Teacher unionization, centralization of financial control, desegregation, and weakening in business involvement are among the political factors that have contributed to the decline in public school performance between 1965 and 1980. Research into these factors confirms the importance of political influences on schooling and suggests that…
Histories of the printed press and occupational myths tend to emphasise that journalists in most European countries have long been concerned about interferences from political authorities in the editorial sphere. But over time, other sources of potential influence, including advertising, commercial pressures, competition and other economic pressures became matters of concern. As news evolved to become a big business, news desks have had to cope with different forms of political and economic i...
Borràs-Comes, Joan; Sichel-Bazin, Raféu; Prieto, Pilar
Although intonation has been traditionally associated with the expression of attitudes and intentions on the part of the speaker, little is known about whether sociopragmatic factors, such as power or social distance, or situational ones, like physical distance or insistence, can constrain the use and felicity of pitch contours. This article investigates the felicity conditions underlying the choice of three vocative pitch contours in Central Catalan by means of two experiments, namely a production experiment based on the Discourse Completion Task (320 vocative contours produced by 20 speakers), and an acceptability judgment task in which 72 listeners were asked to rate the appropriateness match between a set of vocative contours and a previous discourse context (3,456 responses). The results from the two experiments show that both situational and social politeness factors govern the choice of vocative intonation. Finally, the results are discussed in line with the traditional classification of politeness strategies defined by Brown and Levinson, in the sense that the three intonation contours can be linked to negative, positive, and bald on-record politeness strategies. PMID:25935938
Ronaldo Seroa da, Motta; Ajax, Moreira.
Full Text Available Este estudo analisa como fatores políticos e institucionais afetama eficiência do gasto municipal no provimento do bem estar para a população ao longo da década dos noventa. O modelo adota a abordagem da fronteira de produção estocástica, condicionada por variáveis relacionadas ao custo da provisão [...] dos serviços e os incentivos que afetam a eficiência municipal. O resultado indica que não podemos rejeitar: 1) economias de escala; 2) o efeito da margem de voto no município e do tipo de mandato (primeiro ou segundo) do governador eleito, indicando uma forma de clientelismo; e que 3) a política local e a existência de comitê setoriais não afetam o nível da eficiência do gasto, o que sugere assimetria de informação entre os políticos e os eleitores. Abstract in english This study analyses how political and institutional factors affected the performance of municipalities in improving social welfare in Brazil in the period from1990 to 2000. Themodel adopts a stochastic production frontier, conditioned by variables related to the provision costs of services and those [...] that can affect municipal efficiency. The results indicated that we can not reject:1) economies of scale; 2) the effect of vote margin in the municipality and the type (first or second) of mandate of elected governor, which indicates a form of patronage; and 3) that local politics and the existence of sectorial boards did not affect the level of efficiency for municipal spending, suggesting an asymmetry of information between politics and voters.
Danescu-Niculescu-Mizil, Cristian; Jurafsky, Dan; Leskovec, Jure; Potts, Christopher
We propose a computational framework for identifying linguistic aspects of politeness. Our starting point is a new corpus of requests annotated for politeness, which we use to evaluate aspects of politeness theory and to uncover new interactions between politeness markers and context. These findings guide our construction of a classifier with domain-independent lexical and syntactic features operationalizing key components of politeness theory, such as indirection, deference, impersonalization and modality. Our classifier achieves close to human performance and is effective across domains. We use our framework to study the relationship between politeness and social power, showing that polite Wikipedia editors are more likely to achieve high status through elections, but, once elevated, they become less polite. We see a similar negative correlation between politeness and power on Stack Exchange, where users at the top of the reputation scale are less polite than those at the bottom. Finally, we apply our class...
Full Text Available Political decision-making means a country’s political parties, leaders or leadership compare and select implementing principles and approaches and means to achieve the target in political practical activities for the purpose, principles and direction of activities. The process of political decision-making is a dynamic political process that is related to the formation and implementation of major and general decisions of the national, political and social interest groups. This process is to integrate major and general decisions regarding national and social interests. The subjects are state organs, political parties and individual decision makers or decision-making participants, and the finally formed decision is backed by the country’s coercive power with mandatory features. Meanwhile, political decision-making is influenced by system pressure. In the decision-making process, there will be a certain degree of bias between the final decision and the targeted decision.
Full Text Available This paper seeks to contextualize the political and economic factors in the rise of the phenomenon of Boko Haram in Nigeria. It argued that Boko Haram represents a very complex matrix of both domestic and international dimensions that have also fueled extremism by Non-State Agencies (NSAs in Nigeria since the 1980s. This paper demonstrates how 'political elites' have used 'religion' to increased 'bargaining power' and 'political space', as well as compete for access to 'state power', in the light of the incidences of 'state failure' and 'alienation in Nigeria. The paper further holds that Boko Haram represents the realities, exigencies, intricacies and extricacies of the nature of politics in the neo colonial Nigerian State, i.e. the politics of violence and the violence of politics by the elite class. To this end, this paper recommends among others that good governance, accountability, transparency and equity would restore governmental legitimacy.
