The political dimensions of the oil industry within producing countries and the political aspects of the relationships between these countries - both OPEC and non-OPEC - are discussed. Environmental concerns, domestic policies of oil exporting countries, external relationships and divisions with OPEC, regional politics, and OPEC as a neutral forum are discussed. The political as well as the economic interest of the oil exporting countries today is to seek a price of oil higher than current market levels by some 20 to 25%. This is not so high as to cause a demand shock or to alter significantly the future course of non-production. But it would provide all exporting countries, those in OPEC as well as others, with additional revenues in the medium term that everybody in the Third World needs. At present, OPEC has virtually shelved the fundamental issue of a price policy. In the authors view, this is both economically and politically unwise.
Between 2000 and 2006, 42 U.S. acute care hospitals filed for bankruptcy protection under federal law. This article explores hospital bankruptcies over a six-year period. Bankrupt hospitals are compared with their competitors, and hospitals surviving bankruptcy are compared with those organizations that eventually close. Finally, this article identifies nonfinancial factors associated with the filings and categorizes these factors into a political and economic framework. A literature review of hospital trade publications is used to identify organizations filing for bankruptcy during this period. Data gathered from these resources are used in concert with American Hospital Association data to identify hospital characteristics and publicly available information on factors surrounding hospital bankruptcy filings. Data on the status of hospitals after filing are also collected to determine whether bankruptcy reorganization is successful or results in hospital closure. Results indicate that 67 percent of hospitals filing for bankruptcy during this time eventually ceased operating. Bankrupt hospitals are smaller than their competitors. They are also less likely to belong to a system and more likely to be investor owned. Factors associated with filing organizations are placed into a political and economic framework derived from Park's work on municipal bankruptcy filings. Common nonfinancial factors associated with hospital bankruptcies include mismanagement, increased competition, and reimbursement changes.
Landry AY; Landry RJ 3rd
Full Text Available Abstract in portuguese Este estudo analisa como fatores políticos e institucionais afetama eficiência do gasto municipal no provimento do bem estar para a população ao longo da década dos noventa. O modelo adota a abordagem da fronteira de produção estocástica, condicionada por variáveis relacionadas ao custo da provisão dos serviços e os incentivos que afetam a eficiência municipal. O resultado indica que não podemos rejeitar: 1) economias de escala; 2) o efeito da margem de voto (more) no município e do tipo de mandato (primeiro ou segundo) do governador eleito, indicando uma forma de clientelismo; e que 3) a política local e a existência de comitê setoriais não afetam o nível da eficiência do gasto, o que sugere assimetria de informação entre os políticos e os eleitores. Abstract in english This study analyses how political and institutional factors affected the performance of municipalities in improving social welfare in Brazil in the period from1990 to 2000. Themodel adopts a stochastic production frontier, conditioned by variables related to the provision costs of services and those that can affect municipal efficiency. The results indicated that we can not reject:1) economies of scale; 2) the effect of vote margin in the municipality and the type (first (more) or second) of mandate of elected governor, which indicates a form of patronage; and 3) that local politics and the existence of sectorial boards did not affect the level of efficiency for municipal spending, suggesting an asymmetry of information between politics and voters.
Motta, Ronaldo Seroa da; Moreira, Ajax
A prominent strand within current migration research argues that, to understand the participation of immigrants in their host societies, we must focus on their incorporation into the cities in which they settle. This article narrows the perspective further by focusing on the role that immigrants play within one particular neighbourhood: Nørrebro in the Danish capital, Copenhagen. The article introduces the concept of grounded politics to analyse how groups of Muslim immigrants in Nørrebro use the space, relationships and history of the neighbourhood for identity political statements. The article further describes how national political debates over the Muslim presence in Denmark affect identity political manifestations within Nørrebro. By using Duncan Bell’s concept of mythscape (Bell, 2003), the article shows how some political actors idealize Nørrebro’s past to contest the present ethnic and religious diversity of the neighbourhood and, further, to frame what they see as the deterioration of genuine Danish identity.
Full Text Available IntroductionPolitical Participation is one of the main discussions in political sociology and political development in all countries. It is considered as an aspect of political development that can also support the political organizations to achieve democracy. In fact, the degree of political participation is a mean to know whether governments are logical or not.The main goal of this study is to examine social-psychological causes influencing political participation of Isfahan University teachers. The factor of political tendency and membership in organs are based on Huntington’s and Nelson’s Views. They considered social superiority and a person’s capability on a person’s tendency on political participation. They believed that if a person tends to be a member of group and councils, they will perform political participation more. On the other hand, there are other factors such as age, education, earning, race, tribe, religion which are based on Budwell’s View.It is necessary that some factors such as media and political effects are based on Olson’s theory.First hypothesis: There are some relations between demographic factors (people’s age, sex, single / marriage, member in organs) and political Participation.Second hypothesis: There are some relations between political environment and political Participation.Third hypothesis: There are some relations between individualism and political Participation.Fourth hypothesis: There are some relations between political knowledge and political Participation.Fifth hypothesis: There are some relations between collective media and political Participation.Sixth hypothesis: There are some relations between political tendency and political Participation.Seventh hypothesis: There are some relations between political effects and political Participation.Eighth hypothesis: There are some relations between relative abandonment and political Participation.Ninety hypothesis: There are some relations between sense at political powerless and political Participation.Sense at political powerless and political Participation. Matherial & MethodsMethodology of this study has done on quantity based on examination. Data is collected by questionnaire. The statistical society were teachers in Isfahan university based on the last statistics of Instruction Organ in 1388-89 among 511 teachers. They have chosen by these factors including: Isfahan University itself which is large, it contains a great amount of teachers and scholars in internal and external, political movements. The second, it is easy to political movements. The second, it is easy to access teachers to gather data fine by researchers in Foresaid University. It is necessary that University teachers are more realism than other common people; they can teach us the dominant realities on political environment in the University. In order to collect example, Cooker an formula has been used, they were 119, which were added also to 120. They have chosen randomly in the systematic system. The main factors are examined in the following ways:The dependant factors of same study are political Participation . They constitute: political decision, choice of leaders (vote), revolution, coup d’état, scholar councils, lecture sessions and political debate, general crowds, walking, vote, crowds, Participation in informal political discussions (among family members, family, friends or office), member in groups, accessing political post in the offices. There were 11 points which were examined by Likert 5 degree. The choice of 2 is absolutely opposite, and 5 is absolutely agree.There were 6 items in political knowledge, and 7 in political environment, 11 in individualism, 7 in political tendency, 9 in political effects, and 12 in relative abandonment which were based on Likert 5 degree,Discussion of Results & ConclusionsAccording to this study, there is meaningful relation between collective, media factors (r=0.53), political knowledge (r=0.27), political environment (r=0.77), political effects (r=0.37), political tendency (r=0.28
Hossein Masoudnia; Nejat Mohammadifar; Golmorad Moradi; Atefeh Foroughi
Full Text Available The paper aims at establishing the relation between the degree of acceptance and preferences of relatively general personal and social goals (18 of each) and attitudes toward a set of politically relevant issues. The sample consisted of 243 18-year-old high school students. The resulting correlations between goals and attitudes are shown to be slight to moderate. Socially and politically relevant attitudes are connected more strongly with preferred social than personal goals. Two opposite groups of values (goals) have been found - conditionally speaking, modernism and traditionalism. They correlate positively or negatively with a number of attitudes, social identifications, trust in institutions and readiness for activism. This tendency has been confirmed by canonical correlation analysis.
Kuzmanovi? Bora; Petrovi? Nebojša
Resident participation in the political action committee (PAC) is important for professional advocacy and for ensuring access to quality musculoskeletal care. The following questions were asked: Would faculty contribution-matching increase donation rates and amounts among orthopedic surgery residents at a single institution? What barriers do residents self-identify that prevent or delay PAC participation? How do residents perceive a faculty contribution-matching program? Residents at 1 institution were encouraged to participate in the PAC before and after the introduction of a faculty contribution-matching program. In addition, telephone follow-up was performed and resident perceptions were assessed regarding the program and barriers to participation. Rates of participation, amounts donated, and perceptions are reported. Resident participation in the PAC increased from 10% to 95% following the introduction of a faculty contribution-matching program. The second group of residents contributed 67 cents for every dollar given by the first group. Significant barriers identified included time constraints and an inability to access the PAC Web portal. Ninety-four percent of the initial nonresponders said that they made joining the PAC a priority after learning about the faculty contribution-matching program. They specifically cite giving greater attention to an issue that the faculty value. Four months after the initial e-mail, 100% of residents had contributed. Residents believe that professional activism is important but ascribe it a lower priority than other professional duties. Residency programs might facilitate resident involvement in the PAC by instituting faculty contribution-matching and by assisting junior residents with their American Association of Orthopaedic Surgeons login information.
Shah RP; Froelich JM; Weinstein SL; Mehta S
Resident participation in the political action committee (PAC) is important for professional advocacy and for ensuring access to quality musculoskeletal care. The following questions were asked: Would faculty contribution-matching increase donation rates and amounts among orthopedic surgery residents at a single institution? What barriers do residents self-identify that prevent or delay PAC participation? How do residents perceive a faculty contribution-matching program? Residents at 1 institution were encouraged to participate in the PAC before and after the introduction of a faculty contribution-matching program. In addition, telephone follow-up was performed and resident perceptions were assessed regarding the program and barriers to participation. Rates of participation, amounts donated, and perceptions are reported. Resident participation in the PAC increased from 10% to 95% following the introduction of a faculty contribution-matching program. The second group of residents contributed 67 cents for every dollar given by the first group. Significant barriers identified included time constraints and an inability to access the PAC Web portal. Ninety-four percent of the initial nonresponders said that they made joining the PAC a priority after learning about the faculty contribution-matching program. They specifically cite giving greater attention to an issue that the faculty value. Four months after the initial e-mail, 100% of residents had contributed. Residents believe that professional activism is important but ascribe it a lower priority than other professional duties. Residency programs might facilitate resident involvement in the PAC by instituting faculty contribution-matching and by assisting junior residents with their American Association of Orthopaedic Surgeons login information. PMID:23746023
Shah, Roshan P; Froelich, John M; Weinstein, Stuart L; Mehta, Samir
BACKGROUND: In 2006, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration licensed a vaccine for the human papillomavirus (HPV) that prevents the strains of HPV that cause 70% of cervical cancers. Within months, many states introduced legislation requiring the vaccine for girls, prompting controversy and heightened political and media attention to the issue. Previous research has shown differences in HPV vaccine awareness by individual-level characteristics such as race/ethnicity, income, and education levels. We examined how individual political orientation and exposure to media coverage can also shape awareness of the vaccine. METHODS: Using data from a 2009 Internet survey of 1,216 nationally representative adult respondents linked to data on state-specific news coverage, we assessed how political orientation, media exposure, and state political context predicted HPV vaccine awareness. RESULTS: Younger people, women, and those with more education were significantly more likely to be aware of the vaccine. Even after controlling for these characteristics, we found that exposure to news media was associated with higher HPV vaccine awareness. Whereas liberals and conservatives were both more aware of the vaccine compared with moderates, the data are suggestive that liberals were more sensitive to news coverage. CONCLUSION: These findings suggest that individual-level political identities and their interaction with the informational environment may be important factors to consider in evaluating the determinants of individuals' attitudes and behaviors related to politically charged women's health issues.
Gollust SE; Attanasio L; Dempsey A; Benson AM; Fowler EF
Full Text Available This paper analyses public spending efficiency and the effect of political and economic factors on public spending efficiency in East Asian countries for the period 2000-2007. In the first stage, the non-parametric Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) approach is used to estimate public spending efficiency scores. In the second stage, the Tobit regression model is then used to determine the effect of political and economic factors on public spending efficiency. Results of the study show that China is relatively efficient in public spending on education, health, and maintaining economic performance and stability, Japan on infrastructure, and Singapore on promoting public services. In addition, countries in East Asia are relatively less efficient in public spending for promoting equal income distribution. The results also indicate that political stability and financial freedom have a positive effect on public spending efficiency. However, voice, accountability, and civil liberties have a negative effect on public spending efficiency.
Chan Sok-Gee; Karim Mohd Abd Zaini
Full Text Available This paper addresses women’s participation in social, political and economic activities. In particular, factors that hinder women fromparticipating in social, political and economic activities in mainland Tanzania are discussed. Analysis shows that factors such aslevel of education, type of place of residence, marital status, religion, region of residence and age groups, with different levels ofmagnitude contribute differently to their poor participation. Cross-tabulation is used to establish the relationship between“participation” as the dependent variable and the aforementioned factors. Multiple logistic regressions were used to determine therelative importance of the factors. Results indicate that place of residence; age group and region of residence are significant whileeducation and religion are insignificant.
The safety and performance of nuclear power plants are a function of many technical factors such as initial design, service and maintenance programs, and utility investment in improvements. Safety and performance are also a function of the social/political influences that affect requirements on personnel, practices and procedures, and resource availability. This paper describes a process for constructing models of the social/political influences on plant operations using the system dynamics technique. The model incorporates representation of internal utility actions and decisions as affected by external factors such as public opinion, intervenor actions, safety and economic regulation, and the financial community. The feedback between external agents and plant performance is explicitly modeled. The resulting model can be used to simulate performance under a variety of different external and internal policy choices. In particular, the model can be used to study means of improving performance in response to externally imposed regulations.
Hansen, K.F.; Turek, M.G.; Eubanks, C.K. [Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, MA (United States)
Full Text Available The organizations try to achieve their goals through using resources such as material and human resources, but most of them are a little successful to achieve their goals, however it is difficult to use the resources in order to achieve to personal and group gains that occur in the organization repeatedly. These actions called as political behavior include activities that go forward in order to work in the people or groups to obtain the protecting the personal gains when there are opposite solutions. In the present paper, the researcher studies the relationship between the organizational factors and the political behaviors or the policy in the Kerman's governmental organizations. This study to be done by juncture studies and correlative way in the population includes 1992 samples of the Kerman’s governmental organizations personnel and classified random sampling that include 322 samples. The researcher uses two questionnaires in order to gather the date and consult with the professors in order for determining the reliability questionnaires and evaluates them through re-examining and finally analyzes the collected data by means of software”SPSS". The results of this study show that there is a relationship between the organizational factors and the personnel's tendency toward the political behavior.
Mohammad Naji; Hamied Taboli; Akbar Zolfaghari
Political violence, armed conflicts and human rights violations are produced by a variety of political, economic and socio-cultural factors. Conflicts can be analyzed with an interdisciplinary approach to obtain a global understanding of the relative contribution of risk and protective factors. A public health framework was designed to address these risk factors and protective factors. The framework resulted in a matrix that combined primary, secondary and tertiary interventions with their implementation on the levels of the society-at-large, the community, and the family and individual. Subsequently, the risk and protective factors were translated into multi-sectoral, multi-modal and multi-level preventive interventions involving the economy, governance, diplomacy, the military, human rights, agriculture, health, and education. Then the interventions were slotted in their appropriate place in the matrix. The interventions can be applied in an integrative form by international agencies, governments and non-governmental organizations, and molded to meet the requirements of the historic, political-economic and socio-cultural context. The framework maps the complementary fit among the different actors while engaging themselves in preventive, rehabilitative and reconstructive interventions. The framework shows how the economic, diplomatic, political, criminal justice, human rights, military, health and rural development sectors can collaborate to promote peace or prevent the aggravation or continuation of violence. A deeper understanding of the association between risk and protective factors and the developmental pathways of generic, country-specific and culture-specific factors leading to political violence is needed.
De Jong JT
Full Text Available In its process of adhesion to the European Union, Romania was absolutely compelled to follow a wide process of local and central public administration reform that would correspond to theadhesion criteria established by the Union in view of acquiring the membership status. In Romania, the preexistent elements that made the reform process be more difficult and slow and sometimes evenstopped it, aimed at the strategic, structural and behavioral factors. Thus, the stage of the Romanian administration in 2001 imposed that the changes in the Romanian society were radical, reason for which the targets of these strategic reforms aimed at key issues, such as the strategic component, the legal component, the organizational component and the cultural component. Having a dominantpolitical culture is essential in a state that seeks to reform its public administration. Without the support of the political power, any administrative reform risks failing. In the same time, the issue of separating the political from the administration constituted one of the central points within the national public administration reforms in the last years.
This study examined the predictors of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in a clinical sample of 875 immigrant survivors of political violence resettled in the United States, with a specific aim of comparing the relative predictive power of pre-migration and post-migration experiences. Results from a hierarchical OLS regression indicated that pre-migration experiences such as rape/sexual assault were significantly associated with worse PTSD outcomes, as were post-migration factors such as measures of financial and legal insecurity. Post-migration variables, which included immigration status in the US, explained significantly more variance in PTSD outcomes than premigration variables alone. Discussion focused on the importance of looking at postmigration living conditions when treating trauma in this population.
Chu T; Keller AS; Rasmussen A
Fatores políticos e institucionais nas teorias contemporâneas sobre a expansão dos gastos públicos/ Political and institutional factors in the contemporary theories on the growth of government expenditures
Full Text Available Abstract in english This paper discusses the role of the political and institutional factors in the contemporary theories on the growth of government expenditures. Based on a comparative analysis of studies produced in the two last decades on the field of political economy, the analysis attempts to deal with the main assumptions, the types of explanation, and the causal status of political and institutional variables provided by these theories. The theories are classified according to the type of explanation and the causal primacy of different political and institutional variables in each model.
Rezende, Flávio da Cunha
This paper is an empirical attempt verifying the interplay between political change, fleet nationality, and the evolution of shipping networks. North Korea offers a good example of a socialist maritime country that experienced much contrasted geopolitical contexts during the last two decades. A data...
Ducruet, César; Roussin, Stanislas; Jo, Jin-Cheol
Abstract This article, written from the stance of a public planner and a policy maker, explores the challenges and potential in creating future learning environments through the concept of a new learning landscape. It is based on the belief that physical planning can support the strategic goals of universities. In Denmark, a political focus on education as a mean to improve national capacity for innovation and growth are redefining the universities role in society. This is in turn changing the circumstances for the physical planning. Drawing on examples of physical initiatives in three different scales - city, building and room scale, the paper highlights how space and place matters on an interpersonal, an interprofessional and a political level. The article suggests that a wider understanding of how new learning landscapes are created - both as a material reality and a political discourse - can help frame an emerging community of practice. This involves university leaders, faculty and students, architects, designers and urban planners, citizens and policy makers with the common goal of creating future learning environments today.
Abstract This article, written from the stance of a public planner and a policy maker, explores the challenges and potential in creating future learning environments through the concept of a new learning landscape. It is based on the belief that physical planning can support the strategic goals of universities. In Denmark, a political focus on education as a mean to improve national capacity for innovation and growth are redefining the universities role in society. This is in turn changing the circumstances for the physical planning. Drawing on examples of physical initiatives in three different scales - city, building and room scale, the paper highlights how space and place matters on an interpersonal, an interprofessional and a political level. The article suggests that a wider understanding of how new learning landscapes are created - both as a material reality and a political discourse - can help frame an emerging community of practice. This involves university leaders, faculty and students, architects, designers and urban planners, citizens and policy makers with the common goal of creating future learning environments today. PMID:23930688
When attempts are made to improve organizational performance, both rational and emotional factors will have to be recognized. One of the important emotional factors is the tendency of people to behave politically while they are carrying out their assigned duties. The meaning and importance of organizational politics is discussed, and several typical reactions of nurse administrators to organizational politics are examined. Practical suggestions are made to help nurse administrators develop greater political sensitivity and deal effectively with political behavior.
Starke FA; Rempel E
Full Text Available The referendum held on September 12, 2010 included fundamental changes in Turkish constitution related with the social, judicial and economic aspects. We are of the opinion that the referendum offered a general view on the reflections of government policies, since the incumbent party, Justice and Development Party (AKP), officially supported the proposed changes and the main opposition parties, Republican People’s Party (CHP) and Nationalist Action Party (MHP), were opposed. We tested the effects of political tendencies on the referendum results using provincial data. The results show that the “yes” votes are higher in the provinces where AKP has a stronger base, and lower in the provinces where the opposition parties, especially CHP, have stronger bases. Moreover, our analyses imply that referendum votes are higher where economic conditions are getting relatively better in the last year. However, we could not find a positive effect of public spending on the patterns of voting.
Harun YÜKSEL; Abdulkadir CIVAN; Ertu?rul GÜNDO?AN
Full Text Available This essay interprets American representations of dictator Porfirio Díaz in relation to the “economic conquest” of Mexico that took place during his long rule (1876–1911, a period known as the “Porfiriato,” in which Americans invested more than $1 billion). No single person inspired as much attention from travelers, reporters, and photographers during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as Díaz, and their visions of the President helped to shape perceptions of Mexico as a desirable field in which to expand US capitalism and influence. Travelers clamored to meet him and his sophisticated young wife, and their travelogues were rich with descriptions of such encounters. Reporters, dazzled by the rapid transformation of Mexico during his 35-year rule, described Díaz in such terms as “the Mexican Wizard” and “the maker of modern Mexico” until the very end of his regime. Photographers, working in a relatively new medium, amassed a huge body of works devoted to the dictator; even at an advanced age late in his rule, the President’s image adorned postcards and commemorative cartes-de-visite that posited him in heroic and hypermasculine terms (not unlike those of his US counterpart, Theodore Roosevelt). Ultimately, this essay argues that representations like these reflected American desires for a Mexican body politic that was amenable to economic and social transformation under the inextricable banners of “progress” and US capitalism. Prevailing images of Díaz and his family suggested that Mexico was as friendly to foreign investors as it was to foreign visitors.
Full Text Available The AraguaiaRiver Basincovers a considerable extent of Brazilian Savanna (locally called Cerrado) and part of Amazon Tropical Rainforest, embracing high biodiversity and a vast flooding area. This region has been converted to agricultural lands since 1970s, for the past four decades, leading to a fragmented landscape that holds one of the few large remaining blocks of Cerrado primary vegetation. Therefore, to assess the degree of preservation of this area a 2007 primary vegetation map was derived through Boolean operations using land use and land cover maps from 1975, 1985, 1996 and 2007, from digital classification of Landsat MSS and TM images. To evaluate the role of driving factors on the presence of pristine vegetation, a logistic regression analyses was performed. Tested factors were: distance from roads and cities, terrain slope, land tenure, soil fertility and flooding. We found statistical significant values (p nous lands, wetlands and areas with low fertility have positive influence on the presence and maintenance of these pristine areas. The occurrence of original vegetation in many cases is associated with environmental constraints that difficult or do not allow agricultural use. Analysis of physical and political factors, which may have direct or indirect influence on the conservation and degradation of native vegetation are very important for the comprehension of the dynamics of regional land use, and provide supporting information for a more efficient and sustainable regional landscape planning.
Henrique O. Sawakuchi; Maria Victoria R. Ballester; Manuel Eduardo Ferreira
This study examines casualties from tornadoes in the United States between the years 1998 and 2000. A political model of human ecology (POET) was used to explore how the environment, technology, and social inequality influence rates of fatalities and injuries in two models. Data were drawn from four sources: John Hart's Severe Plot v2.0, National Weather Service (NWS) Warning Verification data, Storm Prediction Center (SPC) watch data, and tract-level census data. Negative binomial regression was used to analyze the causes of tornado fatalities and injuries. Independent variables (following POET) are classified in the following manner: population, organization, environment, and technology. Rural population, population density, and household size correspond to population; racial minorities and deprivation represent social organization; tornado area represents environment; and tornado watches and warnings, as well as mobile homes, correspond to technology. Findings suggest a strong relationship between the size of a tornado path and both fatalities and injuries, whereas other measures related to technology, population, and organization produce significant yet mixed results. Census tracts having larger populations of rural residents was, of the nonenvironmental factors, the most conclusive regarding its effects across the two models. The outcomes of analysis, although not entirely supportive of the model presented in this study, suggest to some degree that demographic and social factors play a role in vulnerability to tornadoes. PMID:17913016
Donner, William R
This study examines casualties from tornadoes in the United States between the years 1998 and 2000. A political model of human ecology (POET) was used to explore how the environment, technology, and social inequality influence rates of fatalities and injuries in two models. Data were drawn from four sources: John Hart's Severe Plot v2.0, National Weather Service (NWS) Warning Verification data, Storm Prediction Center (SPC) watch data, and tract-level census data. Negative binomial regression was used to analyze the causes of tornado fatalities and injuries. Independent variables (following POET) are classified in the following manner: population, organization, environment, and technology. Rural population, population density, and household size correspond to population; racial minorities and deprivation represent social organization; tornado area represents environment; and tornado watches and warnings, as well as mobile homes, correspond to technology. Findings suggest a strong relationship between the size of a tornado path and both fatalities and injuries, whereas other measures related to technology, population, and organization produce significant yet mixed results. Census tracts having larger populations of rural residents was, of the nonenvironmental factors, the most conclusive regarding its effects across the two models. The outcomes of analysis, although not entirely supportive of the model presented in this study, suggest to some degree that demographic and social factors play a role in vulnerability to tornadoes.
Full Text Available The article discusses factors influencing language maintenance under changing social, cultural, economic and political conditions of Polish minority in Siberia. The village of Vershina was founded in 1910 by Polish voluntary settlers from Little Poland.During its first three decades Vershina preserved Polish language,traditions, farming methods and machines and also the Roman Catholic religion. The changes came to a village in taiga in the1930s. Vershina lost its ethnocultural homogeneity because of Russian and Buryat workers in the local kolkhoz. Nowadays the inhabitants of Vershina regained their minority rights: religious, educational and cultural. However, during the years of sovietization and ateization, their culture and customs became much more similar to other Siberian villages. Polish language in Vershina is under strong influence of Russian, which is the language of education,administration, and surrounding villages. Children from Polish-Russian families become monolingual and use Polish very rare, only asa school subject and in contacts with grandparents. The process of abandoning mother tongue in Vershina is growing rapidly. However,there are some factors which may hinder the actual changes:the activity of local Polish organisations and Roman Catholic parish as well as folk group “Jazhumbek”.
Full Text Available Since the 1980s almost all OECD and EU states have implemented policies of liberalization and denationalization. This study offers a model for explaining this phenomenon by regarding it as a process of policy convergence. The determinants and causal mechanisms driving the proliferation of privatization policy are identified with the help of convergence mechanisms proposed by the sciences and then analytically evaluated and interpreted with regression analyses of two independent, quantitative studies. The results identify independent problem-solving, peer pressure and international harmonization as the most important causal mechanisms. Membership of the EU is shown to be a strong privatization factor, and on the OECD level, party affiliation of the govern- ment is identified as an important intervening variable.
In this study, we used an extended twin family design to investigate the influences of genetic and cultural transmission as well as different sources of nonrandom mating on 2 core aspects of political orientation: acceptance of inequality and rejecting system change. In addition, we studied the sources of phenotypic links between Big Five personality traits and political beliefs using self- and other reports. Data of 1,992 individuals (224 monozygotic and 166 dizygotic twin pairs, 92 unmatched twins, 530 spouses of twins, 268 fathers, and 322 mothers) were analyzed. Genetically informative analyses showed that political attitudes are genetically but not environmentally transmitted from parents to offspring and that a substantial proportion of this genetic variance can be accounted for by genetic variance in personality traits. Beyond genetic effects and genotypic assortative mating, generation-specific environmental sources act to increase twins' and spouses' resemblance in political beliefs. The results suggest multiple sources of political orientations in a modern democracy.
Kandler C; Bleidorn W; Riemann R
In this study, we used an extended twin family design to investigate the influences of genetic and cultural transmission as well as different sources of nonrandom mating on 2 core aspects of political orientation: acceptance of inequality and rejecting system change. In addition, we studied the sources of phenotypic links between Big Five personality traits and political beliefs using self- and other reports. Data of 1,992 individuals (224 monozygotic and 166 dizygotic twin pairs, 92 unmatched twins, 530 spouses of twins, 268 fathers, and 322 mothers) were analyzed. Genetically informative analyses showed that political attitudes are genetically but not environmentally transmitted from parents to offspring and that a substantial proportion of this genetic variance can be accounted for by genetic variance in personality traits. Beyond genetic effects and genotypic assortative mating, generation-specific environmental sources act to increase twins' and spouses' resemblance in political beliefs. The results suggest multiple sources of political orientations in a modern democracy. PMID:21988277
Kandler, Christian; Bleidorn, Wiebke; Riemann, Rainer
Preliminary findings of the Electricity Policy Project (EPP) - the informal name for the 21-member Cabinet Council Working Group on Regulation, Competition, and Efficiency in the Electric Utility Industry formed in May 1982 - indicate that the source of the problem of underinvestment in electricity-supply capability is politically motivated price controls by utility regulators. (Others in the industry also cite declining demand, lower inflation, and improved cost recovery as factors in reduced investment.) The central issue under EPP's investigation is the effect of government price controls on the long-term supply of electricity. EPP believes a slow rise in the real price of electricity and an increase in economic growth that could boost load growth are possible. To guard against shortfall, EPP would recommend reforms in the way rates are established for utilities and a redistribution of authority over electricity planning and regulation from federal and state levels to newly created regional bodies. Specific proposals discussed within EPP center on deregulation of certain types of electric-power transactions, development of a model policy for utility regulation that draws a legal link between rates and a preapproved supply plan, and the establishment of regional planning and regulatory bodies. Currently, political realities and indifference are obstacles to implementation of these yet-to-beformalized proposals.
A book that considers political risk and how it can be managed: what political risk is; the types of risk; how to forecast regime instability; case histories; using scenarios; regional and global corporate strategies; managing political analysis and decision making in the international company and bank including staff-line relationships; the question of centralization and information gathering; risk aversion; risk management; insurance and hedging.
Full Text Available As a new concept in the research of political party, political culture has its unique content, function and characteristics, which are different from any other culture organizations. It confines and influences the existence, development and realization degree of political democracy (refers to democracy inside political parties in particular). The essay analyzes how traditional political cultures enhanced and hindered political democracy and proposes to construct a new political culture that features openness, democracy, law, weakening ideology, and web-relationship to promote the development and realization of political democracy. The essay also points out that such a construction of political culture should be approached from the establishment of Political Parties Act, the revolution of traditional pyramid organization and rights organization, the establishment of democratic systems and programs inside political parties and the cultivation of democratic spirits. Key words: political culture, political democracy, realization approaches Résumé: La culture de parti, un nouveau concept dans les recherches de parti, revêt des connotations, fonctions et caractéristiques différentes des autres cultures organisationnelles. Elle conditionne l’existence, le développement et le niveau de réalisation de la démocratie de parti( on se réfère particulièrement à la démocratie intérieure du parti ). Le présent article analyse les rôles positifs et négatifs de la culture de parti traditionnelle sur la démocratie de parti et propose de construire, sous les angles de la création de la « Loi de parti », la réforme de la structure organisationnelle traditionnelle en pyramide et de la structure de pouvoir, l’établissement du système démocratique du parti et de son processus, la formation de l’esprit démocratique, une nouvelle culture de parti caractérisée par l’ouverture, la démocratie, la gérance selon la loi, l’affaiblissement idéologique et la relation en réseau dans le but de promouvoir le développement et la réalisation de la démocratie de parti. Mots-clés: culture de parti, démocratie de parti, moyen de réalisation ???????????????????,???????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? ??????????????????
Gang-li QI; Yan-jie HE
Full Text Available As a new concept in the research of political party, political culture has its unique content, function and characteristics, which are different from any other culture organizations. It confines and influences the existence, development and realization degree of political democracy (refers to democracy inside political parties in particular). The essay analyzes how traditional political cultures enhanced and hindered political democracy and proposes to construct a new political culture that features openness, democracy, law, weakening ideology, and web-relationship to promote the development and realization of political democracy. The essay also points out that such a construction of political culture should be approached from the establishment of Political Parties Act, the revolution of traditional pyramid organization and rights organization, the establishment of democratic systems and programs inside political parties and the cultivation of democratic spirits. Key words: political culture, political democracy, realization approaches Résumé: La culture de parti, un nouveau concept dans les recherches de parti, revêt des connotations, fonctions et caractéristiques différentes des autres cultures organisationnelles. Elle conditionne l’existence, le développement et le niveau de réalisation de la démocratie de parti( on se réfère particulièrement à la démocratie intérieure du parti ). Le présent article analyse les rôles positifs et négatifs de la culture de parti traditionnelle sur la démocratie de parti et propose de construire, sous les angles de la création de la « Loi de parti », la réforme de la structure organisationnelle traditionnelle en pyramide et de la structure de pouvoir, l’établissement du système démocratique du parti et de son processus, la formation de l’esprit démocratique, une nouvelle culture de parti caractérisée par l’ouverture, la démocratie, la gérance selon la loi, l’affaiblissement idéologique et la relation en réseau dans le but de promouvoir le développement et la réalisation de la démocratie de parti. Mots-clés: culture de parti, démocratie de parti, moyen de réalisation ???????????????????,??????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????
Gang-li QI; Yan-jie HE
Full Text Available In order to completely understandconcept of this paper I would like to stress that myaim was to elaborate “political market as variableof political marketing” in a way that will define therole of political marketing in the society by drawinga parallel with the traditional (basic marketing)only because the political marketing as a scientificdiscipline emerged from the theory of basicmarketing. The position that political market takeswithin the political marketing is defined, bystressing political marketing in the context ofelectoral- political public, research of politicalmarket, its segmentation, positioning of a politicalproduct and communication between politicalcandidate and political public.Political marketing is a comprehensive andcomplex process that encompasses: research of themarket; creation of personal political product andits adaptation to political market; systematicprocess of action on political market throughmeans of political communication, with the finalaim to accept and support certain political productin the shape of a political idea or program.
Using facts and examples, this didactically structures textbook gives an insight into the extent and consequences of the damage to the environment, with the subjects - fundamentals of ecology; - population and food problems; - the energy problem; - economic growth; scarcity of resources, recycling; - ground, water, and air pollution, - city and traffic problems; - work protection and medical care; - political alternatives and 'soft technologies'. The analysis of the political and economic reasons is combined with social and technical alternatives from which demands to be made and measures to be taken can be derived for individuals, citizens' interest groups, political groups and trade unions. Teaching models intend to help teachers to work on specific problems of ecology. (orig.)
A remarkable progress in women's participation in politics throughout the world was witnessed in the final decade of the 20th century. According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union report, there were only eight countries with no women in their legislatures in 1998. The number of women ministers at the cabinet level worldwide doubled in a decade, and the number of countries without any women ministers dropped from 93 to 48 during 1987-96. However, this progress is far from satisfactory. Political representation of women, minorities, and other social groups is still inadequate. This may be due to a complex combination of socioeconomic, cultural, and institutional factors. The view that women's political participation increases with social and economic development is supported by data from the Nordic countries, where there are higher proportions of women legislators than in less developed countries. While better levels of socioeconomic development, having a women-friendly political culture, and higher literacy are considered favorable factors for women's increased political representation, adopting one of the proportional representation systems (such as a party-list system, a single transferable vote system, or a mixed proportional system with multi-member constituencies) is the single factor most responsible for the higher representation of women. PMID:12295761
Rathod, P B
Is it politically feasible for governments to engineer endogenous growth? This paper illustrates two reasonable political decision mechanisms by which fiscal policy generates endogenous growth with a single accumulable factor, under a constant returns to scale production technology, and without prod...
Zak, Paul J.; Ghate, Chetan
Full Text Available Politics, Law and Psychology are fields that come together in the symbolic. This text takes evidence from those three areas to develop an analysis of political symbols and political transitions. The development of the analysis goes through three stages. The first succinctly describes the concept of transition and its meaning. The second closely examines the notion of the symbol, in terms of its definition, to explain aspects that allow us to understand it, characterise it and make its functions clear. Finally, from the author's experience as a witness and as an actor, I suggest three ways of understanding symbols in the processes of political transition: as symbols of change, as symbols of acknowledgment, and as symbols of support.
Herrero de Miñón, Miguel
Full Text Available The paper investigates the relationship among the foreign direct investment (FDI) and political stability by investigating the country-level FDI flows, FDI inward performance and political stability measures. Countries with high political rights have higher FDI outflows. Also, countries with high level of corruption of government and low level of democracy have higher FDI inflows. The results are consistent with the argument of that political factors are important in explaining FDI flows. We also find that FDI inward performance has consistently positive relationships with the level of corruption of government, while negative relationships with the political rights, when key variables from factor analysis are included.
Factores técnico-operativos y políticos determinantes de las decisiones de inversión privada en el sector confección zuliano/ Technical-Operative and Political Factors that Determine Private Investment Decisions in the Zulia State Garment Sector
Full Text Available Abstract in spanish Desde finales de la década de los setenta gran parte de las empresas venezolanas han experimentado un proceso de desinversión, mientras que otras sólo invierten lo necesario para sobrevivir. En este contexto, el objetivo de esta investigación consiste en determinar los factores técnicos-operativos y políticos que afectan las decisiones de inversión privada en el sector confección zuliano. El estudio realizado es descriptivo, incluyó una entrevista personal a 18 g (more) erentes. Los resultados obtenidos muestran que la intención de actualización tecnológica local, la ubicación geográfica del estado y el funcionamiento de servicios públicos figuran como los factores técnico-operativos favorables a la decisión de inversión, mientras que como factores desfavorables destacan la actuación de asociaciones de apoyo a las empresas y el costo de los servicios públicos. Asimismo, destaca la influencia negativa de la situación política venezolana. Se concluye que la situación económica, política y la falta de apoyo institucional constituyen los factores de mayor relevancia para las decisiones de inversión privada en el sector. Abstract in english Since the end of the nineteen seventies, a great number of Venezuelan companies have experienced a de-investment process, while others invested only in what was necessary to survive. In this context the objective of this research is to determine the technical-operating and political factors affecting private investment decisions in the Zulia State garment sector. The study is descriptive, and included personal interviews with 18 plant managers. The results obtained show: (more) a) the intention to realize local technological up-dating, b) the geographical location of the state and the operation of public services figure as favorable technical-operating factors in the investment decision, and c) unfavorable factors were the performance of company support associations and the cost of public services. Also, the negative influence of the Venezuelan political situation is pointed out. The conclusion is that the economic and political situation and the lack of institutional support constitute the more relevant factors in private investment decisions in this sector.
