the United States have an abortion during their lives. In the year 2008, 1.21 million abortions were performed in the United States (Jones and Koolstra, Perspect Sex Reprod Health 43:41-50, 2011). The psychiatric outcomes of abortion are scientifically well established (Adler et al., Science 248:41-43, 1990). Despite assertions to the contrary, there is no evidence that abortion causes psychiatric problems (Dagg, Am J Psychiatry 148:578-585, 1991). Those studies that report psychiatric sequelae suffer from severe methodological defects (Lagakos, N Engl J Med 354:1667-1669, 2006). Methodologically sound studies have demonstrated that there is a very low incidence of frank psychiatric illness after an abortion; women experience a wide variety of feelings over time, including, for some, transient sadness and grieving. However, the circumstances that lead a woman to terminate a pregnancy, including previous and/or ongoing psychiatric illness, are independently stressful and increase the likelihood of psychiatric illness over the already high baseline incidence and prevalence of mood and anxiety disorders among women of childbearing age. For optimal psychological outcomes, women, including adolescents, need to make autonomous and supported decisions about problem pregnancies. Clinicians can help patients facing these decisions and those who are working through feelings about having had abortions in the past.
Wiebe, Ellen R; Littman, Lisa; Kaczorowski, Janusz; Moshier, Erin L
Misinformation about the risks and sequelae of abortion is widespread. The purpose of this study was to examine whether women having an abortion who believe that there should be restrictions to abortion (i.e., that some other women should not be allowed to have an abortion) also believe this misinformation about the health risks associated with abortion. We carried out a cross-sectional survey of women presenting consecutively for an abortion at an urban abortion clinic in Vancouver, British Columbia, between February and September 2012. Of 1008 women presenting for abortion, 978 completed questionnaires (97% response rate), and 333 of these (34%) favoured abortion restrictions. More women who favoured restrictions believed that the health risk of an abortion was the same as or greater than the health risk of childbirth (84.2% vs. 65.6%, P abortion caused mental health problems (39.1% vs. 28.3%, P abortion caused infertility (41.7% vs. 21.9%, P abortion should not be restricted was found to be a significantly correlated with correct answers about health risks, mental health problems, and infertility. Misinformed beliefs about the risks of abortion are common among women having an abortion. Women presenting for abortion who favoured restrictions to abortion have more misperceptions about abortion risks than women who favour no restrictions.
The sort of ethical theory derived from Aristotle, variously described as virtue ethics, virtue-based ethics, or neo-Aristotelianism, is becoming better known, and is now quite widely recognized as at least a possible rival to deontological and utilitarian theories. With recognition has come criticism, of varying quality. In this article I shall discuss nine separate criticisms that I have frequently encountered, most of which seem to me to betray an inadequate grasp either of the structure of virtue theory or of what would be involved in thinking about a real moral issue in its terms. In the first half I aim particularly to secure an understanding that will reveal that many of these criticisms are simply misplaced, and to articulate what I take to be the major criticism of virtue theory. I reject this criticism, but do not claim that it is necessarily misplaced. In the second half I aim to deepen that understanding and highlight the issues raised by the criticisms by illustrating what the theory looks like when it is applied to a particular issue, in this case, abortion.
Full Text Available The central issue in the abortion debate is the moral status of the conceptus. There are two positions that argue this issue. At one extreme are the views of the pro-life group which argues that human life begins at the moment of conception whilst at the other are views of the pro-choice group that argues in favour of a woman’s right to self-determination. Two basic principles come into conflict in this debate, namely the Value of Life and that of Self-determination. In this paper the arguments forwarded by each group in justification of its position are presented. Also discussed is the moderate developmental viewpoint which accepts that the genetic basis of an individual is established at conception. Some development, however, has to occur before the conceptus can be called a person. The fact that an entity is a potential person is a prima facie reason for not destroying it. On the other hand, we need not conclude that a person has a right to life by virtue of that potentiality. Simultaneously we should recognise that the right a potential entity has, may be nullified by the woman’s right to self-determination.
AJRH Managing Editor
Compared with women seeking their first abortion, significantly more repeat abortion clients had ever used contraceptives ... findings, the level of repeat abortions in Europe, .... and contraceptive history, and post-abortion ..... working women.
Cook, R J; Grimes, D A
RU 486 allows women the choice of a medical rather than a surgical abortion, and, for most women, the choice is one of procedure, not of whether to have an abortion. Issues surrounding RU 486 were explored in an American Society of Law and Medicine conference in December 1991 entitled "Antiprogestin Drugs: Ethical, Legal and Medical Issues." An introduction to 14 conference papers provides an overview of the proceedings. Baulieu, the father of RU 486, described updated developments in its use and the medically supervised method of abortion. Bygdeman and Swahn presented their work in Sweden on combining RU 486 with a prostaglandin to make abortion more effective. They suggested that the drug may be an attractive postovulation contraceptive. Greenslad et al. discussed service delivery aspects of the use of RU 486. Holt considered the implications of use of the drug in low-resource settings. A survey of obstetricians and gynecologists, presented by Heilig, indicates that 22% more physicians would perform a medical abortion. Patient perspectives were addressed by David, who stated that measuring acceptability of an abortion technique is difficult; women have historically used whatever method is available. A collaborative research project in India and Cuba on why women chose certain methods was reported by Winikoff et al. (90% of women would choose medical abortion if faced with the choice again). Berer analyzed French data on women's perspectives on medical vs. surgical abortion. The question of adolescent use of the drug was considered by Senderowitz, who lamented the lack of data on the subject and described what is known about adolescent pregnancy. Macklin proposed a framework for ethical analysis and used facts to address ethical questions. Weinstein provided another ethical framework, to analyze whether pharmacists have a right to refuse to provide abortifacient drugs. Buc approached the subject from a legal point of view and concluded that, whereas legal problems
The decision to seek an abortion is never easy. Women have different reasons for choosing an abortion and their social, economic and religious background may influence how they cope. Furthermore, once pregnant, the alternatives of childbirth and adoption or keeping the baby may not be psychologically neutral. Research studies in this area have been hampered by methodological problems, but most of the better-quality studies have shown no increased risk of mental health problems in women having an abortion. A consistent finding has been that of pre-existing mental illness and subsequent mental health problems after either abortion or childbirth. Furthermore, studies have shown that only a minority of women experience any lasting sadness or regret. Risk factors for this include ambivalence about the decision, level of social support and whether or not the pregnancy was originally intended. More robust, definitive research studies are required on mental health after abortion and alternative outcomes such as childbirth. Copyright 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Musgrave, C F; Soudry, I
Over the past three decades, active euthanasia and abortion have received increasing international attention. Since both these practices are relevant to the role of the nurse-midwife, it is important to know what influences their attitudes towards them. Therefore, the purpose of this study was: 1, to survey the attitudes of nurse-midwives' to active euthanasia and its legalization; 2, to determine the relationship between nurse-midwives' attitudes toward active euthanasia and its legalization, and attitudes toward abortion, self-reported religiosity and religious affiliation. The study setting was an international midwifery conference and the sample consisted of 139 nurse-midwives attending the conference. The majority of nurse-midwives displayed a positive attitude toward active euthanasia and its legalization. In addition, there was a positive relationship between their attitude to abortion and active euthanasia. Self-reported religiosity and religious affiliation were significantly related to attitudes toward active euthanasia and its legalization. An interesting positive relationship between country of practice and attitudes to euthanasia was also found. Nurse-midwives practicing in countries with more liberal euthanasia and assisted suicide legislation were more supportive of active euthanasia. With the increasing acceptance of active euthanasia's legalization, the results of this study pose some ethical questions that nurse-midwives internationally will have to consider.
This paper suggests that one response to growing scrutiny of authoritarian tactics is to turn to sub-constitutional public law, or private law. By using “ordinary” law in ways that seem consistent with formal and procedural aspects of rule of law, autocrats can nonetheless frustrate the rule of law and consolidate power, while also avoiding drawing unfavourable attention to that consolidation. I refer to this phenomenon as “abusive legalism.” This paper makes three main contributions to the s...
Sedgh, Gilda; Bearak, Jonathan; Singh, Susheela; Bankole, Akinrinola; Popinchalk, Anna; Ganatra, Bela; Rossier, Clémentine; Gerdts, Caitlin; Tunçalp, Özge; Johnson, Brooke Ronald; Johnston, Heidi Bart; Alkema, Leontine
Summary Background Information about the incidence of induced abortion is needed to motivate and inform efforts to help women avoid unintended pregnancies and to monitor progress toward that end. We estimate subregional, regional, and global levels and trends in abortion incidence for 1990 to 2014, and abortion rates in subgroups of women. We use the results to estimate the proportion of pregnancies that end in abortion and examine whether abortion rates vary in countries grouped by the legal status of abortion. Methods We requested abortion data from government agencies and compiled data from international sources and nationally representative studies. With data for 1069 country-years, we estimated incidence using a Bayesian hierarchical time series model whereby the overall abortion rate is a function of the modelled rates in subgroups of women of reproductive age defined by their marital status and contraceptive need and use, and the sizes of these subgroups. Findings We estimated that 35 abortions (90% uncertainty interval [UI] 33 to 44) occurred annually per 1000 women aged 15–44 years worldwide in 2010–14, which was 5 points less than 40 (39–48) in 1990–94 (90% UI for decline −11 to 0). Because of population growth, the annual number of abortions worldwide increased by 5·9 million (90% UI −1·3 to 15·4), from 50·4 million in 1990–94 (48·6 to 59·9) to 56·3 million (52·4 to 70·0) in 2010–14. In the developed world, the abortion rate declined 19 points (–26 to −14), from 46 (41 to 59) to 27 (24 to 37). In the developing world, we found a non-significant 2 point decline (90% UI −9 to 4) in the rate from 39 (37 to 47) to 37 (34 to 46). Some 25% (90% UI 23 to 29) of pregnancies ended in abortion in 2010–14. Globally, 73% (90% UI 59 to 82) of abortions were obtained by married women in 2010–14 compared with 27% (18 to 41) obtained by unmarried women. We did not observe an association between the abortion rates for 2010–14 and the
Lara, Diana; García, Sandra G; Wilson, Kate S; Paz, Francisco
Misoprostol was used by women across Mexico to induce abortion even before 2007, when first-trimester abortion was legalized in Mexico City. Pharmacy vendors' misoprostol recommendation practices across subregions of Mexico after abortion legalization warrant examination. Overall, 192 pharmacies in four regions of Mexico were randomly selected and visited by simulated clients presenting three scenarios (a young woman, an adult woman and a male partner). Bivariate and multivariate analyses were used to explore associations between pharmacy, vendor and client characteristics and drug access. In 558 encounters with simulated clients, 78% of vendors provided information about misoprostol-18% recommended it spontaneously and 60% recommended it only after the client asked specifically for the drug. Fifteen percent of vendors recommended a potentially effective misoprostol dosing regimen. Mexico City-based pharmacies and those in the Central region were significantly less likely than those in the North region to require a prescription to sell misoprostol (odds ratios, 0.2 and 0.3, respectively). Independent pharmacies and those from low-?income areas were significantly more likely to sell misoprostol by the pill than chain pharmacies and those in medium-income areas (3.2 and 2.7, respectively). Access to misoprostol is influenced by neighborhood socioeconomic level, pharmacy location and pharmacy type. The frequently inaccurate and incomplete information provided to clients about using misoprostol for abortion suggests the need to improve pharmacy vendor training in medication abortion options and to develop ways to directly inform women about misoprostol use.
Braam, Tamara; Hessini, Leila
Tens of thousands of African women die every year because societies and governments either ignore the issue of unsafe abortion or actively refuse to address it. This paper explores the issue of abortion from a feminist perspective, centrally arguing that finding appropriate strategies to reclaim women's power at an individual and social level is a central lever for developing effective strategies to increase women's access to safe abortion services. The paper emphasises the central role of patriarchy in shaping the ways power plays itself out in individual relationships, and at social, economic and political levels. The ideology of male superiority denies abortion as an important issue of status and frames the morality, legality and socio-cultural attitudes towards abortion. Patriarchy sculpts unequal gender power relationships and takes power away from women in making decisions about their bodies. Other forms of power such as economic inequality, discourse and power within relationships are also explored. Recommended solutions to shifting the power dynamics around the issue include a combination of public health, rights-based, legal reform and social justice approaches.
Naqvi, Kaniz Zehra; Edhi, Muhammad Muzzammil
Every year 42 million women with unintended pregnancies choose abortion, and fifty percent of these procedures, 20 million are unsafe. An unsafe abortion is defined as a procedure for terminating an unintended pregnancy carried out either by person lacking the necessary skills or in an environment that does not conform to minimal medical standards or both.Pakistan is the one of the six countries where more than 50% of the world's all maternal deaths occur. It is estimated that 890,000 induced abortions are performed annually in Pakistan, and estimate an annual abortion rate of 29 per 1000 women aged 15-49. Here we present a case report of a 29-year old woman who underwent an unsafe abortion for unintended pregnancy resulting in uterine perforation. The unskilled provider pulled out her bowel through vagina after perforating the uterus, as a result she lost major portion of her small intestine resulting in short bowel syndrome. The law of Pakistan only allows abortion during early stages of pregnancy for purpose of saving the life of a mother but does not cater for cases of rape, incest and fetal abnormalities or social reasons.Only legalization of abortion is not sufficient, preventing unintended pregnancy should be the priority of all the nations and for this reason contraception should be widely accessible.Practitioners need to become better trained in safer abortion methods and be to able transfer the patient to health facility when complications occur.
Gallo, Maria F; Nghia, Nguyen C
Although legal and safe-induced abortion services are available on request in Vietnam, second-trimester abortion still occurs. Given the increased risks and higher costs associated with later-term abortions, we conducted a qualitative study to understand the determinants of delaying abortion until the second trimester. We used purposive sampling to conduct semi-structured face-to-face interviews with 60 women aged 14-47 receiving an abortion at 13-24 weeks of gestation in 5 health facilities in 3 provinces in Vietnam. We also interviewed 6 providers from the study facilities. Three broad categories for factors influencing delays in obtaining abortions emerged: most women failed to recognize their pregnancy during the first trimester; women described structural barriers to accessing services earlier; and some women either needed time to make a decision or only decided to abort after other events had transpired. A richer understanding of the factors that prevent women from obtaining an abortion during the first trimester could be useful for informing interventions that support women in receiving care earlier during their pregnancies.
Ganatra, Bela; Johnston, Heidi Bart
South Asia (Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka) is home to 28% of the world's people and accounts for about a third (30%) of the world's maternal deaths. Thirteen percent of all maternal deaths in South Asia are attributed to complications of unsafe abortion and are almost entirely preventable. This article reviews the legal, health system, and sociocultural barriers to safe abortion and suggests strategies to reduce abortion-related morbidity and mortality. Restrictive laws hamper safe abortion in most of the region, but even where laws are more liberal, limited awareness of the law has been a barrier to access. Such health system barriers as an insufficient number of trained providers, inequitable distribution of services, and excessive costs have contributed to death from unsafe abortion. Sociocultural attitudes, including the right of male relatives to make reproductive decisions, the emphasis on male heirs, and the strong social stigma against extramarital pregnancy also put women at risk. Government and other institutions must strive to prevent abortion-related death and disability by making safe abortion services accessible to the fullest extent of the law. Health systems need to provide emergency care for complications and postabortion contraceptive counseling, use appropriate technology, and allow nonphysician providers to deliver care. Safe abortion care programs need to address the needs of the local community, particularly the needs of socially and economically vulnerable subgroups, such as the unmarried and adolescents.
Perry, Rachel; Murphy, Molly; Haider, Sadia; Harwood, Bryna
We sought to explore the experiences of women who disclosed that their pregnancies resulted from rape in the abortion care setting, as well as the experiences of professionals involved in care of women with rape-related pregnancy. In-depth interviews were conducted with 9 patients who had terminated rape-related pregnancies and 12 professionals working in abortion care or rape crisis advocacy (5 abortion providers, 4 rape crisis center advocates, 2 social workers, and 1 clinic administrator). Transcribed interviews were coded and analyzed for themes related to the experiences of disclosing rape and the consequences of disclosure in the abortion care setting. Patients and professionals involved in care of women with rape-related pregnancy described opportunities arising from disclosure, including interpersonal (explaining abortion decision making in the context of assault, belief, and caring by providers), as well as structural opportunities (funding assistance, legal options, and mental health options). Whereas most patients did not choose to pursue all three structural opportunities, both patients and professionals emphasized the importance of offering them. The most important consequence of disclosure for patients was being believed and feeling that providers cared about them. Rape-related pregnancy disclosure in the abortion care setting can lead to opportunities for interpersonal support and open options for funding, legal recourse, and mental health care. Those working in abortion care should create environments conducive to disclosure and opportunities for rape survivors to access these additional options if they desire. Copyright © 2015 Jacobs Institute of Women's Health. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Major, Brenda; Appelbaum, Mark; Beckman, Linda; Dutton, Mary Ann; Russo, Nancy Felipe; West, Carolyn
The authors evaluated empirical research addressing the relationship between induced abortion and women's mental health. Two issues were addressed: (a) the relative risks associated with abortion compared with the risks associated with its alternatives and (b) sources of variability in women's responses following abortion. This article reflects…
Begum, Jasmina; Samal, Sunita; Ghose, Seetesh
Unsafe abortion is one of the causes of maternal mortality and morbidity in developing countries. The complications mostly results following unsafe abortion procedure done by unskilled provider with or without minimal medical knowledge in rural part of developing countries. These complications can endanger the life of mother if proper medical or surgical interventions are not offered in time. A majority of these complications remains confidential. The uterine perforation is one of the serious but preventable complications of surgical abortion. A 21-year-old woman G4P2L2A1, presented in the emergency ward with complaints of lower abdominal pain for four days after attempting twice surgical termination of pregnancy at 19 weeks of gestation for an unwanted pregnancy. Transabdominal sonography and MRI revealed uterine rent with pelvic extrusion of fetal head. Emergency laparotomy with removal of fetal head and uterine rent repair was done. This case illustrates the importance of maintaining a high index of suspicion by the gynaecologist for uterine perforation in patient presenting with abdominal pain a few days after undergoing surgical abortion, also shows the complementary role of sonography and MRI in evaluation of the similar patient and this case also highlights the rampant illegal unsafe abortion procedure in rural India despite of legalization of abortion act.
The current contribution seeks to start a conversation around our pedagogical practice in respect of abortion law. Centralising the traditional portrayal of abortion law within the medical law curriculum, this essay highlights the privileging of a very particular storyline about abortion. Exploring the terrain in evaluating medical law methodologies, this essay highlights the illusion of 'balance', 'objectivity', and 'neutrality' that emerges from current pedagogy in light of how abortion law is framed and in particular what is excluded: women's own voices. Focusing on a number of 'exclusions' and 'silences' and noting how closely these mirror dominant discourse in the public sphere, this essay highlights the irony of a curriculum that reflects, rather than challenges, these discursive gaps. Arguing that the setting of a curriculum is inevitably political, ambitions for delivering a programme around abortion that is 'neutral', 'objective', or 'balanced' are dismissed. Instead, highlighting the problems of what is currently excluded, how materials are ordered, and the tacit hierarchies that lend legitimacy and authority to a particular way of 'knowing' abortion, this essay argues for a new curriculum and a new storyline-one which is supported by prior learning in feminist legal scholarship and a medical law curriculum in which the social, historical, geographical, and above all, personal is ever-present and central. © The Author 2017. Published by Oxford University Press; all rights reserved. For Permissions, please email: firstname.lastname@example.org.