Sandrea, Maryana; Boscán, Mariby; Romero, Jenny; Acosta, Ana
Full Text Available Are these heady days for Nigerian political parties? This is themain question, which this paper addresses with emphasis on politicalideology, being the first and most important vehicle of a political party. It is argued that despite all pretences to the contrary through their manifestoes, as much as the superficial classifications as the “left” and “right”, “progressive” and “conservative”, Nigerian parties seem to be bereft of clear ideological commitments. This conclusion is predicatedupon the relegation of politics of issues to the background across the various republics, and in its place the ascendancy of identity and money politics. Other factors include the rising magnitude of political vagrancy on the basis of selfish and parochial interests, the high level of party indiscipline, absence/weakness of party cohesion and internal democracy, and the high mortality and turnover of party leadership. Finally, the paper discusses the implications of this for Nigeria’s democratization and democratic consolidation, before concluding with some recommendations.
J. Shola Omotola
Full Text Available I write from Prague, where, unlike in most urban formations, the main city street plays an iconic role; it references a history of political protest. However, before elaborating on the protest iconography of the Prague street, Vaclavske nam, I want to locate the ways in which the design of urban space is actualized in everyday life in the cities of the world. Three functions stand out; the first involves dwelling, the second seeing, and the third moving. With respect to the first function – dwelling – the design partitions and coordinates residential, commercial and leisure functions. At times these are organized to segregate different classes (Robert Moses’ redesign of much of New York stands out with respect to the segregation function). With respect to the second function – seeing – the design of urban space is allegiance-inspiring; it involves sight lines that afford urban dwellers and visitors views of iconic buildings and statues, which reference key founding moments in the past and/or authoritative political functions in the present (Here, L’Enfants design for Washington DC stands out as exemplary. Its manifest intention was to make the buildings housing executive, legislative and judicial functions visible from many vantage points). Rarely are the streets themselves iconic. Their dominant role is involved with the effectuation of movement. As for this third function: As Lewis Mumford famously points out, streets were once part of an asterisk design, radiating out from an exemplary, often spiritual center...
Michael J. Shapiro
Full Text Available This article focuses on two questions. Why are women underrepresented in democratic institutions and what are the barriers for their larger inclusion in political arena? Problems are analyzed from global perspective. Structural, cultural and political barriers are elaborated. The gender sensitive concept of representative democracy demonstrates legitimacy and difference in political processes. The hegemonic form of masculinity in all state institutions and procedures, in the election system, political culture and media, influences the exclusion of women on all levels of representation. Different theoretical concepts about gender representation in politics are analyzed. The author stresses greater influence of political factors - political culture, type of electoral system, party competitiveness, ideological differences, number of candidates, party and district magnitude, quota system - on women's representation in parliaments. The state of the art in representative bodies and in decision-making processes on the global level are analyzed in the third section of the article.
Full Text Available The present text is based on a key note lecture (‘Civic Education, Democracy and Political Participation’) delivered at the symposium Globalization of School Subjects – Challenges for Civics, History, Geography and Religious Education, Karlstad University, 13–14 December, 2012. Drawing on recent developments in research on political participation and civic engagement, the text starts out with a discussion about different ways of understanding political passivity. Subsequently, the text turns to a brief analysis of ways in which schools may provide young people with political skills and competencies needed in a democratic society. Three dimensions of political citizenship are highlighted: political efficacy, political literacy, and political participation; and the analysis focuses on the impact of a number of different school-related factors on these three ‘citizenship competencies’.
The rate of return allowed on the equity capital of a public utility is determined by the public utility commission(s) under whose jurisdiction the utility operates. All fifty states within the United States of America have commissions that are either directly elected or are appointed by elected officials. The determination of utility rate structures and rates of return on equity capital is therefore a political process in which consumers view with producers for wealth allocation that results from the rate-making decision. Regulation has been perceived as being designed and operated primarily for the benefit of the regulated industry. After reviewing the legal and economic environment surrounding the regulation of public utilities, a model is derived within a political framework which views the regulator as being captured by the special-interest groups of utilities. Results of the empirical analysis show that regulation is strongly influenced by political factors. Determination of rates of return for regulated utilities is a competition between opposing special-interest groups and must be viewed as much from that perspective as from the traditional financial viewpoint.
Neo-institucionalismo: fatores organizacionais na vida política/ The new institutionalism: organizational factors in political life/ Néo-institutionalisme: facteurs organisationnels dans la vie politique
Full Text Available Abstract in portuguese As teorias políticas contemporâneas tendem a retratar a política como um reflexo da sociedade; os fenômenos políticos como as conseqüências agregadas do comportamento individual; a ação como o resultado de escolhas baseadas no interesse pessoal calculado; a história como sendo eficiente no alcance de desfechos singulares e adequados e a tomada de decisões e a alocação de recursos como os focos centrais da vida política. Entretanto, um pensamento teórico rec (more) ente na Ciência Política combina elementos desses estilos teóricos com uma preocupação mais antiga a respeito das instituições. Esse neo-institucionalismo enfatiza a autonomia relativa das instituições políticas, as possibilidades de ineficiência na história e a importância da ação simbólica para um entendimento da política. Tais idéias possuem uma razoável base empírica, mas não se caracterizam por formas teóricas poderosas. Entretanto, pode-se identificar algumas direções para a pesquisa teórica nas concepções institucionalistas da ordem política: esse é o nosso objetivo neste artigo. Abstract in english Contemporary theories of politics tend to portray politics as a reflection of society, political phenomena as the aggregate consequences of individual behavior, action as the result of choices based on calculated self-interest, history as efficient in reaching unique and appropriate outcomes, and decision making and the allocation of resources as the central foci of political life. Some recent theoretical thought in political science, however, blends elements of these the (more) oretical styles into an older concern with institutions. This new institutionalism emphasizes the relative autonomy of political institutions, possibilities for inefficiency in history, and the importance of symbolic action to an understanding of politics. Such ideas have a reasonable empirical basis, but they are not characterized by powerful theoretical forms. Some directions for theoretical research may, however, be identified in institutionalist conceptions of political order. This is precisely the objective of the present article.
March, James G; Olsen, Johan P
Full Text Available Le Complot contre l’Amérique de Philip Roth décrit l’initiation politique de ses deux protagonistes, le narrateur Philip et son frère aîné, Sanford. Tandis que ce dernier passe par un processus initiatique quasi classique — il se déroule conformément au schéma tripartite de van Gennep — l’apogée de l’initiation de Philip est marquée par douleur et blessure. Toutefois, tous les deux connaissent seulement une initiation partielle, car le premier doit d’abord admettre ses erreurs tandis que le second va devoir apprendre, non seulement à remettre en cause l’autorité, mais également à développer ses idées de façon indépendante.Philip Roth’s The Plot Against America traces the political awakening of its two child protagonists, the narrator Philip and his elder brother Sanford. While the latter undergoes an initiation process nearly in accordance with the classical tripartite scheme as coined by van Gennep, the height of Philip’s initiation process is marked by physical pain and injury. However, both experience only a partial initiation, since the elder brother will have to recognize his errors and the younger one will first have to learn how to go beyond the mere questioning of authority.
Claudia Franziska Brühwiler
Full Text Available This article deals with "the transformation of visibility" in political discourse on and representation of politics and politicians in resent Dansih television documentaries. Drawing on the theories of Habermas, Meyrowitz and John B. Thompson, it is argued that the political persona on television is moved closer to the individual citizen, creating a sort "mediated quasi-inter- action" giving mediated communication a stronger element of face-to-face interaction. Together with the more pervasive "live" coverage of politics and politicians, this expands media coverage to both the backstage of political processes and the private and personal backstage of politicians, changing the form of democracy and public debate.
Surveys the interrelationship between language and politics. Touches on the context of political discourse, or political culture and ideology in new and old democracies and the reemerging manifestations of totalitarianism, censorship, and linguistic imperialism; then examines selected linguistic features of political discourse and their…
[en] Many countries with limited number of nuclear power reactors have developed plans for management of their radioactive waste but have some common difficulties to implement some stages of each national plan. Examples of such countries are Lithuania, Slovenia, Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania, and Argentina. Management of radioactive waste in these countries must address considerations that are not usually present in countries with large nuclear programmes. Because of the small quantities of waste involved, the unit cost of disposing the waste is considerably higher. Simultaneously, these programmes have limited financial resources and very often limited human resources. These factors strongly constrain the development of waste management programmes, especially geological disposal programme. These countries tackle the challenges they confront in different ways, but some common features may be outlined. In most cases these programmes started later than countries with more advanced nuclear power programmes. Therefore the need for geological disposal appeared later. This suggests that some countries, like Hungary, Bulgaria, Argentina or Lithuania, have chosen to postpone a decision on long-term spent fuel management. Other countries, such as Slovenia and Romania, have taken strategic decisions on geological disposal but have kept open other options such as the development of multinational repository or the export of spent fuel. The legislative framework in these countries is mostly set and responsibilities of the different institutions defined. Most countries have already established the waste management organisations, responsible for the development and implementation of the disposal programmes. Radioactive waste management organisations were established in Slovenia (ARAO, 1991), Hungary (PURAM, 1998), Lithuania (RATA, 2001), Romania (ANDRAD, 2004), Bulgaria (SERAW, 2004) and Argentina (PNGRR Programa Nacional de Gestion de Residuos Radioactivos), within National Atomic Energy Commission, 2003). In the context of countries with small nuclear programmes, it is clearly premature to reach conclusions about how the different factors discussed below have affected public and political acceptance. Technical factor, structural factor, and process factor are discussed. Given the small quantities of radioactive waste arisen in these countries, it may be even more difficult to convincingly present the need for a national disposal programme. Consequently, time schedules for their implementation are shifted far into the future. This allows relatively open and transparent discussion of the programme without time pressure. On the other hand, time distant plans raise less public interest and attention and it is more difficult to achieve two-way communication and get insight into the public's perception of the proposed solutions. For implementers, the long planning horizon presents an additional challenge. Their responsibilities extend over a time period of more than one generation with relatively low engagements in the current generation. Under such conditions, developing and maintaining the necessary expertise can be quite difficult as is the transfer of knowledge between generations
Full Text Available This article contends that cultural, political and historical factors create a local political environment where de facto discrimination against women is the norm. Without thoroughly addressing and altering the underlying issues causing discrimination against women in politics, a weak quota system will not immediately lead to increased women’s participation in Bali. This paper argues that the leading factors contributing to low levels of Balinese women’s participation include widespread money politics, the revitalisation of customary institutions and local identities through decentralisation, and the collective memory of the violent dissolution of the Indonesian Women’s Movement (Gerwani) in 1965–66.
Full Text Available This article presents an overview of the principal intellectual alternatives of today regarding the role and place of Russia in the social and political spaces of the former Baltic republics, which were articulated in the course of international expert discussions and round tables at the IKBFU.
Smirnov V. A.; Sutyrin V. V.
The politics of rural educational leadership are both intense and concentrated. Rural educational leaders need to be savvy and politically skilled if they are to inspire educational stakeholders and accomplish organizational objectives. The local school system is an organization with a political culture that can be characterized as a competitive…
Farmer, Tod Allen
The aim of this working paper is to develop a definition of political marketing that builds on the political rather than commercial marketing literature. This aim is motivated by the need to make explicit our understanding of what political marketing is, a necessary exercise when discussing theory, concepts and empirical methods in political marketing. We first present five existing definitions of political marketing that have been selected to represent advances in research from the origins of academic research into political marketing in the mid-1970’s to the present day. After this we discuss ‘wide’ and ‘narrow’ interpretations of political marketing, the nature of the political marketing exchange, political relationship marketing and how one can integrate the stakeholder concept into an understanding of political marketing. Finally, we propose a definition of political marketing that differs from existing definitions in several key ways: that the exchange component is understood as a triadic interaction rather than a dyadic exchange; that political relationships are dynamically managed, a characteristic that does not dictate a specific duration or intensity; and finally, that there is a non-specific understanding of stakeholders that allows for differences at the systemic and organisational level, and from normative and strategic approaches.
Ormrod, Robert P.
Purpose: POWER is an ontology of political processes and entities. It is designed for tracking politicians, political organizations and elections, both in mainstream and social media. The aim of this paper is to propose a data model to describe political agents and their relations over time. Design/methodology/approach: The authors propose a data…
Moreira, Silvio; Batista, David S.; Carvalho, Paula; Couto, Francisco M.; Silva, Mario J.
The aim of this working paper is to develop a definition of political marketing that builds on the political rather than commercial marketing literature. This aim is motivated by the need to make explicit our understanding of what political marketing is, a necessary exercise when discussing theory, ...
Ormrod, Robert P.
|Purpose: POWER is an ontology of political processes and entities. It is designed for tracking politicians, political organizations and elections, both in mainstream and social media. The aim of this paper is to propose a data model to describe political agents and their relations over time. Design/methodology/approach: The authors propose a data…
Moreira, Silvio; Batista, David S.; Carvalho, Paula; Couto, Francisco M.; Silva, Mario J.
O papel dos fatores políticos na internacionalização de empresas: o caso da Energias de Portugal (EDP) no Brasil The role of political factors in the internationalization of companies: the case of Energias de Portugal (EDP) in Brazil
Full Text Available Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar o papel dos fatores políticos e sua relação com os fatores mercadológicos no processo de internacionalização de empresas multinacionais. Este estudo de caso processual permite que a dinâmica do fenômeno seja analisada em três níveis: o ambiente nacional, setorial e organizacional. É realizada uma revisão teórica sobre a empresa multinacional e sobre o papel dos fatores políticos. Posteriormente, é descrito e analisado o processo de internacionalização de uma empresa portuguesa de capitais públicos, a - Energias de Portugal (EDP). Conclui-se que a posse de capacidades e recursos técnicos e de know-how para a entrada e consolidação da empresa no Brasil foram condições necessárias, mas não suficientes para viabilizar o processo de internacionalização da EDP no Brasil; e que a história da EDP no Brasil representa o caso de uma empresa oriunda de um país com estabilidade institucional que desenvolveu novas capacidades para lidar com o ambiente político e mitigar o risco.This study aims at analyzing the role of political factors and their relation to market factors in the internationalization process of multinational companies. This procedural case study allows the dynamics of this phenomenon to be analyzed in three levels: national, industrial, and organizational environments. A theoretical review on the multinational company and on the role of political factors is carried out. Subsequently, the internationalization process of a Portuguese company with public capital, Energias de Portugal (EDP), is described and analyzed. One concludes that the possession of abilities, technical resources, and know-how for the company to enter and consolidate in Brazil were needed conditions, but they were not enough to enable EDP's internationalization process in Brazil; and that EDP's history in Brazil represents the case of a company from a country with institutional stability which developed new abilities in order to deal with the political environment and to mitigate the risk.
Carla Madalena Alves Fernandes; Rodrigo Bandeira-de-Mello; Pedro Pinto Zanni
A nontechnical discussion of the political economy of the world oil market is intended to inform the beginning student as well as serve as a reference book. Beginning with definitions and an explanation of units, the text covers the world economy, oil supply, oil prices, oil consumption and non-oil energy materials supplies, oil companies, macroeconomics, and the market in an effort to relate both macro- and microeconomic phenomena. Professor Banks feels that population is the most crucial factor in economics today, followed by nonfuel minerals and energy; the technical problems pertaining to energy, however, can be managed if the first two are faced and dealt with. He thinks the outlook is good for replacing oil with other energy sources. 143 references, 23 figures, 26 tables. (DKC)
Full Text Available The article is aimed at comprehension of symbolic politics and power and its nature disclosure. Novelty: the information-oriented society and the development of electronic communication facilities lead to the growth of semiotic system and form symbolic politics, which is based on media figures of political authority members. Summary: The current politics is visualized at the expense of simulacrum images production. Politics gains simulative type rather than just symbolic. Real politicians and political activities are substituted by bright visual imagery of electronic mass media. Furthermore, the symbolic activity transforms the sphere of politics into the sphere of simulacra production in spectacular show fashion: the victory goes to that ideas and figures which are more frequent and more persuasively presented on TV screens and monitors.
Prilukova Ekaterina Grigorevna
Full Text Available This research focuses on political culture with a special reference to political participation of the Malays and the non-Malays in district of Hulu Langat, Malaysia. Political landscape in Malaysia is normally being observed in term of ethnicity. This is why political observers in Malaysia claim that the goal of development and individual’s behavior towards politics are habitually govern by ethnicity. Therefore, this paper aims to scrutinize the significance of value and attitude in political participation between Malay and non-Malay. These two vital factors are constanly being neglected in observing political participation. Value and attitude are also positively involved with conventional and non-conventional political participation, while socio-economic status only acts as an underpinning principle. The research was held in Hulu Langat District in Malaysia and rationally being chosen due to its ethnic composition is similar to Malaysian’s ethnic composition, namely Bumiputera, Chinese and Indian. Data was collected through qualitative method that emphasized political participation and respondents’ perspectives on politics and leadership. A total of 400 respondents were sampled involving 208 Malays, 148 Chinese and 44 Indians. The pattern of political participation in this area can explain the politics scenario or political culture among multi-ethnic society in Malaysia.
Suhana Saad; Ali Salman
Full Text Available This paper analyzes metaphors usage within political discourse, i.e rhetoric of political public speech. The analysis is based on public speech held at Vukovi sabori manifestations from 1987-2005, by active politicians or cultural elite at a given time period. Manifestations such as Vukovi sabori or Saborski dani were created primarily as purely cultural and artistic; however, they have also proven to be a good medium for messages with clear political agenda, hidden in metaphors of the speakers. These metaphors, in a political rhetoric, are thus seen as an instrument used to channel desired aims and win over potential voters. On the other hand, they also could be taken as one of the indicators of ideological-political paradigm change after 2000. In both cases, these metaphors are analyzed as a potential for promoting certain interests carrying heavy influence on key values and attitudes within the political discourse.
Full Text Available This paper considers the concept of political community, its constitution and value. The starting point is that the concept of community is not sufficiently recognized in modern political theories, as well as in contemporary liberal theory. In the last two decades communitarian and republican political theory attempted to revitalize this notion. The first part of the paper elaborates on the polemics between these three theoretical orientations. The concluding part examines the possibilities and prospect for stable political community in conditions of pluralism of particular social communities and ethnocultural heterogeneity.
Slade?ek Michal M.
Full Text Available This essay is intentionally one-sided. Almost all other essays by either defenders of capitalism (libertarians) or defenders of government (statists) are oppositely one-sided. They claim that capitalism’s voluntariness or government’s coerciveness mean that capitalism or government better fosters such things as art, happiness, education, jobs and world peace, and never much emphasise factors that may undermine their commentary. This essay emphasises the mitigating factors that others gloss over.Arguments about the advantages or disadvantages of capitalism or government dominate political debate. This essay contends that these arguments, when they are not just about their author’s feelings, are usually incorrect or misleading. They often use value-judgments on behalf of others, disguised by false measures of happiness invented from economic data or surveys, and then applied across demographics and time. Another common error is to talk only of the positive side of something and ignore the negative. Libertarians spot these errors in statists, yet often do not hold themselves to the same standard.
Full Text Available Neste estudo, objetivou-se verificar como se apresentam a atitude político-ideológica e a inserção social, no contexto universitário, frente ao preconceito sutil. Participaram 206 estudantes, 80% mulheres e idade média de 23 anos (DP=5,34), sendo heterogênea a divisão entre as áreas do conhecimento humano, saúde e educação. Foram utilizadas as escalas de inserção universitária, preconceito sutil e atitude favorável ao 1º e 3º mundos. Foi realizada ANOVA (Scheffé) entre as áreas do conhecimento e inserções, onde se verificou a promoção de inserções em diferentes atividades na universidade. Regressões (stepwise) constatam que as atitudes primeiro e terceiro mundistas são inversamente preditivas às inserções universitárias, assim como sua pertença às áreas, e que a inserção extracurricular prediz menor expressão de preconceito sutil. Infere-se que atitudes político-ideológicas atuam indiretamente no preconceito sutil, diferentemente da sua atuação mais direta frente à inserção social e ao antirracismo.In this study, the aim is verify how political-ideological attitudes and the social insertion in college context are observed through subtle prejudice. Took part 206 college students, 80% woman and average age of 23 (SD=5,34), divided into knowledge areas: human, health and education. The tools used were university insertion and subtle prejudice scales and favorable attitude on the first and third world. ANOVA (Scheffé) were used and identified knowledge areas as promoting insertions in different activities at the university. Regressions (stepwise) verified that first and third world attitudes are conversely predict to university insertions thus as their areas insertions, and which extracurricular insertion predict lower expression of subtle prejudice. It suggests that political-ideological attitudes acting indirectly on subtle prejudice expression, unlike its influence towards social insertion and anti-racism.
Aline Vieira de Lima Nunes; Leoncio Camino
This analysis of the politics of learning disabilities finds that the balance between political and scientific aspects of learning disabilities has been disturbed, with political aspects being overly influential. Discussed in detail are the scientific side of learning disabilities, politics as advocacy, politics as ideology (especially Marxism),…
Kavale, Kenneth A.; Forness, Steven R.
Full Text Available Research has demonstrated that educational attainment, residential location and segregation, migration status, types of jobs available, and spatial location, as well as discrimination, all influence and shape the poverty status of Puerto Ricans in the United States. Few treatments of the causes and consequences of Puerto Rican poverty focus on politics. The purpose of this essay is to address this imbalance by looking at how previous studies envision the relationship between poverty and politics and from there to suggest a link between politics and poverty, focusing on the role politics may play in the elimination of poverty. Although low levels of political participation, ethnic divisions, and institutional neglect are key in explaining the inability of Puerto Ricans to address issues of poverty through political action, other factors have also played a role. The paper explores the role of four such variables: the colonial relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States, the timing of mass Puerto Rican migration, the effectiveness of interest group activity, and the contribution of Puerto Rican political leaders.
José E. Cruz
Full Text Available Politics implies the art of influencing people, and nurses have the political responsibility to influence the allocation of scarce resources.OpsommingPolitiek impliseer die “kuns om besluite te beinvloed” en verpleegkundiges het die politieke verantwoordelikheid om die allokasie van skaars Gesondheidshulpbronne te beinvloed. *Please note: This is a reduced version of the abstract. Please refer to PDF for full text.
Susan E van Niekerk
?This is a research on Chinese women’s marriage migration to South Korea. I explore this topic by adopting the perspective of politics of intimacy. It aims to find out how the broad political and economic transformations in China and South Korea structure this migration flow and how the operation...
Jin, Hong; ??
This paper formulates a general theory of how political unrest influences public policy. Political unrest is motivated by emotions. Individuals engage in protests if they are aggrieved and feel that they have been treated unfairly. This reaction is predictable because individuals have a consistent v...
Passarelli, Francesco; Tabellini, Guido
Reviews 20 years of research on gender issues and political attitudes during the high school years. Current research reveals no gender difference in levels of student political interest, efficacy, confidence, or trust. Interviews, however, suggests that females are more likely to express views on public policy. (MJP)
Hahn, Carole L.
Over the last thirty years, happiness research in psychology, economics and philosophy has been discussing the proper meaning of happiness and its main determinants. Moreover, the idea has spread within academic and political circles that it may be legitimate for institutions to engage in “politics of happiness”. This article presents a critique of the project of promoting happiness through public policies.
The paper assesses the political credibility of three encyclopaedias (Encyclopaedia Britannica, Encyclopedia of Marxism and Wikipedia) in relation to three chosen topics (Friedrich Engels's biography; the political philosophy of fascism; and, the discipline of social psychology). I was interested in discerning how entries are represented and…
Full Text Available Political violence plays a huge role in public affairs and people's behavior, requiring both knowledge and rigorous research in many of its occurrences and its consequences for the proper management, organization and functioning of a society as a whole. Although political violence is a problem of a particular importance in our social life it is not analyzed and investigated in the scientific literature. Political violence it is a subject that usually passes into oblivion. This study presents some ideas and themes about the role and functions of political power, displaying the types of political violence and their consequences for the management and functioning of a society, which can be subject to wider debates and researchs.
Pamfil Nichi?elea; Bianca Mitu
Concepts of personhood are embedded in a political and cultural context. The persistence of moral conflicts--and advances in biological and clinical sciences accelerate their number--and the difficulties of resolving them reflect features of our political culture. In the extraordinary American tension between individual and public life, controlling the definition of what it is to be a human being becomes a fundamental basis of social and political power. Much is at stake in these persistent conflicts: freedon of individuals; authority of professionals; automony of scientists; and even the role of the church.
Concepts of personhood are embedded in a political and cultural context. The persistence of moral conflicts--and advances in biological and clinical sciences accelerate their number--and the difficulties of resolving them reflect features of our political culture. In the extraordinary American tension between individual and public life, controlling the definition of what it is to be a human being becomes a fundamental basis of social and political power. Much is at stake in these persistent conflicts: freedon of individuals; authority of professionals; automony of scientists; and even the role of the church. PMID:6552383
Full Text Available Like in the case of great religions – Confucianism, Buddhism,Brahmanism, Christianity – Islamism was and continues to be a culture and civilization, a religious and political doctrine. Islamism is situated at the confluence between the religious and political perceptions of organization and management of the community.Facing the decadence of the Islamic societies, their inability to keep pace with the European and North-American contemporary development, the fundamentalists consider that these is caused by the spiritual - religious decadence, thus the way out is represented by the original Islam, applied as it is in the whole social life, especially the political one.
Aurel Piturca; Anca Parmena Olimid
Full Text Available Se analizaron las prevalencias de exceso de peso, según índice de masa corporal (IMC), en adultos y su asociación con algunas variables demográficas, socioeconómicas e índice de democracia. Se realizó un diseño ecológico que consideró un total de 105 países, con datos de IMC de 2000 a 2006. Las demás variables se obtuvieron en correspondencia con el año del dato de estado nutricional, o su referente más cercano. Se utilizaron los puntos de corte de la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS) para IMC. Se calcularon correlaciones de Spearman y modelos de regresión múltiple. El sobrepeso y la obesidad se correlacionaron en ambos sexos con la disponibilidad energética y con el Índice de Desarrollo Humano (IDH) y sus variables constitutivas. En cuanto a las variables relacionadas con democracia, la correlación fue inversa y más fuerte con el nivel ponderal de los hombres. En conclusión, indicadores de condiciones de vida más favorables en los países se asociaron de forma directa con mayores prevalencias de exceso de peso poblacional, con comportamientos diferentes en función del género.This study analyzed prevalence rates for excess weight in adults based on body mass index (BMI) and the association with various demographic, socioeconomic, and political variables (democracy index). An ecological design was used, including a total of 105 countries, with BMI data from 2000 to 2006. Other variables were obtained by proximity to the year of nutritional status. The study used the World Health Organization (WHO) classification for BMI. Spearman correlation coefficients and multiple logistic regression models were used. In both genders, overweight and obesity were correlated with calorie availability and the human development index (HDI) and its component variables. As for the variables related to democracy, there was an inverse correlation with weight, stronger in men than women. In conclusion, better living conditions in countries were directly associated with higher rates of excess weight in the population, with different patterns according to gender.
Laura Inés González-Zapata; Alejandro Estrada-Restrepo; Luz Stella Álvarez-Castaño; Carlos Álvarez-Dardet; Lluis Serra-Majem
Full Text Available Abstract in spanish Se analizaron las prevalencias de exceso de peso, según índice de masa corporal (IMC), en adultos y su asociación con algunas variables demográficas, socioeconómicas e índice de democracia. Se realizó un diseño ecológico que consideró un total de 105 países, con datos de IMC de 2000 a 2006. Las demás variables se obtuvieron en correspondencia con el año del dato de estado nutricional, o su referente más cercano. Se utilizaron los puntos de corte de la Organi (more) zación Mundial de la Salud (OMS) para IMC. Se calcularon correlaciones de Spearman y modelos de regresión múltiple. El sobrepeso y la obesidad se correlacionaron en ambos sexos con la disponibilidad energética y con el Índice de Desarrollo Humano (IDH) y sus variables constitutivas. En cuanto a las variables relacionadas con democracia, la correlación fue inversa y más fuerte con el nivel ponderal de los hombres. En conclusión, indicadores de condiciones de vida más favorables en los países se asociaron de forma directa con mayores prevalencias de exceso de peso poblacional, con comportamientos diferentes en función del género. Abstract in english This study analyzed prevalence rates for excess weight in adults based on body mass index (BMI) and the association with various demographic, socioeconomic, and political variables (democracy index). An ecological design was used, including a total of 105 countries, with BMI data from 2000 to 2006. Other variables were obtained by proximity to the year of nutritional status. The study used the World Health Organization (WHO) classification for BMI. Spearman correlation co (more) efficients and multiple logistic regression models were used. In both genders, overweight and obesity were correlated with calorie availability and the human development index (HDI) and its component variables. As for the variables related to democracy, there was an inverse correlation with weight, stronger in men than women. In conclusion, better living conditions in countries were directly associated with higher rates of excess weight in the population, with different patterns according to gender.
González-Zapata, Laura Inés; Estrada-Restrepo, Alejandro; Álvarez-Castaño, Luz Stella; Álvarez-Dardet, Carlos; Serra-Majem, Lluis
This article deals with the nexus between biographical experiences in political extraordinary times of crisis, disaster and terror and their influence on political orientations. At the centre of interest is the reconstruction of political orientations related to two different historical-political groups of Jewish Germans who had immigrated or…
Full Text Available Using the definition proposed here, integral politics can be a process of integrating diverse perspectives into wholesome guidance for a community or society. Characteristics that follow from this definition have ramifications for understanding what such political processes involve. Politics becomes integral as it transcends partisan battle and nurtures generative conversation toward the common good. Problems, conflicts and crises become opportunities for new (or renewed) social coherence. Conversational methodologies abound that can help citizen awareness temporarily expand during policy-making, thus helping raise society’s manifested developmental stage. Convening archetypal stakeholders or randomly selected citizens in conversations designed to engage the broader public enhances democratic legitimacy. With minimal issue- and candidate-advocacy, integral political leaders would develop society’s capacity to use integral conversational tools to improve its health, resilience, and collective intelligence. This both furthers and manifests evolution becoming conscious of itself.
This article develops a conceptual framework and measurement model of political market orientation that consists of attitudinal and behavioural constructs. The article reports on perceived relationships among different behavioral aspects of political market orientation and the attitudinal influences of such behavior. The study includes structural equation modeling to investigate several propositions. While the results show that political parties need to focus on several different aspects of market-oriented behavior, especially using an internal and external orientation as cultural antecedents, a more surprising result is the inconclusive effect of a voter orientation on market-oriented behaviours. The article discusses the findings in the context of the existing literature in political marketing and commercial market orientation.
Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C.
Full Text Available Steffen Hertog’s article argues that Saudi Arabian regime has embarked upon the modernization of its authoritarian rule by attempting to institutionalize important aspects of the political debate. The way this is being done, he proposes, is best captured with the time-honoured concept of corporatism. It helps to bring the kingdom back into the framework of comparative politics, testing and giving new nuances to familiar concepts.
Full Text Available Globalisation, referring to an interconnectedness and interdependence across the world, creates a challenge for national states, localities and individuals. In the past, people used to define themselves with strong ties with political parties, trade unions, and churches. However, modernisation process decreased the importance of these institutions, and individualistic values became more important. As a result of that process, ties between people and political parties are weakened. Meanwhile, media played a very important role, and the mass media gained a centrality in the world. Moreover, technological developments changed the interaction between people, and “visibility” became important for politicians: The more visible politicans are on television, the more dominant they are. Therefore, these changes forced political parties to change their political discourse and new communication techniques emerged with "catch-all" parties. The U.S. was the first country, which used new techniques in political communication. Because of dissemination of information, these new techniques are globalised. Key words: Modernisation; Americanisation; Centrality of Media; Political Communication
This study examines personality factors as predictors of political attitudes and behavior among a sample of rural older Americans. Results indicate that trait variables (extraversion, openness, and neuroticism) and measures of self-concept (locus of control) affect political attitudes and behavior in predictable ways. Suggestions for future research are outlined.
Peterson SA; Maiden R
Full Text Available Understanding the interplay of political and economic forces both internal and external, is important to lead to the appropriate directions which could be taken by the Philippines to achieve development. The current transition stage shows symptoms of a political economic crisis as a result of the contradictions between the traditional and progressive political forces, mainly those who espouse elite democracy and popular democracy. The different political forces which are part of the popular democratic alliance are either those who subscribe to the capitalist or the socialist development framework. Looking at the practical factors, the state of the Philippine economy and international economic situation together with the theoretical factors of capitalist and socialist framework, the best way to reconcile the contradictions would be through the transition approach. This approach calls for historically-specific policies that reflect inherited conditions, including the level of development of the class struggle and external constraints on development. Pragmatically the government tries to mediate in the economic recovery but once recovery comes, the market regains free rein. The best alternative against the reactionary tide would be popular democracy and the political economy of popular democracy gives the most viable solution to the current economic crisis.
Horacio Morales Jr.
Research has documented a link between political violence and the functioning of individuals and communities. Yet, despite the hardships that political violence creates, evidence suggests remarkable fortitude and resilience within both individuals and communities. Individual characteristics that appear to build resilience against political violence include demographic factors such as gender and age, and internal resources, such as hope, optimism, determination, and religious convictions. Research has also documented the protective influence of individuals' connection to community and their involvement in work, school, or political action. Additionally, research on political violence and resilience has increasingly focused on communities themselves as a unit of analysis. Community resilience, like individual resilience, is a process supported by various traits, capacities, and emotional orientations toward hardship. This review addresses various findings related to both individual and community resilience within political violence and offers recommendations for research, practice, and policy.
Sousa CA; Haj-Yahia MM; Feldman G; Lee J
Full Text Available Nonverbal communication as being a fundamental aspect of communication, meaning “nonverbal symbolic codes applied in relations in daily life”, is used mostly unconsciously but continuously. It is revealed in the researches that 38% of communication is comprised of audio codes, %55 body language and 7% words. As can be seen, importance of nonverbal communication is undeniable. General opinion in society is that nonverbal communication is comprised of just gestures and mimics. But voice, word accent, silence, colors, body posture and angle, touching, smell, use of objects, sense of place and time, dressing, accessories used, walking style etc. are included in nonverbal communication. As can be seen, nonverbal communication covers items which are non-verbal and cannot be expressed with words. In addition to rhetoric, when a community is evaluating political leaders they resorts to some other information. This information is usually obtained from nonverbal communication. Voters in the society and other national societies take into account when communicating face to face with politicians the tone of voice, rhetoric, dominance of the mother tongue language, as well as the dress style, jewelry, accessories, body posture, gestures and facial expressions as non-verbal communication and persuasion factors. In the presentations and international relation conferences the non-verbal elements, as stated before, are much more effective, easier to recall, cogent and persuasive than elements of written communication of the political leaders messages. “How are the non-verbal communication items used by political leaders” is the starting point and the question for this article. Because today nonverbal communication items are effective to create political image and has an important dimension in the international politics. In this article, these items are reviewed with examples in communication literature. Key words: Nonverbal communication; Politics; Political leaderRésumé La communication non verbale comme étant un aspect fondamental de la communication, qui signifie «non verbale codes symboliques appliquée dans les relations dans la vie quotidienne", est utilisé plus souvent inconsciemment mais continuellement. Il est révélé dans les recherches que 38% de la communication est composé de codes audio, le langage corporel de 55% et les mots de 7%. Comme on peut le voir, l'importance de la communication non verbale est indéniable. L'opinion générale dans la société, c'est que la communication non verbale est composée de gestes et mimiques simplement. Mais la voix, l'accent parole, le silence, les couleurs, la posture du corps et de l'angle, le toucher, l'odorat, l'utilisation d'objets, le sens du lieu et de temps, l'habillage, les accessoires utilisés, la marche de style etc sont inclus dans la communication non verbale. Comme on peut le constater, la communication non verbale couvre les éléments qui sont non-verbale et ne peut pas être exprimé avec des mots.En plus de la rhétorique, quand une communauté est d'évaluer les dirigeants politiques qu'ils recourt à certaines autres informations. Cette information est généralement obtenu à partir de la communication non verbale. Les électeurs de la société et d'autres sociétés nationales de prendre en compte lors de la communication face à face avec les politiciens du ton de la voix, la rhétorique, la dominance de la langue maternelle, ainsi que le style vestimentaire, des bijoux, des accessoires, la posture, les gestes et les expressions faciales que la communication non verbale et les facteurs de la persuasion. Dans les présentations et les conférences internationales concernant les éléments non-verbaux, comme indiqué précédemment, sont beaucoup plus efficaces, plus faciles à rappeler, forte et persuasive que les éléments de la communication écrite des messages des dirigeants politiques.«Comment sont les éléments de communication non-verbale utilisée par les dirigeants politiques » est le point de départ et la questio
This analysis tests overlooked sociological hypotheses about women's presence in the state legislatures and the House of Representatives. Stereotypes about women suggest that shifts in social conditions affect these political outcomes by making such stereotypes more or less salient. Findings indicate that beliefs about female competencies-such as women's purported unwillingness to endorse violent solutions-should reduce support for female candidates when increases in violent crime create demands for increasingly severe punishments. Since women also are typecast as being more protective of vulnerable populations than males, states with larger minority populations should have additional women in both legislatures. Pooled time-series models based on 1127 state-years show that fewer women were present in the state legislatures or in state delegations to the House after increases in the murder rates. States with larger minority populations, however, had more women in these two legislative bodies. Our results support claims that under researched social conditions produce political climates that either benefit or harm women who seek these offices.
Jacobs D; Paxton PM; Jackson AL; Malone CA
Full Text Available During election campaigns the political spot has a clear objective: to win votes. This message is communicated to the electorate through television and Internet, and usually presents a negative approach, which includes a direct critical message against the opponent, rather than an exposition of proposals. This article is focused on the analysis of the campaign attack video ad purposely created to encourage the disapproval of the political opponent among voters. These ads focus on discrediting the opponent, many times, through the transmission of ad hominem messages, instead of disseminating the potential of the political party and the virtues and manifesto of its candidate. The article reviews the development of the attack ad since its first appearance, which in Spain dates back to 1996, when the famous Doberman ad was broadcast, and examines the most memorable campaign attack ads.
Palma Peña-Jiménez, Ph.D.
For almost 20 years, gay rights advocates and defenders of military anti-gay discrimination engaged in a phony debate about whether allowing open service would undermine unit cohesion. To be sure, a preponderance of evidence showed that open service would not undermine cohesion, and the repeal of don't ask, don't tell (DADT) required advocates to prevail on that point in the court of public opinion. But concerns about cohesion were never the basis of opposition to open service. Rather, opposition was a modern incarnation of the politics of paranoia, a dangerous tradition in American history. Acknowledging that DADT had nothing to do with cohesion and that military leaders allowed the armed forces to be implicated in the politics of paranoia could facilitate disabling paranoia as the basis for other political projects such as anti-immigrant xenophobia. For a video on DADT and paranoia, search for "Donnelly Belkin DADT" on YoutTube.
Uranium is the most political of all the elements, the material for the production of both the large amounts of electricity and the most destructive weapons in the world. The problems that its dual potential creates are only now beginning to become evident. Author Norman Moss looks at this situation and sheds light on many of the questions that emerge. The nuclear issue always comes back to how much uranium there is, what can be done with it, and which countries have it. Starting with a concise history of uranium and explaining its technology in terms the nonspecialist can understand, The Politics of Uranium considers the political issues that technical arguments obscure. It tells the little-known story of the international uranium cartel, explains the entanglements of governments with the uranium trade, and describes the consequences of wrong decisions and blunders-especially the problems of nuclear waste. It also examines the intellectual and emotional roots of the anti-nuclear movement.
Uranium is the most political of all the elements, the material for the production of both the large amounts of electricity and the most destructive weapons in the world. The problems that its dual potential creates are only now beginning to become evident. Author Norman Moss looks at this situation and sheds light on many of the questions that emerge. The nuclear issue always comes back to how much uranium there is, what can be done with it, and which countries have it. Starting with a concise history of uranium and explaining its technology in terms the nonspecialist can understand, The Politics of Uranium considers the political issues that technical arguments obscure. It tells the little-known story of the international uranium cartel, explains the entanglements of governments with the uranium trade, and describes the consequences of wrong decisions and blunders-especially the problems of nuclear waste. It also examines the intellectual and emotional roots of the anti-nuclear movement
Full Text Available Valuing the professional literature, the paper highlights in its first part, the main factors that influence the demographic behaviours, especially birth-rate, meaning the cultural, biological, economic, social and political factors. I have tried to focus on a possible supremacy of the religious and political factor in comparison to other factors which have an influence on demographic evolutions. In the second part we approached the religion and the projections regarding the youngsters’ demographic behaviour. Referring these results to statistical data on this issue, that are to be found in the Statistical Annual of Bihor County, we tried to reveal the trends of the evolution of birth-rate and to make the difference between objective statistical data and subjective echoes of 18 year old high school students way of thinking, regarding the potential impact of religion – nowadays studied in the Romanian schools – on the demographic behaviour.
Full Text Available While the transnational public sphere has existed in the Arendtian sense at least since the mid-19th century, a new kind of reflexively political global civil society emerged in the late 20th century. However, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), advocacy groups, and networks have limited agendas and legitimacy and, without the support of at least one state, limited means to realise changes. Since 2001, the World Social Forum (WSF) has formed a key attempt in forging links and ties of solidarity among diverse actors. Although the WSF may seem a party of opinion when defined negatively against neoliberal globalisation, imperialism, and violence, in more positive ideological terms it remains a rather incoherent collection of diverse actors; while itself defined as a mere open space. There is a quest for new forms of agency such as a world political party. Various historical predecessors of global political parties, real and imagined, provide conceptual resources, useful experiences for envisaging the structure, and function of a possible planetary party-formation. H.G. Wells's ‘open conspiracy’ is a particularly important future-oriented left-democratic vision. Wells believed that only a mass movement of truly committed individuals and groups could have the power to transform the world political organisation, by creating a democratic world commonwealth. Recently, for instance, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri have formulated similar ideas. I argue that transformative political agency presupposes a shared programme, based on common elements of a wider and deeper world-view, and willingness to engage in processes of collective will-formation in terms of democratic procedures. From this perspective, I outline a possible organisation and some substantial directions for a global political party.. The point is also to respond to the criticism of existing parties and cultivate the critical-pluralist ethos of global civil society, but in terms of democratic party-formation.
According to the author, the politics of energy in the United States in the 1970s and 1980s is a classic example of the politics of noncooperation. Despite resource scarcity, the clearly perceived higher costs imposed on citizens, and the wide ramifications of the energy issue, legislators failed to come to grips with the crisis in the face of widespread and urgent calls for a national energy policy. In this book, the author presents an explanation of why we are faced with this legislative futility.
The authors explore past international environmental negotiations and the broader political landscape in which they take place to discern some elements of success. The overridding message is that it may take a long time, but in the end some combination of new scientific evidence, domestic political pressures, and international persuasion will likely turn the tide in favor of cooperative action. The authors feel that an incremental change approach, based on current international environmental governance, is the one most likely to be followed, although global governance, with a greatly strengthened UN and environmental law, or global partnership, developmental assistance from richer countries to poorer countries, are the better choices.
Porter, G.; Brown, J.W.
Full Text Available This paper deals with political attitudes of voters in the Vojvodina region and some correlates of these attitudes. Sample was 302 people, all voters of either six of the parties currently in the Serbian parliament (DSS, SRS, SPS, G17+, DS or SPO), or three of the other major parties in Vojvodina (LSV, PSS or SVM). Instruments used were: political attitude scale, social dominance orientation scale (SDO), and a questionnaire dealing with several important issues, such as support for the integration of Serbia into European Union. Factor analysis extracted six factors at the political attitudes scale-antimilitarism, support for the better minority status in the society, support for the different social issues, openness to the world, liberalism and conservativism. All differences concerning the voters’ preferences were statistically significant (p < .01). Also, differences at the SDO scale also proved to be significant, as well as correlations between SDO scale and all of the political attitudes factors (correlation varied from .17 to .39). All of these correlations were negative, except for the SDO-conservativism scale. Another difference has been found at the perceived importance of different group identification. Groups were- person's ethnic group, Vojvodina, Serbia and Europe. Most important identification was with the Europe and the least one with the Serbia. Finally, more than 77% of the people in the sample said that they would vote “yes” at the Serbia joining the EU referendum.
Politeness is an important factor in human interaction. In the past two decades or so, much has been written and different theories have emerged about politeness. This is a case study of a Chinese EFL teacher’s linguistic politeness in classroom based on observation, recorded data and interview with...
The assumption in the personality and politics literature is that a person's personality motivates them to develop certain political attitudes later in life. This assumption is founded on the simple correlation between the two constructs and the observation that personality traits are genetically influenced and develop in infancy, whereas political preferences develop later in life. Work in psychology, behavioral genetics, and recently political science, however, has demonstrated that political preferences also develop in childhood and are equally influenced by genetic factors. These findings cast doubt on the assumed causal relationship between personality and politics. Here we test the causal relationship between personality traits and political attitudes using a direction of causation structural model on a genetically informative sample. The results suggest that personality traits do not cause people to develop political attitudes; rather, the correlation between the two is a function of an innate common underlying genetic factor.
Verhulst B; Eaves LJ; Hatemi PK
The assumption in the personality and politics literature is that a person's personality motivates them to develop certain political attitudes later in life. This assumption is founded on the simple correlation between the two constructs and the observation that personality traits are genetically influenced and develop in infancy, whereas political preferences develop later in life. Work in psychology, behavioral genetics, and recently political science, however, has demonstrated that political preferences also develop in childhood and are equally influenced by genetic factors. These findings cast doubt on the assumed causal relationship between personality and politics. Here we test the causal relationship between personality traits and political attitudes using a direction of causation structural model on a genetically informative sample. The results suggest that personality traits do not cause people to develop political attitudes; rather, the correlation between the two is a function of an innate common underlying genetic factor. PMID:22400142
Verhulst, Brad; Eaves, Lindon J; Hatemi, Peter K
Full Text Available Since the 1980s, political Islam or Islamism has created enormous concern both in the political media and the news media. The revolution in Iran in the late 1970s and the election victory by FIS in Algeria in the late 1980s represented two decisive points in the popular and ideological mobilisation by Islamist groups. Immediately after that, the civil war in Algeria and terrorist violence left their mark on the 1990s. The perception of Islamism today is still associated, in many cases, with the dynamics of the end of the past century, and with the jihadism of a few fundamentalist groups, without taking into account the fact that the majority of Islamist groups have undergone an enormous evolution, and that the context in which they are operating is also very different. As we will see, instead of the jihadism or the ideological radicalness of the past century, today’s political Islam is much better represented by the moderation (both ideological and in terms of political activity) of Turkey’s AKP party, the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Morocco’s PJD, Tunisia’s al-Nahdah and most of the parties and large groups. Central factors in this dynamic of moderation are, on one hand, the link between Islamist groups with regimes and, on the other, the claims for and acceptance of liberal democracy as a strategy in their political struggle.
Ferran Izquierdo Brichs
The suggestion that teaching is a political act has been a divisive issue among educators. However, there has been little analysis of the ways that teachers draw on their political experiences as pedagogical resources. Using a case study of seven teachers in Porto Alegre, Brazil who were involved in politics, this article explores the relationship…
Myers, John P.
Full Text Available In 'Contemporary Political ldeologies' vind ons 'n geskrif van uitstaande gehalte oor politieke ideologieë deur prof Macrides, akademikus en outeur van gesaghebbende staatsleer werke. Sy strewe, nl om nie te ideologies te raak in sy besprekings nie, is wel deeglik bereik soos dadelik gesien kan word uit die sistematiese uiteensetting van die inhoud.
Globalisation, referring to an interconnectedness and interdependence across the world, creates a challenge for national states, localities and individuals. In the past, people used to define themselves with strong ties with political parties, trade unions, and churches. However, modernisation proce...
This book brings together in one volume the best and most recent scholarship on congressional collections, providing necessary information for institutions developing their political documentary resources and working toward greater accessibility of political archives.
Gray, Glenn; Paul, Karen D
Full Text Available Politeness is an important factor in human interaction. In the past two decades or so, much has been written and different theories have emerged about politeness. This is a case study of a Chinese EFL teacher’s linguistic politeness in classroom based on observation, recorded data and interview with both the teacher and the students. Then a conclusion is drawn that politeness does exist in EFL classroom and it does contribute to both teaching and learning.
In the paper I address the empirical puzzle arising from different responses by political authorities in Spain and the UK to the existence of political parties integrated in the terrorist groups Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Basque Homeland and Freedom) and the Irish Republican Army (IRA). More specifically I address the question of why the radical Basque nationalist political party Herri Batasuna and its successors, and the republican parties Sinn Féin and the Republican Clubs, enjoyed periods of legality and illegality during periods in which they all were involved in (separate) violent campaigns against established authorities. I adopt a ‘discursive institutionalist’ approach and argue that decisions to ban the political parties linked to the IRA and ETA can be explained at least in part by the dominance of a ‘discourse of intolerance’ in which proscription is seen predominantly as a problem of law and order; the banned party is deemed ‘abnormal’ and thus unworthy of usual privileges and entitlements; and where proscription is seen to positively contribute to ending violent conflict. In contrast, parties were legalized when a ‘discourse of tolerance’ predominated, where the role of parties for realization of free speech rights and representation is also emphasized, and where proscription is seen as inimical to resolution of conflict underpinning violence. In the context of party competition, a winning coalition is required for one discourse to predominate. However, I also argued that both ideas and institutions matter; varying institutional structures and norms empower different actors in the two countries with the result that unlike the UK, the judiciary are veto players in Spain and are able to overturn preferences of political parties on matters of proscription if they have not been in agreement.
Full Text Available Are political regimes drivers of economic growth? While political institutions are influenced by economic development, they are in turn a key determinant of the development process. This study builds in the Neoclassical Growth theory to identify the influence of political regimes on economic development through a panel data sample of 170 countries from 1960 to 2000. Results suggest that once fixed effects are considered, the positive relationship between income per capita and political regimes measured by different democracy variables disappears.
Carlos Pinho; Mara Madaleno
Test your factoring skills Factors and Multiples Jeopardy How much do you know about factoring and multiples? Play Jeopardy and find out! Prime Factoring Turkey Shoot Blast these turkeys using your factoring skills. Help the Professor Super save the planet by "cooking" the Giant Frozen Turkeys of Destruction. Math Lines 12 X-Factor Shoot the ball at the other factors to get a product of 12. You can also ...
This article analyzes policing political protest in post-independent Lithuania. It argues that since the early 2000s, policing of political protest as an issue has increased in importance as Lithuania has experienced political mobilization and radicalization among groups disadvantaged by post-social...
Juska, Arunas; Woolfson, Charles
Full Text Available By the creation of the unique currency, the European construction advanced, in the late twenty years, more in economic terms than in political ones. Still, at a closer look there can be found interesting arguments to sustain the idea of a political background for this surprising economic acceleration. Creating the common market and a new currency are things which have been possible only because of favourable factors in economy and of strong political will. This paper analyses the market as a frame of a political construction, and euro as a decisive tool for the purpose of the United Europe. For the first time in history, there is a space which approaches beliefs and values with the “help” of a currency, integrated in the political agenda.
Iulian Brasoveanu; Florina Pînzaru
Full Text Available This paper adapts the entrepreneurial theory developed by Richard Cantillon, Frank Knight, and Ludwig von Mises to the theory of “political entrepreneurship.” Political entrepreneurship is an outgrowth of the theory of the market entrepreneur, and derives from extending entrepreneurial theory from the market into the political sphere of action. By applying the theory of the entrepreneur to political behavior, we provide a basis for identifying political entrepreneurs, and for separating them analytically from other government agents. The essence of political entrepreneurship is the redirection of production from the path it would have taken in an unregulated market. Nevertheless, this production does produce an income stream to political entrepreneurs which closely resembles the profit of market entrepreneurs.
Matthew McCaffrey; Joseph T. Salerno
Interest in politics is important for a host of political behaviors and beliefs. Yet little is known about where political interest comes from. Most studies exploring the source of political interest focus on parental influences, economic status, and opportunity. Here, we investigate an alternative source: genetic transmission. Using two twin samples, one drawn from Denmark and the other from USA, we find that there is a high degree of heritability in political interest. Furthermore, we show that interest in politics and political efficacy share the same underlying, latent genetic factor. These findings add to the growing body of literature that documents political behaviors and attitudes as not simply the result of socialization, but also as part of an individual's genetically informed disposition.
Klemmensen R; Hatemi PK; Hobolt SB; Skytthe A; Nørgaard AS
Full Text Available Socioeconomic factors play a crucial role in determining physiological and psychological health levels of the population. The level of unemployment, income inequality and poverty levels are largely affected by economic policies and the economic cycles. Economic policies can also influence the occurrence of economic cycles which in turn influence socioeconomic factors and therefore health inequalities. Economic policies are influenced by political considerations as the historical record of many countries indicates. The paper discusses the conduct and the effects of economic policy on health inequalities. It starts with a discussion of the need and of the instruments of economic policy and also its effectiveness in smoothing the economic cycle. It also examines the interplay between main policy targets such as unemployment and inflation with political considerations. Finally, it concentrates on the effects of economic policies for health inequalities in view of economic recessions.
Stavros A. Drakopoulos
As evidenced by research in evolutionary psychology, humans have evolved sophisticated psychological mechanisms tailored to solve enduring adaptive problems of social life. Many of these social problems are political in nature and relate to the distribution of costs and benefits within and between groups. In that sense, evolutionary psychology suggests that humans are, by nature, political animals. By implication, a straightforward application of evolutionary psychology to the study of public opinion seems to entail that modern individuals find politics intrinsically interesting. Yet, as documented by more than fifty years of research in political science, people lack knowledge of basic features of the political process and the ability to form consistent political attitudes. By reviewing and integrating research in evolutionary psychology and public opinion, we describe (1) why modern mass politics often fail to activate evolved mechanisms and (2) the conditions in which these mechanisms are in fact triggered. PMID:23253787
Petersen, Michael Bang; Aarøe, Lene
As evidenced by research in evolutionary psychology, humans have evolved sophisticated psychological mechanisms tailored to solve enduring adaptive problems of social life. Many of these social problems are political in nature and relate to the distribution of costs and benefits within and between groups. In that sense, evolutionary psychology suggests that humans are, by nature, political animals. By implication, a straightforward application of evolutionary psychology to the study of public opinion seems to entail that modern individuals find politics intrinsically interesting. Yet, as documented by more than fifty years of research in political science, people lack knowledge of basic features of the political process and the ability to form consistent political attitudes. By reviewing and integrating research in evolutionary psychology and public opinion, we describe (1) why modern mass politics often fail to activate evolved mechanisms and (2) the conditions in which these mechanisms are in fact triggered.
Petersen MB; Aarøe L
Full Text Available This paper discusses women's participation in politics and governance in Nigeria, in order to unravel the dynamics and factors that limit their visibility in the political system. Women's participation in politics in Nigeria has remained a contentious issue, despite many decades of struggle to improve their lot politically. Following an analysis of the ways in which gender relations shapes the lives of Nigerian women, and an extensive review of the trajectories of women's political participation in Nigeria, it is contended in this paper that a conundrum of factors, including contestable notions of citizenship, monetization of politics and poor socio-economic conditions of women, prevailing cultural attitudes towards women in politics, militate against women’s advancement. Other factors like corrupt, violent and prebendal electoral officialdom and a state-centered policy of quotas, collude to limit women's political advancement. Noting the role of unfavourable gender relations and state-centered structures and institutions in the political exclusion of women, it is suggested that a core group of women political activists mobilize around a vision of radical transformation and pursue incremental access to political power beginning at the local government level
Nelson, E. E.
This paper was first presented at the annual meeting of the HPS in New Orleans in 1984. Twelve years later, the basic lessons learned are still found to be valid. In 1984, the following things were found to be true: A government agency is preferred by the public over a private company to manage radioactive waste. Semantics are important--How you say it is important, but how it is heard is more important. Public information and public relations are very important, but they are the last thing of concern to a scientist. Political constituency is important. Don't overlook the need for someone to be on your side. Don't forget that the media is part of the political process-they can make you or break you. Peer technical review is important, but so is citizen review. Sociology is an important issue that scientists and technical people often overlook. In summary, despite the political nature of radioactive waste disposal, it is as true today as it was in 1984 that technical facts must be used to reach sound technical conclusions. Only then, separately and openly, should political factors be considered. So, what can be said today that wasn't said in 1984? Nothing. open-quotes It's deja vu all over again.close quotes.
Full Text Available In the Third World, the function of political leadership is more pivotal than in western countries. The subjective factor of Qadhafi has vital bearing on developments in Libya. There was no historical neccessity for Libya to have developed along the revolutionary path that it has. The formation of the Arab Socialist Union, the Popular Revolution, the creation of the Jamahiriya, the inauguration of the Revolutionary Committee movement and the programme of militarisation - all these issues are a result of Qadhafi's wish to "revolutionarize" Libyan society. His ultimate aim was to eliminate all intermediaries between the people and the political power. In practice, real power remained in the hands of Qadhafi and the Revolutionary Committees . A drastic fall in oil revenues and the arrogance and arbitrariness of Qadhafi1s revolutionary zealots led to growing discontent among the Libyan population. The American raid on Tripoli and Benghazi in April 1986 was meant to precipitate Qadhafi1s downfall. But his regime was not overthrown and the Libyan leader proved to be a master of political survival. A (temporary) political and economic liberalisation has boosted his popularity. On the eve of the twentieth anniversary of the Libyan revolution, his position still seems to be secure.
The political struggles over oil policy in the 1950s were contests between narrow economic interest groups to collect economic rents, as would be expected if government is considered to be just another forum for rent seeking behavior, with government intervention accepted as a norm. Conversely, the attempt to obtain decontrol of natural gas production during this period, during which consumer interests and pro-market ideology were important factors, presaged the oil politics of the 1970s. The significant impact of consumer interests on oil policy contradicts the expectations of public choice theorists that consumers will be disadvantaged in contests with well organized and wealthy interest groups. The ability of latent interest groups to influence policy when represented by politicians and private actors acting as political entrepreneurs was demonstrated during the 1970s as they dominated oil politics. Substantial economic rents, generated by the OPEC price increases, were transferred to consumers and refiners, while tax break were eliminated despite the economic resources available to producers. The pattern of distribution of those economic rents, as well as various tax breaks and exemptions from controls, was skewed toward small producers and refiners, reflecting a traditional ideological prejudice against big business. Econometric analysis revealed that ideology, party and oil production by constituents were the most important influences on congressional voting.
Full Text Available The Viduthalai Ciruthaigal Katchi (VCK, Liberation Panther Party) has successfully transformed from the largest Dalit movement in Tamil Nadu into a recognised political organisation. Social movement theorists like Gamson (1990) view political recognition and engagement as one of the main aims and successes of social mobilisation. Despite the obvious achievements of the VCK, however, activists and commentators express disappointment or disillusionment with its performance. The Panthers clearly reject the caste hierarchy, but they increasingly adopt hegemonic forms of politics which can undermine their aims. This paper, thus, engages with the questions of movement institutionalisation by tracing the political trajectory of the VCK and charting its resistance to and compliance with Dravidian hegemony. It argues that institutionalisation needs to be understood within particular socio-political contexts and notes how the hegemony of Dravidian politics partly explains the disjuncture between activist and political perceptions. It portrays how the dominant political parties have set the template for what it means to ‘do’ politics in Tamil Nadu which serves as both an opportunity and a constraint for potential challengers.
Full Text Available This article tries to underlay the connection between political ideologies and the health system organization and functioning. There is no ideal pattern and most of the European healthcare systems combine several approaches in their organization and functioning. Although clear evidences cannot be always produced, the conclusion is that the political and ideological factor has its influence over the decision to implement one policy or another. Healthcare systems organization, besides the common principle that is based on certain models, are influenced by ideologies and politics too. One good argument would be the one that in countries with similar geographic location, population or historical tradition, there are differences in healthcare systems organizing and functioning. Within the EU, although we can classify the health systems in accordance with certain factors, and find several similarities, we shall not find two identical systems. All of them have been modeled and influenced by the political parties governing these countries.
Cristian Silviu BU?OI
Full Text Available This work presents results of a survey, conducted in New York City in 1997, comparing the political participation of Puerto Ricans with that of other Latinos and other city residents, and analyzing the factors that make Latinos in general and Puerto Ricans in particular relatively less likely to engage in political activities. The emphasis on the participation of Latinos in New York City, and highlighting one particular Latino group, results from the desire to move away from nation-wide survey research that tends to overlook local nuances and understudy subgroups. Latinos participate less in politics than do other groups in New York City, and while they may exhibit socioeconomic and demographic characteristics that make them less likely to participate, there are factors that affects their social and political capital that largely account for their reduced engagement.
Carlos Vargas Ramos
Full Text Available As a concept, politics is the science of administration ofhuman society. Fundamentally, its practice is to enhancepeace, social order, stability, growth and development in anysociety or nation. However, the effect of politics on Nigeriais a negation of the above identified goals of politics. Ratherthan peace, unity, social order, growth and development therehave been chaos, disintegration, instability, and socialdisorder. This paper therefore advanced the argument thatthe idea of politics and its ideals have been wronglyconceived by the political elites and this is responsible forthe problems of injustice, disintegration, and lack of growthand under development in the contemporary Nigeria nation.To resolve these problems, the paper argued for a return tothe traditional conception of politics.
Adegboyega, O. O.
Factoring, finding a non-trivial factorization of a composite positive integer, is believed to be a hard problem. How hard we think it is, however, changes almost on a daily basis. Predicting how hard factoring will be in the future, an important issue for cryptographic applications of composite num...
Lenstra, Arjen K.
Recently, the areas of strategic political marketing and political market orientation have been the subject of several conceptual articles which have provided the theoretical foundations for further empirical work. However, despite the close conceptual relatedness of the proposed concepts, these have yet to be integrated to provide a more nuanced framework which both researchers and political marketing practitioners can utilise in the development of strategies and offerings with which to achieve their organizational goals. The aim of this conceptual paper is to address this deficit by developing an integrated concept of political marketing strategy using two complementary frameworks, namely Strategic Political Postures (SPP) and Political Market Orientation (PMO). We introduce the two main concepts and derive for each of the strategic posture-specific PMO profiles as well as inter-construct relationships.
Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C.
In this paper we combine economic factors that have strong trends and political factors that are stationary in a dynamic, empirical model of the evolution of public policy over a very long period in a stable democracy. The role of variation in the intensity of political competition is the substantiv...
Ferris, J Stephen; Park, Soo-Bin; Winer, Stanley L
Full Text Available The purpose of this article is to examine conceptual and analytical issuesbehind the political deliberalization process in Egypt. In order to do that, thearticle will first study the approaches such as international context, civil society,political culture, and political economy, which are considered as significantfactors that shape Arab countries’ political liberalization process. In thisanalysis, the article will concentrate on the most important component of theEgyptian domestic context, “rise of political Islam,” in other words, increasingrole of Islamic fundamentalists in Egyptian politics. The article will examine howthe “rise of political Islam” shapes each approach, which is effective in theprocesses of political liberalization and deliberalization in Egyptian political life.
Müge AKNUR; ?rem A?KAR KARAKIR
Analyzing the influence of national political and economical factors on the success of public-private partnerships in transport/ Análisis de la influencia de la política nacional y factores económicos en el éxito de la asociación entre los sectores
Full Text Available Abstract in spanish Desde el surgimiento de la asociación entre los sectores público y privado en la década de 1980, ha habido cambios estructurales en la forma como los países financian y proveen infraestructura pública. Aunque aparentemente los gobiernos apoyan esta asociación y en muchos casos ha Fecha de recepción: 17 de septiembre de 2008 sido exitoso, en otros ha habido fracasos. Utilizando datos de proyectos en el sector transporte de 72 países de ingreso bajo y medio registra (more) dos Fecha de aceptación: 22 de enero de 2009 en la base de datos del Banco Mundial sobre la participación de agentes privados en proyectos de infraestructura, los autores investigaron la influencia de los tres principales factores en el éxito de tales proyectos: la experiencia nacional, la presencia de inversionistas privados y la influencia de la banca multilateral. Los resultados del estudio resaltan la importancia de las bases provistas por la experiencia nacional. No obstante, se destaca que la experiencia nacional microeconómica no es el único elemento determinante, sino son igualmente relevantes las experiencias previas (positivas o negativas) de proyectos de transporte con asociación público-privada. Un interesante hallazgo en el análisis es que la percepción del nivel de corrupción del país y la solidez de su democracia son determinantes sobre el resultado final de los proyectos. Además, la región y el subsector del proyecto de asociación también juegan un importante roll sobre su éxito. Abstract in english Since the emergence of public-private partnerships (PPPs) in the 1980s, there has been a structural change in the way countries now finance and provide public infrastructure. Although national governments apparently encourage PPPs, and many have succeeded, some others have failed. Using data from transport sector projects for 72 low- and middle-income countries from the Private Participation in Infrastructure Project Database of the World Bank, we investigate the role of (more) three main factors in the success of these transport PPPs: national experience, the presence of private investors, and the influence of multilateral lenders. The results of the study highlight the importance of the foundation provided by national experience. Not only does national macroeconomic experience appear to have a relevant role, but so also does its past experience (either positive or negative) of transport PPP projects. An interesting finding of the analysis is that the perception of a country's level of corruption and democratic accountability has significant bearing on the final outcome of a PPP project. Also, the region and subsector of the PPP project seem to play an important role in its success.
Galilea A, Patricia; Medda, Francesca
Regionalização e acesso à saúde nos estados brasileiros: condicionantes históricos e político-institucionais/ Regionalization and access to healthcare in Brazilian states: historical and political-institutional conditioning factors
Full Text Available Abstract in portuguese O artigo aborda o processo de regionalização da saúde nos estados brasileiros no período de 2007 a 2010, com o objetivo de identificar as condições que favorecem ou dificultam esse processo. Utilizou-se o referencial de análise de políticas públicas e, particularmente, do institucionalismo histórico. Três dimensões sintetizam os condicionantes da regionalização: contexto (histórico-estrutural, político-institucional e conjuntural), direcionalidade (ideolog (more) ia, objeto, atores, estratégias e instrumentos) e características da regionalização (institucionalidade e governança). A pesquisa empírica privilegiou a análise de documentos oficiais e entrevistas com atores-chave em 24 estados. Observaram-se combinações de fatores e padrões de influência distintos nos estados, sendo a regionalização marcada por importantes ganhos de institucionalidade e governança no período. Entretanto, dificuldades inerentes aos contextos comprometem maiores avanços. Há necessidade de ampliar o enfoque territorial no planejamento governamental e integrar políticas setoriais ao desenvolvimento regional de médio e longo prazo para fortalecer a regionalização e superar entraves ao acesso aos serviços de saúde no Brasil. Abstract in english This article examines the healthcare regionalization process in the Brazilian states in the period from 2007 to 2010, seeking to identify the conditions that favor or impede this process. Referential analysis of public policies and especially of historical institutionalism was used. Three dimensions sum up the conditioning factors of regionalization: context (historical-structural, political-institutional and conjunctural), directionality (ideology, object, actors, strate (more) gies and instruments) and regionalization features (institutionality and governance). The empirical research relied mainly on the analysis of official documents and interviews with key actors in 24 states. Distinct patterns of influence in the states were observed, with regionalization being marked by important gains in institutionality and governance in the period. Nevertheless, inherent difficulties of the contexts prejudice greater advances. There is a pressing need to broaden the territorial focus in government planning and to integrate sectorial policies for medium and long-term regional development in order to empower regionalization and to overcome obstacles to the access to healthcare services in Brazil.
Lima, Luciana Dias de; Viana, Ana Luiza d'Ávila; Machado, Cristiani Vieira; Albuquerque, Mariana Vercesi de; Oliveira, Roberta Gondim de; Iozzi, Fabíola Lana; Scatena, João Henrique Gurtler; Mello, Guilherme Arantes; Pereira, Adelyne Maria Mendes; Coelho, Ana Paula Santana
Regionalização e acesso à saúde nos estados brasileiros: condicionantes históricos e político-institucionais Regionalization and access to healthcare in Brazilian states: historical and political-institutional conditioning factors
Full Text Available O artigo aborda o processo de regionalização da saúde nos estados brasileiros no período de 2007 a 2010, com o objetivo de identificar as condições que favorecem ou dificultam esse processo. Utilizou-se o referencial de análise de políticas públicas e, particularmente, do institucionalismo histórico. Três dimensões sintetizam os condicionantes da regionalização: contexto (histórico-estrutural, político-institucional e conjuntural), direcionalidade (ideologia, objeto, atores, estratégias e instrumentos) e características da regionalização (institucionalidade e governança). A pesquisa empírica privilegiou a análise de documentos oficiais e entrevistas com atores-chave em 24 estados. Observaram-se combinações de fatores e padrões de influência distintos nos estados, sendo a regionalização marcada por importantes ganhos de institucionalidade e governança no período. Entretanto, dificuldades inerentes aos contextos comprometem maiores avanços. Há necessidade de ampliar o enfoque territorial no planejamento governamental e integrar políticas setoriais ao desenvolvimento regional de médio e longo prazo para fortalecer a regionalização e superar entraves ao acesso aos serviços de saúde no Brasil.This article examines the healthcare regionalization process in the Brazilian states in the period from 2007 to 2010, seeking to identify the conditions that favor or impede this process. Referential analysis of public policies and especially of historical institutionalism was used. Three dimensions sum up the conditioning factors of regionalization: context (historical-structural, political-institutional and conjunctural), directionality (ideology, object, actors, strategies and instruments) and regionalization features (institutionality and governance). The empirical research relied mainly on the analysis of official documents and interviews with key actors in 24 states. Distinct patterns of influence in the states were observed, with regionalization being marked by important gains in institutionality and governance in the period. Nevertheless, inherent difficulties of the contexts prejudice greater advances. There is a pressing need to broaden the territorial focus in government planning and to integrate sectorial policies for medium and long-term regional development in order to empower regionalization and to overcome obstacles to the access to healthcare services in Brazil.
Luciana Dias de Lima; Ana Luiza d'Ávila Viana; Cristiani Vieira Machado; Mariana Vercesi de Albuquerque; Roberta Gondim de Oliveira; Fabíola Lana Iozzi; João Henrique Gurtler Scatena; Guilherme Arantes Mello; Adelyne Maria Mendes Pereira; Ana Paula Santana Coelho
Although political leaders, donors and some scholars would argue that there is nothing illegal behind the idea of giving and receiving campaign contributions, this research attempts to demonstrate the contrary. Here, I claim that small and large contributions constitute representations of political ...
Outlines the historical development of women's legal and political status in the United States, focusing on suffrage, the three "waves" of women's movements, and access to elected office. Discusses three impediments of electing women candidates to public office: (1) solidarity; (2) political culture; and (3) the impact of the single-member…
Webster, Gerald R.
Written specifically to cover the A2 component of the GCE Government and Politics A-level, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that have shaped the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, ...
Harrison, Kevin; Boyd, Tony
Argues that the objections raised to the Enola Gay exhibit are rooted in Cold War politics. Maintains that this historical myopia exemplifies the need for challenging historical inquiry. Characterizes opposition to the exhibit as largely political and discusses demands made to censor exhibit material. (MJP)
Sherwin, Martin J.
The political and socio-economic aspects of oil and gas exploration in Canada`s Arctic and the Beaufort Sea were reviewed. The federal government was very interested in developing the North because they saw oil and gas development in the North as a means of strengthening sovereignty claims. The projected profits from Northern oil and gas development were also very attractive, and after dealing with environmental and social concerns, the government granted the necessary drilling permits. The federal government also made allowances for huge tax incentives for the oil and gas companies to encourage exploration. Although oil has been found, large-scale production in the Beaufort Sea never materialized. During the period from 1984 to 1988, world prices for oil fell and it was no longer economical to undertake frontier production. Beaufort Sea operation were shut down as the oil industry changed its focus to more cost-effective reservoirs in southern Canada. 1 fig.
There are more than 10 million local government workers in the United States. Municipal workers are exposed to a wide variety of serious chemical, biological, physical, ergonomic, and safety hazards. Decisions made by legislative bodies and policy makers historically have had a severe impact on the health and safety of local government workers. In over half of the states, city workers are not covered by safety and health programs approved by the Occupational Safety and Health Administration. They also lack universal coverage under laws providing union recognition and the right to collectively bargain over working conditions. Collective action in the workplace and the political arena remains the most important vehicle for municipal workers to secure safe working conditions.
This article is a condensed and edited version of a speech delivered to The Business of Medicine: A Course for Physician Leaders symposium presented by Yale-New Haven Hospital and the Medical Directors Leadership Council at Yale University in November 2012 and drawn from Politics, Health, and Health Care: Selected Essays by Theodore R. Marmor and Rudolf Klein . It faithfully reflects the major argument delivered, but it does not include the typical range of citations in a journal article. The material presented here reflects more than 40 years of teaching a course variously described as Political Analysis and Management, Policy and Political Analysis, and The Politics of Policy. The aim of all of these efforts is to inform audiences about the necessity of understanding political conflict in any arena, not least of which is the complex and costly world of medical care.
Marmor, Theodore Richard
Full Text Available In this paper we discussing about the potential threats to theinvestments safety evaluation system, creating the model ofthe system analysis methods when a new political conceptis raised in the country. Traditionally, as we already knowthat politic and economic are inextricably linked. We caneasily assure in it using the historical overview of the politicaland economic interactions. So the question: how theinvestment safeties are depending from political environmentwhen a new political concept is raised in the country?Become actual and important. The method assumptionssuggested and discussed in this paper are made accordingto the summaries of public surveys and research results ofsociologists, political scientists and psychologists of differentcountries. These summaries are made analyzing the surveyand research results systematically and separately from thevariety of their initial objectives. We construct the dimensionalframe of references combining the time axes, governmentforms scale, ideology scale and call they Politological systemof axis. It help to us show that if a new political concept israised in the country, it will be supported and developed bythe majority of society members only if its political-ideologicalessence is possible to show in the chosen politological frameof reference and the point are possible to mark in the areaof the most typical structures of the statistical division of thesociety individuals' approaches at the set point of time andthe deviance of this concept is not forecast in the nearestfuture. The methods we are discussing provide thespecialists with the opportunity to evaluate the possibilitiesof inside threats to the investments safety still in the politicalconcept raising process and its political-ideological core. Tosummarize this discussion, we can make once moreconclusion as following: the main threat to the investmentssafety after the new political concept raising is the prejudiceof the social characters' majority. Such graphic and manysidedreflection of the analyzed and summarized politological researches shows the perspective forecasts and assumptions of the formulated political and economicalanalytics.
This interactive Java applet helps students explore the relationship between area and multiplication. First, users are asked to input all factor pairs of a given number. Then, selecting each of those factor pairs, the user draws the respective rectangular array by clicking and dragging across a grid. Options include the use of the commutative property (e.g., user must enter both 2x4 and 4x2 for factors of 8 and represent them with different arrays), entering a number of the user's own choice, and an optional scoring feature allowing the user to keep track of the number correct.
In Denmark political commentary is still a relatively new phenomenon. This paper analyzes the metadiscourse in relation to political commentary to identify the different understandings that have coalesced around political commentary as a genre. I argue that people in different positions (e.g. citizens, politicians, journalists, political editors, chief editors and political commentators themselves) emphasize different explanations for the rise of the genre and thereby functions of political commentary as part of an argumentative strategy favouring their own interests
This lesson is designed to develop students' abilities to find factors of whole numbers. The lesson also introduces prime numbers. This lesson provides links to discussions and activities related to factors as well as suggested ways to integrate them into the lesson. Finally, the lesson provides links to follow-up lessons designed for use in succession with the current one. Note, reading level is not indicated because the lesson does not include student reading material.