Full Text Available Abstract Background Until recently, premarital examination for both men and women was a legal requirement before marriage in China. Researchers have carried out surveys of attendees' sexual activity, pregnancy and abortion before their marriages, trying to map out reproductive health needs in China, according to this unique population-based data. To systematically identify, appraise and summarise all available studies documenting pregnancy and induced abortion among unmarried Chinese women attending premarital examinations. Methods We searched the Chinese Biomedical Literature Index from 1978 to 2002; PUBMED; and EMBASE. Trials were assessed and data extracted by two people independently. Results Nine studies, of which seven were conducted in the urban areas, one in the rural areas, and one in both urban and rural areas, met the inclusion criteria. In the seven studies in urban areas, the majority of unmarried women had experienced sexual intercourse, with estimates ranging from 54% to 82% in five studies. Estimates of a previous pregnancy ranged from 12% to 32%. Abortion rates were high, ranging between 11 to 55% in 8 studies reporting this, which exclude the one rural study. In the three studies reporting both pregnancy and abortion, most women who had become pregnant had an induced abortion (range 86% to 96%. One large rural study documented a lower low pregnancy rate (20% and induced abortion rate (0.8%. Conclusions There is a large unmet need for temporary methods of contraception in urban areas of China.
de Bruyn, Maria
The HIV/AIDS field is addressing how legal and policy restrictions affect access to health promotion and care, e.g., in relation to criminalization of HIV transmission, drug use and sex work. Work to address the reproductive rights of women living with HIV, particularly regarding unwanted pregnancy and abortion, has nevertheless lagged behind, despite its potential to contribute to broader advocacy for access to comprehensive reproductive health information and services for all women. It is in that context that this paper examines abortion in relation to the rights of women and girls living with HIV. The paper first presents findings from recent research on HIV-positive women's reasons for seeking abortions and experiences with abortion-related care. This is followed by a discussion of abortion in relation to human rights and how this has been both addressed and neglected in policy and guidance related to the reproductive health of women living with HIV. The concluding remarks offer recommendations for expanding efforts to provide comprehensive, human rights-based sexual and reproductive health care to women living with HIV by including abortion-related information and services. Copyright © 2012 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keogh, Sarah C; Kimaro, Godfather; Muganyizi, Projestine; Philbin, Jesse; Kahwa, Amos; Ngadaya, Esther; Bankole, Akinrinola
Tanzania has one of the highest maternal mortality ratios in the world, and unsafe abortion is one of its leading causes. Yet little is known about its incidence. To provide the first ever estimates of the incidence of unsafe abortion in Tanzania, at the national level and for each of the 8 geopolitical zones (7 in Mainland plus Zanzibar). A nationally representative survey of health facilities was conducted to determine the number of induced abortion complications treated in facilities. A survey of experts on abortion was conducted to estimate the likelihood of women experiencing complications and obtaining treatment. These surveys were complemented with population and fertility data to obtain abortion numbers, rates and ratios, using the Abortion Incidence Complications Methodology. In Tanzania, women obtained just over 405,000 induced abortions in 2013, for a national rate of 36 abortions per 1,000 women age 15-49 and a ratio of 21 abortions per 100 live births. For each woman treated in a facility for induced abortion complications, 6 times as many women had an abortion but did not receive care. Abortion rates vary widely by zone, from 10.7 in Zanzibar to 50.7 in the Lake zone. The abortion rate is similar to that of other countries in the region. Variations by zone are explained mainly by differences in fertility and contraceptive prevalence. Measures to reduce the incidence of unsafe abortion and associated maternal mortality include expanding access to post-abortion care and contraceptive services to prevent unintended pregnancies.
González-Wilhelm, Leonardo; Moreno, Leonardo; Carnevali, Raúl
The Chilean senate is discussing a proposal to decriminalize abortion in 3 causals. One of these is when the pregnancy occurs as a result of a rape. To be legally able to perform the abortion in this circumstance, a health care team must confirm the occurrence of the facts constituting the offence. Regardless of the patients will, the accusation will be reported to the justice. In our view, in its current status the proposed rule does not consider certain medicolegal and procedural topics. Those flaws may determine in certain scenarios critical problems, such as: a) a wrongful conviction as a consequence of a false allegation of rape; (b) some pregnant due to a rape will not have access to the abortion procedure; (c) some accusations of rape will not be accredited nor criminally sanctioned. Employing a fictional case, we illustrate how those scenarios can actually be seen in practice. We also emphasize the difficulties and limitations that the health care team will encounter if the project is approved under the current conditions. Finally, we encourage the professional societies implicated in the theme to contribute in the legislatorial debate. Therefore, we give a set of proposals aimed to improve the bill before it may be enacted as a law.
Bernabé-Ortiz, Antonio; White, Peter J; Carcamo, Cesar P; Hughes, James P; Gonzales, Marco A; Garcia, Patricia J; Garnett, Geoff P; Holmes, King K
Clandestine induced abortions are a public health problem in many developing countries where access to abortion services is legally restricted. We estimated the prevalence and incidence of, and risk factors for, clandestine induced abortions in a Latin American country. We conducted a large population-based survey of women aged 18-29 years in 20 cities in Peru. We asked questions about their history of spontaneous and induced abortions, using techniques to encourage disclosure. Of 8242 eligible women, 7992 (97.0%) agreed to participate. The prevalence of reported induced abortions was 11.6% (95% confidence interval [CI] 10.9%-12.4%) among the 7962 women who participated in the survey. It was 13.6% (95% CI 12.8%-14.5%) among the 6559 women who reported having been sexually active. The annual incidence of induced abortion was 3.1% (95% CI 2.9%-3.3%) among the women who had ever been sexually active. In the multivariable analysis, risk factors for induced abortion were higher age at the time of the survey (odds ratio [OR] 1.11, 95% CI 1.07-1.15), lower age at first sexual intercourse (OR 0.87, 95% CI 0.84-0.91), geographic region (highlands: OR 1.56, 95% CI 1.23-1.97; jungle: OR 1.81, 95% CI 1.41-2.31 [v. coastal region]), having children (OR 0.82, 95% CI 0.68-0.98), having more than 1 sexual partner in lifetime (2 partners: OR 1.61, 95% CI 1.23-2.09; > or = 3 partners: OR 2.79, 95% CI 2.12-3.67), and having 1 or more sexual partners in the year before the survey (1 partner: OR 1.36, 95% CI 1.01-1.72; > or = 2 partners: OR 1.54, 95% CI 1.14-2.02). Overall, 49.0% (95% CI 47.6%-50.3%) of the women who reported being currently sexually active were not using contraception. The incidence of clandestine, potentially unsafe induced abortion in Peru is as high as or higher than the rates in many countries where induced abortion is legal and safe. The provision of contraception and safer-sex education to those who require it needs to be greatly improved and could potentially
Trussell, J; Ellertson, C
Comparisons of the efficacy of different regimens of medical abortion are difficult because of the widely varying protocols (even for testing identical regimens), divergent definitions of success and failure, and lack of a standard method of analysis. In this article we review the current efficacy literature on medical abortion, highlighting some of the most important differences in the way that efficacy has been analyzed. We then propose a standard conceptual approach and the accompanying statistical methods for analyzing clinical trials of medical abortion and to explain how clinical investigators can implement this approach. Our review reveals that research on the efficacy of medical abortion has closely followed the conceptual model used for analysis of surgical abortion. The problem, however, is that, whereas surgical abortion is a discrete event occurring in the space of a few minutes or less, medical abortion is a process typically lasting from several days to several weeks. In this process, two events may occur that are not possible with surgical abortion. First, the woman can opt out of the process before a fair determination of efficacy can be made. Second, the process of medical abortion allows time for surgical interventions that may be convenient for the clinician but not strictly necessary from a medical perspective. Another difference from surgical abortions is that, for medical abortions, different medical abortion protocols specify different waiting periods, giving the drugs less time to work in some studies than in others before a determination of efficacy is made. We argue that, when analyzing efficacy of medical abortion, researchers should abandon their close reliance on the analogy to surgical abortion. In fact, medical abortion is more appropriately analyzed by life table procedures developed for the study of another fertility regulation technology; contraception. As with medical abortion, a woman initiating use of a contraceptive method can
Background The study aimed to describe the overall and age-specific trends of induced abortions from 1996 to 2011 with an emphasis on socio-demographic characteristics and contraceptive use of women having had repeat abortions in Estonia. Methods Data were retrieved from the Estonian Medical Birth and Abortion Registry and Statistics Estonia. Total induced abortion numbers, rates, ratios and age-specific rates are presented for 1996–2011. The percentage change in the number of repeat abortions within selected socio-demographic subgroups, contraception use and distribution of induced abortions among Estonians and non-Estonians for the first, second, third, fourth and subsequent abortions were calculated for the periods 1996–2003 and 2004–2011. Results Observed trends over the 16-year study period indicated a considerable decline in induced abortions with a reduction in abortion rate of 57.1%, which was mainly attributed to younger cohorts. The percentage of women undergoing repeat abortions fell steadily from 63.8% during 1996–2003 to 58.0% during 2004–2011. The percentage of women undergoing repeat abortions significantly decreased over the 16 years within all selected socio-demographic subgroups except among women with low educational attainment and students. Within each time period, a greater percentage of non-Estonians than Estonians underwent repeat abortions and obtained third and subsequent abortions. Most women did not use any contraceptive method prior to their first or subsequent abortion. Conclusion A high percentage of women obtaining repeat abortions reflects a high historical abortion rate. If current trends continue, a rapid decline in repeat abortions may be predicted. To decrease the burden of sexual ill health, routine contraceptive counselling, as standard care in the abortion process, should be seriously addressed with an emphasis on those groups - non-Estonians, women with lower educational attainment, students and women with children
Ney, P G; Wickett, A R
This survey of studies which relate to the emotional sequelae of induced abortion, draws attention to the need for more long-term, in-depth prospective studies. The literature to this point finds no psychiatric indications for abortion, and no satisfactory evidence that abortion improves the psychological state of those not mentally ill; abortion is contra-indicated when psychiatric disease is present, as mental ill-health has been shown to be worsened by abortion. Recent studies are turning up an alarming rate of post-abortion complications such as P.I.D., and subsequent infertility. The emotional impact of these complications needs to be studied. Other considerations looked at are the long-term demographic implications of abortion on demand and the effect on the medical professions.
Horvath, Sarah; Schreiber, Courtney A
The early medical literature on mental health outcomes following abortion is fraught with methodological flaws that can improperly influence clinical practice. Our goal is to review the current medical literature on depression and other mental health outcomes for women obtaining abortions. The Turnaway Study prospectively enrolled 956 women seeking abortion in the USA and followed their mental health outcomes for 5 years. The control group was comprised of women denied abortions based on gestational age limits, thereby circumventing the major methodological flaw that had plagued earlier studies on the topic. Rates of depression are not significantly different between women obtaining abortion and those denied abortion. Rates of anxiety are initially higher in women denied abortion care. Counseling on decision-making for women with unintended pregnancies should reflect these findings.