If you were a caring, thinking, liberally minded person in the 1960s, you marched against the bomb, against the Vietnam war, and for civil rights. By the 1980s, your voice was raised about the destruction of the rainforests and the threat to our whole planetary environment. At the same time, you opposed discrimination against any group because of race, sex or sexual orientation. You reasoned that people who spoke or acted in a discriminatory manner should be discriminated against. In other words, you became politically correct. Despite its oft-quoted excesses, the political correctness movement sprang from well-founded concerns about injustices in our society. So, on balance, I am all for it. Or, at least, I was until it started to invade science. Biologists were the first to feel the impact. No longer could they refer to 'higher' and 'lower' orders, or 'primitive' forms of life. To the list of undesirable 'isms' - sexism, racism, ageism - had been added a new one: speciesism. Chemists remained immune to the PC invasion, but what else could you expect from a group of people so steeped in tradition that their principal unit, the mole, requires the use of the thoroughly unreconstructed gram? Now it is the turn of the physicists. This time, the offenders are not those who talk disparagingly about other people or animals, but those who refer to 'forms of energy' and 'heat'. Political correctness has evolved into physical correctness. I was always rather fond of the various forms of energy: potential, kinetic, chemical, electrical, sound and so on. My students might merge heat and internal energy into a single, fuzzy concept loosely associated with moving molecules. They might be a little confused at a whole new crop of energies - hydroelectric, solar, wind, geothermal and tidal - but they could tell me what devices turned chemical energy into electrical energy, even if they couldn't quite appreciate that turning tidal energy into geothermal energy wasn't part of the same game. In today's PC physics, no such complications arise because all forms of energy are equal and unlabelled. I accept the reasoning behind this - that understanding processes is more important than attaching labels - but what am I supposed to call ½mv2, mgh and mc??? On which subject.... What am I allowed to say about heat? It seems that objects can be heated up. I can switch on the central heating. But I cannot get heat from a Bunsen burner. In PC physics, heat is banned - at least as a noun. Instead, I have to talk about 'energy transferred because of a temperature difference'. And I must stop saying 'transferred' in circumstances where I really mean 'transformed'. I find it difficult to argue with the logic behind the new approach to energy, but the loss of such an elegantly simple word as 'heat' is proving a severe restriction on my use of language. The loss is especially galling because engineers will go on talking about heat engines, heat pumps and heat sinks. In primary schools, saucepans will still conduct heat, and the Sun will continue to give off heat and light. Moreover, I suspect that most teachers will be using 'heat' in the privacy of the classroom, even if they won't admit to it in public. We shall all become closet heatists. Before PC physics takes over by stealth, we need a full and open debate on what is or isn't conceptually acceptable for students at different stages. Perhaps we need a conference. If so, I will be there at the back with my banner. But this time, it won't read 'Save the whale' or 'Save the rainforests'. It will read 'Save heat', or maybe 'Save all forms of energy'.
Pople Deputy Editor, Stephen
This bibliographic database currently holds 650 titles of recent works concerned with women in politics. A new addition to the Inter-Parliamentary Union's "Democracy through Partnership between Men and Women in Politics" site, "it provides bibliographic references to books, reports and journal articles on all aspects of women's participation in political life worldwide." The search mechanism allows users to specify type of document, geographic region, publishing organization, subject matter, author, title of periodical, and year of publication. Alternatively, there is also a subject keyword search. For more information about the Inter-Parliamentary Union Website, see the December 12, 1997 Scout Report.
Full Text Available The recent empirical literature on corruption has identified a long list of variables that correlate significantly with corruption but only five were distinguished by Leamer’s Extreme Bounds Analysis as robust to various samples, measures of corruption, and regression specifications. Among these five factors that were found to reduce corruption are decades-long tradition of democracy and political stability. In today’s world, however, there are many countries that combine one of these two robust determinants of corruption with the opposite of the other: politically stable autocracies or newly formed and unstable democracies. The central question raised in this paper is: Is it worth, in terms of corruption, for a country to trade stability with autocratic rule for political freedoms but with transitional instability? We find that the answer to this question is in the affirmative - the level of corruption is indeed lower in unstable democracies than in stable dictatorships. Our results are robust to various measures of corruption, alternative regressor indices, and regression specifications.
Kanybek Nur-tegin; Hans J. Czap
Many of the world's most influential policy-makers and analysts view arms control as a scientific and technological problem. They measure a nation's nuclear power exclusively by megatonnage and throw-weights leaving the intangible elements of military and political power to philosophers and historians. They tend to ignore the human and qualitative aspects of power. This is a book that shift the emphasis to aspects of the nuclear problem which are sometimes overlooked. Basically, these elements are bound up in the moral, political, and historical lessons of the nuclear age. Nonquantitative factors have been central to studies of national defense and military power since the rise of the modern nation state system. However, most students of present-day nuclear weapons tend to stress their revolutionary character. Because they are considered wholly unique, analysts tend to write about them in a historical and apolitical terms. One purpose of the collection of papers in this little volume is to redirect attention to the moral, political, and historical lessons that the nuclear age presents. What most distinguishes the writings of contributors to this volume is their use of certain well-established principles and concepts long acknowledged in military and foreign policy analysis. Thus Father Hehir asks many of the same questions that students of ethics and foreign policy have asked for four hundred years.
Research on terror management theory (TMT) indicates that reminders of death affect political attitudes, but political orientation only sometimes moderates these effects. We propose that secure relationships are associated with values of tolerance and compassion, thus orienting people toward liberalism; insecure attachments are associated with more rigid and absolutist values that orient people toward conservatism. Given that attachment relationships become especially active when security needs are heightened, we predicted that mortality salience would be an important factor in understanding the relationship between attachment processes and political orientation. Supporting these ideas, Study 1 showed that after a mortality-salience manipulation, securely attached participants increased their support for a liberal presidential candidate, and less securely attached participants increased their support for a conservative presidential candidate. In Study 2, a secure-relationship prime following a mortality-salience manipulation engendered a less violent approach to the problem of terrorism than did a neutral-relationship prime. We discuss the interaction of TMT processes and individual differences in attachment in shaping political preferences. PMID:18466405
Weise, David R; Pyszczynski, Tom; Cox, Cathy R; Arndt, Jamie; Greenberg, Jeff; Solomon, Sheldon; Kosloff, Spee
Full Text Available Indonesia has witnessed the growing role of Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI—Indonesian Ulama Council) and excessive introduction of shari‘a in Aceh in the last decade. Undoubtedly, the MUI has played important role in defining Islam, or, to be precise, Islamic orthodoxy in the country especially after the downfall of Soeharto regime. Considering itself as the inheritor of the prophet, MUI claims to hold the sole religious authority for guiding Muslim umma in the country in all aspects of life, including people’s beliefs. In this current volume of Al-Jamiah, an articles deals with the MUI discussing its controversial fatwa on Ahmadiyah that is charged of spreading deviated beliefs. Ismatu Ropi in his writing analyses the fatwa of Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) on Ahmadiyah and its impacts on more stained relationship within Muslim community in Indonesia. He examines socio-political natures before and after the fatwa on Ahmadiyah reissued in 2005 (the first fatwa was issued in the 1980s) in the lights of the emergence of new model of Islamism in Indonesia and the more conservative shift within the MUI itself particularly after the collapse of Soeharto regime.
Editor Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
Wars have been waged over oil and gold, but it is water that now poses the greatest potential for provoking conflict among nations-and the greatest need for new guarantees of cooperation. Athough water is a renewable resource, it is also a finite one. Nearly 40 percent of the world's population depends on river systems shared by two or more countries, leading to political hot spots, most critically in the middle east. This article describes in detail the water problems in the middle east, starting with the Jordan River basin, the Golan Heights, and the coastal aquifer, partly polluted. On the Sinai Peninsula the Nile River is the water source for nine countries, and the Tigris-Euphrates, although still providing water in relative abundance, is prey to the failure of Iraq, Syria, and Turkey to reach water-sharing agreements. Discussion includes the possibilities of turning the win-lose situations into win-win situations by appropriate water management and the problem of lack of a clear legal framework for settling disputes.
Full Text Available This article explores the internet as a political tool in order to achieve political goals. In Thailand, for example, the internet has significant roles in the contemporary Thai political context. It demonstrates that the internet is a tool that can be used for political mobilizing, promoting and protecting the mainstream ideology of the state. This paper also argues that it has many possible uses for censorship and surveillance by the government. In conclusion, the internet can be considered political. Keywords: Internet; Thai Political Conflicts; Censorship and SurveillanceRésumé: Cet article étudie l'Internet comme un outil pour atteindre des objectifs politiques. En Thaïlande, par exemple, l'Internet joue un rôle important dans le contexte politique thaïlandais contemporaine. Il démontre que l'Internet est un outil qui peut être utilisé pour mobiliser la volonté politique, la promotion et la protection de l'idéologie de courant dominant de l'Etat. Ce document affirme qu'il existe de nombreuses utilisations possibles de la censure et de la surveillance par le gouvernement. En conclusion, l'Internet peut être considéré comme politique.Mots-clés: Internet; conflits politiques thaïlandais; censure et surveillance
When asked directly, most young people show off a general disinterest in politics. This is hardly surprising, but fits nicely in an overall framework of lack of political knowledge and democratic engagement, often referred to as “democratic deficit” (Norris 2011) or simply “minimalism” (Lau 2003). However, Scandinavian youth, like the electorate in total, display a very high voter turnout compared to most countries. Still, in an empirical study among students in a Danish upper secondary school we were often confronted by an apparent discrepancy like the following: “Are you interested in politics?” “No”. “Do you follow the news?” “No”. “Do you know who to vote for at the next election”? “Yes”. The prevailing paradox between apparent political disengagement and readily participation in the election is being reinforced by the fact that our respondents were selected among presumptively politically interested students, who all have chosen social studies as their primary subject of immersion. This article discussesthe decisions, paradoxes and ambivalences which these young people face when becoming political. We claim that the individuals in our study handle this discrepancy by the active use of different, sometimes contradictory strategies, and by the use of certain cognitive heuristics. We aim at discussing a theoretical framework for studying this phenomenon before we conclude and make some recommendations.
Kristensen, Niels NØrgaard; solhaug, trond
This essay collects and analyzes the important political science works on FDA, with an eye both to serving as a springboard for future research on FDA decision-making and to drawing conclusions from extant research.
Hermes, Clinton D.
This thesis assesses the future of Mexican civil-military relations. Mexico is unique among Latin American nations for its professionalized and depoliticized military. While the Mexican Armed Forces have shunned an active role in politics since 1940, they...
R. C. Bedingfield
From its first designation as a gay plague, HIV/AIDS has been a heavily politicized disease, a disease that has fractured official standard operating procedures in science, medicine, public health and governance. In many ways, AIDS helped to expose a battleground of contested interests while emerging as an arena for both the re-assertion of 'traditional' (i.e. dominant) values as well as rebellion against the traditional politics of exclusion and privilege. Yet the politics of AIDS has remained an understudied domain. This set of papers seeks to overcome this neglect by exploring underlying political dimensions of the AIDS pandemic, especially in the way the pandemic has been constructed by epidemiology, biomedicine, and medical anthropology. Authored by a group of medical anthropologists and an anthropologically oriented political scientist, the papers provide a jarring glimpse at the profound influence of society on health and disease.
At the heart of the green debate are a set of basic contradictions concerning beliefs and actions. This book reveals the problems associated with these contradictions, including adherence to decentralized political forms while accepting authoritarian intervention on behalf of the environment; a belief that this is the politics of the new age but in practice split between left and right; a rejection of the rationalist scientific project and a reliance on the lessons of the science of ecology. (author)
Three aspects make the issue of energy politics and environment protection in the European Community interesting: Questions of competence, international stipulations, and the concrete measures the Community implements or plans in fulfillment of its duty to integrate these two political spheres. At the international level impulses for an environmentally benign energy policy are given by the World Climate Convention, the Agenda 21 passed at the Rio Conference, and by the European Energy Charter and its consequential documents. (orig./HSCH).
Sometimes, the "games being played" in our job settings cripple our ability to be powerful, effective participants in the world of work. Power, which is the ability to obtain, retain and move resources, requires two sets of attributes: competence and political savoir-faire. Much attention is given to improving competence but little time is spent in learning the intricacies of political behavior. The most important strategy is to learn to "read the environment" through observation, listening, reading, detachment and analysis. PMID:8265063
Menke, K; Ogborn, S E
Sometimes, the "games being played" in our job settings cripple our ability to be powerful, effective participants in the world of work. Power, which is the ability to obtain, retain and move resources, requires two sets of attributes: competence and political savoir-faire. Much attention is given to improving competence but little time is spent in learning the intricacies of political behavior. The most important strategy is to learn to "read the environment" through observation, listening, reading, detachment and analysis.
Menke K; Ogborn SE
Substantial differences exist in the cognitive styles of liberals and conservatives on psychological measures. Variability in political attitudes reflects genetic influences and their interaction with environmental factors. Recent work has shown a correlation between liberalism and conflict-related activity measured by event-related potentials originating in the anterior cingulate cortex. Here we show that this functional correlate of political attitudes has a counterpart in brain structure. In a large sample of young adults, we related self-reported political attitudes to gray matter volume using structural MRI. We found that greater liberalism was associated with increased gray matter volume in the anterior cingulate cortex, whereas greater conservatism was associated with increased volume of the right amygdala. These results were replicated in an independent sample of additional participants. Our findings extend previous observations that political attitudes reflect differences in self-regulatory conflict monitoring and recognition of emotional faces by showing that such attitudes are reflected in human brain structure. Although our data do not determine whether these regions play a causal role in the formation of political attitudes, they converge with previous work to suggest a possible link between brain structure and psychological mechanisms that mediate political attitudes.
Kanai R; Feilden T; Firth C; Rees G
Substantial differences exist in the cognitive styles of liberals and conservatives on psychological measures. Variability in political attitudes reflects genetic influences and their interaction with environmental factors. Recent work has shown a correlation between liberalism and conflict-related activity measured by event-related potentials originating in the anterior cingulate cortex. Here we show that this functional correlate of political attitudes has a counterpart in brain structure. In a large sample of young adults, we related self-reported political attitudes to gray matter volume using structural MRI. We found that greater liberalism was associated with increased gray matter volume in the anterior cingulate cortex, whereas greater conservatism was associated with increased volume of the right amygdala. These results were replicated in an independent sample of additional participants. Our findings extend previous observations that political attitudes reflect differences in self-regulatory conflict monitoring and recognition of emotional faces by showing that such attitudes are reflected in human brain structure. Although our data do not determine whether these regions play a causal role in the formation of political attitudes, they converge with previous work to suggest a possible link between brain structure and psychological mechanisms that mediate political attitudes. PMID:21474316
Kanai, Ryota; Feilden, Tom; Firth, Colin; Rees, Geraint
Performance measurements are meant to improve public decision making and organizational performance. But performance measurements are far from always rational tools for problem solving, they are also political instruments. The central question addressed in this article is how performance measurement affects public policy. The aim is to conceptualize the political consequences of performance measurements and of special concern is how performance systems influence how political decisions are made, what kind of political decisions are conceivable, and how they are implemented. The literature on the utilization of evaluation and performance measurements is applied to analyse how performance measurements affect the political process of goal-setting, implementation and learning. The article concludes that performance measurements may have intended and unintended effects and they seem to have a retroactive impact on the political decision making process, as the focus on performance goals entails a kind of reductionism (complex problems are simplified), sequential decision making processes (with a division in separate policy issues) and short-sighted decisions (based on the need for making operational goals).
Larsen, Flemming; BjØrnholt, Bente
Full Text Available Hailed as a revolutionary new transmission technology in 2005, podcasting has to date received relatively little scholarly attention. This essay sets out some basic points of departure for critical analysis of the phenomenon by considering some key aspects of podcasting’s short history. We first analyse the origins and emergence of the word podcasting among the press and the digerati. We dispute the standard argument that podcasting’s main innovation is a marriage of RSS and Apple’s iPod by presenting podcasting as a practice that arose from a network of actors, technologies and behaviours. In the second section, we discuss how podcasting works and why we need to look beyond distribution to understand its historical emergence. In the third section of the essay, we connect podcasting with the development of affordable and easy-to-use consumer audio production software and hardware, technologies that are necessary (though not sufficient) preconditions for podcasting to offer greater access for audiences and producers than traditional models of broadcasting. We conclude by examining the implicit contrast between “podcasting” and “broadcasting” in order to trouble the commonsensical definition of broadcasting and thereby reopen some basic questions about who is entitled to communicate and by which techniques. While podcasting is neither a complete break from broadcasting nor part of any kind of revolution, it is the realisation of an alternate cultural model of broadcasting. The practice of podcasting thus offers us an opportunity to rethink the connections between broadcasting and other kinds of media practices and to re-examine the political and cultural questions broadcasting presents.
Jonathan Sterne; Jeremy Morris; Michael Brendan Baker; Ariana Moscote Freire
[en] The carbon quota sale scandal remains at the center of media and public attention mostly thanks to various documents that have started to leak out and are generally hard to verify. One such document was behind the Interblue Group's project manager Rastislav Bilas introduction to the scene. And gradually more and more traces are showing that the story is no longer just about the government's bad deal but the whole case might be turning into a feud among the shadowy figures behind political parties. It is even possible to detect internal tension within Premier Minister Robert Fico's Smer-SD, the strongest ruling party. TREND has documents showing cash transfers from the Interblue Group's account. According to them, former Interblue executive Jana Luetken ordered several transfers totaling 10.65 million euros into the account of a company Ossian Establishment, based in St. Vincent. A person named Jozef Brhel was shown as the final receiver of the money. This is the name of a big unofficial sponsor of Smer. Mr. Bilas refused to confirm Mr. Brhel's involvement in the transaction. Instead, he showed TREND a confirmation of the receipt of transfer that has his name on it rather than Mr. Brhel's. This document cannot be verified either. The group around the Czech entrepreneur Milan Ruzicka seems to be part of the story too. He claims to have acquired Interblue Group Europe. The Czech group is convinced they are the legal successor to Interblue Group and therefore have a valid contract with Slovakia. The Ministry of Environment says the opposite, saying the contract expired once the U.S.A.-based Interblue was closed down. According to Mr. Bilas, Mr. Ruzicka took over Interblue with more than 10 million euros in bank accounts, but they still need to deal with the Japanese buyers of the carbon credits. That cannot be realized without Slovak green investment scheme projects. (author)
Full Text Available By gaining political power, individuals and political par¬ties at the same time gain the power to shape not only political but also public life. An accelerated growth of mass media communication has led to the development of various means and techniques of political marketing. This in turn requires certain adjustments to political campaigns and programs, out of which only those adapted to the new communication environment may succeed. Marketing in terms of politics and especially negative comparative advertising, which is becoming increasingly more present and intense in political campaigning, opens a series of ethical questions. Among others, these include whether such advertising in politics is effective, to what extent and what its consequences are. The goal of this paper is to present the main characteristics of political marketing, the effectiveness of the methods and techniques used in the course of elect¬ion campaigning, their consequences and basic differences between political marketing and products and services marketing. A special emphasis will be placed on the presentation of political marketing of Great Britain, which has a long tradition in utilizing marketing methods and techniques in the political arena. Moreover, political moves made by politicians and political parties in Great Britain certainly make a good starting point for shaping an optimal political strategy in other countries, while at the same time taking into account the particulars of a specific political and social environment. Content analysis methodology was used in the preparation of this paper and all the data were gathered from secondary sources.
Full Text Available Abstract in english This paper shows how the analytical framework developed in Lal-Myint (1996) and Lal (1998) can be used to think rigorously about the role of culture and politics in addition to traditional economic factors like factor-proportions in explaining divergent economic performance can be applied to Latin America. It is in particular used to explain the cycles of repression and reform and to judge the long-term sustainability of the current period of economic reform in Latin America
Full Text Available This paper shows how the analytical framework developed in Lal-Myint (1996) and Lal (1998) can be used to think rigorously about the role of culture and politics in addition to traditional economic factors like factor-proportions in explaining divergent economic performance can be applied to Latin America. It is in particular used to explain the cycles of repression and reform and to judge the long-term sustainability of the current period of economic reform in Latin America
This paper tries to shed light about the political dimension of workplace bullying through the quantitative analysis of work environment factors, like perceptions of organizational politics, work overload and internal competition, and the qualitative analysis of accounts of respondents to a question...
Verdasca, Ana Teresa
Scholarship has isolated internal economic conditions and political institutions as essential factors in political development and democracy-building, this research suggests that external influences are at play. During times of civil war and post-conflict reconstruction, governmental and socioeconomic structures are likely weak or nonexistent, and…
Pagen, Christine Mary
Full Text Available This study analyze that influences of political stability on balance of payment and relative importance of political stability and economic freedom for healthy of balance of payment and exchange rate stability. Political stability has an important role in determination of healthy of balance of payment than economic freedom. This study focus on selected 10 Asian countries of various income levels and test the factor of political stability and economic freedom in stability of balance of payment by using a simple econometric model with various techniques. Our empirical finding shows that political stability is more important than economic freedom in stabilizing balance of payment. Stable political regime with visionary leadership leads the nations to higher level of favorable balance of payment. Political stability is playing major role than theoretical explanation to achieve surplus of balance of payment hence exchange rare stability. Surplus of trade balance, foreign direct investment and higher international reserves hence appreciation of Yuan in china mostly depends on its long term political stability under one party political system rather than pure theoretical determination of balance of payment. Attaining of political stability before economic freedom is policy implication of this study to achieve international financial stability.
Arfan Ali; Tan Shukui; Santhirasegaram Selvarathnam; Xu Xiaolin; Abdul Saboor
Full Text Available This paper aims to analyze the interactions between home country governments and Developing Country Multinational Companies (DMNCs). Drawing on evidence from the Brazilian political environment and Brazilian multinationals we investigate the mechanisms governments use to influence the internationalization process of domestic companies and firms’ political strategic responses to shape the political institutional environment in which they operate. We argue that foreign direct investment (FDI) outflows from developing economies need to be explored given specific country level contextual factors, such as high levels of government involvement. Our main findings support this idea and indicate that home country governments use a series of formal and informal mechanisms in order to drive the international expansion of DMNCs in both the entry and consolidation phases. Moreover, DMNCs political behavior in the home country political environment accounts for an important part of their strategy to develop political resources and obtain above average returns from governmental benefits.
Karina Regina Vieira Bazuchi; Suelen Alice da Silva Zacharias; Laurent Wiliam Broering; Maria Fernanda Arreola; Rodrigo Bandeira-de-Mello
Full Text Available Abstract in english This paper aims to analyze the interactions between home country governments and Developing Country Multinational Companies (DMNCs). Drawing on evidence from the Brazilian political environment and Brazilian multinationals we investigate the mechanisms governments use to influence the internationalization process of domestic companies and firms' political strategic responses to shape the political institutional environment in which they operate. We argue that foreign dire (more) ct investment (FDI) outflows from developing economies need to be explored given specific country level contextual factors, such as high levels of government involvement. Our main findings support this idea and indicate that home country governments use a series of formal and informal mechanisms in order to drive the international expansion of DMNCs in both the entry and consolidation phases. Moreover, DMNCs political behavior in the home country political environment accounts for an important part of their strategy to develop political resources and obtain above average returns from governmental benefits.
Bazuchi, Karina Regina Vieira; Zacharias, Suelen Alice da Silva; Broering, Laurent Wiliam; Arreola, Maria Fernanda; Bandeira-de-Mello, Rodrigo
We examine the relationship between different dimensions of the political regime in place and human capital using a two-step structural equation model. In the first step, we employ factor analysis on 16 human capital indicators to construct two new human capital measures (basic and advanced human capital). In the second step, we estimate the…
Klomp, Jeroen; de Haan, Jakob
Political risk arises from unstable governments, commercial establishments and infrastructure as well as labor unrest. All these factors vary from country to country and from time to time. Banks and insurance companies quantify these risks, but they are reluctant to divulge their opinions for fear of alienating possible customers that have been assigned a high risk. An investment in a fixed property such as an oil and gas lease, concession or other mineral interest is subject to political risk. No one will deny that money to be received several years in the future has a greater value today in a country with a stable government, stable tax regime, a sound economy and reliable labor force than in a Third World country where a revolution is brewing. Even in stable countries, the risk of tax law changes, exorbitant environmental production regulations and cleanup costs may vary. How do these factors affect fair market value and how are these calculations made? An important consideration discussed in this paper is the treatment of capital investments.
Gruy, H.J.; Hartsock, J.H.
Full Text Available The author starts from the hypothesis that it is essential for the countries of the region to critically assess the synergy established between systemic, political corruption and a selectively weak, “devious” nature of the state. Moreover, the key dilemma is whether the expanded practice of political rent seeking supports the conclusion that the root of all corruption is in the very existence of the state - particularly in excessive, selective and deforming state interventions and benefits that create a fertile ground for corruption? The author argues that the destructive combination of weak government and rampant political corruption is based on scattered state intervention, while also rule the parties cartel in the executive branch subordinate to parliament, the judiciary and the police. Corrupt exchange takes place with the absence of strong institutional framework and the precise rules of the political and electoral games, control of public finances and effective political and anti-monopoly legislation and practice included. Exit from the current situation can be seen in the realization of effective anticorruption strategy that integrates preventive and repressive measures and activities and lead to the establishment of principles of good governance. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 179076: Politi?ki identitet Srbije u regionalnom i globalnom kontekstu
Almost all democratic societies evolved socially and politically out of authoritarian and nondemocratic regimes. These changes not only altered the allocation of economic resources in society but also the structure of political power. In this paper, we develop a framework for studying the dynamics of political and social change. The society consists of agents that care about current and future social arrangements and economic allocations; allocation of political power determines who has the capacity to implement changes in economic allocations and future allocations of power. The set of available social rules and allocations at any point in time is stochastic. We show that political and social change may happen without any stochastic shocks or as a result of a shock destabilizing an otherwise stable social arrangement. Crucially, the process of social change is contingent (and history-dependent): the timing and sequence of stochastic events determine the long-run equilibrium social arrangements. For example, the extent of democratization may depend on how early uncertainty about the set of feasible reforms in the future is resolved.
Acemoglu D; Egorov G; Sonin K
Almost all democratic societies evolved socially and politically out of authoritarian and nondemocratic regimes. These changes not only altered the allocation of economic resources in society but also the structure of political power. In this paper, we develop a framework for studying the dynamics of political and social change. The society consists of agents that care about current and future social arrangements and economic allocations; allocation of political power determines who has the capacity to implement changes in economic allocations and future allocations of power. The set of available social rules and allocations at any point in time is stochastic. We show that political and social change may happen without any stochastic shocks or as a result of a shock destabilizing an otherwise stable social arrangement. Crucially, the process of social change is contingent (and history-dependent): the timing and sequence of stochastic events determine the long-run equilibrium social arrangements. For example, the extent of democratization may depend on how early uncertainty about the set of feasible reforms in the future is resolved. PMID:22198760
Acemoglu, Daron; Egorov, Georgy; Sonin, Konstantin
Full Text Available The current study has practical applicability in politic al domain and theoretical involvement at politicalmarketing communication level. The type of the research is a qualitative one, using as survey methods scientificobservation and documentary search. The aim of the research is to prove the applicability of marketing communicationconcept integrated in political marketing and global marketing communication. There are also exceptions, justanalyzing the industry – politics, in which integrated communication can’t be considered global communication.The subject of integrated marketing communication is relatively a new one in marketing (two decades), but itsapplicability in political domain and the specifications that assumes this application represents o new vision atEuropean and worldwide level. This study clearly presents the differences between the integrated marketingcommunication and global marketing communication.In documentary research, the author used studies belonging to Anglo – Saxons theoreticians and practitioners(Americans, Canadians, British) but also Europeans (French, Belgians, Romanians). The main reason is the fact that inmarketing domain on extremely narrow scientific sections the visions belonging to these two main orientations aren’talways equable. Also, in scientific observation, t he research analyses political events from United States of America,France and Romania. Due to this reason, we can affirm that the current study has not only a regional applicability butalso a global one.
The Early and Periodic Screening, Diagnosis and Treatment (EPSDT) program, which was designed to ensure that Medicaid-eligible children receive comprehensive health services, is the only national attempt to provide a right to these services. The political factors that have shaped national EPSDT poli...
Sardell, Alice; Johnson, Kay
Full Text Available Criticism of contract theory has always played an important role in Hartmut Kliemt's writings on political philosophy. Notwithstanding his objections to a consent-based justification of the state he has never subscribed to an anarchist position. In Hartmut Kliemt's view, a minimal state which protects the basic liberties of its citizens has to be considered legitimate. The article begins with a brief restatement of the most influential objections that have been raised against the various forms of contract theory. Thereafter interestbased accounts of political legitimacy are critically examined; it is argued that individual interests fail to provide a justification for any kind of political authority. Finally, philosophical anarchism is suggested as a possible alternative to contract theory and interest theory. Although philosophical anarchism holds that no state has a moral right to rule, it can be reconciled with the view that it is in the individual's interest to create and maintain a minimal state.
Full Text Available d Empowerment of women is essentially the process of upliftment of economic, social and political status of women, the traditionally underprivileged ones, in the society. It involves the building up of a society wherein in women can breathe without the fear of oppression, exploitation, apprehension, discrimination and the general feeling of persecution which goes with being a woman in a traditionally male dominated structure. The present paper major therapy prescribed by woman empowerment advocates is empowering women through legislation for ensuring participation in political decision making. Such an approach provides the women with a constitutional platform to stand up to men, to raise their voice on issues concerning women oppression, subjugation and related issues and thus in effect, providing them with an identity in an orthodox male dominated socio-political set up.
Dr. Venkatesh G. Pujari
Full Text Available Political economy research of product differentiation objective implies comprehensive approach. The objective consists in system view on this problem. This approach implies exposure of interconnections in the network of economic system. These interconnections form conditions for product differentiation and display product differentiation manifestation forms. Political economy approach also implies finding a product differentiation economic law. Novelty indication of the article is the following: product differentiation research is lead not only from micro- and macroeconomic point of view that was formed in the western science tradition, but also from the political economy point of view. Market side of the problem with some elements of consumption analysis has being researched in the previous studies. Production aspect is researched along with consumption one and market one in the present study. The present article main result is hypothesis about product differentiation economic law evidence. Product differentiation economic law causes, essence, mechanism, characteristics and manifestation forms are also described in the article.
Chernov Mikhail Vadimovich
Full Text Available This paper presents preliminary research findings on the use of conceptual metaphors in political interviews in Croatian newspapers and magazines. The language of a successful politician is thelanguage of persuasion that convinces an audience of what is right or wrong. Political leaders mobilize their followers by using highly effective rhetorical strategies, such as conceptual metaphors. Our opinion is that the choice of metaphor is often essential to its rhetorical persuasiveness. Based on these theoretical considerations, we have analyzed the use of metaphors, combining both quantitative and qualitative text analysis with a focus on identifi cation and interpretation of source domains. Our corpus encompasses 49266 words from 40 political interviews given by Croatian politicians Jadranka Kosor, Vesna Pusi?, Ivo Sanader and Stjepan Mesi?. Our research findings reveal that metaphors used by Croatian politicians are based either on personification or on the use of source domains of journey and conflict/war.
Full Text Available Uno aspecto central de la gobernabilidad en el ámbito local es el relacionado con el estilo de liderazgo político. Éste, en buena medida, refleja la cultura política característica de las sociedades políticas locales en las que se ejerce como reglas-en-uso de los procesos y dinámicas socio-políticos que tienen lugar en ellas. En este marco, cabe señalar la aparición de una 'Nueva Cultura Política' como estilo de liderazgo diferente al clásico de 'Política de Clases', tanto por las preferencias de actuación como por las pautas de interacción con la sociedad civil. Esta nueva orientación surge ligada a patrones de cambio social y cultural, así como determinados diseños institucionales. Mediante el uso de la información que proporciona el proyecto internacional Fiscal Austerity and Urban Innovation se operacionalizará la Nueva Cultura Política, tratando de dar cuenta de los factores que puedan dar cuenta de su extensión entre alcaldes (municipios) de varios países de Europa, Norteamérica y Latinoamérica.Political leadership style is one of the most important traits of local governance. This used to show the character of local political societies as rules-in-use of socio-political processes and dynamics. In this framework, the 'New Political Culture' (NPC) is a new leadership style against the classical 'Class Politics' showing different policy preferences and different interaction patters with civil society. Socio-economic and cultural change, as well as institutional factors, are driving the growing and spread of the NPC among local political actors. Using surveys from the Fiscal Austerity and Urban Innovation Project, this article tries to show the presence of the NPC among mayors in European, North American and Latin American countries. The comparison among them could show the importance of socio-economic, cultural and institutional factors explaining the spread of the NPC.
CLEMENTE J NAVARRO; TERRY N CLARK
Full Text Available Editor's Note: Bioethics, as Jonathan Moreno points out, is often observed to have become "politicized." In an effort to exploresome of the implications of this assessment, Moreno decided two years ago to write a book that would draw on his experiencesin the academic and policy worlds. In that book, The Body Politic (Bellevue Literary Press, 2011), Moreno uses his unique takeon the history, philosophy and sociology of science, political philosophy, ethics, and science policy, to explore what he callsthe "new biopolitics." Theoretical & Applied Ethics is honored to present an adaptation of the Introduction to that book, whichwe believe will further establish Moreno as a leading voice in our discipline.
Jonathan D. Moreno
Full Text Available This paper examines the concept of ecological citizenship by looking at two sets of arguments. Those justifying the concept itself, and those criticizing the need to devise a new concept of citizenship and political community in relation to ecological problems. The paper argues for a shift in focus: instead of searching for (or readily dismissing) a new concept of citizenship, we should adopt a different perspective capable of capturing the explanatory potentials of citizenship-related notions - especially citizenship action and political space in which it is constituted - in the context of contemporary global ecological problems. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 43007 i br. 41004
Full Text Available Kerry Whiteside takes up an arduous task in attempting to locate a “foundation” of political thought for these postmodern times of cynicism and negativism such as we experience in the late 20th century. The straight forward manner in which he declares his intent lies in the very title of his book. Presenting the notionof foundations in an age characterized by a progressive loss of faith in master narratives, an antirealism inontology, and an antifoundationalism in epistemology, is indeed an audacious undertaking. The measure of his success, or not, comes in the contribution of his argument to the dialogue and debate which is itself “politics.”
Kerry H. Whiteside
The lecture first deals with the aims and legal basis in German and European law of environment protection with regard to energy politics. It then goes to deal with European regulations for environment protection and their effects on the energy supply: Air pollution abatement, tax for the protection of the climate, internalisation of external costs. The following European energy-political measures impinge on environment protection: Sponsored projects, least-cost planning, third-party access to the public electricity supply. The discrepancy between European and national policies can be lessened or resolved by the following means: Harmonisation, subsidiarity principle, and scope for entrepreneurial solutions. (orig.).
Full Text Available In this article I revisit and expand upon George Smith’s (1990) landmark article, “Political Activist as Ethnographer.” Political activist ethnography (PAE) is a specialized form of institutional ethnography (IE) that has not received nearly enough attention in the twenty years since the original publication of Smith’s article. In an effort to revisit and bolster this research approach, I provide an overview of IE/PAE, critically engage with three recent commentaries on PAE, and offer a new interpretation of this approach as well as an example of its application from my ongoing research on fair trade.
The new urban politics (NUP) literature has helped to draw attention to a new generation of entrepreneurial urban regimes involved in the competition to attract investment to cities. Interurban competition often had negative environmental consequences for the urban living place. Yet knowledge of the environment was not very central to understanding the NUP. Entrepreneurial urban regimes today are struggling to deal with climate change and reductions in greenhouse gas emissions. Carbon reduction strategies could have profound implications for interurban competition and the politics of urban development. This paper explores the rise of a distinctive low-carbon urban polity—carbon control—and examines its potential ramifications for a new environmental politics of urban development (NEPUD). The NEPUD signals the growing centrality of carbon control in discourses, strategies and struggles around urban development. Using examples from cities in the US and Europe, the paper examines how these new environmental policy considerations are being mainstreamed in urban development politics. Alongside competitiveness, the management of carbon emissions represents a new yet at the same time contestable mode of calculation in urban governance.
Jonas AE; Gibbs D; While A
Romanian Review on Political Geography is a scientific publication, with an international status. The Journal is issued under the aegis and with financial support of the University of Oradea, Department of Geography, Tourism and Territorial Planning, Territorial Studies and Analysis Centre (R...
Full Text Available The following article establishes a critique to the prevalent conception of political communication by focusing on the concept of collective democracy, which is drawn from English political theory. This approach, proposed by David Mena PhD., a researcher from Universidad de las Americas, Puebla, in Mexico, is applied here to contrast the concept of political marketing with the notion of communication as a model for political participation through collective decision-making. Finally, in the conclusive section, the author emphasizes two ideas pointed out by Mena: first, the design of political campaigns as education promotion, and second, the notion of the political debate as a public good.
Dr. José Cisneros Espinosa
Full Text Available Health policy in Europe is at a crossroads. Longstanding challenges, such as persisting social and geographical inequalities, ageing populations, and rising burdens of chronic diseases, are being compounded by new, global threats, such as pandemic influenza and crises in the world’s financial markets. Significant improvement in the health of Europe’s population has been driven by factors both inside and outside the health sector. Key obstacles to improving population health in Europe result from underlying failures to overcome political and economic issues, including those shaping healthcare financing and delivery systems. How can the public health community respond to these challenges? This paper discusses three examples of how power and politics have shaped the world in which public health works. The focus on individual risk factors diverts attention from underlying determinants, such as the dominance of the market in healthcare, and the political decision to favour a rapid transition from communism in the 1990s. Effective public health policy requires addressing these political forces, seeking to understand the dominant paradigms, how they have been defined and shaped, and how they might be changed. Their effects are often subtle but powerful, shaping the language that is used, the assumptions that are made, and the rules that are implied. We can formulate key policy options to help improve health outcomes by reshaping the critical forces that affect public health risk factors among those populations currently most burdened by significant disease in Europe today.
Stuckler David; Basu Sanjay; McKee, Martin
Full Text Available This paper explores the impact migration has on political socialization among migrants and tests whether migrants' initial political socialization is enduring, even in the face of exposure to a different political environment. It further explores whether migrants are resocialized. Based on bivariate and multivariate analyses of survey data on return migrants to Puerto Rico, I find that migrants become desocialized when living in the United States, and become politically resocialized on their return. Yet, these desocialized migrants internalize these patterns displayed abroad to deploy them in Puerto Rico on their return. Political desocialization, however, does not appear to have a permanent impact on migrant political orientations. Findings establish and trace a pattern of continuity and change from early political socialization and the impact of environmental context on political orientations.