Sisson, Gretchen; Kimport, Katrina
Popular discourse on abortion in film and television assumes that abortions are under- and misrepresented. Research indicates that such representations influence public perception of abortion care and may play a role in the production of social myths around abortion, with consequences for women's experience of abortion. To date, abortion plotlines in American film and television have not been systematically tracked and analyzed. A comprehensive online search was conducted to identify all representations of pregnancy decision making and abortion in American film and television through January 2013. Search results were coded for year, pregnancy decision and mortality outcome. A total of 310 plotlines were identified, with an overall upward trend over time in the number of representations of abortion decision making. Of these plotlines, 173 (55.8%) resulted in abortion, 80 (25.8%) in parenting, 13 (4.2%) in adoption and 21 (6.7%) in pregnancy loss, and 16 (5.1%) were unresolved. A total of 13.5% (n=42) of stories ended with the death of the woman who considered an abortion, whether or not she obtained one. Abortion-related plotlines occur more frequently than popular discourse assumes. Year-to-year variation in frequency suggests an interactive relationship between media representations, cultural attitudes and policies around abortion regulation, consistent with cultural theory of the relationship between media products and social beliefs. Patterns of outcomes and rates of mortality are not representative of real experience and may contribute to social myths around abortion. The narrative linking of pregnancy termination with mortality is of particular note, supporting the social myth associating abortion with death. This analysis empirically describes the number of abortion-related plotlines in American film and television. It contributes to the systematic evaluation of the portrayal of abortion in popular culture and provides abortion care professionals and
Aiken, Abigail R A; Guthrie, Katherine A; Schellekens, Marlies; Trussell, James; Gomperts, Rebecca
To examine reasons for seeking abortion services outside the formal healthcare system in Great Britain, where abortion is legally available. We conducted a mixed-methods study among women resident in England, Scotland, and Wales who requested at-home medication abortion through online telemedicine initiative Women on Web (WoW) between November 22, 2016, and March 22, 2017. We examined the demographics and circumstances of all women requesting early medication abortion and conducted a content analysis of a sample of their anonymized emails to the service to explore their reasons for seeking help. Over a 4-month period, 519 women contacted WoW seeking medication abortion. These women were diverse with respect to age, parity, and circumstance. One hundred eighty women reported 209 reasons for seeking abortion outside the formal healthcare setting. Among all reasons, 49% were access barriers, including long waiting times, distance to clinic, work or childcare commitments, lack of eligibility for free NHS services, and prior negative experiences of abortion care; 30% were privacy concerns, including lack of confidentiality of services, perceived or experienced stigma, and preferring the privacy and comfort of using pills at home; and 18% were controlling circumstances, including partner violence and partner/family control. Despite the presence of abortion services in Great Britain, a diverse group of women still experiences logistical and personal barriers to accessing care through the formal healthcare system, or prefer the privacy of conducting their abortions in their own homes. Health services commissioning bodies could address existing barriers if supported by policy frameworks. The presence of multiple barriers to accessing abortion care in Great Britain highlights the need for future guidelines to recommend a more woman-centered approach to service provision. Reducing the number of clinic visits and designing services to meet the needs of those living in
Andrade Lima, L. de
The author comments about the knowledge evolution about radioactivity and describes the most important chemical elements capable of discharging it and all the types of radioactivity according with Mendelejef's classification. He analyses the celular sensibility related to many variables, listing the biological effects that may happen depending on the quantity of radiation and exposition time to radiation. He also calls attention to procedures of dosimetry and radioprotection that must be done when anatomo-pathological examination of body fluids, discharges and tissues are carried out, stressing that protective clothing must be wear, decontamination or to make useless the material involved are important to get the job done. A description of the appropriated conditions to perform autopsy, to anoint and to cremate contaminated bodies and the procedures used by the Navy Hospital Marcilio Dias service of anatomo-pathology, Instituto de Radioprotecao e Dosimetria (IRD) and Comissao Nacional de Energia Nuclear (CNEN) is given, based on the experience gained in performing necropsy of dead patients and one anatomo-pathological examination of upper limb amputated inside the surgical room. He finishes describing the macroscopic injuries observed and listing the instrumental used, the reports made, giving details about the necropsy carried out and answering medical-legal matters. (author)
Alejandra López Gomez
Full Text Available Unsafe and illegal abortion is a critical issue in most countries at Latin America and the Caribbean region. The recognition of sexual and reproductive rights as human rights that is observed in the international, regional and national levels has not been exempt from conflicts. The Uruguayan case provides important evidence in this regard. The thesis examines health professionals’ perceptions and perspectives related to their care practices with women and abortion in a legal context that considered abortion as a crime, between 2002 and 2012 in Uruguay. The results allow us to understand the complex relationship between the different levels involved in the policy process. Health professionals’ practices are an analyzer of the covenants and conflicts that are recorded in the social field.
Full Text Available This article analyzes the woman-embryo conflict discussed by the Uruguayan Senate during the debates on abortion legalization in October and November 2007. Its aim is to show the underlying notions, which are classified as those that promote the ‘patrimonial control over the body’ and those that promote autonomy. From that perspective, it analyzes the abstract or concrete standpoint given to abortion in the Senators arguments. Then, it discusses the personhood assigned to zef (zygote-embryo-fetus based on biomedical arguments. It also discusses the attribute of moral person given/or not to the pregnant woman. Finally it shows that abortion is basically a fact that influences directly in the organization of social relations.
Silvia De Zordo
Full Text Available Abstract This paper examines the double life of misoprostol in Brazil, where it is illegally used by women as an abortifacient and legally used in obstetric hospital wards. Based on my doctoral and post-doctoral anthropological research on contraception and abortion in Salvador, Bahia, this paper initially traces the “conversion” of misoprostol from a drug to treat ulcers to a self-administered abortifacient in Latin America, and its later conversion to aneclectic global obstetric tool. It then shows how, while reducing maternal mortality, its use as an illegal abortifacient has reinforced the double reproductive citizenship regime existing in countries with restrictive abortion laws and poor post-abortion care services, where poor women using it illegally are stigmatised, discriminated against and exposed to potentially severe health risks.
Daniels, Pauline; Campbell, Patricia; Clinton, Alison
This paper reviews current abortion law and practice in Northern Ireland (NI). It explores the origins of NI's abortion law and its complexity in relation to current practice. It reviews issues relating to women seeking terminations in NI and Great Britain and reviews attempts by the Family Planning Association in NI to require the Department of Health, Social Services and Public Safety NI to clarify the current legal basis for termination of pregnancy and to provide guidance for health professionals engaged in this practice. The paper also discusses some of the issues surrounding abortion in NI and seeks to explain why this subject is causing controversy and debate, especially following a judicial review in February and Marie Stopes opening a termination service in Belfast.
Erdman, Joanna N
The Irish Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act seeks to clarify the legal ground for abortion in cases of risk to life, and to create procedures to regulate women's access to services under it. This article explores the new law as the outcome of an international human rights litigation strategy premised on state duties to implement abortion laws through clear standards and procedural safeguards. It focuses specifically on the Irish law reform and the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, including A. B. and C. v. Ireland (2010). The article examines how procedural rights at the international level can engender domestic law reform that limits or expands women's access to lawful abortion services, serving conservative or progressive ends. Copyright © 2014 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Jacobson, J L
In 1984, the Reagan administration announced in Mexico City a reversal in the US international family planning policy. The new policy strictly forbids any international family planning group that receives US funds from providing abortion services or counseling. An immediate impact on family planning programs in developing countries was that it prevented the opening of much needed clinics in the poorest, most rapidly growing countries in the world, such as Bangladesh. The University of Michigan School of Public Health estimates an additional 380,000 unwanted pregnancies, resulting in 311,000 births, 69,000 abortions, and 1200 maternal deaths in the next 3 years. Not only did the US change its policy, but congress decreased funding for international family planning programs 20% between 1985 and 1987. The majority of the funding goes to the US Agency for International Development (USAID), and in 1988 the Reagan administration allowed USAID to funnel about $75 million of this money to other projects, e.g. general African development fund. Fewer contraceptives are available due to the reduced funding, and therefore more women seek an abortion as a last resort against unwanted pregnancy. An additional effect of this 1984 policy reversal is that fewer nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are eligible for grants, so USAID gives its family planning funds to government agencies who are not the most effective users of funds and are not always trusted by the people served.
Jilozian, Ann; Agadjanian, Victor
As in other post-Soviet settings, induced abortion has been widely used in Armenia. However, recent national survey data point to a substantial drop in abortion rates with no commensurate increase in modern contraceptive prevalence and no change in fertility levels. We use data from in-depth interviews with women of reproductive age and health providers in rural Armenia to explore possible underreporting of both contraceptive use and abortion. While we find no evidence that women understate their use of modern contraception, the analysis suggests that induced abortion might indeed be underreported. The potential for underreporting is particularly high for sex-selective abortions, for which there is growing public backlash, and medical abortion, a practice that is typically self-administered outside any professional supervision. Possible underreporting of induced abortion calls for refinement of both abortion registration and relevant survey instruments. Better measurement of abortion dynamics is necessary for successful promotion of effective modern contraceptive methods and reduction of unsafe abortion practices. © 2016 The Population Council, Inc.
Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the Prince Edward Island Right to Life Association (RTLA) lobbied medical professionals, hospital boards, politicians, and neighbours to prevent the Charlottetown and Summerside hospital corporations, the only abortion providers on the Island, to eliminate their Therapeutic Abortion Committees. Because abortion committees were not mandatory and only hospital boards were responsible for establishing committees at accredited hospitals, the RTLA elected pro-life members to the boards and voted against abortion committee bylaws to establish barriers to abortion access. By holding key positions within the hospital corporations, pro-life activists ensured that abortion provisions were no longer legally or medically permissible in Island hospitals. This article draws on RTLA and government records, newspaper articles, as well as interviews with pro-life activists, to highlight the avenues through which the organization created a prominent social movement. By contesting the scientific reasoning for abortion, the RTLA quickly became a countermovement not only to the pro-choice movement, but also to the mainstream medical community.