The Kenyan general election of 2002, which put an end to Daniel Arap Moi's 24-year rule, has been subjected to much political analysis. The article takes as its point of departure the politico-religious movement Mungiki and the movement's own narratives of its role in the elections. Mungiki's narratives tell a story of alliances and behind-the-scenes political play that differs from the public version of events. It is argued that the movement's retrospective narratives provide a useful tool for exploring future possibilities for Mungiki's engagement in Kenyan politics. The narratives are primarily internal narratives, in that they are intended for the movement's own members. As such, they invite a discussion of Mungiki's perception of truth and, more broadly, of the relationship between narratives and truth.
Full Text Available It has been argued that women have a different way of speaking from men which both reflects and produces a subordinate position in society. This argument has been used to assert that the powerless language of women disqualifies them from positions of power and authority. Thus, their powerless gender forces them to be more polite than men who are considered to be superior to them. But the concept of politeness is quite complex and needs to be studied and investigated from various perspectives as norms governing the phenomenon of politeness differ from society to society due to various reasons. Such is the case with women in the Arab society. Unlike what has been commonly argued, women enjoy a great respect, honour and status in the Arab society and require men to be more polite to them. They gain power over men because of various factors such as religious and socio-cultural norms, status in family, age etc. This complex nature of the concepts such as gender, power and politeness and rules and norms governing them in the Arab society, form the focus of discussion of this paper. Looking at these concepts from the Arab society perspective, an attempt has been made to look at these concepts from a different point of view.
Emdelellah Omar Muhammad Farhat
Research on the association of personality to political orientation has suggested that direct influences are modest. Here we used a personality system model in which direct influences on political behaviour flow from moral values, with personality mostly acting on these characteristic moral adaptations, rather than directly affecting political attitudes. Study 1 in 447 subjects supported this model, with significant effects on political orientation flowing from four of the five-factor model personality domains, but largely mediated through moral values concerning the importance of group order and individual rights. This personality system model was replicated in an independent study (n= 476) using a US sample and including a different measure of politics. Both studies support predictions that personality has significant effects on political attitudes, but that these are exerted largely via moral values. These findings help to explain inconsistencies in previous studies attempting to link personality to political orientation that have not included the intermediary level of values.
Lewis GJ; Bates TC
Research on the association of personality to political orientation has suggested that direct influences are modest. Here we used a personality system model in which direct influences on political behaviour flow from moral values, with personality mostly acting on these characteristic moral adaptations, rather than directly affecting political attitudes. Study 1 in 447 subjects supported this model, with significant effects on political orientation flowing from four of the five-factor model personality domains, but largely mediated through moral values concerning the importance of group order and individual rights. This personality system model was replicated in an independent study (n= 476) using a US sample and including a different measure of politics. Both studies support predictions that personality has significant effects on political attitudes, but that these are exerted largely via moral values. These findings help to explain inconsistencies in previous studies attempting to link personality to political orientation that have not included the intermediary level of values. PMID:21752005
Lewis, Gary J; Bates, Timothy C
The attitudes and actions of members of Congress are important indicators of the nature and pace of future nuclear-energy policy decisions. The author reviews how nuclear energy evolved from its wartime beginning, and analyzed how this and the accident at Three Mile Island have helped to shape attitudes toward nuclear energy and its alternatives. Using responses to questionnaires and surveys, he identifies the Hiroshima Syndrome, resistance to new technologies, public distrust of governmental institutions, the emergence of a counter culture, and unrealistic promises as major negative factors. He also identifies waste disposal, low-level radiation, reactor safety, safeguards, and proliferation as major issues to be addressed. The solution for the industry appears to be better management rather than additional regulation. An appendix lists the utility and plant name, site, and data of actual or planned commercial operation of nuclear generating stations. 381 references, 16 figures, 416 tables. (DCK)
The social sciences have traditionally assumed that education is a major determinant of citizens' political orientations and behavior. Several studies have also shown that intelligence has an impact. According to a theory that conceptualizes intelligence as a "burgher" (middle-class, civil) phenomenon--intelligence should promote civil attitudes,…
Rindermann, Heiner; Flores-Mendoza, Carmen; Woodley, Michael A.
Discusses liberalism in America, with emphasis on the liberal commitment to individualism. The political values of librarians are considered in this context, and it is argued that, although librarians perpetuate the myth that librarianship is apolitical, it reflects a general American culture that consists primarily of liberal tenets. (25…
Birdsall, William F.
We analyze positive theories of redistribution, social insurance and public good provision in a dynamic macroeconomic framework. Political outcomes are determined via repeated voting and driven by a conflict of interests between agents. Voters and politicians rationally forecast the impact of curren...
Hassler, John; Storesletten, Kjetil; Zilibotti, Fabrizio
Fiscal and political forces that will shape the political economies of urban school districts are examined. Topics discussed include local tax bases, federal revenue, state revenue, declining public support, and policy choices. (CJ)
Cibulka, James G.
Although some work has been done on adolescents' political attitudes, very little work has been done on their political knowledge. This study aimed to replicate a large study carried out eight years ago (Stradling, 1977) to see whether recent political changes altered adolescents' political knowledge and secondly to investigate the determinants (demographic, media usage, interest) of this knowledge. The results were strikingly similar to those of Stradling despite the smaller sample and the changes over time. The subjects appeared to know most about responsibility for public services and party political leaders and least about party political or parliamentary procedure. The canonical variable that best predicted overall knowledge was interest in politics and current affairs and to a lesser extent TV news watching and discussions with adults. The results are discussed in terms of political socialization and limitations of this work are considered.
Furnham A; Gunter B
Full Text Available Abstract in spanish Uno aspecto central de la gobernabilidad en el ámbito local es el relacionado con el estilo de liderazgo político. Éste, en buena medida, refleja la cultura política característica de las sociedades políticas locales en las que se ejerce como reglas-en-uso de los procesos y dinámicas socio-políticos que tienen lugar en ellas. En este marco, cabe señalar la aparición de una 'Nueva Cultura Política' como estilo de liderazgo diferente al clásico de 'Política de (more) Clases', tanto por las preferencias de actuación como por las pautas de interacción con la sociedad civil. Esta nueva orientación surge ligada a patrones de cambio social y cultural, así como determinados diseños institucionales. Mediante el uso de la información que proporciona el proyecto internacional Fiscal Austerity and Urban Innovation se operacionalizará la Nueva Cultura Política, tratando de dar cuenta de los factores que puedan dar cuenta de su extensión entre alcaldes (municipios) de varios países de Europa, Norteamérica y Latinoamérica. Abstract in english Political leadership style is one of the most important traits of local governance. This used to show the character of local political societies as rules-in-use of socio-political processes and dynamics. In this framework, the 'New Political Culture' (NPC) is a new leadership style against the classical 'Class Politics' showing different policy preferences and different interaction patters with civil society. Socio-economic and cultural change, as well as institutional fa (more) ctors, are driving the growing and spread of the NPC among local political actors. Using surveys from the Fiscal Austerity and Urban Innovation Project, this article tries to show the presence of the NPC among mayors in European, North American and Latin American countries. The comparison among them could show the importance of socio-economic, cultural and institutional factors explaining the spread of the NPC.
NAVARRO, CLEMENTE J; CLARK, TERRY N
Analysis how to use Internet influence to the process of political communication, marketing and the management of public relations, what kind of online communication methods are used by political parties, and to assess satisfaction, means of communication and the services they provide to their partys voters (people) and other interest groups and whether social networks can affect the political and economic changes in the state, and the political power of one party.
Full Text Available Analysis how to use Internet influence to the process of political communication, marketing and the management of public relations, what kind of online communication methods are used by political parties, and to assess satisfaction, means of communication and the services they provide to their partys voters (people) and other interest groups and whether social networks can affect the political and economic changes in the state, and the political power of one party.
Sali Emruli; Miroslav Baca
Full Text Available Analysis how to use Internet influence to the process of political communication, marketing and the management of public relations, what kind of online communication methods are used by political parties, and to assess satisfaction, means of communication and the services they provide to their partyand#039;s voters (people) and other interest groups and whether social networks can affect the political and economic changes in the state, and the political power of one party.
Sali Emruli; Tahir Zejneli; Florin Agai
Analysis how to use Internet influence to the process of political communication, marketing and the management of public relations, what kind of online communication methods are used by political parties, and to assess satisfaction, means of communication and the services they provide to their partys voters (people) and other interest groups and whether social networks can affect the political and economic changes in the state, and the political power of one party.
Emruli, Sali; Agai, Florin
Full Text Available The professor of Communication Studies in the University of Northeastern, Richard Katula presents significant features of the art of political communication by referring to events of the United States political history. He also talks about the differences between Greek and United States academic community, the movement of Greek Renaissance, the role of religion in politics and the television rules of political communication.
The processes generating malnutrition are examined with particular reference to Guyana. The theoretical framework includes the concept of limiting factors, which in this case means that the failure to alter a critical variable will prevent nutritional improvement, despite intervention in other variables. Among important factors found to cause malnutrition age low national production, inequitable income distribution, and maladaptive cultural practices. These are located in the economy of the country and in the institutions and ideas which support that economy. Power and politics therefore fundamentally affect nutritional outcome; and imperialist control of underdeveloped economies makes international relations an indispensible consideration. It is concluded that for Guyana the political process is the limiting factor which must be altered before significant nutritional improvement can occur.
|The document examines the influence of political television commercials on voting behavior. In addition, the paper reports new data concerning the role of voter-oriented ads in socializing children to the political environment. Part I characterizes political ads and presents findings and conclusions of three voter surveys recently published in…
Atkin, Charles K.
The financial crisis has turned into a real economic crisis and then into a public finance crisis: its political and social implications show very obviously, even to the most unaware people, how much economic matters are a social and political phenomenon. Is political economy going to be more influe...
One way to understand the context of evaluation is in terms of its interaction with political culture. That culture includes citizens' views of the role of government and of evaluation and the history of the polity. This chapter illustrates the relationship of political culture and evaluation by means of two accounts of Danish political culture.…
Dahler-Larsen, Peter; Schwandt, Thomas A.
We address the question of whether people act as political consumers in relation to food safety. By linking evidence from economic valuation studies on consumers' willingness to pay with sociological studies on consumer behaviour and market studies, we find that food safety does not call for political consumption - rather, food safety calls for reversed political consumption.
Christensen, Tove; Denver, Sigrid
This diploma paper deals with politically correct language in public speeches. The theoretical part defines political correctness and states two language means of political correctness: euphemism/dysphemism and genderlect. Furthermore, it concentrates on selected areas of linguistic taboo and possib...
Describes the political elasticity (PE) theory that permits equal consideration of political science and public administration, discussing the five major propositions of the theory. Utilizes the principles of political elasticity by focusing on six countries (Netherlands, Egypt, Japan, Sierre Leone, Singapore, and Jamaica) that underscore the…
Werlin, Herbert H.
|Describes the political elasticity (PE) theory that permits equal consideration of political science and public administration, discussing the five major propositions of the theory. Utilizes the principles of political elasticity by focusing on six countries (Netherlands, Egypt, Japan, Sierre Leone, Singapore, and Jamaica) that underscore the…
Werlin, Herbert H.
This research applies a transaction-focused institutional analysis to compare the value of political capital in different institutional domains of China's market economy. Our results show that the value of political capital is associated with institutional domains of the economy in which agents can use political connections to secure advantages.…
Nee, Victor; Opper, Sonja
Full Text Available Since from independence, Karnataka has seen many colourful, intelligent and charismatic leaders occupying the position of chief ministership. But no other politician has made a big impression on the minds of people as S. Bangarappa made through his colourful, charismatic, intelligent and visionary politics. Modeling his political career on the paths of socialism and under the guidance of socialist leaders like Ram Manohar Lohia and Shantaveri Gopalagowda, he never forgotten his socialist roots when he occupied the high seat of power, but used the position and power to provide long awaited justice and relief to the Dalits and Backward Classes. Though his innovative and often visionary welfare programmes, he tried to bring the social justice in the society without making any bias in favour of particular caste, creed and community
M H PRAHALLADAPPA
Environmental protection: present state, background factors, environmental protection legislation, environmental technologies, and the political, economic and social environment; Umweltschutz: Stand, Hintergruende, Umweltschutzgesetzgebung, Umwelttechnologien sowie das politische, wirtschaftliche und gesellschaftliche Umfeld
The history of environmental policy in Japan at the regional and national level shows that the dynamic forces of society, inhabitants and municipal administrations, have been able to push through reforms at the beginning of the seventies by a bottom-up process. During the eighties, these forces have been boosted in the form of the nature conservancy and green movements. In the field of measures to fight environmental pollution, social and political movements as well as administrative regulations and court rulings have led to a substantial part of the cost involved being integrated into the economic system. In matters of nature conservancy, this stage has not yet been attained. (orig./HSCH) [Deutsch] Der Werdegang der japanischen Umweltpolitik auf regionaler wie nationaler Ebene zeigt, dass in einem Prozess von unten nach oben die gesellschaftlich dynamischen Kraefte, die Einwohner und Kommunalverwaltungen, Anfang der 70er Reformen durchsetzen konnten. In den 80er Jahren entfalteten sich diese Kraefte in Form der Naturschutz- und der Gruenen-Bewegung weiter. Im Bereich der Massnahmen gegen die Umweltverschmutzung bewirkten gesellschaftliche und politische Bewegungen sowie administrative Regelungen und Gerichtsurteile, dass ein erheblicher Teil der erforderlichen Kosten in das Wirtschaftssystem integriert wurde, auf dem Gebiet des Naturschutzes jedoch ist diese Stufe noch nicht erreicht. (orig./HSCH)
Full Text Available For the majority of citizens political participation in democracy requires just voting in periodical elections. However, this comprehension of participation has been pressed by theorists that defend the development of democracy by the deepening of citizens participation and by the increase of public service deficiency to satisfy social needs. Innovative participative practices, which challenge established concepts, have been more and more present in the performance of civil society organizations. On the other hand, social organizations have become privileged spaces to discuss and support public interest objectives. This paper discusses the ways social organizations of Salvador (BA, Brazil) participate politically. The methodology encompassed interviews with 44 organizations. The main results show that: (i) the observation of social organizations political participation requires new patterns of analysis to overcome traditional factors as “electoral participation”, “party identification” and “reliance in institutions”; (ii) the new patterns of analysis must aggregate new actors to those factors; (iii) among the main forms of participation there are those lined up to the concepts of the so called deliberative democracy, as, for example, the valorization of public debates; (iv) there are changes in the political participation ways of these organizations, mainly in the sense of the development and the variety they express themselves.
Jussara Borges; Othon Jambeiro
Full Text Available Jamaica is not atypical in its high levels of corruption, nor is it surprising that there is a low degreeof public trusts in government – only 8 out of 100 people trust the government. One of the measures that canbe used as an approximation for the public’s distrust in government is the increasing decline in voting behaviourin elections, and the increase in unconventional political participation over the last half a decade. Within thecontext of the aforementioned issues, we w ill be examining the factors that account for this reality, as well asthe extent of trust (or distrust) in the government and in interpersonal relationships in Jamaica from aneconometric perspective. And so we will seek to build a model that explains the people’s trust in government.This study utilizes prim ary observational data collected by the Centre of Leadership and Governance,Department of Government, the University of the West Indies at Mona, Kingston, Jamaica between July andAugust, 2006. The observational data was collected by way of a 166-item questionnaire. It was a stratifiednationally representative sample of some 1,338 Jam aicans from all 14 parishes. The observational data werecollected and stored using the Statistical Packages for the Social Sciences (SPSS) for Windows version 16.0.Descriptive statistics were done to provide background information on the sample, and tests were done forCronbach alpha to examine the validity of the construct – i.e. w ellbeing and political participation. Then,logistic regression was used to build a model. A goodness of fit statistics test was carried out on the model.Of a sampled population of 1,338 respondents, 37% (approximately 4 out of 10 persons) reported that they trustother persons compared to 8% (8 out of 100 people) who indicated that they trust the government. Theobservational data were used to test the general hypothesis [trust in government is a function of some 14 factors,and estimate the parameters of the final function. We found that of the 14 predisposed variables that wereidentified by the literature, only 6 were statistically significant influencers. The 6 factors explain 27.3% of thevariance in trust in government. Those factors in regard to degree of importance in descending order are:confidence in socio-political institutions, governance of the country, interpersonal trust, political participation,administration of justice and sex of respondents. Governments in Jam aica have been suffering from a deficitin trust, just like the nation’s budget And any building of trust in government must first begin by accepting thefactors that affect trust, and secondly by being aware that their actions (or inactions) coupled with that of theirrelated institutions affect public confidence, cooperation from the citizenry and civic engagement. Given thelimitations of this study, we recommend that a longitudinal study be conducted with the same set of variables,as well as the others that were identified in the literature but were not used. And instead of using perceivedcorruption as a proxy for corruption, we utilized the operational definition of Transparency International, ascorruption appears to be a primate variable in trust in government, but were unable to verify this with the useof perceived corruption.
Paul Andrew Bourne
Full Text Available Abstract in spanish Mucho se ha analizado acerca de la relación entre medios y actitudes políticas, en el marco de la investigación en comunicación política. Los estudios se dividen entre aquellos que asumen que la cobertura mediática de la política declina el interés ciudadano hacia ella y los que sostienen que los medios promueven un mayor compromiso cívico y político. Asumiendo que la relación entre medios y opinión pública no es unidimensional, y que no hay un único factor (more) en la formación de actitudes hacia la política, este trabajo analizó la cuarta Encuesta de Cultura Política y Prácticas Ciudadanas (ENCUP), realizada en México en el año 2008. Se encontró una relación significativa entre conversación política, consumo de ciertos medios de comunicación y las actitudes políticas por parte de la población. Los resultados del estudio permiten abrir una discusión sobre los efectos de los medios en la generación de una cultura política en el país. Abstract in english A lot has been analyzed about the relationship between media and political attitudes in the field of political communication research. Studies are divided into those assuming that media coverage of politics declines the interest of citizens for politics and those affirming that media promote a higher civic and political commitment. If we assume that the relationship between media and public opinion is not a one-dimension one and there is not an only factor which encourage (more) s formation of attitudes towards politics, this article has analyzed the fourth ''Encuesta de Cultura Política y Prácticas Ciudadanas'' (ENCUP), conducted in Mexico in year 2008. A meaningful relationship was found among political speech, consumption of certain communication media, and political attitudes of population. Results allow opening a discussion about the effects of media on the generation of a political culture in the country.
Aruguete, Natalia; Muñiz, Carlos
Full Text Available Mohandas K. Gandhi was the father of modern nonviolence. He called the forms of struggle without use of firearms as satyagraha. Gandhi distinguished between passive resistance and satyagraha. The basic postulate of satyagraha rested on the belief in the inherent goodness of man, moral power and the capacity to suffer for the opponent. He tried, in difficult times, offering an alternative to war and social policy. On the roots of forms of struggle and popular peasant ancestral (disobedience, non-cooperation, insubordination), he developed the ethical and political union, beyond N. Machiavelli and M. Weber. But his ethical-political struggle could not be understood without other elements of his “constructive program” such as ahimsa (not kill), Sarvodaya (welfare of all), swaraj (self-determination and self-government) and swadeshi (self-sufficiency).
Mario López Martínez
How much do people use social media as a way to be politically engaged? This question has been posed by a team of researchers at the Pew Internet & American Life Project, resulting in this 13-page report. The report was authored by a team of scholars including Lee Rainie and Aaron Smith and found that 60% of adults use social networking sites like Facebook or Twitter and that approximately 39% of all adults have done at least one of eight civic or political activities with social media. The findings here are based on a nationally representative survey of 2,253 adults conducted in the summer of 2012. Visitors can view the report in its entirety online or download the file. Additionally, persons with an interest in psychometrics and survey design can explore all of the survey questions here.
Full Text Available This study presents a series of theoretical aspects and empirical results obtained after some scientific research conducted on values (instrumental, terminal and religious) and on the political involvement of students from the university. The study was conducted using the statistical survey method in the aftermath of the general elections that took place in November 2008, among the student body of “Al. I. Cuza” University of Iasi, Romania. The analysis underlined the fact that pupils placed a great importance on values and, considering the way they were ranked, the students are believed to have transmitted a specific signal on behalf of a social category that is struggling to be noticed in the context of the present Romanian society. The analysis also highlights the fact that the students’ political participation is not significantly correlated on a statistical level to the extent of their adhesion to the values studied in the survey.
Danut-Vasile Jemna; Mihai Curelaru
Full Text Available This paper will discuss the existence of a Canadian Political Business Cycle (PBC) during the period 1946-1989. Logit analysis was used to determine if changes in the unemployment rate, growth of real GNE and the rate of inflation are significantly different in the period before an election than during the rest of the electoral term. It was found that the rate of growth in the unemployment rate declines and the rate of growth of real GNP increases in the four quarters before an election. The behavior of these variables reverses in the period after an election. These findings are consistent with a political business cycle. Policy variables, under a majority government, also behave in a manner associated with a PBC, with the government stimulating the economy approximately two years into its term so that good economic news will occur before it has to call an election. Minority governments tend to simulate the economy immediately after taking office.
The Long Island Lighting Company (LILCO) built the Shoreham Nuclear Power plant, on New York State's Long Island, at a cost of over $5 billion. In 1989, the United States Nuclear Regulatory Commission granted LILCO a full operating license for Shoreham. yet, that year New York State and LILCO signed an agreement under which LILCO would sell the plant to New York State for $1. new York, in turn, would dismantle Shoreham, despite great uncertainties regarding future power supplies for Long Island. The Shoreham project brought a major public utility to the brink of bankruptcy, forced the question of state versus federal control of nuclear power, and for over a decade dominated the politics of a region of 2.7 million people. This book examines how technology, economics, managements, politics, and personal commitments interacted to produce one of the most spectacular and pivotal failures of nuclear power policy in the United States.
Ideological preferences within the American electorate are contingent on both the environmental conditions that provide the content of the contemporary political debate and internal predispositions that motivate people to hold liberal or conservative policy preferences. In this article we apply Jost, Federico, and Napier's (2009) top-down/bottom-up theory of political attitude formation to a genetically informative population sample. In doing so, we further develop the theory by operationalizing the top-down pathway to be a function of the social environment and the bottom-up pathway as a latent set of genetic factors. By merging insights from psychology, behavioral genetics, and political science, we find strong support for the top-down/bottom-up framework that segregates the two independent pathways in the formation of political attitudes and identifies a different pattern of relationships between political attitudes at each level of analysis.
Verhulst B; Hatemi PK; Eaves LJ
Ideological preferences within the American electorate are contingent on both the environmental conditions that provide the content of the contemporary political debate and internal predispositions that motivate people to hold liberal or conservative policy preferences. In this article we apply Jost, Federico, and Napier's (2009) top-down/bottom-up theory of political attitude formation to a genetically informative population sample. In doing so, we further develop the theory by operationalizing the top-down pathway to be a function of the social environment and the bottom-up pathway as a latent set of genetic factors. By merging insights from psychology, behavioral genetics, and political science, we find strong support for the top-down/bottom-up framework that segregates the two independent pathways in the formation of political attitudes and identifies a different pattern of relationships between political attitudes at each level of analysis. PMID:22904584
Verhulst, Brad; Hatemi, Peter K; Eaves, Lindon J
This book presents ten essays by an international group of specialists in nuclear politics that examine recent trends in nuclear supply policies. Focusing on the policy-making processes in the US, France, West Germany, Canada, Britain, and Australia, they address such issues as the balancing of export earnings against security risks, the impact of shrinking domestic markets, and the different roles assumed in the making of export policy.
Boardman, R.; Keeley, J.
The paper discusses the South American gas and oil industries. Opening ever wider to private investment, the continent is attracting a flood of foreign and local firms, pushing drilling and production rates still higher. This is despite a rash of political problems in many countries, including guerrillas, environmentalists, crooked officials and border disputes. Separate evaluations are given for Venezuela, Argentina, Colombia, Brazil, Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, Trinidad and Tobago, Chile, and briefly for Falkland Islands, Paraguay, Suriname, and Barbados
The paper discusses the South American gas and oil industries. Opening ever wider to private investment, the continent is attracting a flood of foreign and local firms, pushing drilling and production rates still higher. This is despite a rash of political problems in many countries, including guerrillas, environmentalists, crooked officials and border disputes. Separate evaluations are given for Venezuela, Argentina, Colombia, Brazil, Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, Trinidad and Tobago, Chile, and briefly for Falkland Islands, Paraguay, Suriname, and Barbados.
Full Text Available Our paper analyzes the relation between social media and political movements in contemporary world. Many authors consider that social media, especially social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter are responsible for triggering the revolutions in the Arab world. Is the “Arab Spring” the result of modern technologies or its origins are more profound and mundane, deeply rooted in the society? Our response is that social media played an important, but only instrumental role.
SORIN SUCIU; DALIA PETCU
Full Text Available Today, at the beginning of the XXIst century, politics has come to display itself, under all its forms, in front of a mass public through communication media, within the daily exercise of democracy practice. All of the political actors admit that one of the main conditions for having a successful intervention in public debate, in making decisions is to understand the way communication and media work. The growing immixture of communication mass media in the political arena, as well as the tendency to propagate politics – a show with more and more violent and aggressive acts, in absence of arguments, the way political parties and politicians use public relations, marketing and advertising techniques in elections campaigns testify to the political fervour and degradation of political speech.
Ionela Carmen Bo?oteanu
Full Text Available The article focuses on the political usages of OECD- and IEA-type studies on student achievement, and suggests that we examine in more detail how policy makers use results from international comparisons to advance fundamental school reform at national level. The author categorizes three types of policy reactions to league tables: (1) scandalization, (2) glorification, and (3) indifference. Drawing from media reports and policy debates that emerged right after the release of the results from TIMSS, PISA, and the Civic Education Study, the author points at the different policy reactions that these OECD and IEA studies have had in various national contexts. In Japan, for example, the release of TIMSS led to a self-affirmation or glorification of Japanese methods in science and mathematics, whereas the release of PISA in Germany triggered self-criticism or scandalization, and strengthened existing demands for a fundamental reform of the German educational system. Most striking is the political indifference that the release of the IEA Civic Education encountered in Germany. German students held the last rank in the international league table on attitudes towards immigrants (Civic Education Study), whereas they scored below OECD-average in reading literacy (PISA). The author provides a few tentative explanations for the following question: why was there such a political spectacle about the reading literacy scores of German students given that German students did far worse with regard to xenophobia?
After a decade of debate about U.S. energy policy, the two political parties reached consensus that conservation is needed to achieve energy efficiency and to ensure adequate future supplies. But what is the most effective spur to energy conservation. In this book, Pietro S. Nivola argues that basic pricing reform in all energy sectors, though politically controversial, should be the heart of a national energy plan. Petroleum prices were fully deregulated in 1981, but wasteful pricing formulas still plague other important energy sectors like natural gas and electricity. In tracing congressional action on various energy bills in the late 1970s and early 1980s, the author shows that federal policymakers often bypassed or delayed important decisions on pricing reform. He analyzes how special interest groups, public opinion, and geographically based influences have affected congressional voting patterns and led to compromises that resulted in ineffective, or even harmful, legislation. He also addresses the role of governmental leaders and institutions in shaping the legislation. Beyond these various pressures, Nivola asserts, the conflict in Congress over energy pricing stems from intense political convictions about the role of government. One side in the congressional debate persistently attempted to use federal energy pricing policy to solve general problems of social inequity.
Full Text Available While focusing on the thought of Charles Taylor the question whether the politics of loyalty can be part of a transcendental structure for society is discussed in this article. Classical patriotism, for instance, involves loyalty to public institutions and laws to enhance self-rule. In the twentieth century, however, classical patriotism became fused with nationalism (i.e. loyalty to culture), resulting in many instances in human suffering. Part of the explanation for this derailment is to be found in the Taylorian concept of the hypertrophy of autonomous freedom. The argument developed in this article links up with trends in liberalism and Taylor’s own reasoning that hypertrophy can be curbed within a transcendental structure for society (i.e. a cosmopolitan politics of loyalty). However, in the liberalist trends (and also in Taylor’s thought) tension exists between such a structure and the perception that loyalty politics is a mere particularism. As alternative I propose engagement between the cosmopolitan perspective and the various loyalties, with the latter a transcendental principle that needs to be applied in collaboration with other principles.
Americans are in the midst of a food-consciousness revival: on television, in the mouth of the First Lady, in endless articles celebrating urban agriculture can be found a sudden enthusiasm for the politically and, perhaps, spiritually curated dinner table. In this special section, writers explore the perilous state of food and food politics in America and a wide range of responses on the Left. Marion Nestle, in her essay on the farm bill, describes how the existing policy disaster came to be, along with the relationship between Reagan-era deregulation and the obesity epidemic. Mark Engler describes both the successes and coopting of the strands of left-wing responses—buying organic, eating local, and agitating for fair trade—and asks, "What's a radical to eat?" Laurie Woolever uncovers the kind of labor exploitation endemic to the elite dining experience. Karen Bakker Le Billon compares American to French school lunches, unpacking the relationship between food and citizenship. Juliana DeVries explores vegetarianism and the politics of everyday life. PMID:22834043
Americans are in the midst of a food-consciousness revival: on television, in the mouth of the First Lady, in endless articles celebrating urban agriculture can be found a sudden enthusiasm for the politically and, perhaps, spiritually curated dinner table. In this special section, writers explore the perilous state of food and food politics in America and a wide range of responses on the Left. Marion Nestle, in her essay on the farm bill, describes how the existing policy disaster came to be, along with the relationship between Reagan-era deregulation and the obesity epidemic. Mark Engler describes both the successes and coopting of the strands of left-wing responses—buying organic, eating local, and agitating for fair trade—and asks, "What's a radical to eat?" Laurie Woolever uncovers the kind of labor exploitation endemic to the elite dining experience. Karen Bakker Le Billon compares American to French school lunches, unpacking the relationship between food and citizenship. Juliana DeVries explores vegetarianism and the politics of everyday life.
Twitter is one of the most popular micro-blogging services in the world, often studied in the context of political opinion mining for its peculiar nature of online public discussion platform. In our work we analyse the phenomenon of political disaffection defined as the “lack of confidence in the political process, politicians, and democratic institutions, but with no questioning of the political regime”. Disaffection for organised political parties and institutions has been object of studies and media attention in several Western countries. Especially the Italian case has shown a wide diffusion of this attitude. For this reason, we collect a massive database of Italian Twitter data (about 35 millions of tweets from April 2012 to October 2012) and we exploit scalable state-of-the-art machine learning techniques to generate time-series concerning the political disaffection discourse. In order to validate the quality of the time-series generated, we compare them with indicators of political disaffection from public opinion surveys. We find political disaffection on Twitter to be highly correlated with the indicators of political disaffection in the public opinion surveys. Moreover, we show the peaks in the timeseries are often generated by external political events reported on the main newspapers.
Monti, Corrado; Rozza, Alessandro
Full Text Available Abstract in spanish El presente trabajo explora la nueva partidización en Venezuela para los años 2000 dentro de una perspectiva teórico-metodológico que vincula las explicaciones que los estudios venían ofreciendo sobre las actitudes políticas en el país, basados en el enfoque psicosociológico del comportamiento político y electoral, con las nuevas simpatías partidistas de la actualidad. Para observar el potencial de arraigo de esas simpatías, se indagan algunos factores que, en (more) el enfoque señalado, indican solidez en las lealtades partidistas, como es la socialización política familiar. La comparación histórica de las simpatías partidistas en el país y su relación con la socialización permiten discutir las posibilidades de implantación social del nuevo esquema de partidos y los retos que enfrentan para dar estabilidad al sistema político. Abstract in english This article explores new political party identification in Venezuela in the first decade of the XXI century from a theoretical and methodological perspective that links explanations put forward in studies about political attitudes in the country based on political and electoral psycho-sociological behavior patterns and with current new party movements. In order to observe the potential consequences of new party membership, we inquire into some factors understood in the t (more) heory mentioned above as reliable indicators of party identification and solidarity, such as in the case of political socialization by the family. The historical comparison of party identification in the country and its relationship with socialization allows us to discuss the possibilities for new parties to achieve deep and durable social roots, and the challenges they face in promoting stability in the political system.
Pereira Almao, Valia
Full Text Available The politics public Brazilians maids for the breast-feeding moved forward, in spite of the focus to be returned, prioritary for the children, justified for the mortality rate. It was aimed at to rescue the public political principal historical aspects with relationship to the breast-feeding. I study qualitative, descriptive and bibliographical that, it counted as historical cutting the period from 1985 to 2005. The preliminary rising, tends the term to the breast-feeding and the language the Portuguese, it was done in the base of data of Scientific Eletronic Library Online - SciELO, site of Brazil, and they were identified 8 scientific goods. Later, they were read books and master's degree dissertations to have the thematic breast-feeding. During the analysis, we noticed that the actions in breast-feeding moved forward in the decade of 80, and that the scientific production was more strengthened in São Paulo. It is necessary that the subjects shimmer the breast-feeding as a changeable historical process, and that the scientific production involves factors social, political, economical, cultural and existential. Key words: formulation of politics; breast-feeding; the woman's health.
Michelle Araújo Moreira; Regina Lúcia Mendonça Lopes
Each year an estimated 500,000 to 600,000 women die due to complications from childbirth, making this one of the leading causes of death globally for women in their reproductive years. In 1987 a global initiative was launched to address the problem, but few developing countries since then have experienced a documented significant decline in maternal mortality levels. Honduras represents an exception. Between 1990 and 1997 the country's maternal mortality ratio--the number of deaths due to complications during pregnancy, childbirth and the postpartum period per 100,000 live births--declined 40% from 182 to 108, one of the largest reductions ever documented in such a short time span in the developing world. This paper draws on three political science literatures--constructivist international relations theory, policy transfer and agenda-setting--to explain how political priority for safe motherhood emerged in Honduras, a factor that underpinned the decline. Central to the explanation is the unusually cooperative relationship that developed between international donors and national health officials, resulting in effective transfer of policy and institutionalization of the cause within the domestic political system. The paper draws out implications of the case for understanding the political dynamics of health priority generation in developing countries.
Shiffman J; Stanton C; Salazar AP
Each year an estimated 500,000 to 600,000 women die due to complications from childbirth, making this one of the leading causes of death globally for women in their reproductive years. In 1987 a global initiative was launched to address the problem, but few developing countries since then have experienced a documented significant decline in maternal mortality levels. Honduras represents an exception. Between 1990 and 1997 the country's maternal mortality ratio--the number of deaths due to complications during pregnancy, childbirth and the postpartum period per 100,000 live births--declined 40% from 182 to 108, one of the largest reductions ever documented in such a short time span in the developing world. This paper draws on three political science literatures--constructivist international relations theory, policy transfer and agenda-setting--to explain how political priority for safe motherhood emerged in Honduras, a factor that underpinned the decline. Central to the explanation is the unusually cooperative relationship that developed between international donors and national health officials, resulting in effective transfer of policy and institutionalization of the cause within the domestic political system. The paper draws out implications of the case for understanding the political dynamics of health priority generation in developing countries. PMID:15459163
Shiffman, Jeremy; Stanton, Cynthia; Salazar, Ana Patricia
Full Text Available This paper empirically examines the effects of political risks on the Japanese outward Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) with a panel data of 30 countries for the period of 1995-2004. The estimation model is constructed on the basis of the OLI (ownership, location and internalization advantages) and Knowledge-Capital Models. Political risk variables are included as additional explanatory variables with market potential, wages, skilled workforce endowments, investment cost, trade cost and distance. We found that the model with interaction terms of these political risk factors with some traditional explanatory variables reasonably explains Japanese outward FDI flows.
Ivan DESEATNICOV; Akiba HIROYA
Full Text Available Tolerance of political opponents is one of the basic preconditions of a democratic society. Empirical research, however, typically reveals low levels of tolerance even in societies with long democratic tradition. This paper presents a comparative study of the sources of individual differences in the degree of political tolerance in Europe, with special reference to Serbia. According to Sullivan et al.'s theory (Sullivan et al. 1979, 53-55), socio-demographic factors are decisive for the choice of a group towards which the intolerance will be directed, while psychological factors are more important for the level of intolerance. Implications of this theory are examined using data collected in about 30 European countries. The research is based on World Values Survey data (WVS). The WVS data include the so-called 'least- liked' operationalization of political intolerance. The findings reveal significant impact of psychological factors on the target group selection, and not only on the degree of intolerance, contrary to Sullivan et al.'s theory.
This analysis seeks to identify factors that may shape the policy stance - whether restrictive or permissive - that each state in the United States with a human cloning law in place takes toward human therapeutic cloning. The investigation also considers if cloning policy is more the product of morality politics or political economy. Results show that among states with human cloning policies in place, those with a greater biotechnological capacity, more permissive abortion laws, fewer Evangelical Protestants, and higher political liberalism rankings are more likely to have permissive cloning laws. A higher Roman Catholic population is strongly associated with permissive cloning laws, rather than restrictive cloning laws as originally supposed. Factors with morality policy and economic bases were both found to be associated with cloning policy outcomes. Results suggest that morality policies, though distinct in some ways, do share determinants with public policies based on political economy. PMID:18208345
This analysis seeks to identify factors that may shape the policy stance - whether restrictive or permissive - that each state in the United States with a human cloning law in place takes toward human therapeutic cloning. The investigation also considers if cloning policy is more the product of morality politics or political economy. Results show that among states with human cloning policies in place, those with a greater biotechnological capacity, more permissive abortion laws, fewer Evangelical Protestants, and higher political liberalism rankings are more likely to have permissive cloning laws. A higher Roman Catholic population is strongly associated with permissive cloning laws, rather than restrictive cloning laws as originally supposed. Factors with morality policy and economic bases were both found to be associated with cloning policy outcomes. Results suggest that morality policies, though distinct in some ways, do share determinants with public policies based on political economy.
[en] India is on the road towards the third stage as envisioned by Homi Bhabha. Only when the 500 MWe FBR becomes commercial can one really feel secure about energy security from nuclear power. The FBR is to pave the way for the thermal breeder that will convert thorium 232 to uranium 233 (233U) which is also fissionable. To recover 233U from other radioactive isotopes will be the key. Enrichment and reprocessing technology will come into play. India is concerned that the politics of non-proliferation, which is the cornerstone of President Obama's foreign policy, could pose several hurdles to India's attempts to attain nuclear autonomy. This autonomy was the basis of the four-stage process: (1) CANDU reactors were to produce plutonium; (2) fast breeder reactors would be used to multiply plutonium; (3) plutonium in turn would convert fertile thorium 232 into fissionable uranium 233 (233U); and (4) the 233U would then multiply in a thermal breeder. However, this is easier said than done. India is still some 30 years away from achieving this, and in that time the international politics in the nuclear field may lead to the internationalisation of the fuel cycle. In 1978, the International Fuel Cycle Exercise (INFCE) did take place under the aegis of the IAEA. Save for the fact that eight excellent volumes were produced, nothing actually happened. Nuclear technology awaits in the twenty-first century the arrival of fusion energy. Fusion is the opposite of fission and is some years away. At Cadarache in France, several European nations, the US, Russia, as well as China and India, are participating together to harness nuclear energy. Energy security would certainly be enhanced if India were to gain from access to fusion energy. Again, that would depend on how the politics of nuclear energy shapes itself in the twenty-first century
Full Text Available In the article I present a reflection around the radical democratic project proposed by Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau. Specifically, I examine the application of the project in the context of the “new social movements” and especially, of feminist movement. I state the need of drawing attention to universalism and essentialism as the main obstacles to generate a collective proposal without margins. Nevertheless, doubts remind about the possibility of building up a feminism tailored by the radical democratic project, in a stage in which the political action of such a movement is characterized by categories that are closed and crystallized
Martínez Labrin, Soledad
Full Text Available This essay aims to understand how refugees present a problem for liberal nation-states. The point of departure is Arendt’s The Origins of Totalitarianism where she argues that the continual existence of refugees within liberal nation-states threatens to break down the principle of equality before the law thereby enabling the rise of police-states and totalitarianism. In light of this diagnosis, three of Arendt’s philosophical heirs—Giorgio Agamben, Seyla Benhabib and Peg Birmingham—argue that it is necessary to think political membership in different and broader terms than national citizenship if we are to avoid a new rise of totalitarianism.
This work examines and compares the acid rain policies through the different political systems of Canada, Great Britain and the United States. Because the flow of acid rain can transcend national boundaries, acid rain has become a crucial international problem. According to the author, because of differences in governmental institutions and structure, the extent of governmental intervention in the industrial economy, the degree of reliance on coal for power generation, and the extent of acid rain damage, national responses to the acid rain problem have varied.
Wilcher, M.E. (Pennsylvania State Univ., New Kensington, PA (US))
The most surprising thing about OPEC is not the disparate character of its members or its often exaggerated impact on the world economy, but the fact that the 13 nations have stayed together so long. Despite efforts by the US and European Community to secure immunity from OPEC, two thirds of internationally traded oil comes from OPEC producers. The reviewer recommends Pachauri's comprehensive discussion of long-term political and economic framework to the general reader, but finds the conclusions humdrum. He takes issues with the author's sense of gloom.
Full Text Available The author describes the contemporary situation in the theory and practice of international politics in the field of nuclear weapons. The first part of the paper deals with past results in the process of proliferation and the process of reduction of nuclear weapons, as well as the contemporary nuclear policies of great powers. The second part presents different theoretical approaches to the problem of nuclear weapons - realism, liberalism and the so-called critical or alternative approaches. The author expects that the process of nuclear proliferation will be continued - it will be gradual, controlled and directed by great powers and the USA, in particular.
The struggle to regulate the atom has produced compromises that could balance competing social pressures only temporarily. Creating special authorities invited social and political reaction that would ultimately lead to their destruction, but they had to become visibly troublesome to many members of the public before they could be abolished. The same is true of the censorship policy created to protect atomic secrets. If nuclear regulation is to succeed as sound public policy, it must recognize that public policy means everyone. Greene outlines a way out of the current impasse that eliminates some of the regulatory steps allowing excessive intercession and takes steps to improve regulatory credibility.
We examine partisan differences in the behavior, communication patterns and social interactions of more than 18,000 politically-active Twitter users to produce evidence that points to changing levels of partisan engagement with the American online political landscape. Analysis of a network defined by the communication activity of these users in proximity to the 2010 midterm congressional elections reveals a highly segregated, well clustered partisan community structure. Using cluster membership as a high-fidelity (87% accuracy) proxy for political affiliation, we characterize a wide range of differences in the behavior, communication and social connectivity of left- and right-leaning Twitter users. We find that in contrast to the online political dynamics of the 2008 campaign, right-leaning Twitter users exhibit greater levels of political activity, a more tightly interconnected social structure, and a communication network topology that facilitates the rapid and broad dissemination of political information.
Conover, Michael D; Flammini, Alessandro; Menczer, Filippo
The numerous political factors which influence the electric power industry are discussed. Emphasis is placed on both the problems which the German electric power industry copes with in view of the national and European competitive trends, and on the specific German political conditions. The one-sided national exceptional conditions must be reduced, and the basic conditions must be harmonized at the international level to ensure a fair competition on the European electric power market. (orig.)
Strauss, L. (Bayernwerk AG, Muenchen (Germany))
Full Text Available Many political theorists argue that cross-cultural communication within multicultural democracies is not best served by a commitment to identity politics. In response, I argue that identity politics only interfere with democratic participation according to an erroneous interpretation of the relationship between identity and reasoning. I argue that recognizing the importance of identity to the intelligibility of reasons offered in the context of civic deliberation is the first step towards the kind of dialogue that democratic participation requires.
Full Text Available Gender equality in political participation is a fundamental aspect of modern democratic governance wherein both men and women should have equal rights and opportunities to participate fully in all endeavors and especially at political process. Politics in India should be democratic, participatory, accountable & transparent so that it creates civilized and equitable society. Political system should incorporate the interests of & be accessible to all sections of society, of which women constitute half of the population. The 21st century can be said as an era of women because they are having greater opportunities in social, political, commercial, constitutional and legal provisions endeavors. Empowerment is the only key factor in determining their success in all these activities and to achieve this it must be a united approach, a genuine cause that require continued attention and recognition by all. The situation created by the Constitutional Act was so drastic that it brought out women straight from the kitchen into the fray of politics & administration with no training or experience whatsoever in public life. In recent decades we find that there is a growing demand for increasing presence of women in political decision making because her participation in main stream of political activity has important implications for the broader arena of governance in any country. Women have been given power but they are not seen as political entities. They are seen as a source of status enhancement. Often she is encountered by high cost of electioneering, improper & illegal practices, violence & corruption which gives hindrances and prevents women from participating in politics
ASHWINI B JANE; SUNITHA.V.GANIGER
Full Text Available Political Science has tended not to problematize human domination over nonhuman animals. Political scientists have been engaged intellectually and politically with other struggles for justice and citizenship leading one to question the apparent indifference to the issue of ‘animal rights’. This paper accounts for the absence of animals in political science research and suggests that recent scholarship has begun to take animal liberation seriously. The paper then looks at the options for the broader animal liberation movement and suggests that incremental change is the best and only option for animal advocates in contemporary liberal democracies.
Full Text Available Despite the centrality of political opposition in democracy, limited theoretical research has been conducted on this issue since the 1970s. However, the previous context of conceptualizing has dramatically changed. This article offers a new perspective on political opposition in contemporary democracies. After a critical review of the classic and contemporary literature on the subject, it proposes a renewed definition of opposition that better grasps the complexity of political opposition in democracies. In addition, the article proposes setting a new agenda for future research on political opposition.
Nathalie Brack; Sharon Weinblum
Full Text Available Continued competence, how to assure competent beginning and ongoing practice, is a wonderful example of the difference between policy and politics. Diers (1985) differentiates between the two concepts and defines policy as dealing with the "shoulds" and "oughts," setting direction and determining goals or other principles. Politics is the use of power for change and may implement or impede policy. Stevens (1985) focuses on practical decision making rather than the ideal and states that politics "seeks the right decision for this issue in this political climate at this time" (p. 19).
Full Text Available The acoustic dimension of political philosophy has rarely attracted serious attention, in part because scholars have tended to assume that political theories, ideas, and concepts, exist as abstract entities that are often noiselessly communicated in written texts. And yet, the noisy communication of political ideas whether in the form of Socratic dialogues, Churchillian orations, or in the hushed tones of focus group conversations treasured by deliberative democrats today, has a rich political history and a continuing relevance. This paper will focus on five performative modes for the communication of political ideas: the monologue, the dialogue, the oration, the interjection, and the noisy crowd. While this list may not be exhaustive, it will be used here as a starting point for further exploration. I will contend that in each of these performative modes, the communication of political ideas is framed by the noise of actual, or textually imagined kinds of political speech designed to underscore the validity of the ideas conveyed. One of the most important reasons for traversing this variable performative and acoustic terrain today is to enable us to hear and to listen to political speech amid the potentially polluting hum of political white noise.
Full Text Available There has been a growing academic interest in the role of new communication technology in the political process in Asia. The increasing influence of the Internet to diffuse political information may have facilitated high voter involvement in the political process in this region. This study examines patterns of on-line and traditional news media use among people who have access to the Internet in Malaysia. The results show an association between the use of the Internet and traditional media -- newspapers, television, and radio -- for political information among the respondents interviewed. This study suggests that the Internet is widely used to gather political information, but its use for this purpose is not replacing the newspapers and television. There is also an indication that the Internet users participate online in a limited number of political activities. However, the political knowledge gained from the Internet does not seem to influence the respondents’ choice of political candidate in elections.
Wan Asna Wan Mohd Nor; Salfarina Abdul Gapor; Mohamad Zaini Abu Bakar; Zainon Harun
[en] In Norway, according to this article, shifting fair wind and head wind for wind power have changed to unpredictable political whirlwinds. That is, there is great uncertainty with respect to further development of wind power in Norway as well as in nearby markets such as Sweden, Denmark and the Netherlands. The government, represented by Enova, has announced reduced investment grants, and so the realization of a ''green'' market, at home or across the frontiers, becomes very important. The political goal of producing 3 TWh of wind power per year by 2010 apparently is still valid, but it is difficult to see any robust and convincing clarity when it comes to policy instruments and economical frames that will make it possible to reach that goal. In its directive on renewable energy sources in the energy generation, the EU has quoted a total increase in capacity from 14 percent in 1997 to 22 percent in 2010. This has been shared among the member countries as indicative targets and there is great freedom in the selection of policy instruments. At the end of 2002, the wind power production in Norway is 0.3 TWh/year
The paper is limited to the first phase of conflict up to 1977. The various forms of controversy on the issue of nuclear energy are examined. The conflict is explained as being the result of relevant research and (energy) infrastructure policies. The first task of such an investigation is to analyse the depoliticization of nuclear energy policy which took place over a period of nearly 20 years (1955-1973/4). This depoliticization and non-decisionmaking on the social consequences of nuclear energy have laid the foundations for the development of the conflict which occured in the first cycle of the nuclear energy conflict. The second task is to highlight the social structure of the opposition movement, its forms of struggle, and the response of the state apparatus, The crisis of the nuclear power policy has led to a more or less distinct paralysis of the state apparatus because the political and industrial decisionmaking processes in this area were not designed to cope with social conflicts. In fact, their very structure had excluded the possibility of political opposition to a specific technology. (orig./HP)
Full Text Available Rawls defines education as the training and development of abilities and aptitudes, a civic, constitutional teaching, as a means for making a living and developing a cooperation sense. To understand the role of education in Rawls’ work we need to understand the concept of a well-ordered society. It is related to primary goods. In them political freedoms are given priority; and through them citizens —in developing their expression and meeting abilities, in enjoying freedom of thought— may get to enhance their self-esteem; guaranteeing citizens’ personal and social life enrichment. From this perspective, education plays a central role in society, as it helps to develop autonomy, allowing for individuals’ actions to be reflected by the principles they would accept as rational, reasonable, equal and free beings. As a consequence, education enables citizens for public debate. According to the theory of justice as fairness, differently from utilitarianism, citizenship development is a fundamental element; politics and education are intertwined aspects.
Elnora Gondim; Osvaldino Marra Rodrigues
Full Text Available The Political Economy and Public Choice approaches have promoted the study of interactions between the economy and the polity for over 60 years now. The present paper endeavours to provide a critical discussion of this literature and its achievements. In particular, it begins with the different approaches based on empirically tested or politometric models and it then proceeds to discuss different studies of the effects that particular rules of the game have on politico-economic outcomes. The third section of the paper will address studies that take institutions to be endogenous and aims to explain why particular institutions emerge. Finally, the question of whether Political Economy has been a success or a failure will be tackled. While the success in terms of the position it has gained in economic research and teaching is undeniable, a look at one of the most thriving recent areas of economics, happiness research, will reveal that some of its fundamental lessons are all too often disregarded.
Bruno S. Frey; Lasse Steiner
Full Text Available The central thesis of this essay is the understanding of juvenile collective dynamics as political forms of demodernization, moral anticipation and life politics, viewing its academic productions as zombie categories, unable to understand the dynamics of new times and the juvenile collective dynamics, interpreted as the moral anticipation and distanciation from forms of social proscription or deviation label. Emphasis is placed on the alternative political dimension of the juvenile collective dynamics, noted as political forms of life.
Diego Alejandro Muñoz Gaviria; Jorge Eliécer Martínez Posada
Full Text Available An age of the urban regionalism has arrived. Postindustrial capitalism is evolving in ways that give renewed importance to city regions. New forms of economic interdependence, the rise of specialized flexible production, the spread of new technologies, and other factors are making the city region a prominent node in today’s globalized economy. Although governments at all levels have been responding to manage this reality, political intervention remains a contentious matter because regional economic development has unleashed new political tensions over governance. Some tensions arise from economic obstacles to regional political cooperation. Other tensions arise from the urban political process in city regions. Many political interests, including entire governments, oppose political collaboration necessary for regional governance because it threatens them with loss of power, status or wealth. The political forces favoring resistance at the local and metropolitan levels tend to differ in the North American and Western European contexts, however.L’âge du «régionalisme urbain» est arrivé. Le capitalisme postindustriel se développe avec des modalités qui accordent une nouvelle importance aux villes-régions. De nouvelles formes d’interdépendance économique, l’émergence d’une production spécialisée flexible, la diffusion des nouvelles technologies, et d’autres facteurs font des villes-régions un nœud prédominant dans l’économie globalisée d’aujourd’hui. Bien que les gouvernements de tous niveaux aient fourni des réponses pour gérer cette réalité, l’intervention politique demeure un objet de conflit parce que le développement économique régional a libéré de nouvelles tensions politiques. Certaines tensions naissent des obstacles économiques à une coopération politique de niveau métropolitain. D’autres proviennent de l’intérieur même du processus politique des villes. De nombreux intérêts politiques, y compris ceux des gouvernements, s’opposent à une collaboration jugée nécessaire au niveau des villes-régions parce que cette collaboration met en danger ceux qui ont peur d’y perdre du pouvoir, un statut ou des ressources. Les forces politiques qui font de la résistance aux niveaux local et métropolitain diffèrent cependant en Amérique du Nord et en Europe de l’Ouest.
Paul Kantor; H.V. Savitch
Although the study of LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) politics appears to be widely accepted within political science, a recent survey of political scientists reported some skepticism about its legitimacy and scholarly worth (Novkov and Barclay 2010). This article examines potential concerns about LGBT studies and draws attention to the…
Explores how language and political science professors can co-teach a course using the Language Across the Curriculum format to increase student understanding of a country's language and politics. Describes a Georgia Tech course taught in German on post-war German politics. Addresses the elements of a successful course and student and course…
Hallerberg, Mark; Cothran, Bettina
Ebbe Prag's paper - Entrepôt Politics: Political Struggles over the Dantokpa Marketplace in Cotonou, Benin - argues that marketplaces are a hub of formal and informal international trade. Furthermore, marketplaces are an important site for understanding national political struggles in Benin due to t...
Full Text Available Political culture contains the rules, understandings and principles related to the process ofpolitical life. Especially with the effect of political socialization, the leaders internalize the political culture,mediating between political culture and foreign policy. Turkish political culture has also considerableeffect upon the Turkish foreign policy. Kemalist political culture played an influentical effect upon determinationof Turkish foreign policy between 1923 and 1950. But, in the course of time fundamentalelements of the Kemalist political culture are reinterpreted by the political elites. Justice and DevelopmentParty, while respecting the orthodox Kemalist political culture, made concrete contributions to the evolutionprocess of the Kemalist political culture similar to those of President Ozal. JD Party on the onehand reinterpreted the elements of the Kemalist political culture, including Westernization, secularism,nationalism and strong state mentality in favor of the Ozal’s concerns, on the other hand strictly wentaway from the National Outlook of Necmettin Erbakan. JD Party’s interpretation of political culturehas had considerable impact upon the current government’s foreign policy.
The attention of this paper would be to assess critically the consequences of any conscious effort to separate morality from politics giving that morality constitutes an essential and integral part of any political culture. With this understanding it becomes controversial and worrisome for any one t...
Full Text Available This article explores the similarities and differences concerning the extent to which electoral politics addresses the concerns of Basque and Moro nationalism. These demands mainly focus on the factors that have brought about their political, cultural and, for the Moros, also economic marginalization. In terms of similarities, electoral politics in the form of plebiscites and referendums are used to gauge the sentiments of the Basques and the Moros with regards to approving a national constitution with provisions affecting them as well as the establishment of an autonomous region for the Moros and the strengthening of a federal form of government in the case of the Basques. Elections are also used to choose their leaders at the local, provincial, regional and national levels. As for the differences, among the major ones are the following: One is that electoral politics in the Basque region mirrors the class divide in society and reflects the interests of the constituencies. This is not the case in Muslim Mindanao whereby patronage politics rules and electoral results are generally dictated by the Muslim elites who have close ties with the national elites. And secondly, the ideological bias of the elected leader and his political power in Spain has a direct impact on Basque nationalism. In the case of the Philippines, it is the personality of the elected leader that determines whether peace negotiations will be pursued or not. But this does not impact on national or local electoral politics as in the case of Spain.
Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem
This paper analyzes the debates surrounding the privatization of health services financing in Quebec. The objective is to clarify policy-making processes with regard to this important issue and, more generally, to provide a realistic understanding of health-related policy processes in Canada. The analysis is based on a large and continuous sample of mass media and National Assembly debates on the question during the four-and-a-half years following the Chaoulli ruling of the Supreme Court of Canada. These data are used to test four hypotheses about relationships among the types of political actors involved, their policy preferences, the rhetoric they use and the anticipated policy effects they assert. The results are applied to a discussion of questions about the factors that influence the effectiveness of political communication.
Contandriopoulos D; Abelson J; Lamarche P; Bohémier K
The multitude of fiscal politics` objectives supposes a rational and a well-informed selection of them. Fiscal politics handle specific instruments and levers , producing effects which are hard enough to be quantified and reactions, which most of the time are unforeseen by the payers in their qualit...
Morar Ioan Dan
The aim of this paper is to offer some guidelines for an explanation of politeness in the framework of Relevance Theory. I will suggest that the notion of social adequacy is to be preferred to that of strategy; as a primitive for politeness theory, and try to show how such a notion can be integrated...
Escandell Vidal, Victoria
Information literacy is becoming an integral component of the higher education curriculum. Following a brief explanation of information literacy, highlighting links to the teaching of Politics at the tertiary level, this article shares lessons learned during a pilot study involving embedding information literacy on a third year Politics course at…
This paper focuses on the political project of Choi Fung, who has used herself, her body and performative actions to create a social movement. She exemplifies how young women can engage in feminist practices through a politics of iconogenesis whilst remaining marginal to the feminist movement. Rathe...
Analysis how to use Internet influence to the process of political communication, marketing and the management of public relations, what kind of online communication methods are used by political parties, and to assess satisfaction, means of communication and the services they provide to their part...
Sali Emruli; Miroslav Baca
Full Text Available The recent battle reported from Washington about proposed national testing program does not tell the most important political story about high stakes tests. Politically popular school accountability systems in many states already revolve around statistical results of testing with high-stakes environments. The future of high stakes tests thus does not depend on what happens on Capitol Hill. Rather, the existence of tests depends largely on the political culture of published test results. Most critics of high-stakes testing do not talk about that culture, however. They typically focus on the practice legacy of testing, the ways in which testing creates perverse incentives against good teaching. More important may be the political legacy, or how testing defines legitimate discussion about school politics. The consequence of statistical accountability systems will be the narrowing of purpose for schools, impatience with reform, and the continuing erosion of political support for publicly funded schools. Dissent from the high-stakes accountability regime that has developed around standardized testing, including proposals for professionalism and performance assessment, commonly fails to consider these political legacies. Alternatives to standardized testing which do not also connect schooling with the public at large will not be politically viable.
This book traces the development of indoor radon policy in the USA from the prospective of the political arena including elected officials, federal and state regulators, the scientific community, public and private interest groups, the press and the American political culture. Also included are summaries of the Finnish and Swedish approaches to radon policies with in the context of government and cultural values.
"Modern culture has found in representative democracy the most refined form of government of our time. This form of democracy created and increments public time as confrontation of political parties, of ideologies, of opinions and at the same time as occasion of political participation. The emergenc...
Mongardini, Carlo; Institut für Höhere Studien (IHS), Wien
Argues that Joseph Conrad's political novels belie the sweeping and vague rhetoric sometimes used to describe them. States that Conrad, disillusioned with materialism in his political novels, imagines that "industrialism and commercialism" may foster wars between democracies. Contends Conrad's interest is at least divided between a grammar of…
Schwarz, Daniel R.
|The evolution of community organization practice in Montreal, has been in the form of a well-organized political movement composed of neighborhood organizations and labor unions. This movement is discussed in the context of Quebec's political and ideological setting and its impact on the social work profession. (Author)|
The procedures used in developing a political science thesaurus for use by the DOE Technical Information Center and the Executive Office of the President Information Center are described. The classification scheme for terms in the political science thesaurus is given in an appendix, but only a one-page sample of the thesaurus itself is shown. (RWR)
Analysis how to use Internet influence to the process of political communication, marketing and the management of public relations, what kind of online communication methods are used by political parties, and to assess satisfaction, means of communication and the services they provide to their part...
Sali Emruli; Tahir Zejneli; Florin Agai
Full Text Available In the late 1990s Indonesia, the world’s most populous Muslim nation, transitioned to democracy amidst concerns over Islamist ascendancy. Yet, a decade later and Indonesia accommodates a diversity of Islamic political expression. The following article considers the clues to this accommodation. It examines the relationship between political Islam and democratisation and its possible future trajectory in Indonesia.
Paul J. Carnegie
Political theory of European union, through an engagement between political concepts and theoretical understandings, provides a means of identifying the EU as a political object. It is argued that understanding the projects, processes and products of European union, based on ‘sharing’ or ‘communion’, provides a better means of perceiving the EU as a political object rather than terms such as ‘integration’ or ‘co-operation’. The concept of ‘European communion’ is defined as the ‘subjective sharing of relationships’, understood as the extent to which individuals or groups believe themselves to be sharing relations (or not), and the consequences of these beliefs for European political projects, processes and products. By exploring European communion through an engagement with contemporary political theory, using very brief illustrations from the Treaty of Lisbon, the article also suggests that European communion embraces three different readings of the EU as a political object – the EU as a constellation of communities; as a cosmopolitan space; and as an example of cosmopolitical co-existence. In other words, the political object of European union may be identified as sharing ‘European communion’.
Manners, Ian James
Full Text Available Political organizations often want to win election contests. This consequently makes them to work out means through which this can be done. In the process they are faced with the problem of choosing the correct and best means to achieve this result. This paper aims at examining if there is best political marketing strategy political organizations can rely on in winning elections. The study also wishes to examine whether differences exist in the methods through which political organizations maximize voter’s support. 1531 respondents were selected from three Local Government Areas which formed Ilorin city and its environs. The Sample units were reached through 15 Research Assistants specifically trained for the research work (5 Research Assistants each for a Local Government), who randomly distributed questionnaire to the selected respondents. Stepwise regression and Chi-square were the statistical techniques used to test the hypotheses raised in the study. Result indicates that Voter’s support is the best political marketing strategy used by Political organizations, followed by Positive Publicity to win elections. It was also revealed that the methods used by political organizations to maximize voter’s support are in different proportion and variance, for instance, in the study presenting credible and acceptable candidate for election was the method through which political organization maximizes its voter’s support. The study recommends that the use of money to influence electorates’ voting behaviour should be discouraged and campaign information needs to be reliable and dependable amongst others.
The "Political correctness" is a rather new--about 25 years old--and poorly defined phenomenon. It is being used in an attempt to improve and to "euphemize" the present language and the terminology in various areas. The author tries to show the impact of Political correctness upon the medical diagnostic skills and its possible disadvantages.
This paper is dedicated to surveying the present situation and the spread of the new Russian politeness phenomenon (NRP), and its evaluation and assessment by Russian native speakers in respect to the inter-cultural aspects of new Russian politeness. In terms of pragmatic change, the question is whe...
Full Text Available On the basis of survey data for Switzerland, this study systematically compares the political attitudes of atheists with the ones of theists. As expected theoretically, there are indeed statistically significant differences in the attitudinal structures of these two groups. Atheists are more to the political left than theists; they have a higher degree of interest in politics, but less trust in established institutions. These results lead to two conclusions. First, the author pleads for a more systematic integration of the religious cleavage into the analyses of politics. Second, he maintains that key political and societal institutions have to adapt their strategies in order to include atheists.
Full Text Available On the basis of survey data for Switzerland, this study systematically compares the political attitudes of atheists with the ones of theists. As expected theoretically, there are indeed statistically significant differences in the attitudinal structures of these two groups. Atheists are more to the political left than theists, they have a higher degree of interest in politics, but less trust in established institutions. These results lead to two conclusions. First, the author pleads for a more systematic integration of the religious cleavage into the analyses of politics. Second, he maintains that key political and societal institu- tions have to adapt their strategies in order to include atheists.
Full Text Available The author critically discusses the theses about the relation between literature and politics which were presented in Vojislav Stanov?i?’s work ?A Contribution of the Historical and Literary Works to the Understanding of Political Phenomena?. The first part points to the basic concepts of knowledge, symbols, notions, truth, literature and politics. The second part includes the experimental analysis of the relation between literature and politics. The conclusion underlines the claim that there is no general knowledge about the link between literature and politics and that every specific relation should be discussed separately.
Full Text Available With the 1996-7 IGC and signing of the Amsterdam Treaty, immigration has moved towards the top of the EU policy agenda. This paper offers an overview of developments on immigration, asylum and citizenship. It goes on to develop a sociological approach to Europeanisation, which identifies the principle actors and organisations which constitute the emerging political field of immigration at the EU level. In particular, it discusses in detail the growing presence of NGOs in Brussels, and their strategies for influencing EU policy making. It also relates the success of these transnational organisations to other forms of transnational cooperation between networks of European police and security experts, and between region and city networks. To understand in sociological terms the specific forms of empowerment enabled to certain groups by European integration, it is necessary to show how successful actors in the European circles have created new forms of social and cultural capital beyond the nation state.
Full Text Available Gender performativity is one of the core concepts of Judith Butler’s work. In this paper Butler re-examines the concept of performativity and gives an account of how she became interested in the notion of precarity. Butler considers precarity as a politically induced condition in which certain populations become exposed to injury, violence and displacement. In addition, those who are exposed to precarity are also at risk of not qualifying as subjects of recognition. The author asks how is it possible to “claim a right” for those subjects who do not have the right to claim any rights, or how one must follow certain rules before attempting to change them. These issues constantly come up in the social construction of the nation-states.
This article discusses the opposition of coastal states to offshore oil drilling and how this opposition is slowing the U.S. government's plans for offshore oil exploration. In 1983, it is cited that exploration of off-coastal-states drilling dropped to about 54% of what it was two years earlier, a reflection of both leasing problems and decreasing oil and natural gas prices. Exploration is expected to pick up despite the political risks. California's potential remains high and drilling in the Gulf of Mexico is fairly stable. The most promising spot mentioned for future offshore coastal drilling is Alaska, where oil companies are reportedly planning to drill a number of $30 million wildcat wells in the next two years.
Full Text Available With the 1996-7 IGC and signing of the Amsterdam Treaty, immigration has moved towards the top of the EU policy agenda. This paper offers an overview of developments on immigration, asylum and citizenship. It goes on to develop a sociological approach to Europeanisation, which identifies the principle actors and organisations which constitute the emerging ?political field? of immigration at the EU level. In particular, it discusses in detail the growing presence of NGOs in Brussels, and their strategies for influencing EU policy making. It also relates the success of these ?transnational? organisations to other forms of transnational cooperation between networks of European police and security experts, and between region and city networks. To understand in sociological terms the specific forms of empowerment enabled to certain groups by European integration, it is necessary to show how successful actors in the European circles have created new forms of social and cultural ?capital? beyond the nation state.
Full Text Available Abstract in english This text recreates the discursive elements of the Brazilian Communist Party's (PCB) peasant sindicalism consolidated in the pre-1964 era. The author argues that this agrarianism may shed light on the current discussion about the expectations of intellectuals and mediators in relation to the performance of the landless in the Brazilian agrarian reform. The work of Caio Prado Jr. and Alberto Passos Guimarães is revisited, with the question of the weakness of the peasantry (more) being one of the key points. The text also seeks to associate these classical ideas with Luiz Werneck Vianna's interpretation of the landless mobilization of the mid-1990s as the emblematic social conquest of Brazilian political democracy, notably after the enactment of the 1988 Constitution.
Santos, Raimundo; Frade, Celina de Castro
In this paper, I compare three different views of the relation between subjectivity and modernity: one proposed by Elisabeth Young-Bruehl, a second by theorists of institutionalised individualisation, and a third by writers in the Foucaultian tradition of studies of the history of governmentalities. The theorists were chosen because they represent very different understandings of the relation between contemporary history and subjectivity. My purpose is to ground psychoanalytic theory about what humans need in history and so to question what it means to talk ahistorically about what humans need in order to thrive psychologically. Only in so doing can one assess the relation between psychoanalysis and progressive politics. I conclude that while psychoanalysis is a discourse of its time, it can also function as a counter-discourse and can help us understand the effects on subjectivity of a more than thirty year history in the West of repudiating dependency needs and denying interdependence.
In this paper, I compare three different views of the relation between subjectivity and modernity: one proposed by Elisabeth Young-Bruehl, a second by theorists of institutionalised individualisation, and a third by writers in the Foucaultian tradition of studies of the history of governmentalities. The theorists were chosen because they represent very different understandings of the relation between contemporary history and subjectivity. My purpose is to ground psychoanalytic theory about what humans need in history and so to question what it means to talk ahistorically about what humans need in order to thrive psychologically. Only in so doing can one assess the relation between psychoanalysis and progressive politics. I conclude that while psychoanalysis is a discourse of its time, it can also function as a counter-discourse and can help us understand the effects on subjectivity of a more than thirty year history in the West of repudiating dependency needs and denying interdependence.
Full Text Available This study was designed to find general characteristics of Contemporary Turkish political Elites since 1995 up to date. Social background characteristics were employed to realise the purposes. Documentary and historical research techniques were used during the study. As a result of examining the Contemporary Turkish political elites (since 1995 up to 2005) these major findings were discovered: the large majority of the Turkish parliamentary elites were well educated, male, middle aged, married and with a small family size. Also, more than 25 percent of Turkish Elites are trader and businessmen. Moreover the size of the groups of lawyers, civil bureaucrats and managers, educators and free professions was also meaningful. Contemporary Turkish political elites have exhibited an elitist character as compared with Turkish society, but this elitist character and male domination has begun to change in recent years. Keywords: Democracy, Elite, Elite Theory, Power, Turkish Elites, Turkish Political Elites, Contemporary Turkish Political Elites
D. Ali Arslan
Ever since they began to be widely discussed during the early nineteenth century, evolutionary ideas have played a controversial role in debates about politics and social reform. Understanding the political commitments of those who have sought to integrate politics and evolution is a complex challenge, though; not least because memories of mid-twentieth-century eugenic policies have frequently shaped how we talk about biosocial science. However, as the case of the Scottish biologist-turned-town-planner Patrick Geddes highlights, while we need to be aware of the broad appeal that biosocial science has historically held, we also need to recognise that current political categories can be misleading when thinking about those of who have put evolution and politics together.
This is a literature review on the political competence of nurses in scientific texts of five books, 12 journals, and two master's degrees dissertations, analyzing approaches in terms of content and context. The findings revealed that in the 1920s, when nursing was institutionalized, nurses seemed to be non-critical and passive as to the events of their time. There was a shy political movement in the 1940s, but only in the 1970s and 1980s the nurse position becomes socially concrete as to public health care system and when discussing the intellectual and political directions of the profession. In 1990s, a discussion on critical thinking and the social practice of nursing emerged. It was concluded that there is still a gap in the profession, with a politically aware and critical group in one hand, and a passive and lethargic on the other hand, making the political position of nurses incipient.
Lima WC; Sampaio SF
Full Text Available This article points out the importance of neo-patrimonial theories in understanding local socio-political dynamics. Through the analysis of a case study in Western Uganda, it is firstly shown how within 'formal' state institutions, there is an 'informal' logic of competing political camps. These political camps, and their subsidiary networks of political patronage, have adverse effects for development. Secondly, this system has a profound impact on how people perceive the servicedelivery functions of the state: people on the ground do not expect the state to be there for everyone, but only for the people of their 'political camp' or network. Also the role of the state is seen as strongly personalised, as the 'big men' are perceived to have taken over the service provision activities of the state.
This is a literature review on the political competence of nurses in scientific texts of five books, 12 journals, and two master's degrees dissertations, analyzing approaches in terms of content and context. The findings revealed that in the 1920s, when nursing was institutionalized, nurses seemed to be non-critical and passive as to the events of their time. There was a shy political movement in the 1940s, but only in the 1970s and 1980s the nurse position becomes socially concrete as to public health care system and when discussing the intellectual and political directions of the profession. In 1990s, a discussion on critical thinking and the social practice of nursing emerged. It was concluded that there is still a gap in the profession, with a politically aware and critical group in one hand, and a passive and lethargic on the other hand, making the political position of nurses incipient. PMID:18464473
Lima, Washington Campos Barbosa; Sampaio, Sueli Fátima
Full Text Available The role of women in modern politics is a subject that needs further insight, considering the growthin number of women that nowadays have relevant political positions on the international stage.There are studies today that emphasize the equality issue and all that is gender role related, but ourinterest is to analyze the women representation in power related positions. Due to the fastmodernization of the political environment and the rapid spreading of the feminist way of thought,several authors took interest in the gender differences in politics. The article follows some keydimensions in understanding the gender-role in politics: the glass ceiling, the role of the media indrawing the image of the woman politician, the gender affinity effect. In the end we would like topoint out the differences for men and women in exploiting the opportunities and securing the positions of power.
The theme of this paper is political identity and participation among Muslim migrant young people in Denmark. Political identity is analysed by examining students’ political interests and perception of themselves as participants in politics, as well as their rationalities for politics. In order to address the research question ‘What characterizes political identities among Muslim immigrant young people in schools?’ we interviewed eight Muslim students from a Danish upper secondary school and from different national origins. The students’ political orientations seemed quite contradictory, even among those who might readily have been identified as a-political. Despite moderate political interest, all students showed some inclinations to participate in elections or in particular issues. However, they emphasized that their social studies classes primarily provided them with factual knowledge experience, and some students found this knowledge useful. None of the students seemed to experience school asan arena for participation. Consequently, there is first a need to emphasize the significance of a dynamic perspective on the phenomenon of political identity, and second, we need to know how students in school should be regarded as citizens in ‘the making’ or as equal citizens in a participatory arena. Keywords: politics, identity, citizenship, participation, democracy.
Kristensen, Niels NØrgaard; Solhaug, Trond
Full Text Available Political conversation is a prerequisite for social cohesion in society. Due to digital media, a new educational situation has been shaped that creates different conversational possibilities in which the political conversation can take place. The analysis of two cases, the international students’ questionnaire used in the ICCS 2009 and findings from research in a Swedish net community, represents two spaces – school and social media – containing specific educational conditions for political conversation. These two spaces are used to problematize and discuss, in terms of political socialisation, educational conditions for political conversation in school. The Political Voice of Young Citizens is shown to be framed by different conditions depending on where, when, and how the political conversation is institutionally arranged and directed.
The study summarizes political attitudes held by Negro residents of the South Central Los Angeles Curfew Zone after the rioting of 1965. It focuses upon attitudes in four areas: national partisan politics, local government in Los Angeles, Negro politics, ...
D. O. Sears
Full Text Available This study dealt with the most important difficulties that prevent Jordanian women participation in political life, the study used a purposive sample consisted of 80 pioneers women in north region governate for the year 2011. A questionnaire consisted of four aspects that covers the difficulties prevent Jordanian women from participating in political life .The following conclusions were drawn from this study: the social, the cultural difficulties are the most important factors that prevent Jordanian women participation in political life. Finally and in light of the results the study came up with some recommendations such as: working on the awareness of society to change its believes regarding women participation on political life and to work on improving the economical situation of the women (economical empowerment).
Alaa Zuhheir Al- Rawashdeh; Asmaa Ribhi Al Arab; Ali Mohammad Ali Al-Shboul
Full Text Available Development of a civil society and social systems for protection of different groups is directly related to well functioning political and economic systems. If the level of economic development or political stability is not continuous the implementation of antidiscrimination laws would most likely be at a very low level. In this case development of social rights along with implementation of antidiscrimination rights may be marginalized due to three factors: lack of cooperation among political and economic spheres, lack of knowledge about antidiscrimination laws and absence of political will for adoption and implementation of antidiscrimination laws. Therefore, we focus on the examination of specific issues concerning the three aforementioned factors primarily focusing on EU and divergence in the level of political and economic development among the member states.We will argue that antidiscrimination laws are not welcome in new member states, especially since they increase political and economic costs for the governments of respective countries. Level of political development has much to do with the acceptance and inclusion of AD laws in the decision making process. Economic development has much to do with social and living standards within a country which is directly related to the general perception of the population on AD laws. Therefore, one could say that implementation of AD laws heavily depends on the preparedness of people, economic and political system and their will to cope with costs and benefits of implementing those laws.