Dongol, A; Mool, S; Tiwari, P
Threatened abortion is the most common complication in the first half of pregnancy. Most of these pregnancies continue to term with or without treatment. Spontaneous abortion occurs in less than 30% of these women. Threatened abortion had been shown to be associated with increased incidence of antepartum haemorrhage, preterm labour and intra uterine growth retardation. This study was to asses the outcome of threatened abortion following treatment. This prospective study was carried out in Dhulikhel Hospital - Kathmandu University Hospital from January 2009 till May 2010. Total 70 cases of threatened abortion were selected, managed with complete bed rest till 48 hrs of cessation of bleeding, folic acid supplementation, uterine sedative, and hormonal treatment till 28 weeks of gestation. Ultrasonogram was performed for diagnosis and to detect the presence of subchorionic hematoma. Patients were followed up until spontaneous abortion or up to delivery of the fetus. The measures used for the analysis were maternal age, parity, gestational age at the time of presentation, previous abortions, presence of subchorionic hematoma, complete abortion, continuation of pregnancy, antepartum hemorrhage, intrauterine growth retardation and intrauterine death of fetus. Out of 70 cases subchorionic haematoma was found in 30 (42.9%) cases. There were 12 (17.1%) patients who spontaneously aborted after diagnosis of threatened abortion during hospital stay, 5 (7.1%) aborted on subsequent visits while 53 (75.8%) continued pregnancy till term. Among those who continued pregnancy intrauterine growth retardation was seen in 7 (13.2%), antepartum hemorrhage in 4 (7.5%), preterm premature rupture of membrane in 3 (5.66%) and IUD in 3 (5.66%). Spontaneous abortion was found more in cases with subchorionic hematoma of size more than 20 cm2. In cases of threatened abortion with or without the presence of subchorionic hematoma, prognostic outcome is better following treatment with bed rest
Reproductive governance operates through calculating demographic statistics that offer selective truths about reproductive practices, bodies, and subjectivities. Post-abortion care, a global reproductive health intervention, represents a transnational reproductive regime that establishes motherhood as women's primary legitimate reproductive status. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Senegal between 2010 and 2011, I illustrate how post-abortion care accomplishes reproductive governance in a context where abortion is prohibited altogether and the US is the primary bilateral donor of population aid. Reproductive governance unfolds in hospital gynecological wards and the national health information system through the mobilization and interpretation of post-abortion care data. Although health workers search women's bodies and behavior for signs of illegal abortion, they minimize police intervention in the hospital by classifying most post-abortion care cases as miscarriage. Health authorities deploy this account of post-abortion care to align the intervention with national and global maternal health policies that valorize motherhood. Although post-abortion care offers life-saving care to women with complications of illegal abortion, it institutionalizes abortion stigma by scrutinizing women's bodies and masking induced abortion within and beyond the hospital. Post-abortion care reinforces reproductive inequities by withholding safe, affordable obstetric care from women until after they have resorted to unsafe abortion.
Jones, Rachel K; Jerman, Jenna
To assess the prevalence of abortion among population groups and changes in rates between 2008 and 2014. We used secondary data from the Abortion Patient Survey, the American Community Survey, and the National Survey of Family Growth to estimate abortion rates. We used information from the Abortion Patient Survey to estimate the lifetime incidence of abortion. Between 2008 and 2014, the abortion rate declined 25%, from 19.4 to 14.6 per 1000 women aged 15 to 44 years. The abortion rate for adolescents aged 15 to 19 years declined 46%, the largest of any group. Abortion rates declined for all racial and ethnic groups but were larger for non-White women than for non-Hispanic White women. Although the abortion rate decreased 26% for women with incomes less than 100% of the federal poverty level, this population had the highest abortion rate of all the groups examined: 36.6. If the 2014 age-specific abortion rates prevail, 24% of women aged 15 to 44 years in that year will have an abortion by age 45 years. The decline in abortion was not uniform across all population groups.
The Soviet legacy of widespread reliance on induced abortion is of critical importance to reproductive trends and policies in post-Soviet nations, especially as they strive to substitute contraception for abortion. Using data from two Demographic and Health Surveys conducted in 1995 and 1999, this study analyzes and compares trends in abortion and contraception, women's attitudes toward abortion, and their perceptions of problems associated with abortion and contraception in Kazakhstan. Despite an overall decline in abortion and an increase in contraceptive use since Kazakhstan's independence in 1991, abortion has remained a prominent part of the country's reproductive culture and practices. This study shows how abortion-related views reflect the long-standing ethnocultural differences between the indigenous Kazakhs and Kazakhstan's residents of European roots, as the latter continue to have significantly higher levels of abortion. The study, however, also reveals the internal diversity among Kazakhs with respect to abortion experiences and views, stemming from decades of the Soviet sociocultural influence in Kazakhstan. In addition, the analysis points to some generational differences in views concerning abortion and contraception. Finally, the study demonstrates parallels in attitudes toward abortion and toward contraception, thereby questioning straightforward assumptions about the replacement of abortion with contraception.
Banerjee, Sushanta K; Andersen, Kathryn L; Buchanan, Rebecca M; Warvadekar, Janardan
Unsafe abortion in India leads to significant morbidity and mortality. Abortion has been legal in India since 1971, and the availability of safe abortion services has increased. However, service availability has not led to a significant reduction in unsafe abortion. This study aimed to understand the gap between safe abortion availability and use of services in Bihar and Jharkhand, India by examining accessibility from the perspective of rural, Indian women. Two-stage stratified random sampling was used to identify and enroll 1411 married women of reproductive age in four rural districts in Bihar and Jharkhand, India. Data were collected on women's socio-demographic characteristics; exposure to mass media and other information sources; and abortion-related knowledge, perceptions and practices. Multiple linear regression models were used to explore the association between knowledge and perceptions about abortion. Most women were poor, had never attended school, and had limited exposure to mass media. Instead, they relied on community health workers, family and friends for health information. Women who had knowledge about abortion, such as knowing an abortion method, were more likely to perceive that services are available (β = 0.079; p influencers may also counteract negative social norms regarding abortion and associated stigma. Collaborative actions of government, NGOs and private partners should capitalize on this potential power of communities to reduce the impact of unsafe abortion on rural women.
DREES, A.; AHRENS, L.; III FLILLER, R.; GASSNER, D.; MCINTYRE, G.T.; MICHNOFF, R.; TRBOJEVIC, D.
During the RHIC Au-run in 2001 the 200 MHz storage cavity system was used for the first time. The rebucketing procedure caused significant beam debunching in addition to amplifying debunching due to other mechanisms. At the end of a four hour store, debunched beam could account for approximately 30%-40% of the total beam intensity. Some of it will be in the abort gap. In order to minimize the risk of magnet quenching due to uncontrolled beam losses at the time of a beam dump, a combination of a fast transverse kicker and copper collimators were used to clean the abort gap. This report gives an overview of the gap cleaning procedure and the achieved performance
Brodie, H K; Banner, L
This article opens with a review of the concept of "normatology," which was developed by Sabshin and Offer in four books published over a period of 30 years. Normatology seeks to produce an "operational definition of normality and health" over the life cycle. Such a definition can be used as a guideline in the deliver of health care. The importance of this field of study is highlighted when considering issues such as abortion or physician-assisted suicide. Fortunately, the proclivity of Americans to conduct public opinion polls helps researchers determine what is considered "normal" at any given time. Gallup Polls, which have posed the same question about the legality of abortion from 1975 to 1995, indicate that about half of all Americans continuously occupy the middle ground on this issue despite a somewhat liberalizing trend. In general, public opinion holds that it is normal to want to avoid giving birth to a damaged child, to place the mother's health and safety above that of the fetus, and to terminate a pregnancy resulting from rape. It is less normal to abort a healthy fetus on demand. Thus, abortion will likely continue to be a source of controversy and confusion in our society and among psychiatric patients. In comparison, psychiatrists express attitudes about abortion that are more liberal than normal. In the case of physician-assisted suicide, public approval has increased since 1950 as scientific advancements have facilitated the prolongation of unproductive and painful life. If legalized, physician-assisted suicide may depend upon psychiatric assessment of an absence of mental disease. Such an assessment is required in the Northern Territory of Australia, where voluntary euthanasia is legal, but not in the Netherlands, where it is government-regulated. Psychiatrists must understand public opinion in order to influence it or deal with it competently.
Walter E. Block
Full Text Available I have published more than just a few papers on the abortion issue. Instead of taking either the pro choice or the pro life position, I offer a third alternative: evictionism. I claim that this perspective, which, as it happens is a principled compromise between the other two positions, is the only one compatible with libertarianism. Wisniewski (2010 offers several not unreasonable challenges to my thesis. The present paper is my attempt to refute each and every one of them.
For many years, illegal abortion has been denounced in Spain. The estimate of 300,000 abortions annually is widely quoted but poorly founded in fact. Weekend "charters" to London and Amsterdam for women seeking abortions have been commented upon, denounced, and caricatured. The evidence indicates that abortions occur in Spain despite their illegality, just as they occur in every other country and have always occurred. Poor women abort in a poor way, with traditional healers, while rich women abort in a rich way, with physicians. "Charters" are the solution of the middle class. Proposed legislation in Spain would permit abortion on 3 grounds: rape, fetal malformation, and risk to the woman's life if the pregnancy continued. Excesses have been committed both by those opposing abortion and by those struggling for liberalization of laws. Defenders of abortion, such as radical feminists, appear to forget that abortion is a medical procedure with possible dangerous psychophysical consequences, and that preventive measures such as sex education and diffusion of contraception or social measures such as assistance for unwed mothers and their children would be preferrable to abortion. There is the question of whether medical personnel should be excused from assisting in abortions on grounds of conscience and whether those who do assist in abortions automatically become "progressive" by doing so. The staunchest defenders of fetal life are not moved to contribute anything beyond words to improvement of the plight of the many millions of already born who live in miserable conditions of hunger and want. Abortion is a violent act against the fetus and the pregnant woman. Its criminalization is a violent act against the woman and a social intrusion into matters better left to personal ethics. The government which proposes abortion on a few grounds fails to initiate a program to promote life through social protection of single mothers and their children or of families in general
Full Text Available In Italy, Law 194 of 22 May 1978 provides for and regulates the voluntary termination of pregnancy (VTP. Medical abortion became popular nationwide after Mifepristone (RU-486 was authorized for the market by AIFA (Italian Drug Agency in July 2009. We searched articles in medical literature database with these terms: “medical abortion”, “RU486”, “surgical abortion”. We also searched laws and judgments concerning abortion in national legal databases. Ministerial guidelines were searched on official website of Italian Ministry of Health. We found many medical studies about medical and surgical abortion. We found also ministerial and regional guidelines, which were analyzed. From the point of view of legal medicine, the issues related to abortion with the pharmacological method consist in verifying compatibility and consistency with the safety principles and the parameters imposed by Law n. 194 of 1978, using off-label Misoprostol, what inpatient care should be used and informed consent. The doctor’s job is to provide the patient with comprehensive and clear information about how the procedure will be performed, any complications and the time period needed for both procedures.