Full Text Available The aim of the article. The aim of the article is consideration of political systems using marketing concept, which has recently received significant development in society live. The general laws of economic and social systems development are confirmed.The results of the analysis. It is known that systemic approaches to the solution of certain scientific problems make it possible to transfer properties of studied patterns on other systems. In the beginning of twenty-first century economy and politics intertwin with each other. So it is naturally to consider political events of recent years using marketing methodology, principles of market segmentation, research methods, properties of certain elements of the marketing mix: product life cycle graph, financial policy, instruments of marketing communications and more. Nowadays marketing approach moves from the market of goods and services to nonprofit sector. It happens because a lot of processes in this sphere are based on the use of market approaches and mechanisms. President, parliamentary and local government elections are the most felicitous objects to verify the effectiveness of marketing concept inpolitics.Political marketing is defined as a system of means and measures to create an image of party or its leaders. This image has to meet the expectations of their potential electorate and stress the differences between our party and competitors. The purpose of political marketing is to coordinate steps and program of the party or its leader with electoral expectations, to attract voter and to form assessment criterions. Such criterions can be: win or significant percentage of election results, the current rating of the party and so on.The subject of research in political marketing is election campaigns, mass political and educational events, propaganda work, lobbying process, preparation and implementation of various projects, work with political parties and public organizations. An applied sphere of political marketing is power relationships. It is a space in which parties, social movements, public organizations, state institutions and public interests exist and interact.Conclusions and directions of further researches. It is shown that political market is a place where the political product, problems, programs, analyzes, comments, concepts, events appear as a result of competition between involved agents. Ordinary citizens (consumers) choose among them. Thus, marketing categories can be used to explaine, understand and research political systems. Also they confirm the common patterns of development of political and socio-economic systems.
O.S. Teletov; Yu.V. Tytarenko; O.Yu. Shevchenko
Impact de la violence politique sur la santé mentale des jeunes adolescents en Colombie. Analyse des facteurs de risque et de protection/ Impact of the political violence on mental health of young adolescents in Colombia. Analysis of risk and protective factors
Full Text Available Abstract in spanish El objetivo de esta investigación es examinar desde una perspectiva ecológica la salud mental de los adolescentes desplazados por la violencia política en Colombia. Se tomó como base el modelo ecológico integrado del impacto del trauma de Elbedour, ten Bensel y Bastien (1993), que estipula la influencia combinada de diferentes niveles de factores unidos a la experiencia traumática, factores individuales y factores proximales que vienen de la familia, y de los factor (more) es sociales de la red social familiar. El estudio se realizó con 98 jóvenes en edades entre los 9 a 16 años (M= 12.5 años, dt= 2.18), habitantes de las afueras de Barranquilla, de los cuales 48 son desplazados por la violencia (26 de sexo masculino, 22 de sexo femenino) y 50 son sedentarios pobres (26 de sexo masculino, 24 de sexo femenino). Los cuestionarios se escogieron en función de su utilización en contextos de pobreza y/o violencia (Macksoud, 1992; Macksoud & Aber, 1996; Macksoud, Aber, Dyregrov & Raundalen, 1990). Los resultados muestran que los adolescentes desplazados son más deprimidos y ansiosos que sus pares sedentarios. La ansiedad está unida al número total de eventos traumáticos, mientras que la depresión se explica más bien por la separación de los padres. Las competencias sociales y el ambiente social actúan como factores protectores. Entre los factores del ambiente social se observa el hecho de vivir en una familia extensa y de inscribirse en una red social que incluye a los amigos de la familia. En su conjunto, la familia y la preservación de su unidad aparecen como elementos cruciales. Abstract in english The aim of this research is to examine the mental health of young adolescents who have been displaced by political violence of Colombia within the integrated ecological model of trauma impact presented by Elbedour, ten Bensel and Bastien (1993). This framework stipulates the combined influence of several levels of factors linked to family affiliation and social aspects of family network. Two groups of young adolescents participated in this study, 48 were displaced by poli (more) tical violence (26 boys and 22 girls), 50 sedentary adolescents lived in extremely poor suburb of Barranquilla (26 boys and 24 girls). The mean age is 12.5 years old (sd= 2.18; min = 9; max = 16). Questionnaires have been chosen with regards to their use in a context of poverty and/or violence (Macksoud, 1992; Macksoud& Aber, 1996; Macksoud, Aber, Dyregrov, & Raundalen, 1990). Results show that displaced adolescents are more depressed and anxious than their sedentary peers. Anxiety is explained by the total indices of trauma events while depression is rather explained by the separation from parents. Social competencies and social environment appear as protective factors. Among the social factors, one finds the extended family unit and the inclusion of friends within the social network of the family. Overall, the family and the preservation of the family unit appear as crucial factors of mental health.
Sabatier, Clette; Palacio Sañudo, Jorge Enrique; Tousignant, Michel
Full Text Available This article reports the results from a national survey directed to the department chairs of political science to assess the current and future state of distance learning in that discipline. The insights of this research are relevant to all social science fields and offer important insights to other academic disciplines as well. Key findings of the study include the low utilization of distance learning courses, a low degree of importance currently attributed to distance learning and modest expectations of future growth, ambivalent acceptance of a future role for distance learning, the common use of Internet-related technologies, low levels of faculty knowledge and interest about distance learning, limited institutional support, and serious doubts about the appropriateness and quality of instruction at a distance. We propose a model of the size and scope of distance learning as a function of three factors: the capacity of distance learning technologies, market demand, and faculty and university interest in distance learning. The article concludes with suggestions of critical areas for future research in this dynamic, fluid post-secondary environment.
Steffen Schmidt; Mark C. Shelley; Monty Van Wart; Jane Clayton; Erin Schreck
Full Text Available The global context created by the First World War meant that Brazil was forced to accelerate its process of industrialization causing the numerical growth of the working class and the expansion of trade union activities in the country. Because of this, the Brazilian government increased its interest in controlling the different factors of industrial production process aimed at intensifying the process of capitalist accumulation in the country. At the same time, began the implementation of a series of welfare measures in the country as part of the conformation of the Brazilian system of social policies. If, initially, the system was linked primarily to the institutional apparatus of the state, in the mid-twentieth century, and more recently, we can see the growth of the bond between these social policies and the entities deprivation of neoliberal orientation. Thus, this article aims to observe the historical context and the relationship between the emergence and development of various forms of political participation in the construction of social policies in Brazil.
Daniella Guedes Rocha; Renata Mena Brasil do Couto
Full Text Available O artigo trata as questões do "Estado" e da "Política" partindo do exemplo concreto do processo de institucionalização, no Brasil, de práticas profissionais em psicologia reconhecidas como Análise Institucional (vertente grupalista francesa consideravelmente difundida nos últimos 20 anos). Trabalho para expor uma face menos visível da judicialização que funciona ao nível das concepções, crenças e valores entre os operadores dos equipamentos onde se materializam as políticas públicas engendradas pelo excesso legalista. Dentre as modalidades desse apego à lei, toma-se em análise aquela mais próxima de nossas práticas de funcionalismo público marcando o índice de grau máximo de sua institucionalização: a aceitação consensual da competência como critério de legitimidade na operação dos "instrumentos da violência institucional".This article regards the issues of 'State' and 'Politics' starting from the concrete example of the institutionalization process, in Brazil, of professional practices in psychology recognized as Institutional Analysis (french branch of group psychology considerably spread in the last 20 years). I try to expose a less visible face of the judicialization that works at the level of beliefs and values among the operators of the equipments where the public policies are materialized engendered by the legalist excess. Among the modalities of this attachment to law, it is taken into analysis that one closer to our public practices labeling the utmost grade index of its institutionalization: the consensual acceptance of the capacity as a legitimacy criterion in the 'instruments of institutional violence' operation.
Manoel Mendonça Filho
BACKGROUND: Medical and dental care are dependent on political settings for legislation and financing. The professionals in these organisations need to understand the political logic that shapes the environment of their organisation. A description of Swedish dentistry and recent legislation reports from commissions and bills to parliament from 1997 are analysed. AIM: The aims are to describe changes in the environment for dentistry in Sweden from 1998, to analyse the underlying political logic, and to point to some lessons to be learned. METHOD: The description is analysed using theories from strategic management and from decision-making. RESULTS: The objectives changed from a formal emphasis on prevention to insurance against high cost for the patient. Some ideas keep recurring in the political debates even if scientific logics contradict them. CONCLUSIONS: Health care system research methods and the "garbage can" model of decision-making can be used to describe and to gain a better understanding of the politically governed environment. Some political issues keep recurring in spite of earlier rational rejections. A better understanding of the political logic that forms the environment for an organisation is needed for a successful adaptation to that environment.
Ordell S; Söderfeldt B
Full Text Available This inquiry analyzes how political orientations shape welfare states and labour market institutions when seeking to reduce poverty. In order to identify effects of these two key variables, we conduct a panel regression analysis that includes two poverty measures: poverty rates before and after social spending. This inquiry considers 14 EU countries, and in the period from 1995 to 2008, which are grouped according to welfare state regimes. We consider Social Democratic, Corporatist, Mediterranean and Liberal welfare state regimes. Panel regression results indicate that political orientation engenders no significant statistically measurable effects on poverty rates before social spending. Effects register, however, as significant when considering poverty rates after social spending. With respect to the first set of results, we advance two key explanations. First, we note a longer period of time is necessary in order to observe actual effects of political orientation on market generated poverty. Second, political parties with their respective programs do not register as influential enough to solve social problems related to income distribution when taken alone. Influences register as indirect and are expressed through changes in employment rates and social spending. The second set of results support the hypothesis that a selected political regime does indeed contribute to poverty reduction. In sum, political orientation and political regime does indeed affect poverty through welfare state institutions, as well as through labour market institutions.
Josifidis Kosta; Hall John; Supi? Novica; Ivan?ev Olgica
Full Text Available The political ideas of the European Union take their roots in the writings of the founding fathers of the West European integration. However, the theoretical reflections are not profound, since the authors were in the first place pragmatists like Jean Monnet. The first political visions aimed, first of all, at convincing both political elites as well as European masses to undertake the work of the unification of Europe. The theoretical ideas related to the political dimension of the European integration awake emotions. Apart from reflections on international and regional integration, which can be found in the works on the theories of international relations, the political regime of the European Union did not await any profound study. Nevertheless, the theoretical discussion on the political shape of European Union was caused by the process of constitutionalisation of the European Union. In the course discussions on the Constitutional Treaty, the more influential authors of theoretical works presented their opinions. The most important debates turned to be questions concerning the sovereignty of the Community supranational structure as well as the democratic deficit of the European Union. This article focuses on the most important discussions led from the position of the theory of democracy as well as the international political theory.
Zbigniew B. Rudnicki
Full Text Available Problem statement: Women in Asia are making their mark with distinct styles of leadership, but have a long way to go to reach the critical mass needed to level a political playing field that remains much easier for men to take part. Yet far from being included in the decision-making process, women find themselves under-represented in political institutions. Approach: Numerous challenges confront women entering politics. Many feel that Malaysian society is still male dominated and men are threatened by the idea of women holding senior posts. Thus the objective of this study tries to identify the model of political support of women by looking at relationship with political parties in the northern states. The result of findings shows that there is a significant relationship between them. Results: The recommendations were proposed such as women should be more participate in political parties activities from the women wings from the grass-root and women representatives should be given more opportunities in voice their idea as men in political arena. Conclusion: In future research, political parties and government should open widely the platform for women active in politics and give them an opportunity to exercise the political power as men earned in decision-making process.
Zaherawati Zakaria; Kamarudin Ngah; Jamaludin Mustaffa; Nazni Noordin; Mohd Z.H.M. Sawal; Zuriawati Zakaria
Full Text Available El presente artículo se concentra en el estudio de la corrupción como uno de los elementos que influye y facilita la socialización de las élites políticas mexicanas en el marco de relaciones políticas fundadas en compadrazgo, amiguismo, padrinazgo, familiarismo y clientelismo. Asimismo, se analiza el fenómeno de la corrupción como un factor que interviene en el proceso de reclutamiento político, movilidad de las élites y proporciona un referente en el ejercicio del poder político en México.This article focuses on the study of corruption as one of the factors influencing and facilitating the socialization of Mexican political elites in the context of political relations based on close friendship, family relations, caciquism or bossism, and patronage. It also analyzes the phenomenon of corruption as a factor in the process of political recruitment, mobility of elites and provides a scheme in the exercise of political power in Mexico.
The Center for the American Woman and Politics (CAWP) is a specialized research unit within the Eagleton Institute of Politics at Rutgers University. CAWP is devoted to researching, evaluating, and promoting the changing role of women in positions of political leadership. CAWP's Website provides numerous fact sheets, which present current and historical information on women elected officials and women in elections. In addition, the site offers access to a modest collection of CAWP articles, reports, and books. Some of the fact sheets and publications at the site are available in .pdf format only.
Full Text Available With the outbreak of the 2006 crisis, food security became intertwined with peacekeeping and the political struggle over state power in East Timor. Today, efforts to address food security have been hijacked by the political interests of the current government and the private interests of those in power. This article provides a brief historical overview of food (in)security in East Timor and then outlines the development of national agricultural and food security policy, arguing that in the face of weak state capacity, rice imports have come to serve the political and private interests of the current government.
Taking the SNR-300 reactor in Kalkar as an example, the process of forming of political opinion and decision is reconstructed in order to get a picture of typical consensus- and conflict patterns in the discussion of safety problems. On this basis, it should be possible to derive a freedom of action for the political and administrative managing of safety matters by means of feed back with social groups. As a crucial point the aspects concerning the steps of the forming of political opinion and decision are examined. (DG)
The paper gives an overview of EU's eastern enlargement and draws some theoretical conclusions. In particular, it stresses the point that the EU member states in the process of enlargement have entered a phase of "new politics", characterised by multilateralism, conditionality, help and binding agreements. They gained strong influence over their surroundings, and ,albeit they had to give up substantil parts of de-facto sovereingty, they are much better off than before, in particular in terms of security. EU's "new politics" are a successful alternative model to the "old politics", represented e.g. by US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld.
Full Text Available This article will address the Muslim politics in Malaysia in the light of the broader shifts towards democratization and Islamization by focusing on politics among the majority ethnic Malay community, followed an overview of the ideological rivalry between UMNO and PAS, with special reference to the electoral performances of these parties in the past three general elections (November 1999, March 2004 and March 2008) . It then explores the underlying reason for the perceived importance of Islam in understanding the voting trend among the Malay-Muslim electorate which raised the question to what extent was the discourse on Islam instrumental in persuading the Malays to switch their support from PAS to the UMNO during the 2004 elections, and in the process of continued participation as an ‘Islamic Party’ in Malaysian mainstream politics what factors were that encouraged the PAS leaders to compromises and to play by the ‘rule of democracy’. In the concluding part of the article the writer also provide with an overview on reform agenda of Civilizational Islam (Islam Hadhari) under premiership of Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and the current Malaysia’s Transformation Programme (GTP) under the leadership of Dato’ Sri Mohd Najib Tun Abdul Razak.
Nuclear power and the management of high-level radioactive waste is examined with the goal of explaining the forces driving the formulation of the 1982 Nuclear Waste Policy Act and a subsequent decision to site a nuclear waste repository at Yucca Mountain, Nevada. The study draws upon geographic, political, economic, and organizational factors to examine the commitment to dispose of spent fuel in a geologic repository located in Nevada or in Utah, Texas, Mississippi, Louisiana, or at Hanford Washington. Special attention is given to the impact of location, science and technology on the definition of the nuclear waste problem and political agendas, public participation, and the power of the nuclear establishment. The study finds that the choice of a Yucca Mountain Nevada as the preferred site for a repository was based more on technological precedent and political-economic expediency than on the demonstrated superiority of that site's geology. Conflict over a repository location is interpreted as a symptom of more fundamental conflicts concerning: the credibility of nuclear science, the legitimacy of federal authority and administration, and the priorities of environmental protection and a nuclear economy.
Nuclear power and the management of high-level radioactive waste is examined with the goal of explaining the forces driving the formulation of the 1982 Nuclear Waste Policy Act and a subsequent decision to site a nuclear waste repository at Yucca Mountain, Nevada. The study draws upon geographic, political, economic, and organizational factors to examine the commitment to dispose of spent fuel in a geologic repository located in Nevada or in Utah, Texas, Mississippi, Louisiana, or at Hanford Washington. Special attention is given to the impact of location, science and technology on the definition of the nuclear waste problem and political agendas, public participation, and the power of the nuclear establishment. The study finds that the choice of a Yucca Mountain Nevada as the preferred site for a repository was based more on technological precedent and political-economic expediency than on the demonstrated superiority of that site`s geology. Conflict over a repository location is interpreted as a symptom of more fundamental conflicts concerning: the credibility of nuclear science, the legitimacy of federal authority and administration, and the priorities of environmental protection and a nuclear economy.
Full Text Available This paper presents findings from an empirical study of the 2008 Kenyan crisis, aimed at exploring the role and effectiveness of the international development and diplomatic communities’ response. This response involved working to ameliorate the fragile political environment that followed the disputed 2007 elections. Thus, this case study was selected as an archetype to demonstrate how international actors can work cooperatively on political settlements. The key objective of this research is to analyse and share lessons about how those international actors present in Kenya engaged with the evolving political settlement to address the conflict. This study draws upon evolving political economy and political settlement debates in its analysis and uses the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s (OECD) Fragile States Principles as a framework. Adopting such an analytical lens encourages examination of the multiple, context-specific underlying dynamics that influenced the role of international actors during this period of political transition. It also enables a study of the operational factors facing external actors when they attempt to work more politically, and recognition of how carefully these actors need to use the limited role they have in shaping the internal institutional arrangements and dynamics of the countries within which they work. The study’s main findings indicate that in the 2008 post-election period the international development and diplomatic communities collectively commanded substantive influence over the nature and trajectory of Kenya’s evolving political settlement. It argues that these actors enhanced their influence over many important political issues principally as a result of applying good practice in fragile situations: understanding the context, adopting a unified and legitimate stance, coordinating and collaborating closely and acting fast to prevent conflict. They also laid the foundations for statebuilding in order to address the causes of the conflict. Prior to the crisis, a cohesive political voice was missing and many international actors lacked a thorough understanding of Kenya’s underlying political dynamics. This study concludes that the international development and diplomatic communities—by coming together and following good practice—significantly increased their influence over the political settlement following the 2008 crisis in Kenya.
Karuti Kanyinga; Sophie Phillipa Rendall Walker
Full Text Available This paper focuses on language politics as it is currently unfolding in Brazil. Thanks to a legislative bid by a member of the House of Representatives to curb the wide-spread use of English in the country, large segments of the country's population have suddenly become interested in language-related issues. Professional linguists were taken by surprise and have, by and large, been reduced to the status of mere spectators. In an attempt to address the issue, I argue that there is an urgent need to attend to the wider public and engage them in a fruitful dialogue.Este trabalho tem como foco a política lingüística tal qual ela vem se processando no Brasil. Graças a uma tentativa empenhada por um deputado no sentido de coibir o uso descontrolado de inglês no país, grandes setores da população têm mostrado interesse repetino em assuntos relativos à questão linguística. Os lingüistas profissionais foram pegos de calças curtas e, de forma geral, foram reduzidos à condição de meros espectadores. Ao tentar compreender o desenrolar dos acontecimentos, argumento que há uma necesidade urgente de atender aos anseios do público e dialogar com ele.
Full Text Available Under article 25.2 Spanish Constitution the incarceration of a person should aim to re-educate and socially rehabilitate. Along the same line, Art. 59.2 of the General Penitentiary Law (GPL) of 21 September 1979 asserts that treatment in prisons, should aim to motivate the incarcerated to become law abiding and to respect themselves, their family, peers, and society. This is allegedly achieved by them serving their sentences under conditions that reflect their individualised scientific grade (Art. 72 GPL). How do these aims translate into practice for a group of individuals, ETA members, condemned for offences committed in reaction to a perceived oppressive majoritarianism? It is hypothesized that the Spanish state either rehabilitates the deviants thus showing them the error of their ways and directs them to normality through a highly individualised assessment based on politically constructed common factors, or contain and civically and politically exclude those who resist.A Foucauldian approach is used to analyse the mechanisms of power and, the security and penal apparatuses erected to manage and discipline this collective, more precisely of governmentality, normalisation, and of biopower. Particular attention is paid to the techniques used to ‘normalise’ and govern this collective. At first sight, one would think that only disciplinary mechanisms in a penitentiary setting need be used to achieve the earlier stated aims given that they have a ‘captive audience’; however, in reaction to an intransigent collective with an embedded political praxis , the State has adopted a hybridised system of power. The system combines individual and collective security mechanisms, and legal instruments to achieve this objective. In managing risk, the Spanish penal apparatus has adopted strategies that involve politically and civically castrating those that are deemed too high a risk and incorrigible.DOWNLOAD THIS PAPER FROM SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1991742
Full Text Available In today’s increasingly globalised yet disconnected world, especially in the contemporary context of a turbulent political landscape, there has been an increasing effort made by socio-political leaders at solidifying alliances and drawing support from different corners of the world in order to neutralize policies. Drawing on a multidimensional framework, in particular, critical discourse analysis and membership categorization analysis, this paper explores the various strategies employed by political leaders, attempting to reconcile disparate perspectives in the face of increasing socio-economic inter-connection and political dependence. More often than not, it was discovered, political leaders drew upon the somewhat “illusory” notion of “international community”, turning it into a tool of persuasion and membership category. In doing so, this paper aims to illustrate how the creation of illusive categories and perceptions are intended as a means of drawing support from diverse political leaders and projecting a united front before scrutinizing press and public.
The dissertation research applied models of political culture and organizational process to the analysis of policy in the technology assessment and transfer area. Drawing from many strands of social science literature, it provides a new perspective to the...
K. E. Lasch
This article talks about four Indian women--Sonia Gandhi, Jayalitha, Mayawati, and Mamta Banerjee--in contrast with India's stereotypes in the political realm. India is a land of mind-boggling diversity. Yet stereotypes about India, which reduce the Indian reality to a unidimensional monolith, hold powerful sway. One such powerful stereotype is that Indian women are brutally oppressed, denied a voice in their family and community, and marginalized in politics as in other power structures. Without doubt, there is much truth in this stereotype; but how can the current political scene be explained? A few women are holding the entire political establishment of India at ransom. The machinations of Sonia Gandhi, Jayalalitha, Mayawati, and Mamta Banerjee have caused enormous upheavals in the polity and recently brought about the fall of the BJP government. Powerful politicians dance to the erratic tunes of these women and are shamefully submissive to them. PMID:12295711
Full Text Available Review of: Michael H. Bodden, Resistance on the national stage: Theater and politics in late New Order Indonesia. Barbara Hatley, Javanese performances on an Indonesian stage: Contesting culture, embracing change.
Full Text Available The article is focused on political extremism in Russia, indicates level and depth of the phenomenon understanding in the life of modern society, brings in extremism ideology and its historical background.
Guram O. Darakchyan
Full Text Available Election campaigns are regular opportunities for heightened political engagement and socialization. For many young people, politics becomes most visible and concrete during electoral contests. However, campaign media, at least in the United States, typically have not targeted young voters with messages that enhance their participation and turnout. In fact, much traditional election media coverage of youth has emphasized their lack of interest and involvement, and thus works to discourage the development of activist political orientations. With the evolution of new types of dynamic and populist media formats, such as blogs and social/political networking websites, young people have greater opportunities to establish a presence in election campaigns on their own terms. This piece will explore how new developments in campaign media are changing the relationship of young people to the electoral process.
Full Text Available During the last 50 years, at least four interdisciplinary developments have occurred at the boundaries of political science and economics that have affected the central questions that both political scientists and economists ask, the empirical evidence amassed as a new foundation for understanding political economies, and new questions for future research. These include: (1) the Public Choice Approach, (2) the Governance of the Commons debate, (3) New Institutional Economics, and (4) Behavioral Approaches to Explaining Human Actions. In this short essay, I briefly review the challenges that these approaches have brought to political science and some of the general findings stimulated by these approaches before identifying some of the major issues on the contemporary agenda.
Full Text Available The linguistic vaccinations of political discourse in terms originated by specialized science vocabularies do not always result to clarity. On the contrary, indeed, they create conditions which eventually threaten citizen’s freedom.
We compare a recent Danish twin survey on political attitudes and behaviors to a nationally representative survey covering similar topics. We find very similar means and variances for most of our constructed scales of political attitudes and behaviors in the two surveys, although even small differences tend to be statistically significant due to sample size. This suggests that the twin study can be used to make inferences on the heritability of several political traits in the Danish population.
Klemmensen, Robert; Hobolt, Sara B
We compare a recent Danish twin survey on political attitudes and behaviors to a nationally representative survey covering similar topics. We find very similar means and variances for most of our constructed scales of political attitudes and behaviors in the two surveys, although even small differences tend to be statistically significant due to sample size. This suggests that the twin study can be used to make inferences on the heritability of several political traits in the Danish population.
Klemmensen R; Hobolt SB; Dinesen PT; Skytthe A; Nørgaard AS
We compare a recent Danish twin survey on political attitudes and behaviors to a nationally representative survey covering similar topics. We find very similar means and variances for most of our constructed scales of political attitudes and behaviors in the two surveys, although even small differences tend to be statistically significant due to sample size. This suggests that the twin study can be used to make inferences on the heritability of several political traits in the Danish population. PMID:22784456
Klemmensen, Robert; Hobolt, Sara B; Dinesen, Peter T; Skytthe, Axel; Nørgaard, Asbjørn Sonne
Full Text Available The study was conceived as an inquiry into the effect of political education curriculum (PEC) and of political knowledge/literacy on the political socialization of students. Political education is taken to refer to any course studied in school which may have political content: history, current events, economics, social studies, geography, citizenship education, civics, environmental studies and similar subject matter. The function of such courses is to initiate individuals into "the skills and concepts required for active participation in political affairs of citizenship" (Entwhistle, 1971, p. 1).Therefore to gain insight into the role of political education in socializing individuals to politics, this study examined the effects of PEC upon the political socialization of a group of Bahamian youth studying in Montreal.This paper was prepared for presentation in Session 8: "The Education of Elites in Montreal" of the Comparative and International Education Society of Canada, Learned Societies Conference, University of New Brunswick, Fredericton, June 7-9, 1977.
Johnson, Pandora; Hamalian, Arpi
For a long time now Algeria plays a prominent role in the supply of natural gas to European countries and LNG to other parts of the world. However, this country with its enormous petroleum and natural gas reserves does not yet have the place on the European natural gas market that it deserves. A brief overview is given of the rapidly changing institutional, economical and political factors in Algeria, which must guide them to a good position on the European gas market after the year 2000. 8 ills.
This paper reports that another political firestorm has flared over Venezuelan petroleum sector investment. Statements by Venezuela's President Carlos Andres Perez who has provoked a new political debate over oil affairs in Venezuela. Commenting on Pdvsa's overseas interests, it has been ordered that the state oil company to sell part of its shares in Citgo Petroleum Corp., Tulsa, and Ruhr Oel GmbH, a joint venture with Veba Oel AG, Gelsenkirchen.
Political campaigns today are won or lost in the so-called ground war--the strategic deployment of teams of staffers, volunteers, and paid part-timers who work the phones and canvass block by block, house by house, voter by voter. Ground Wars provides an in-depth ethnographic portrait of two such campaigns, New Jersey Democrat Linda Stender's and that of Democratic Congressman Jim Himes of Connecticut, who both ran for Congress in 2008. Rasmus Kleis Nielsen examines how American political operatives use "personalized political communication" to engage with the electorate, and weighs the implications of ground war tactics for how we understand political campaigns and what it means to participate in them. He shows how ground wars are waged using resources well beyond those of a given candidate and their staff. These include allied interest groups and civic associations, party-provided technical infrastructures that utilize large databases with detailed individual-level information for targeting voters, and armies of dedicated volunteers and paid part-timers. Nielsen challenges the notion that political communication in America must be tightly scripted, controlled, and conducted by a select coterie of professionals. Yet he also quashes the romantic idea that canvassing is a purer form of grassroots politics. In today's political ground wars, Nielsen demonstrates, even the most ordinary-seeming volunteer knocking at your door is backed up by high-tech targeting technologies and party expertise. Ground Wars reveals how personalized political communication is profoundly influencing electoral outcomes and transforming American democracy. Rasmus Kleis Nielsen is research fellow at the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism at the University of Oxford and assistant professor at Roskilde University in Denmark.
Nielsen, Rasmus Kleis
Full Text Available The multitude of fiscal politics` objectives supposes a rational and a well-informed selection of them. Fiscal politics handle specific instruments and levers , producing effects which are hard enough to be quantified and reactions, which most of the time are unforeseen by the payers in their quality as productive or final consumers. The perfection of the proposed alternatives is necessary on the one hand , but hard to be realized on the other hand.
Morar Ioan Dan
Using Guangzhou (Canton) as an example, this article examines major political economy problems regarding environmental impact assessment (EIA) in China: (1) difficulties for regulatory agencies to impose EIA procedures and requirements on projects that are sponsored or supported by other government agencies; (2) a lack of strong political constituencies that support environmental protection efforts; and (3) conflicts of interest created by regulatory agencies that attempt to finance their operations through providing services to the regulated for fees.
Lo, C.W.H. [Hong Kong Polytechnic Univ., Kowloon (Hong Kong); Tang, S.Y. [Univ. of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA (United States). School of Public Administration; Chan, S.K. [Univ. of Macau (Macau)
Full Text Available All studies about globalization justly emphasize the unprecedented effects of this phenomenon at national and international level. In this respect ,it is common truth that politics, an essential element in the relationships between states, organizations and other establishments is greatly infl uenced by this complex process that defi nes contemporary society. Therefore, the aim of this article is to briefl y analyze some of the features of political developments in a globalized world.
Ion GHEORGHE, Marin ILIE , Ana Mona ILIE
Full Text Available The paper examines the factors that played a major role in development of the old-age pension system in Georgia. Based on data collected from 1991–2009, this analysis centers on the system’s patterns of development and identifies four main attempts to reform the old-age pension system. Economic performance, demographic aging, domestic political constellations, and external influence are traditionally thought to be responsible for the pension system reforms. Qualitative data analyses and in-depth interviews have been used to test these explanations. This analysis did not confirm the hypotheses, but it revealed that fiscal constraints and international technical assistance were the main factors behind reforms during the first two chronological attempts to change the system. Political factors and liberal economic ideology influenced the patterns of old-age pension policy development from 2004–2008, while the negative outcomes of the Russian-Georgian War and World Financial Crisis are currently the major obstacles for comprehensive pension reforms. The limitations of this study suggest that in order to clarify the exact nature of old-age pension system, shorter time periods and separate reform initiatives should be investigated.
Full Text Available Jan Nederveen Pieterse’s model of ethnic relations is applied tothe socio-political unrest of Thailand in the early 21st century. This paper argues that Pieterse’s model of global multiculture and multiethnicity complements Marxist and neo-Marxist explanations of the political unrest in a dialectical relationship. Thus, structural factors such as the economy and the political system are dialectically influenced by cultural and ethnic politics. The use by the royalist elite of state power to install and then defend a national culture (based on a civic religion) is explored in avariety of activities and spheres such as education, the media, usage of public space, economic public policy, religion, and foreign policy. Increasing efforts to defend the Thai ethnocracy are revealed to reflect its weakening vis a vis competing ethnicities and cultures seeking a place in the national culture and socio-political institutions. Finally the paper concludes that renewed calls for greater autonomy for minorities and for the renaming of the country to its old name, Siam, are signs that thecountry is moving to Pieterse’s third stage of ethnic relations called “ethnic competition” which explains the recent exponential increase in socio-political unrest throughout the entire country.
Otto F. von Feigenblatt
Full Text Available Problem statement: This research proposal aims to analyze the economic, social and political foreseeable scenarios of Mexico by the year 2030. Approach: Starting from the analyzes of the recent economic, social and political developments, to searching the trends in specific economic issues such as international commerce, energy, employment, environmental constraints; social trends such as demographic transition, fertility, population growth, aging, migration, education, health, housing, human development and political trends such as democratization processes, social upheaval, human rights. Results: Finally, concluded described and discussed the scenarios at three levels: pessimistic, realistic and optimistic. The key findings will be analyzed in more details. The methodology used are time series analysis for historical data, correlation analysis for data series of the different variables, the Delphi technique, panel of experts, interviews to some clue economic, social and political actors. For the analysis, the prospective techniques are also used. Conclusion: At the end of the study the most important factors in shaping the economic, social and political landscape of Mexico in 2030 and beyond are identified. It is also examined how the Mexican society will cope with the broad range of challenges furthermore it is assessed what conditions may be key to transforming economic, social and political trends into security and social welfare issues.
Josè G. Jose; Mohammad R. Noruzi
Research on the association between the development of moral judgment (as measured by the Defining Issues Test [DIT]; J. R. Rest, 1979) and political attitudes has demonstrated that these factors are often reliably related. N. Emler (1987, 1990) and colleagues have asserted that DIT scores actually measure test-takers' political identity rather than their developmental level. To test this claim, these researchers have designed "faking studies" in which respondents are asked to complete the DIT as if they were of a particular political orientation, regardless of their real political views. These faking studies have yielded contradictory conclusions, whereas tests of the incremental validity of the DIT have provided some evidence for its empirical distinctiveness. In the present study, the authors reexamined this issue by pitting scores on the DIT, Version 2 (DIT-2; J. R. Rest, D. Narvaez, S. J. Thoma, & M. J. Bebeau, 1999) against several more concrete measures of political identification in several predictive models of attitudes toward human rights and civil liberties. DIT-2 scores and political identification emerged as significant predictors in nearly all regression analyses. PMID:18476482
Crowson, H Michael; DeBacker, Teresa K
Full Text Available Abstract in spanish ¿Qué factores explican la desconfianza de los ciudadanos en las instituciones representativas? La literatura especializada ha presentado dos tipos de respuestas a este problema. La "corriente culturalista" sostiene que las actitudes políticas son resultado del 227 proceso de socialización (Almond y Verba, 1963; Eckstein, 1988; Inglehart, 1996; Torcal y Montero, 2006; Segatti, 2006) y, por lo tanto, difíciles de cambiar en el tiempo. Por su parte, el abordaje "raciona (more) l" considera que las actitudes de los ciudadanos son consecuencia del desempeño que éstos le atribuyen al sistema (Miller y Listhaug, 1999, Camoes y Mendes, 2000; Mishler y Rose, 2001; Magalhaes, 2006). A partir de la Encuesta Nacional de Cultura Política (2008), este trabajo demuestra, para el caso mexicano, que la desconfianza se explica mayormente a partir del deficiente desempeño que los ciudadanos atribuyen a sus representantes. Abstract in english From a culturalist perspective, political attitudes are the result of early life socialization and are, therefore, unlikely to change across time. The rationalist approach suggests that political attitudes are influenced by citizens' evaluations of the political system and its actors. Based on data from the National Political Culture Survey (2008), this article studies the conditions under which citizens distrust political institutions. The results suggest that political distrust in Mexico is related to the poor performance of representative institutions.
Tronco, José del
Full Text Available Political scientists have for years used the framework of patron-client relations to describe both the structure and the transformation of rural politics in the Philippines. Scholars writing in the 1960s described rural Philippine society as "integrated" into the national polity through a "pyramid" of patron-client ties, while their successors in the 1970s attributed political instability and the demise of formal parliamentary democracy to the "breakdown" of patron-client relations. However, the patron-client paradigm fails to account adequately for both change and continuity in Philippine rural politics. Only a mode of analysis that factors in the role of coercion and the autonomy of localities from central control will explain both the persistence of rural elite monopolies on local political power and the emergence of a strong revolutionary movement in the countryside. Evidence abounds that a regime which might be described as "petty sultanism" -- akin to caciquismo in Latin America, the mafia in Sicily, and "warlordism" in Republican China -- structures contemporary local politics in the archipelago. The importance of this phenomenon is obvious when it is recalled that scholars have identified the survival of "neofeudal" agrarian elites as an important obstacle in the paths to economic development, state formation, and democracy throughout the modern world.
Full Text Available Participationisbothanactivityandanattitude.Asanactivityitisasocialactivity.Someonetakingamorningwalkisnotparticipatinginanything.Someonetakingpartina100-meterracedoes.Someonestayinginaneighborhoodforalongtimewithoutknowinganyofone'sneighborsisnothavingaparticipantattitude.Whatthenispoliticalparticipation?Ofcourse,wemeanakindofpoliticalactivityandakindofpoliticalattitude.Sincethe50'showeverithasattractedwidespreadattentionandthereseemstobeageneralagreementamongthePoliticalScientistsonthevalueandnecessityoffurtherpoliticalparticipation.Butthisapparentagreementconcealsmajordisputesbothatthelevelsofpoliticaltheoryandpracticalpolitics.Beforeweexploretheseweshouldbeginwiththeconceptofpoliticalparticipationitself.
AR VIND DESH MUKH
Full Text Available A tide of party foundation and activity appears in early Republic of China. During this period, party politics differs from that in western capitalism countries in its growth and decline, which is derived from China’s special economic and political features after the 1911 revolution. By studying the growth and decline history of parties in early Republic of China, we find that: the fundamental problem of party politics in early Republic of China is that parties can not satisfy the requirements of modern political civilization.
Full Text Available The paper highlights the relevance of the concept of regime change for addressing the challenges involved in analysing political developments and complex, incremental, change. The overall focus is on the occurrence and dynamic of complex political change: Why it happens; what are the drivers and how we identify the impact of domestic and international factors in that process. To demonstrate its application the concept of regime change is applied to the case study of Japan. It is argued that the concept of regime change will enable us to bridge the gap between the political science approach, with its emphasis on identifying law-like regulations, and the area studies approach with its focus on the particularities of specific cases.