Abortion is unlawful in Ireland except where it is necessary to save the life of the mother. The right to life of the unborn child is safeguarded under Article 40.3.3 degrees of Bunreacht na hEireann (the Irish Constitution). In 2003 the European Convention on Human Rights was incorporated into Irish domestic legislation, subject to the provisions of the Irish Constitution. The aim of this paper is to consider the potential impact of the ECHR on access to abortion services within the State. This paper commences with discussion of the statutory prohibition on abortion and the Constitutional provisions concerning the protection afforded to the unborn child. It will then be necessary to examine the implications for Ireland of recent European Court of Human Rights' decisions, in particular the recent judgment in A, B & C v Ireland, regarding the right to legal abortions given the unique nature of the legal status of the ECHR and its relationship with the Irish Constitution.
Donoso S, Enrique; Carvajal C, Jorge A
Cuba and Chile have the lower infant mortality rates of Latin America. Infant mortality rate in Cuba is similar to that of developed countries. Chilean infant mortality rate is slightly higher than that of Cuba. To investigate if the lower infant mortality rate in Cuba, compared to Chile, could be explained by eugenic abortion, considering that abortion is legal in Cuba but not in Chile. We compared total and congenital abnormalities related infant mortality in Cuba and Chile during 2008, based on vital statistics of both countries. In 2008, infant mortality rates in Chile were significantly higher than those of Cuba (7.8 vs. 4.7 per 1,000 live born respectively, odds ratio (OR) 1.67; 95% confidence intervals (Cl) 1.52-1.83). Congenital abnormalities accounted for 33.8 and 19.2% of infant deaths in Chile and Cuba, respectively. Discarding infant deaths related to congenital abnormalities, infant mortality rate continued to be higher in Chile than in Cuba (5.19 vs. 3.82 per 1000 live born respectively, OR 1.36; 95%CI 1.221.52). Considering that antenatal diagnosis is widely available in both countries, but abortion is legal in Cuba but not in Chile, we conclude that eugenic abortion may partially explain the lower infant mortality rate observed in Cuba compared to that observed in Chile.
Krishnan, Shweta; Dalvie, Suchitra
Although unsafe abortion continues to be a leading cause of maternal mortality in many countries in Asia, the right to safe abortion remains highly stigmatized across the region. The Asia Safe Abortion Partnership, a regional network advocating for safe abortion, produced an animated short film entitled From Unwanted Pregnancy to Safe Abortion to show in conferences, schools and meetings in order to share knowledge about the barriers to safe abortion in Asia and to facilitate conversations on the right to safe abortion. This paper describes the making of this film, its objectives, content, dissemination and how it has been used. Our experience highlights the advantages of using animated films in addressing highly politicized and sensitive issues like abortion. Animation helped to create powerful advocacy material that does not homogenize the experiences of women across a diverse region, and at the same time emphasize the need for joint activities that express solidarity. Copyright © 2015. Published by Elsevier Ltd.
Keshavarzi, Hamideh; Sadeghi-Sefidmazgi, Ali; Kristensen, Anders Ringgaard
Abortions, especially those occurring during late pregnancy, lead to considerable economic losses. To estimate the financial losses related to pregnancy loss, at first the influencing factors on abortion need to be identified. Thus, the objective of this study was to determine and quantify the risk...... factors and their interactions for abortion in Iranian dairy herds. Based on data from 6 commercial herds, logistic regression was used to identify the risk factors for abortion. The basic time unit used in the study was a 3-week period corresponding to an estrus cycle. Thus, stage of lactation...... factors were herd effect, pregnancy stage, previous abortion, calving month, cumulative fat corrected milk (FCM) yield level, mastitis in current 3-weeks in milk, accumulated number of mastitis and all 2-way interactions. Pregnancy tests were performed between 35 and 50 days after insemination. Abortion...
Andersen, Louise B; Dechend, Ralf; Karumanchi, S Ananth
BACKGROUND: Spontaneous abortion is the most commonly observed adverse pregnancy outcome. The angiogenic factors soluble Fms-like kinase 1 and placental growth factor are critical for normal pregnancy and may be associated to spontaneous abortion. OBJECTIVE: We investigated the association between...... maternal serum concentrations of soluble Fms-like kinase 1 and placental growth factor, and subsequent spontaneous abortion. STUDY DESIGN: In the prospective observational Odense Child Cohort, 1676 pregnant women donated serum in early pregnancy, gestational week ..., interquartile range 71-103). Concentrations of soluble Fms-like kinase 1 and placental growth factor were determined with novel automated assays. Spontaneous abortion was defined as complete or incomplete spontaneous abortion, missed abortion, or blighted ovum
Unnithan, Maya; Dubuc, Sylvie
Reports in the British media over the last 4 years have highlighted the schisms and contestations that have accompanied the reports of gender selective abortions amongst British Asian families. The position that sex-selection may be within the terms of the 1967 Abortion Act has particularly sparked controversy amongst abortion campaigners and politicians but equally among medical practitioners and the British Pregnancy Advisory Service who have hitherto tended to stay clear of such debates. In what ways has the controversy around gender-based abortion led to new framings of the entitlement to service provision and new ways of thinking about evidence in the context of reproductive rights? We reflect on these issues drawing on critiques of what constitutes best evidence, contested notions of reproductive rights and reproductive governance, comparative work in India and China as well as our involvement with different groups of campaigners including British South Asian NGOs. The aim of the paper is to situate the medical and legal provision of abortion services in Britain within current discursive practices around gender equality, ethnicity, reproductive autonomy, probable and plausible evidence, and policies of health reform.
High sex ratios at birth (108 boys to 100 girls or higher) are seen in China, Taiwan, South Korea and parts of India and Viet Nam. The imbalance is the result of son preference, accentuated by declining fertility. Prenatal sex detection with ultrasound followed by second trimester abortion is one of the ways sex selection manifests itself, but it is not the causative factor. Advocates and governments seeking to reverse this imbalance have largely prohibited sex detection tests and/or sex selective abortion, assuming these measures would reverse the trend. Such policies have been difficult to enforce and have met with only limited success. At the same time, such policies are starting to have adverse effects on the already limited access to safe and legal second trimester abortion for reasons other than sex selection. Moreover, the sex selection issue is being used as a platform for anti-abortion rhetoric by certain groups. Maintaining access to safe abortion and achieving a decline in high sex ratios are both important goals. Both are possible if the focus shifts to addressing the conditions that drive son preference.
González De León Aguirre D; Salinas Urbina AA
This research project explores doctors' views regarding induced abortion. Abortion's penalization in Mexico greatly conditions its relevance as a social and public health problem. Physicians constitute a professional sector that can play an important role in reforming current laws on abortion. As a professional group, they have taken a conservative stance towards abortion. Their attitudes are to a great extent influenced by the medical training they receive. In this article we present results from a survey of 96 medical students from the Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Xochimilco, in Mexico City. Data were processed with the SPSS program. Simple frequencies show that students have limited knowledge concerning the legal status of abortion and that they tolerate it with restrictions and in limited situations. Women students apparently take a more conservative stance, but statistical analysis with the c-square test did not show significant differences by gender. The article poses the need to modify doctors' training in the reproductive health field, allowing future doctors to acquire a broader view of health problems related to sexuality and reproduction. In the long run, this should also promote a kind of comprehensive health care practice in medical services, thus responding more satisfactorily to women's needs.
Boris P Denisov
Full Text Available CONTEXT: The last decade witnessed growing differences in abortion dynamics in Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine despite demographic, social, and historical similarities of these nations. This paper investigates changes in birth control practices in the three countries and searches for an explanation of the diverging trends in abortion. METHODS: Official abortion and contraceptive use statistics, provided by national statistical agencies, were analysed. Respective laws and other legal documents were examined and compared between the three countries. To disclose inter-country differences in prevalence of the modern methods of contraception and its association with major demographic and social factors, an analysis of data from national sample surveys was performed, including binary logistic regression. RESULTS: The growing gap in abortion rate in Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine is a genuine phenomenon, not a statistical artefact. The examination of abortion and prevalence of contraception based on official statistics and three national sample surveys did not reveal any unambiguous factors that could explain differences in abortion dynamics in Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine. However, it is very likely that the cause of the inter-country discrepancies lies in contraceptive behavior itself, in adequacies of contraceptive knowledge and practices. Additionally, large differences in government policies, which are very important in shaping contraceptive practices of the population, were detected. CONCLUSION: Since the end of the 1990s, the Russian government switched to archaic ideology in the area of reproductive health and family planning and neglects evidence-based arguments. Such an extreme turn in the governmental position is not observed in Belarus or Ukraine. This is an important factor contributing to the slowdown in the decrease of abortion rates in Russia.
Denisov, Boris P.; Sakevich, Victoria I.; Jasilioniene, Aiva
Context The last decade witnessed growing differences in abortion dynamics in Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine despite demographic, social, and historical similarities of these nations. This paper investigates changes in birth control practices in the three countries and searches for an explanation of the diverging trends in abortion. Methods Official abortion and contraceptive use statistics, provided by national statistical agencies, were analysed. Respective laws and other legal documents were examined and compared between the three countries. To disclose inter-country differences in prevalence of the modern methods of contraception and its association with major demographic and social factors, an analysis of data from national sample surveys was performed, including binary logistic regression. Results The growing gap in abortion rate in Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine is a genuine phenomenon, not a statistical artefact. The examination of abortion and prevalence of contraception based on official statistics and three national sample surveys did not reveal any unambiguous factors that could explain differences in abortion dynamics in Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine. However, it is very likely that the cause of the inter-country discrepancies lies in contraceptive behavior itself, in adequacies of contraceptive knowledge and practices. Additionally, large differences in government policies, which are very important in shaping contraceptive practices of the population, were detected. Conclusion Since the end of the 1990s, the Russian government switched to archaic ideology in the area of reproductive health and family planning and neglects evidence-based arguments. Such an extreme turn in the governmental position is not observed in Belarus or Ukraine. This is an important factor contributing to the slowdown in the decrease of abortion rates in Russia. PMID:23349656
Zordo, Silvia De
Abstract This paper examines the double life of misoprostol in Brazil, where it is illegally used by women as an abortifacient and legally used in obstetric hospital wards. Based on my doctoral and post-doctoral anthropological research on contraception and abortion in Salvador, Bahia, this paper initially traces the “conversion” of misoprostol from a drug to treat ulcers to a self-administered abortifacient in Latin America, and its later conversion to aneclectic global obstetric tool. It th...
Fergusson, David M; Horwood, L John; Boden, Joseph M
There has been continued interest in the extent to which women have positive and negative reactions to abortion. To document emotional reactions to abortion, and to examine the links between reactions to abortion and subsequent mental health outcomes. Data were gathered on the pregnancy and mental health history of a birth cohort of over 500 women studied to the age of 30. Abortion was associated with high rates of both positive and negative emotional reactions; however, nearly 90% of respondents believed that the abortion was the right decision. Analyses showed that the number of negative responses to the abortion was associated with increased levels of subsequent mental health disorders (Pabortion and reporting negative reactions had rates of mental health disorders that were approximately 1.4-1.8 times higher than those not having an abortion. Abortion was associated with both positive and negative emotional reactions. The extent of negative emotional reactions appeared to modify the links between abortion and subsequent mental health problems.
Margolis, A J; Davison, L A; Hanson, K H; Loos, S A; Mikkelsen, C M
To determine the long-range psychological effects of therapeutic abortion, 50 women (aged from 13-44 years), who were granted abortions between 1967 and 1968 Because of possible impairment of mental and/or physical health, were analyzed by use of demographic questionnaires, psychological tests, and interviews. Testing revealed that 44 women had psychiatric problems at time of abortion. 43 patients were followed for 3-6 months. The follow-up interviews revealed that 29 patients reacted positively after abortion, 10 reported no significant change and 4 reacted negatively. 37 would definitely repeat the abortion. Women under 21 years of age felt substantially more ambivalent and guilty than older patients. A study of 36 paired pre- and post-abortion profiles showed that 15 initially abnormal tests had become normal. There was a significant increase in contraceptive use among the patients after the abortion, but 4 again became pregnant and 8 were apparently without consistent contraception. It is concluded that the abortions were therapeutic, but physicians are encouraged to be aware of psychological problems in abortion cases. Strong psychological and contraceptive counselling should be exercised.
Rothstein, D S
"This paper uses econometric multiple regression techniques in order to analyze the socioeconomic factors affecting the demand for abortion for the year 1985. A cross-section of the 50 [U.S.] states and Washington D.C. is examined and a household choice theoretical framework is utilized. The results suggest that average price of abortion, disposable personal per capita income, percentage of single women, whether abortions are state funded, unemployment rate, divorce rate, and if the state is located in the far West, are statistically significant factors in the determination of the demand for abortion." excerpt
Full Text Available This was a descriptive study aimed at exploring the personal experiences of women who induce abortion and the circumstances surrounding induced abortion. The study was conducted in six public hospitals in four different provinces: Baragwanath (Gauteng, Groote Schuur and Tygerberg (Western Cape, King Edward and R.K. Khan (Kwa-Zulu/Natal and Livingstone (Eastern Cape. In-depth interviews were conducted with 25 African, Indian and Coloured women admitted to the hospitals following backstreet abortions. The study gave women the opportunity to "speak for themselves" about "why" and "how" and the context in which the unscfe induced abortions occurred
Meddahi, M; Boccardi, A; Butterworth, A; Fisher, A S; Gianfelice-Wendt, E; Goddard, B; Hemelsoet, G H; Höfle, W; Jacquet, D; Jaussi, M; Kain, V; Lefevre, T; Shaposhnikova, E; Uythoven, J; Valuch, D
Unbunched beam is a potentially serious issue in the LHC as it may quench the superconducting magnets during a beam abort. Unbunched particles, either not captured by the RF system at injection or leaking out of the RF bucket, will be removed by using the existing damper kickers to excite resonantly the particles in the abort gap. Following beam simulations, a strategy for cleaning the abort gap at different energies was proposed. The plans for the commissioning of the beam abort gap cleaning are described and first results from the beam commissioning are presented.
Stålhandske, Maria L; Ekstrand, Maria; Tydén, Tanja
To explore Swedish women's experiences of clinical abortion care in relation to their need for existential support. Individual in-depth interviews with 24 women with previous experience of unwanted pregnancy and abortion. Participants were recruited between 2006 and 2009. Interviews were analysed by latent content analysis. Although the women had similar experiences of the abortion care offered, the needs they expressed differed. Swedish abortion care was described as rational and neutral, with physical issues dominating over existential ones. For some women, the medical procedures triggered existential experiences of life, meaning, and morality. While some women abstained from any form of existential support, others expressed a need to reflect upon the existential aspects and/or to reconcile their decision emotionally. As women's needs for existential support in relation to abortion vary, women can be disappointed with the personnel's ability to respond to their thoughts and feelings related to the abortion. To ensure abortion care personnel meet the physical, psychological and existential needs of each patient, better resources and new lines of education are needed to ensure abortion personnel are equipped to deal with the existential aspects of abortion care.
This collection gathers together a host of the most eminent contemporary legal philosophers, who writes about their take on legal philosophy, its fundamental questions and potential.......This collection gathers together a host of the most eminent contemporary legal philosophers, who writes about their take on legal philosophy, its fundamental questions and potential....
Pope, Thaddeus Mason
This issue's "Legal Briefing" column covers legal developments pertaining to conscience clauses and conscientious refusal. Not only has this topic been the subject of recent articles in this journal, but it has also been the subject of numerous public and professional discussions. Over the past several months, conscientious refusal disputes have had an unusually high profile not only in courthouses, but also in legislative and regulatory halls across the United States. Healthcare providers' own moral beliefs have been obstructing and are expected to increasingly obstruct patients' access to medical services. For example, some providers, on ethical or moral grounds, have denied: (1) sterilization procedures to pregnant patients, (2) pain medications in end-of-life situations, and (3) information about emergency contraception to rape victims. On the other hand, many healthcare providers have been forced to provide medical treatment that is inconsistent with their moral beliefs. There are two fundamental types of conscientious objection laws. First, there are laws that permit healthcare workers to refuse providing - on ethical, moral, or religious grounds healthcare services that they might otherwise have a legal or employer-mandated obligation to provide. Second, there are laws directed at forcing healthcare workers to provide services to which they might have ethical, moral, or religious objections. Both types of laws are rarely comprehensive, but instead target: (1) certain types of healthcare providers, (2) specific categories of healthcare services, (3) specific patient circumstances, and (4) certain conditions under which a right or obligation is triggered. For the sake of clarity, I have grouped recent legal developments concerning conscientious refusal into eight categories: 1. Abortion: right to refuse 2. Abortion: duty to provide 3. Contraception: right to refuse 4. Contraception: duty to provide 5. Sterilization: right to refuse 6. Fertility, HIV, vaccines
Decision ambivalence is a key concept in abortion literature, but has been poorly operationalised. This study explored the concept of decision ambivalence via an Abortion Decision Balance Sheet (ADBS) articulating reasons both for and against terminating an unintended pregnancy. Ninety-six women undergoing an early abortion for psychosocial…
Wiegerinck, Melanie M. J.; Jones, Heidi E.; O'Connell, Katharine; Lichtenberg, E. Steve; Paul, Maureen; Westhoff, Carolyn L.
Background: Little is known about clinical implementation of medical abortion in the United States following approval of mifepristone as an abortifacient by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) in 2000. We collected information regarding medical abortion practices of National Abortion Federation
Wiegerinck, Melanie M. J.; Jones, Heidi E.; O'Connell, Katharine; Lichtenberg, E. Steve; Paul, Maureen; Westhoff, Carolyn L.
Little is known about clinical implementation of medical abortion in the United States following approval of mifepristone as an abortifacient by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) in 2000. We collected information regarding medical abortion practices of National Abortion Federation (NAF) members
Gelman, Amanda; Rosenfeld, Elian A; Nikolajski, Cara; Freedman, Lori R; Steinberg, Julia R; Borrero, Sonya
Abortion stigma may cause psychological distress in women who are considering having an abortion or have had one. This phenomenon has been relatively underexplored in low-income women, who may already be at an increased risk for poor abortion-related outcomes because of difficulties accessing timely and safe abortion services. A qualitative study conducted between 2010 and 2013 used semistructured interviews to explore pregnancy intentions among low-income women recruited from six reproductive health clinics in Western Pennsylvania. Transcripts from interviews with 19 participants who were planning to terminate a pregnancy or had had an abortion in the last two weeks were examined through content analysis to identify the range of attitudes they encountered that could contribute to or reflect abortion stigma, the sources of these attitudes and women's responses to them. Women commonly reported that partners, family members and they themselves held antiabortion attitudes. Such attitudes communicated that abortion is morally reprehensible, a rejection of motherhood, rare and thus potentially deviant, detrimental to future fertility and an irresponsible choice. Women reacted to external and internal negative attitudes by distinguishing themselves from other women who obtain abortions, experiencing negative emotions, and concealing or delaying their abortions. Women's reactions to antiabortion attitudes may perpetuate abortion stigma. Further research is needed to inform interventions to address abortion stigma and improve women's abortion experiences. Copyright © 2016 by the Guttmacher Institute.