Full Text Available This paper provides an overview of the political economy approach to communication studies. The paper begins by defining the approach, identifies its fundamental characteristics, and maps major schools of thought. From here, it proceeds to examine how communication scholars have drawn on the theoretical framework to carry out research on the mass media and information technologies. The paper then describes the process of rethinking the political economy of communication by proposing the means to address its philosophical assumptions. Specifically, it calls for an approach to knowing that accepts the reality of both concepts and observations and rejects the view, prominent in some theories, that all explanations can be reduced to one essential cause, such as the economy or culture. Rethinking political economy also emphasizes social change, social processes and social relations over the traditional tendency in political economy to start from social structures and institutions. Putting this agenda into practice, the paper identifies three processes that make up the main starting points for political economy research. Commodification is the process of transforming things valued for their use into marketable products that are valued for what they can bring in exchange. Spatialization is the process of overcoming the constraints of geographical space with, mainly, mass media and communication technologies. Structuration is the process of creating social relations, mainly those organized around social class, gender and race. The paper concludes by describing how this renewed political economy of communication responds to challenges on its borders from the disciplines of cultural studies and policy science. ---??? ????? ?? ????? ?????? ?? ?????? ?????? ????? ??? ??? ?? ???? ???? ? ?? ?? ????? ????? ??? ?????? ?? ?? ????? ????? ???? ???? ??? ?????? ?? ??????. ?? ?????? ??? ???? ???? ????? ???? ?? ???? ?? ?????? ???????? ?? ??? ???? ?????? ???? ?? ????? ????? ?? ????? ? ????? ??? ???? ?? ? ???????? ??? ???????? ??????? ???. ?? ??? ???? ??? ?? ??? ??? ?? ???? ??? ?? ????????? ?????? ?? ???????? ??? ?? ??????? ?????? ?????? ? ???? ??? ?? ?? ?????? ????? ??? ???. ????? ???? ?? ??? ????? ?? ?? ?? ??????? ????? ?????? ????????? ?? ?????? ????? ???????? ??? ?? ?? ????? ??????????? ?? ????? ????? ??? ????? ??? ?????? ????? ???. ??? ????? ??????? ?? ???? ?? ????? ?? ??? ?? ?? ?????? ?????? ? ??????? ?? ?????? ? ?? ?? ?? ??? ?????? ????? ?? ??? ????? ?? ???? ????? ?? ?? ??? ????? ???? ?????? ?? ????? ?????. ????????? ?? ?????? ????? ?? ?????? ????? ???? ?? ?? ????? ???????? ????????? ??????? ? ????? ??????? ???? ? ?? ??? ???? ??? ?? ???? ????? ?????? ???? ???? ?? ???? ?? ???? ????? ??? ?? ???????? ? ???? ??? ??????? ???? ?? ???. ?? ????? ???? ?? ????? ??? ??? ????? ?? ????? ?? ?????? ?? ?????? ??? ?? ????? ?? ?????? ???? ????? ???? ????? ????? ???? ?? ????? ?????? ????? ?????. ?????? ????? ??????? ??? ?? ?? ?? ??????? ?? ?? ???? ???? ??????? ??????? ?? ????? ?? ???????? ????? ?? ???? ?? ?? ????? ????
Avincent Mosco, email@example.com - ?????? ?????; David Lavin - ????? ????
This book takes stock of political reform in Ethiopia and the transformation of Ethiopian society since the adoption of multi-party politics and ethnic federalism in 1991. Decentralization, attempted democratization via ethno-national representation, and partial economic liberalization have reconfigured Ethiopian society and state in the past two decades. Yet, as the contributors to this volume demonstrate, ‘democracy’ in Ethiopia has not changed the authority structures and the culture of centralist decision-making of the past. The political system is tightly engineered and controlled from top to bottom by the ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Navigating between its 1991 announcements to democratise the country and its aversion to power-sharing, the EPRDF has established a de facto one-party state that enjoys considerable international support. This ruling party has embarked upon a technocratic ‘developmental state’ trajectory ostensibly aimed at ‘depoliticizing’ national policy and delegitimizing alternative courses. The contributors analyze the dynamics of authoritarian state-building, political ethnicity, electoral politics and state-society relations that have marked the Ethiopian polity since the downfall of the socialist Derg regime. Chapters on ethnic federalism, 'revolutionary democracy', opposition parties, the press, the judiciary, state-religion, and state-foreign donor relations provide the most comprehensive and thought-provoking review of contemporary Ethiopian national politics to date.
Historically the responsibility for planning, siting, constructing, and operating the generating, transmission, and distribution systems for electric utility service (as well as the end-use systems) developed within the electric utility industry itself, subject to state and local regulation. This responsibility was later sanctioned as a functional authority as both private and publicly-owned utility franchises were negotiated with states and brought under the regulatory purview of Public Service Commissions and Public Utility Commissions around the turn of the century. Since 1970 this historic framework has been substantially altered by the enactment of powerplant siting laws in approximately 23 states and by the assertion of state interests in not only the corporate regulation, but the long range planning of electric powerplants and the consideration of alternative energy systems. Thus it is instructive to consider the authorities for powerplant siting in the following context: (1) historically the reponsibility and the authority for powerplant siting has redounded to franchised utility companies; (2) since 1970 the states have begun to exercise their constitutional authority over the development of power plant siting and energy systems; (3) both local governments and electric utility companies exist as subdivisions of the state, subject to state regulation and the delegation of state authorities. However, the assertion of state authorities in this area has come at a time when changes in the technology an the institutional structure of the electric utility industry have extended the functional service areas beyond the geographic boundaries and political jurisdictions of either local or state government, thereby creating a jurisdictional hiatus between the serivce areas of electric utilities and the jurisdictional authorities of state and local government
Full Text Available Political architecture differences have only seldom been explained in the political science literature by reference to physical factors like size and geography. Correcting this neglect while focusing on microstates and especially on archipelago geographies, this article aims at uncovering the impact of geographical non-contiguity on political institution-building. Three separate devices for power devolution - federalism, bicameralism and assembly quotas - perform as dependent variables, and the guiding hypothesis is, for each device, that the device is implemented among archipelagos to a higher extent than among contiguous entities. Although there are marked differences between devices, the findings in general support the belief that territorial non-contiguity is more likely to foster power devolution. The findings also survive controls that investigate the impact of contesting factors.
This article explores the political dimensions of policy formation for the human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine through case studies of six states: California, Indiana, New Hampshire, New York, Texas, and Virginia. Using thematic content analysis of semistructured key informant interviews with policy stakeholders, newspaper articles, and archival materials, we describe the trajectory of public health policy developments for HPV immunization and analyze key influences on policy outcomes through the theoretical lens of the Multiple Streams framework. Specifically, we examine factors influencing the extent to which HPV was perceived as a problem meriting policy action; political forces that facilitated and impeded policy adoption, including interest-group opposition and structural and ideological features of the states' political environments; and factors affecting which policy alternatives received consideration. We find that effective policy entrepreneurship played a critical role in determining policy outcomes. We conclude by discussing lessons from the case of HPV vaccination for future efforts to craft vaccination policies.
Abiola SE; Colgrove J; Mello MM
This article explores the political dimensions of policy formation for the human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine through case studies of six states: California, Indiana, New Hampshire, New York, Texas, and Virginia. Using thematic content analysis of semistructured key informant interviews with policy stakeholders, newspaper articles, and archival materials, we describe the trajectory of public health policy developments for HPV immunization and analyze key influences on policy outcomes through the theoretical lens of the Multiple Streams framework. Specifically, we examine factors influencing the extent to which HPV was perceived as a problem meriting policy action; political forces that facilitated and impeded policy adoption, including interest-group opposition and structural and ideological features of the states' political environments; and factors affecting which policy alternatives received consideration. We find that effective policy entrepreneurship played a critical role in determining policy outcomes. We conclude by discussing lessons from the case of HPV vaccination for future efforts to craft vaccination policies. PMID:23645875
Abiola, Sara E; Colgrove, James; Mello, Michelle M
Politeness is discussed as an integral part of human conversational interaction. Awareness of politeness is important to understanding proper language usage. Several sentences may perform the same function but vary in tone from a command to an extremely polite request. Foreign language instruction should expose learners to politeness and the…
Gomes de Matos, F.
THE AUTHOR PROPOSED THAT EDUCATIONAL SYSTEMS SHOULD FOCUS UPON POLITICAL RESOCIALIZATION, THAT IS, THE ATTEMPT TO CREATE NEW COGNITIVE, AFFECTIVE, AND BEHAVIORAL DIMENSIONS OF POLITICAL LEARNING. THE CURRENT POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION PROCESS SERVES TO REINFORCE TRADITIONAL MIDDLE-CLASS VALUES RATHER THAN TO EXPAND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND…
Political parties are indispensable for the functioning of liberal democracies. However, the political parties of many transitional and developing countries are not functioning well. This fact has led to increasing donor support to political parties. However, due to the political sensitivity of the ...
Full Text Available The author of the paper makes an attempt to synthesize the effect of conspirological approaches on ideas of particular social groups of community about the existing political events around the world. Conspirological concepts are proving very popular in postmodern society as most modern political technologists try to treat unexplainable events of political reality through different conspiracy theories. Media actively uses conspirological concepts to attract readers and audiences, and political technologists use them as one of the means to influence the electoral processes. A growing interest to conspiracy theory determines its connection with political science. The general disadvantage of conspirological approach is poor evidences which show, according to some researches, its parascientific basis. A wide spread of conspirological concepts among political technologists and mass-media distorts the representation of political processes. To form a scientific vision of political processes the transparency of political situation is required which enables to decrease the role of conspirological approaches to political process.
Kadurina Nataliya Vladimirovna
The author interrogates the limits of psychoanalytic practice and psychoanalytically inclined political theory. The limits of psychoanalytically inclined political theory are read for what they can tell us about the lasting eclipse of the political, and so, inversely, for what they can tell us about what a viable political culture requires, just as the limits of the political efficacy of psychoanalytic practice are read for what they can tell us about what would be required for its successful realization. PMID:20301981
The author interrogates the limits of psychoanalytic practice and psychoanalytically inclined political theory. The limits of psychoanalytically inclined political theory are read for what they can tell us about the lasting eclipse of the political, and so, inversely, for what they can tell us about what a viable political culture requires, just as the limits of the political efficacy of psychoanalytic practice are read for what they can tell us about what would be required for its successful realization.
Full Text Available Giorgio Agamben’s politics of life intertwines two diverging traditions of philosophical thought: Michel Foucault’s biopolitics and Carl Schmitt’s political philosophy. With the help of Carl Schmitt’s concept of “political romanticism,” I interpret Agamben’s strategy as an attempt to introduce a bio-aesthetics of political vitality. Moreover, I situate Agamben’s politics of life in opposition to Schmitt’s biopolitics.
Abstract in english The so-called "land question" is a well known theme in South African political discourse. Much has been written on the subject in recent times, but also in the historical development of South African politics. This article articulates thoughts concerning the political meaning of land by way of framing the land question as a space of political contestation in South Africa, simultaneously discussing it against a wider international background, acknowledging that the land qu (more) estion is not unique to South Africa and that it also relates to many historical and contemporary political struggles. It is suggested that such an approach possibly may contribute to contextualise the matter and to shed some of the emotional baggage that often pertains to it. The article contextualises land as political contestation while suggesting an interpretation of what politics is. Attention is afforded to the understanding of politics as conflict, but also as reconciliation and compromise against an underlying context of power and its purposes. The latter determining in what kind of country political actors would want to live and relating to interests and values that political actors hold in common. The possibility exists that if reconciliation and compromise are not possible, politics will come to an end, which will not contribute to a sustainable democracy or a solution to the land question. The broader conflicting nature of positions and understandings of the land question in South Africa is further highlighted within the context of political contestation, after which attention is afforded to the positioning of political actors within this contestation.The position of the government and political parties is highlighted within this conflict based framework, noting the different understandings of the land question as well as the commonalities that parties share. Reference is briefly made to non party political actors formal and informal) which represents the same conflictual positions, but which also alludes to other factors relevant to the land question whereafter these factors are highlighted. These include the broader social and economical issues (which are also understood as political), as well as an agricultural and rural bias in the land question, while it is also a matter of political and socio-economic rights within an urban context. The question is also asked whether solutions to the land question should not be found in a forward looking manner, rather than a romanticised understanding of land. The article concludes with a discussion in regard to the land question, when it is viewed from the perspective of political contestation, as defined in this article, as well as considering the possible outcome of the land question. A suggestion is made that consideration could be given to a re-negotiation of this space of political contestation, as land reform will remain unsuccessful if the politics thereof is not addressed; although this would also entail its own dangers for a democratic South Africa where democracy is not yet fully consolidated.
Heydenrych, P W
|Research on the lack of civic and political engagement on the part of today's youth has relied on traditional, often quantitative, measures of political knowledge that may miss important elements of the process. Using an ethnographic approach with a group of inner-city high school students, our study reveals a richer construction of students'…
Dunsmore, Kate; Lagos, Taso G.
The flow of business money to political parties is a vital issue for Australian democracy. Nonetheless, there has been no systematic study of why Australian businesses contribute to political parties and why they contribute more to one party than to others. I exploit Australian Electoral Commissio...
This study explores use of the social network site Facebook for online political discussion. Online political discussion has been criticized for isolating disagreeing persons from engaging in discussion and for having an atmosphere of uncivil discussion behavior. Analysis reveals the participation o...
Matthew J. Kushin; Washington State University; Kelin Kitchener
A workshop for media workers and representatives from political parties to discuss ways for improving relationship betwenn political parties and the media , Live recording from a workshop held on 5 March, 2005, jointly organized by National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and the Faculty...
Ananda Abeysekara's work revolves around the 'aporia of our democratic existence.' This review offers a close analysis of this puzzle and then connects it to the historical process whereby the internal dynamics of western Christianity gave shape to normative political theory. Normative political mod...
De Roover, Jakob
This article provides a textual analysis of the Naivasha language provisions in Sudan in an attempt to explore how political discourse is manifested in each policy statement. Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as an analytic and interpretive framework, the article argues that the Naivasha language provisions as political discourse are shaped…
Abdelhay, Ashraf Kamal; Makoni, Busi; Makoni, Sinfree Bullock
Micheal Farrell claimed that his 'Madonna Irelanda' was the 'Very First Real Irish Political Picture'. Was it? What is the distinction between art which is 'nationalistic' and art which is 'political'? What is the role of the artist in society? , Exhibited at the Glucksman Memorial Symposium on June 12...
|An attempt was made to understand the political, economic, and technical factors that shape the web of world telecommunication. In the text, sections are devoted to the following topics: (1) technical traits of the network, (2) news media dependence on the network, (3) corporate consumers of information services, (4) pricing of information…
Berman, Paul J.; Oettinger, Anthony G.
The expression of social groups is not likely to be promoted in areas originally planned as technical artifacts. Cultural and political events are congestion factors, incompatible with the main value of any network: fluidity. However, from the beginning of the 1980's, the Parisian city transport aut...
|Asserts that variance between a university's reputation as an institution and its commitment to research have a greater impact on political science department rankings than any internal factors within the department. Includes several tables showing statistical variables of department and university rankings. (MJP)|
Lowry, Robert C.; Silver, Brian D.
The history of uranium development in Africa is briefly summarized. Today there are 4 major uranium producing countries in Africa: Gabon, Niger, Namibia, and South Africa. These nations have the possibility of political instability. In addition, the uranium market has undergone a series of radical changes over the past decade. How these African nations have responded to this changing market, and how their roles in the international market relate to domestic political and economic factors are the topics of this report. (DMC)
Lynch, M.C.; Neff, T.L.
Full Text Available This paper seeks to highlight the features of Brazilian Partisan Propaganda (BPP), a kind of advertisement offer by the Brazilian State to the political parties on national radio and television network, in the non-electoral period. This is an object of character eminently partisan, whose goal is to provide an opportunity for the parties to present its identity and political program to the population. On the other hand, the BPP should also be perceived by its bias propaganda, whose application to the world of politics (notably through political and election campaigns) has been defined by the practices of image enhancement of the candidates – at the expense of collective elements. As a result, issues such party decline, personalization and professionalization of politics, become increasingly relevant, guiding the study developed here.
TENÓRIO, Giliard Gomes
This paper investigates the production of Limbuwan – an area in eastern Nepal – as an ‘indigenous’ space. The paper depicts how academic discourse provides a major source of authority for claims to Limbuwan in the context of the spatial restructuring of Nepal into a federal state. Historical and ethnographic discourse enables political organizations to produce claims, which resonate with global conceptions of the rootedness of indigenous people in a specific territory and give such notions of ‘indigenous’ spaces academic credibility. A context of purified and narrowly bounded notions of ‘politics’ and ‘academics’ opens up a field for a ‘non-political’ politics of space saturated with academic narratives. In this field, the discourse on Limbuwan as an ‘indigenous’ space lends it the authority of a ‘proper’ place and thus makes it hard to get around in the on-going politics of territorial restructuring related to the agenda Nepali federalism.
Bennike, Rune Bolding
The 21st Century will be fundamentally different from the previous one in all aspects of the human life. The world is now facing unprecedented challenges that will determine the fate of the human race as a whole. Our tiny planet is too small to shoulder the weight of six and a half billion energy-needy people and it is too vulnerable to afford violent and confrontational approaches as was the case in the past 20th century. It is also a fact that science opened new horizons before us. Digital Revolution inaugurated a new era in human history. Technology offers tremendous opportunities to overcome new and inherited problems. Sadly, the family of nations is ill-equipped for handling these challenges because the organizational structure of the world society is archaic and inoperative. Or, we live in a geo strategic environment pregnant with dangerous crisis of global significance. Furthermore, the good old days when scientists were heeded respectfully as reliable guides and when scientific facts were accepted as 'veritas' are over. Solid scientific arguments are perceived as cover up stories to defend financial interests of multinational companies. Similarly, confidence in politicians is at its lowest level in several countries. At the center of this puzzle lies a frenetic quest for cleaner, cheaper and more secure energy sources. In such circumstances, the best remedies which may be created by the brightest minds of the world will be tributary to the 'goodwill' of politicians. Or, politicians are under the overwhelming pressure of their respective public opinions who may act according to emotional factors or advices from religion, gossip or ideology. Consequently, 'Societal Issues' will be 'the decisive' factor in shaping the future of 'Emerging Nuclear Energy Systems' as well as nonnuclear technologies. This paper will attempt to identify major elements of this global equation from a political standpoint. One also has to take into account a group of new and powerful actors: 'The Big Emerging Markets'. (China, India, Brazil, Mexico, South Korea, Turkey, South Africa, Poland, Argentina, and Indonesia are 'The Big Ten'). Together they are the most interesting consumers in the world energy market. Turkey, as one of them, will be the subject of a brief case study in this paper. We will look at the options available to Turkey, the fastest growing economy in the region, in making strategic choices among alternative energy sources. Neither market forces alone, nor progress in new technologies will solve our problems. We need a new understanding, at the level of public opinions and the politicians, on the urgency and the gravity of the unique and particular conditions of the 21st century, and a holistic approach for tackling them efficiently
Full Text Available Malaysia is a multi-ethnic country comprising three main ethnics, namely Malay, Chinese and Indian. As one of the multi-ethnic countries, construction of nation state becomes the government’s crucial agenda. After Malaysia achieved independence, the first endeavor towards integrity was uniting political parties, explicitly United Malay National Organization (UMNO), Malaysia Chinese Association (MCA) and Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC). However, this latest advancement creates upheavals particularly in Malay political parties which are UMNO, PAS (Pan-Malaysia Islamic Party) and PKR. If Malay political parties are dispersed, then how about the attempt to construct nation state? This research is about the nation state’s challenges affected by the upheavals in Malay political parties. This research uses secondary sources and interview with Malaysia’s political leaders. In these most recent uproars, media play an important role by worsening the existing crisis. All those scenarios have shown that civil movements also claim for a more democratic ruling system and election which challenges the government on the issues of unity and nation state.
Suhana Saad; Lyndon N.; S. Selvadurai; M. S. Sarmila; R. Zaimah; A. M. Azima
Purpose – This paper investigates the relationship between the strategic postures and political market orientation profile of two Danish parties. Profile stability at the organisational level is used as a control variable. Design/methodology/approach – The strategic political postures of two Danish parties are derived using a self-typing study. Based on configuration theory, ideal organisational profiles to implement these studies are juxtaposed with the actual political market orientation profile for each party, gained from two datasets analysed using Partial Least Squares. Member activity levels are used to control for organisational stability. Findings – The self-typing study revealed that Party A was perceived to follow a Relationship Builder posture, and Party B a Convinced Ideologist posture. However, both market orientation profiles resembled the organisational structures of a Convinced Ideologist. Thus, Party A exhibits a mismatch between strategic orientation and implemented organisational profile, based on configuration theory. The results were generally stable across political activity levels. Originality/value – The study contributes to understanding the concept of market orientation in the political sphere. More specifically it empirically links political market orientation as an issue of political marketing implementation on the one hand, and strategic postures of parties as a strategic issue on the other, following a configuration theory logic. Research limitations/implications – The investigation represents an intra-group analysis, i.e. it is concerned only with two parties in one political system; however, this reflects the oligopolistic character of the vast majority of electoral markets and thus further research could compare results across political systems. A link with performance variables needs to be established to assess the extent to which the organisational alignment results in competitive advantages for a party. Practical implications – Whilst there exists a general cohesiveness within parties regarding the overall strategic posture, political managers need to be aware of the subtle differences that can affect the market orientation of different groups within the party.
Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan
[en] World economic factors particularly since the OPEC oil price rises in 1973 have led governments, east and west, to invest heavily in nuclear power as a way of retaining energy and economic independence. A number of ideological and institutional factors have encouraged this development, which has nevertheless run into serious problems of a technical, economic and social nature. The result has been that large investments have been made in an energy source which is now widely acknowledged not to be the 'technical fix' that would keep the present economic system on the rails, with a resultant effect that is even more destabilising to the world economic system than the problem it was supposed to outflank. Technical and economic difficulties have combined to trigger off widespread political opposition which has used the nuclear power issue as a focus for other wider criticisms of the hierarchical, technocratic ruling elites on either side of the iron curtain. (author)
This paper reports that foreign oil companies are weathering Peru's political crisis, and the outlook for increased foreign participation in Peru's petroleum sector remains promising. There has been improvement in the political turmoil and soured international relations that followed President Alberto Fujimori's Apr. 5 suspension of Peru's Congress, charging political corruption and attempts to block his fiscal reforms. But there are fresh concerns over an increase in terrorism aimed at oil industry facilities by antigovernment guerrilla groups in Peru. Meanwhile, state-owned oil company Petroleos del Peru (Petroperu) continues efforts to sell assets as part of Fujimori's mandated privatization program. And foreign companies continue to grapple with uncertainty and bureaucratic red tape in chasing investment opportunities in Peru's beleaguered but opening petroleum sector.
Full Text Available This special issue focuses on Hu Jintao’s first mandate in power, between the Sixteenth and the Seventeenth Party Congress (2002-2007). It considers two intertwined issues: power viewed through the lens of party politics, and actual policy changes that may have emanated from a mandate initially loaded with expectations. Besides the domestic dimensions of elite politics and ideological change, two central aspects of Chinese politics, the key question tackled in this issue is the ability of a new general secretary to transform past policies, especially in the realms of foreign affairs and national security since they are by tradition – and constitutionally – the responsibility of China’s paramount leader.
Mathieu Duchâtel; François Godement
Full Text Available Political Sociology is the study of power in a social setting. Political sociology explores the everyday experiences of people and the shaping of their economic position in a particular society, and the world economy that molds most political issues. Anthropology gives this analysis a historical and cross-cultural reference point, supplementing sociology. We professors must engage in seditious sabotage within the ranks of the university and call everything into question, including higher education. We must explore the historical and sociological roots of all academic departments. We must examine who benefits and who doesn’t by the underlying assumptions. We must ask, “How does what we teach fit into the ideology of hegemony?” Education that is not subversive is not education.
Michael Joseph Francisconi
Full Text Available This study examines the effect of performance appraisal politics on employee turnover intention. Past research shows that there is evidence that ratings of performance appraisal had often been manipulated for political purposes and motives. This research focuses on two elements or political motives influencing employee turnover intention: motivational and punishment motive. The study used survey research to gather 60 questionnaires from a private company. The findings show that there is a positive relationship between the independent variables (motivational motive and punishment motive) with dependent variable (employee turnover intention). Results of multiple regression analysis show that punishment motive have more effects towards employee turnover intention compared to motivational motive. The implications and recommendations of the study also were also discussed.
Rusli Ahmad; Camelia Lemba; Wan Khairuzzaman Wan Ismail
The need for a centralized, federal, interim storage facility for nuclear waste, or MRS, alledgedly has become more urgent because the date for the opening of the permanent repository has been slipped from 2003 to 2010 at the earliest. However, a MRS constrained by the linkages in the Nuclear Waste Policy Act would make little sense and has no support. DOE wants to change the NWPAA linkages but unless the size of the MRS is constrained to approximately that now permitted, DOE's proposal would be so directly antithetical to the strategic vision and political aspirations of opponents of interim storage that it would seriously retard the development of the badly needed political consensus on national nuclear waste disposal policy. A new linkage, an acceptance rate limitation, is analyzed and the argument advanced that it would yield most of the benefits attributed to an MRS by DOE without aggravating the political concerns of MRS opponents
Full Text Available Since the onset of the current crisis, numerous intergovernmental organizations made declarations and plans, but only national packages were implemented to minimize adverse effects to real (national) economies. Despite the fact that capital markets have long ago become increasingly complex with a multitude of actors, a state-level approach remains firmly in place. This paper aims to present political responses to the crisis, identifying how politicians envision the future of capital markets and the world economy. The financial crisis might have been a direct motive to start a global political interplay regarding regulation, but it was also a unique opportunity for numerous actors to start pressing for their own agenda vis-à-vis the global economic and political order. Reviewing the responses of several of the most prominent actors on the scene may contribute to understanding how close the world is to having a new financial - or even economic - structure on the global level.
Full Text Available It seems that with the new millennium, some potentially interesting changes have emerged within the Egyptian political arena. Whether these are linked to attempts at US democratic promotion in the Middle East is difficult to substantiate. What seems clear however is such reforms appear to have produced only the most minor of changes to the prevailing authoritarian system of contemporary Egypt. These changes have included reforms ranging from changes in legislative elections procedures (2000); internal re-structuring within the NDP(2001/2); a proposed revision of presidential referendum procedures (March 2005); followed by the first presidential elections in Egypt (September 2005) and new legislative elections a few months later (November-December 2005). This article will examine these political developments in an effort to gauge the degree to which such changes can potentially contribute towards the democratization of Egyptian politics in the new millennium.
Full Text Available This paper asserts that urban planning is a critical tool in designing an effective, attractive, functioning city. A strong urban planning system provides a way of balancing the interests of various groups (public and private) and communities within the city – under an umbrella that protects the public interest, and allows the city to flourish. In Jerusalem, where planning and ethno-national politics merge, the system of urban planning has been used over the last few decades to achieve Israeli national political goals, bolstering the Israeli population and its control of the land in the city, and limiting the urban development of, and control of land by, the Palestinian community. The paper starts with a brief review of contested cities literature, continues with an analysis of Jerusalem’s urban planning history and concludes with a more contemporary analysis of planning and politics in the contested city of Jerusalem.
The electric energy can be applied indifferently and quickly to many kinds oftasks" (McLuhan, 1964, p. 350). When applied in the Internet and www the man hascreated a new extension, a new medium. The application of this medium has effectson many areas of social conduct. In this paper we explore the application of theInternet and www in party politics and our case material is gathered around theFinnish Parliamentary elections in March 1999. The empirical data shows thatthere was a lot of electoral material available in the www, in addition to politicalparties there were also other suppliers, the elections increased the activity in thewww, and the web sites of political parties were maybe not so popular as could beexpected. We interpret the results from the voters' perspective and discuss thepossible future effects and role of the Internet and www for the political parties.
Although political views have been thought to arise largely from individuals' experiences, recent research suggests that they may have a biological basis. We present evidence that variations in political attitudes correlate with physiological traits. In a group of 46 adult participants with strong political beliefs, individuals with measurably lower physical sensitivities to sudden noises and threatening visual images were more likely to support foreign aid, liberal immigration policies, pacifism, and gun control, whereas individuals displaying measurably higher physiological reactions to those same stimuli were more likely to favor defense spending, capital punishment, patriotism, and the Iraq War. Thus, the degree to which individuals are physiologically responsive to threat appears to indicate the degree to which they advocate policies that protect the existing social structure from both external (outgroup) and internal (norm-violator) threats. PMID:18801995
Oxley, Douglas R; Smith, Kevin B; Alford, John R; Hibbing, Matthew V; Miller, Jennifer L; Scalora, Mario; Hatemi, Peter K; Hibbing, John R
Although political views have been thought to arise largely from individuals' experiences, recent research suggests that they may have a biological basis. We present evidence that variations in political attitudes correlate with physiological traits. In a group of 46 adult participants with strong political beliefs, individuals with measurably lower physical sensitivities to sudden noises and threatening visual images were more likely to support foreign aid, liberal immigration policies, pacifism, and gun control, whereas individuals displaying measurably higher physiological reactions to those same stimuli were more likely to favor defense spending, capital punishment, patriotism, and the Iraq War. Thus, the degree to which individuals are physiologically responsive to threat appears to indicate the degree to which they advocate policies that protect the existing social structure from both external (outgroup) and internal (norm-violator) threats.
Oxley DR; Smith KB; Alford JR; Hibbing MV; Miller JL; Scalora M; Hatemi PK; Hibbing JR
Full Text Available In this article the author assesses the legality and legitimacy of the Gaddafi arrest warrant; was the issuance thereof a matter of swift justice or was it merely meant to serve as political pressure in overthrowing a detrimental regime? To this end the available evidence at the time the arrest warrants were issued, political motives behind the arrest warrants and differences – or actually similarities – between the Syrian and the Libyan situation, are discussed. Moreover, the trial prospects of Saif Al Islam Gaddafi, who is facing a trial before either a Libyan court or the International Criminal Court, are analysed. The case review in this article illustrates the dynamics of politics within International Criminal Law.
Full Text Available [First paragraph] The Caribbean Postcolonial: Social Equality, Post-Nationalism and Cultural Hybridity. Shalini Puri. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. ix + 300 pp. (Paper US$ 24.95) Miraculous Weapons: Revolutionary Ideology in Caribbean Culture. Joy A.I. Mahabir. New York: Peter Lang, 2003. ix + 167 pp. (Cloth US$ 58.95) The relation between cultural production and political struggle, and between the aesthetic and the material as expressions of social relations, are absolutely central themes within Caribbean studies in all of its disciplinary and interdisciplinary guises. A key question for the field as a whole is what role it might play in generating new approaches to “cultural political economy,” which is emerging as an effective bridging concept at the intersections of anthropology, sociology, economics, political theory, and literary and cultural studies.
The issue of Kozloduy NPP is long-standing and sensitive. Complicated technical, legal, economical, political and purely ethical issues are involved in it. Their entire review in this brief presentation is impossible. The paper therefore only dwells on some of the major issues, the way they have been presented by the Civil Committee for Kozloduy NPP Defence. Following an outline of the way the situation developed, the paper discusses legally binding acts and then considers other legally relevant factors. The possible existence of a friendly political climate in Europe allowing reconsideration of the matter is also dealt with. (author)
Semov, A. [Institut de Droit International, Mladost, 98 VA 31, Sofia 1797 (Bulgaria)]. E-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org
Full Text Available The association of self-regulation and personality factors with rational decision making was investigated using an experimental model of political voting. The results revealed different sets of personality characteristics for rational and emotional voters. A self-regulation/personality typology of decision making was then constructed, and traits representing self-regulation, cognition, and personality were examined as predispositions toward rational decision making. As a result, specific connections among these variables were uncovered, through which the primary role of the conscious self-regulation system in the management of rational decision making in a political voting context was established.
Tatiana A. Indina; Varvara I. Morosanova
BACKGROUND: This study aimed to examine the longitudinal contributions of four political and socioeconomic factors to the increase in life expectancy in less developed countries (LDCs) between 1970 and 2004. METHODS: We collected 35 years of annual data for 119 LDCs on life expectancy at birth and on four key socioeconomic indicators: economy, measured by log10 gross domestic product per capita at purchasing power parity; educational environment, measured by the literacy rate of the adult population aged 15 years and over; nutritional status, measured by the proportion of undernourished people in the population; and political regime, measured by the regime score from the Polity IV database. Using linear mixed models, we analyzed the longitudinal effects of these multiple factors on life expectancy at birth with a lag of 0-10 years, adjusting for both time and regional correlations. RESULTS: The LDCs' increases in life expectancy over time were associated with all four factors. Political regime had the least influence on increased life expectancy to begin with, but became significant starting in the 3rd year and continued to increase, while the impact of the other socioeconomic factors began strong but continually decreased over time. The combined effects of these four socioeconomic and political determinants contributed 54.74% - 98.16% of the life expectancy gains throughout the lag periods of 0-10 years. CONCLUSIONS: Though the effect of democratic politics on increasing life expectancy was relatively small in the short term when compared to the effects of the other socioeconomic factors, the long-term impact of democracy should not be underestimated.
Lin RT; Chen YM; Chien LC; Chan CC
Full Text Available Abstract Background This study aimed to examine the longitudinal contributions of four political and socioeconomic factors to the increase in life expectancy in less developed countries (LDCs) between 1970 and 2004. Methods We collected 35 years of annual data for 119 LDCs on life expectancy at birth and on four key socioeconomic indicators: economy, measured by log10 gross domestic product per capita at purchasing power parity; educational environment, measured by the literacy rate of the adult population aged 15 years and over; nutritional status, measured by the proportion of undernourished people in the population; and political regime, measured by the regime score from the Polity IV database. Using linear mixed models, we analyzed the longitudinal effects of these multiple factors on life expectancy at birth with a lag of 0-10 years, adjusting for both time and regional correlations. Results The LDCs' increases in life expectancy over time were associated with all four factors. Political regime had the least influence on increased life expectancy to begin with, but became significant starting in the 3rd year and continued to increase, while the impact of the other socioeconomic factors began strong but continually decreased over time. The combined effects of these four socioeconomic and political determinants contributed 54.74% - 98.16% of the life expectancy gains throughout the lag periods of 0-10 years. Conclusions Though the effect of democratic politics on increasing life expectancy was relatively small in the short term when compared to the effects of the other socioeconomic factors, the long-term impact of democracy should not be underestimated.
Lin Ro-Ting; Chen Ya-Mei; Chien Lung-Chang; Chan Chang-Chuan
Full Text Available What are the political implications of government scandals? This article examines the impact of political scandals on the popularity of the Italian government. The literature on scandals shows that there is a strong relationship between scandals and the popularity of individual politicians and government leaders. Yet, the question of how scandals influence support for governments remains open. Exploring the case of Italy through the use of different data series, the article shows how sex and economic scandals have affected government popularity in 2005-2010.
Full Text Available Many political myths are linguistically shaped through the use of metaphors in Romania media. The social occasion when a text is produced influences the public opinion through the features of the situation and the purposes of the participants. The present paper examines the ever-present political discourse of Romanian politicians and the significance beyond the words chosen to render it, in view of identifying not only recurrent patterns but also pragmatic functions rising to the surface. The domains under scrutiny range from “family” to “sports” and “war”, proving that the most popular areas of interest have the strongest manipulative force.
Full Text Available This article surveys the field of the sociology of intellectuals, and calls for a move toward an analytical sociology. The topics covered include the definitions of intellectuals, the debates on whether intellectuals constitute a universal class, and the role of intellectuals in the society, in particular intellectuals’ involvement in politics. The article then moves on to the literature on intellectuals’ political consciousness, and makes a call for a shift from a moralistic mission to an analytical approach, while suggesting a shift of the intellectual from an “independent variable” to a “dependent variable.”
In 1993, when it named the first edition of Organizational Power Politics: Tactics in Organizational Leadership an Outstanding Academic Book, Choice said, ?It contributes to the analysis and discussion of an issue that has, as yet, not received adequate attention.? Now this acclaimed book returns in a fully updated new edition that gives readers proven strategies for using power to achieve personal and group objectives in all kinds of contexts?work, social, religious, military, and more.||Based on extensive research, Organizational Power Politics looks at important underlying theories about th
Fairholm, Gilbert W
[en] A complex interplay of social, economic, and political factors makes anticipating the scale and scope of nuclear power expansion difficult for both established and aspiring nuclear nations. In response, this article investigates the forms of social, political, and economic organization conducive to nuclear power expansion. We define 'socio-political economy' as the dynamic forces of state and society which influence the nuclear power industry. We begin by developing a theoretical framework of nuclear socio-political economy based primarily upon the evolution of nuclear energy in France (with supplemental insights from the former Soviet Union, United Kingdom, and United States). This emergent framework posits that strong state involvement in guiding economic development, centralization of national energy planning, campaigns to link technological progress to a national revitalization, influence of technocratic ideology on policy decisions, subordination of challenges to political authority, and low levels of civic activism were influential factors in supporting the expansion of nuclear power in France. These six catalysts create conducive conditions in unique ways. First, a history of strong government intervention in guiding the direction of economic development is a requisite condition seemingly because nuclear power is a 'socio--technically inflexible' technology that requires a high degree of supply chain coordination which only the government is capable of unifying. Second, a highly centralized energy sector infuses the requisite control for planning and implementing a sustained expansion of nuclear power in the midst of a politicized environment. Third, the presence of a government strategy that attempts to link technological developments to a national renaissance fosters the formation of a national culture which tolerates risks associated with risk-prone technologies. Fourth, the dominance of a technocratic approach to policymaking appears to provide the necessary ideological support for the development of nuclear power aspirations. Fifth, conditions which minimize political and public debate over proposed government programs seem to enable governments to seamlessly make the jump from agenda item to nuclear power development program implementation in a less contentious manner. Sixth, conditions which keep civic activism to a minimum appear to help government planners avert high levels of public opposition which can threaten to derail nuclear power program development. We seek to validate the causal properties of these six catalysts for nuclear power expansion by testing for their presence during the main nuclear power developmental periods in India and China, two Asian nations that have significant levels of installed nuclear power capacity and ambitious plans for expansion. If these catalysts are 'influential' for fostering the expansion of nuclear power programs, they should be present in the developmental stage of the nuclear programs in each case study country. We then apply our framework as a predictive tool by re-examining the six catalysts as they currently exist in India and China, highlighting significant changes to the elements and offering predictions on nuclear power development trends given these changes