Medeiros, Robinson Dias de; Azevedo, George Dantas de; Oliveira, Emilly Auxiliadora Almeida de; Araújo, Fábio Aires; Cavalcanti, Francisco Jakson Benigno; Araújo, Gabriela Lucena de; Castro, Igor Rebouças
To analyze and compare the knowledge and opinions of Law and Medical students regarding the issue of abortion in Brazil. This was a cross-sectional study involving 125 graduate students from the class of 2010. Of these, 52 were medical students (MED group) and 73 law students (LAW group). A questionnaire was applied based on published research about the topic. Dependent variables were: monitoring the abortion debate, knowledge concerning situations where abortion is permitted under Brazilian law, opinion about situations that agree with extending legal permission to terminate pregnancy and prior knowledge of someone who has undergone induced abortion. Independent variables were: sex, age, household income and graduation course. χ² and Fisher's exact tests, with the level of significance set at 5%. Most interviewees reported monitoring the debate on abortion in Brazil (67.3% of the MED group and 70.2% of the LAW group, p>0.05). When assessing knowledge on the subject, medical students had a significantly higher percentage of correct answers than law students (100.0 and 87.5%, respectively; p=0.005) regarding the legality of abortion for pregnancies resulting from rape. Elevated percentages of correct responses were also recorded for both groups in relation to pregnancies that threaten the life of the mother (94.2 and 87.5% for MED and LAW groups, respectively), but without statistical significance. A significant percentage of respondents declared they were in favor of extending legal abortion to other situations, primarily in cases of anencephaly (68%), pregnancy severely harming the mother's physical health (42.1%) or that of the fetus in cases of severe congenital malformation (33.7%). Results showed a satisfactory knowledge on the part of law and medical school graduate students regarding the legality of abortion in Brazil, combined with a favorable trend towards extending legal permission to other situations not covered by the law. It is important to
Tousaw, Ellen; La, Ra Khin; Arnott, Grady; Chinthakanan, Orawee; Foster, Angel M
For displaced and migrant women in northern Thailand, access to health care is often limited, unwanted pregnancy is common, and unsafe abortion is a major contributor to maternal death and disability. Based on a pilot project and situational analysis research, in 2015 a multinational team introduced the Safe Abortion Referral Programme (SARP) in Chiang Mai, Thailand, to reduce the socio-linguistic, economic, documentation, and transportation barriers women from Burma face in accessing safe and legal abortion care in Thailand. Our qualitative study documented the experiences of women with unwanted pregnancies who accessed the SARP in order to inform programme improvement and expansion. We conducted 22 in-depth, in-person interviews and analysed them for content and themes using deductive and inductive techniques. Women were overwhelmingly positive about their experiences using the SARP. They reported lack of costs, friendly programme staff, accompaniment to and interpretation at the providing facility, and safety of services as key features. Financial and legal circumstances shaped access to the programme and women learned about the SARP through word-of-mouth and community workshops. After accessing the SARP and receiving support, women became community advocates for reproductive health. Efforts to expand the programme and raise awareness in migrant communities appear warranted. Our findings suggest that referral programmes for safe and legal abortion can be successful in settings with large displaced and migrant populations. Identifying ways to work within legal constraints to expand access to safe services has the potential to reduce harm from unsafe abortion even in humanitarian settings.
Li Ying; Cheng Yi-ming; Huang Na; Guo Xin; Wang Xian-mi
This is a review of current situation of induced abortion and post abortion family planning service in China. Induced abortion is an important issue in reproductive health. This article reviewed the distribution of induced abortion in various time, areas, and population in China, and explored the character, reason, and harm to reproductive health of induced abortion.Furthermore, this article introduces the concept of Quality of Care Program in Family Planning,and discusses how important and necessary it is to introduce Quality of Care Program in Family Planning to China.
Ntontis, Evangelos; Hopkins, Nick
Social psychological research on activism typically focuses on individuals' social identifications. We complement such research through exploring how activists frame an issue as a social problem. Specifically, we explore anti-abortion activists' representation of abortion and the abortion debate's protagonists so as to recruit support for the anti-abortion cause. Using interview data obtained with UK-based anti-abortion activists (N = 15), we consider how activists characterized women having abortions, pro-abortion campaigners, and anti-abortion campaigners. In particular, we consider the varied ways in which emotion featured in the representation of these social actors. Emotion featured in different ways. Sometimes, it was depicted as constituting embodied testament to the nature of reality. Sometimes, it was depicted as blocking the rational appraisal of reality. Our analysis considers how such varied meanings of emotion shaped the characterization of abortion and the abortion debate's protagonists such that anti-abortion activists were construed as speaking for women and their interests. We discuss how our analysis of the framing of issues as social problems complements and extends social psychological analyses of activism. © 2018 The British Psychological Society.
Thaysen, Jens Damgaard
This paper discusses how legal moralism should be defined. It is argued that legal moralism should be defined as the position that “For any X, it is always a pro tanto reason for justifiably imposing legal regulation on X that X is morally wrong (where “morally wrong” is not conceptually equivalent...... to “harmful”)”. Furthermore, a distinction between six types of legal moralism is made. The six types are grouped according to whether they are concerned with the enforcement of positive or critical morality, and whether they are concerned with criminalising, legally restricting, or refraining from legally...... protecting morally wrong behaviour. This is interesting because not all types of legal moralism are equally vulnerable to the different critiques of legal moralism that have been put forth. Indeed, I show that some interesting types of legal moralism have not been criticised at all....
Suction v. conventional curettage in incomplete abortion. A randomised controlled trial. D. A. A. VERKUYL, C. A. CROWTHER .Abstract This randomised controlled trial of 357 patients who had had an incomplete abortion compared suction curettage with conventional curettage for evacuation ofthe uterus. The 179 patients ...
Christensen, Anne Vinggaard; Petersson, Birgit
tilknytning og fagligt tilhørsforhold påvirker holdningerne. Antallet af sene provokerede aborter stiger i takt med, at fosterdiagnostikken udvikles, og der er derfor behov for forskning, der kan kaste lys over, hvordan det danske sundhedspersonale forholder sig til sene provokerede aborter....
Saavedra-Avendano, Biani; Schiavon, Raffaela; Sanhueza, Patricio; Rios-Polanco, Ranulfo; Garcia-Martinez, Laura; Darney, Blair G.
Objective To identify socio-demographic factors associated with presenting for abortion services past the gestational age (GA) limit (12 weeks), and thus not receiving services, in Mexico City’s public sector first trimester abortion program. Methods We used clinical data from four high volume sites in the Interrupción Legal de Embarazo (ILE) program, 2007–2015. We used descriptive statistics to quantify the proportion of women who did not receive an abortion due to presenting past the gestational age limit. We used multivariable logistic regression to identify associations between women’s characteristics and presenting past the GA limit and calculated predicted probabilities of late presentation for key characteristics. Results Our sample included 52,391 women, 8.10% (n = 4,246) of whom did not receive abortion services due to presenting past the GA limit. Adolescents (12–17) made up 8.69% of the total sample and 13.40% of those presenting past the GA limit (p = 40 years’ old respectively). Women living in Mexico City and with higher levels of education had lower odds of presenting past the GA limit, and there was an educational gradient across all age groups. In the multivariable predicted probability models, adolescents at every level of education have significantly higher probabilities of not receiving an abortion due to presenting past the gestational age limit compared with adults (among women with a primary education: 11.75% adolescents vs. 9.02–4.26% across adult age groups). Conclusions Our results suggest that continued efforts are needed to educate women, especially younger and less educated women, about early pregnancy recognition. In addition, all women need information about the availability of first trimester legal abortion to ensure timely access to abortion services. PMID:29414987
Full Text Available To identify socio-demographic factors associated with presenting for abortion services past the gestational age (GA limit (12 weeks, and thus not receiving services, in Mexico City's public sector first trimester abortion program.We used clinical data from four high volume sites in the Interrupción Legal de Embarazo (ILE program, 2007-2015. We used descriptive statistics to quantify the proportion of women who did not receive an abortion due to presenting past the gestational age limit. We used multivariable logistic regression to identify associations between women's characteristics and presenting past the GA limit and calculated predicted probabilities of late presentation for key characteristics.Our sample included 52,391 women, 8.10% (n = 4,246 of whom did not receive abortion services due to presenting past the GA limit. Adolescents (12-17 made up 8.69% of the total sample and 13.40% of those presenting past the GA limit (p = 40 years' old respectively. Women living in Mexico City and with higher levels of education had lower odds of presenting past the GA limit, and there was an educational gradient across all age groups. In the multivariable predicted probability models, adolescents at every level of education have significantly higher probabilities of not receiving an abortion due to presenting past the gestational age limit compared with adults (among women with a primary education: 11.75% adolescents vs. 9.02-4.26% across adult age groups.Our results suggest that continued efforts are needed to educate women, especially younger and less educated women, about early pregnancy recognition. In addition, all women need information about the availability of first trimester legal abortion to ensure timely access to abortion services.
Jun, Soon Ae; Ahn, Myoung Ock; Cha, Kwang Yul; Lee, Young Doo
To investigate predictable ultrasonographic findings of early abortion. To investigate objective rules for the screening of abortion. Ultrasonographic examination of 111 early pregnancies between the sixth and ninth week in women who had regular 28 day menstrual cycles was performed. Ultrasonographic measurements of the gestational sac, crown rump length and fetal heart rate were performed using a linear array real time transducer with doppler ultrasonogram. All measurements of 17 early abortions were compared to those of 94 normal pregnancies. Most of early aborted pregnancies were classified correctly by discriminant analysis with G-SAC and CRL (G-SAC=0.5 CRL + 15, sensitivity 76.5%, specificity 96.8%). With the addition of FHR, 94.1% of early abortions could be predicted. In conclusion, ultrasonographic findings of early intrauterine growth retardation, small gestational sac and bradycardia can be predictable signs suggestive of poor prognosis of early pregnancies
Rasch, V; Muhammad, H; Urassa, E
OBJECTIVES: This study estimated the proportion of incomplete abortions that are induced in hospital-based settings in Tanzania. METHODS: A cross-sectional questionnaire study was conducted in 2 phases at 3 hospitals in Tanzania. Phase 1 included 302 patients with a diagnosis of incomplete abortion......, and phase 2 included 823 such patients. RESULTS: In phase 1, in which cases were classified by clinical criteria and information from the patient, 3.9% to 16.1% of the cases were classified as induced abortion. In phase 2, in which the structured interview was changed to an empathetic dialogue...... and previously used clinical criteria were omitted, 30.9% to 60.0% of the cases were classified as induced abortion. CONCLUSIONS: An empathetic dialogue improves the quality of data collected among women with induced abortion....
Full Text Available Legal aid policy in the area carried out on several considerations including: Implementation of the authority given to the legal aid act, granting the guarantee and protection of access to justice and equality before the law in the area, equitable distribution of justice and increase public awareness and understanding of the law, and legal implications that accompanied the emergence of the right to legal counsel without pay and the right to choose the legal settlement. How To Cite Fatah, A. (2015. Regional Legal Assistance. Rechtsidee, 2(1, 1-10. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.21070/jihr.v2i1.7
Currently Catholic bishops are applying an inconsistent ethical paradigm to the issues of war and abortion. Based on the seamless garment theory war, abortion and capital punishment are all immoral acts because they are of the same garment. They are all "killing acts" and as such they are immoral. However there is within the Catholic paradigm the idea of a just war. The just war theory states that the destruction of human li