Godwin G. Ogbebor
Full Text Available The research is on “violence in politics among adolescents in the Nigerian society”. The research problems were to find out why adolescents have become violent when they are involved in politics. Certain factors were selected for investigation. The purpose was to find out the relationship between these factors and violence in polition in order to make recommendation on limiting the influence of these factors. The study was guided by five (5 hypotheses based on the relationship of socio-economic status, age of adolescents, parental care, discipline and situational background of violence occurrence. The descriptive design was used for the study and data collected through questionnaire. The chi-square method was adopted to analyse data collected. Findings showed the relationship of these factors with violence in adolescents in politics. Recommendations were made based on the results of data analyzed and findings of the research.
Chan Sok-Gee; Karim Mohd Abd Zaini
This paper analyses public spending efficiency and the effect of political and economic factors on public spending efficiency in East Asian countries for the period 2000-2007. In the first stage, the non-parametric Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) approach is used to estimate public spending efficiency scores. In the second stage, the Tobit regression model is then used to determine the effect of political and economic factors on public spending efficiency. Results of the study show that...
Ge?rard, Marcel; Ruiz, Fernando; 8ème Journées Louis-André Gérard-Varet
In this paper we first use two international data sets to investigate how governance, political and economic factors influence corporate tax rates. We show that institutional and political factors matter: good governance reduces the tax rate; a parliamentary system, especially a plurality election system, and religious or nationalist executives too, push tax rates upward. Traditional variables also matter: economic openness has a negative effect on tax rates although market size has a positiv...
Hansson, A?sa; Porter, Susan; Perry Williams, Susan
Economists and political scientists have long been interested in factors that affect the statutory tax rate on businesses set by federal governments. In this study, we examine the impact of political and economic factors on several measures of tax rates and tax incentives offered across 19 developed countries for the years 1979 through 2005. Our results indicate that while economic conditions such as openness, strategic interaction, budget constraints, economic downturns and an aging populati...
Dean, J. W., Jr.; Susman, G. I.; Porter, P. S.
An analysis is presented of the process of implementing advanced manufacturing technology, based on studies of numerous organizations. This process is seen as consisting of a series of decisions with technical, economic, and political objectives. Frequency decisions involve specifications, equipment, resources/organization, and location. Problems in implementation are viewed as resulting from tradeoffs among the objectives, the tendency of decision makers to emphasize some objectives at the expense of others, and the propensity of problems to spread from one area to another. Three sets of recommendations, based on this analysis, are presented.
Amir Shojaei; Fardin Laheghi
There are some factors in translating a text which influence the result of translation process, one of which is political ideology and control factors which impose some limitations and give direction to the translator. Through this paper an attempt has been made to substantiate these imposing factors as well as describing the ways translators might apply. Based on critical discourse analysis (CDA) approach to textual analysis and following Lefevere's (1992a; 1992b) concept of patronage, it ha...
Full Text Available There are some factors in translating a text which influence the result of translation process, one of which is political ideology and control factors which impose some limitations and give direction to the translator. Through this paper an attempt has been made to substantiate these imposing factors as well as describing the ways translators might apply. Based on critical discourse analysis (CDA approach to textual analysis and following Lefevere's (1992a; 1992b concept of patronage, it has been tried to compare some newspaper texts with their related translations so as to depict the role of imposing factors in the process of translation. Results of the survey and analysis of the factors behind the translational aspects indicate that ideologies and political issues are important stimuli which can control the materials being translated, and then presented to the mass through news texts.
Full Text Available This paper analyses public spending efficiency and the effect of political and economic factors on public spending efficiency in East Asian countries for the period 2000-2007. In the first stage, the non-parametric Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA approach is used to estimate public spending efficiency scores. In the second stage, the Tobit regression model is then used to determine the effect of political and economic factors on public spending efficiency. Results of the study show that China is relatively efficient in public spending on education, health, and maintaining economic performance and stability, Japan on infrastructure, and Singapore on promoting public services. In addition, countries in East Asia are relatively less efficient in public spending for promoting equal income distribution. The results also indicate that political stability and financial freedom have a positive effect on public spending efficiency. However, voice, accountability, and civil liberties have a negative effect on public spending efficiency.
This paper examines the importance of political and sociocultural factors in foreign language education, focusing on English-as-a-Second-Language (ESL) learning in Lebanon. It begins with a historical review of foreign language education in Lebanon, then discusses the current role and status of English in the Lebanese context, which reveals…
Sloan, Margaret Hall
The purpose of this study was to explore the ways in which social, political, and economic factors impact the teaching and learning of mathematics in a small rural school in Georgia. Focusing on a charter school that seeks to educate approximately 275 pre-K through 12th grade students, the study was intended to give voice to the residents of the…
Dubow, Eric F.; Huesmann, L. Rowell; Boxer, Paul; Landau, Simha; Dvir, Shira; Shikaki, Khalil; Ginges, Jeremy
We examine the role of family- and individual-level protective factors in the relation between exposure to ethnic-political conflict and violence and posttraumatic stress among Israeli and Palestinian youth. Specifically, we examine whether parental mental health (lack of depression), positive parenting, children's self-esteem, and academic…
In this article, the author focuses on the relationship between political actors and the mass media. The author uses media frames as dependent variables and investigates the factors that influence the presence and frequency of frames applied by journalists (the frames in “news media”). This has come to be known as frame building. The author argues that there are at least three important factors in frame building: power, the salience of the frames in the media input, and the multiplication...
The safety and performance of nuclear power plants are a function of many technical factors such as initial design, service and maintenance programs, and utility investment in improvements. Safety and performance are also a function of the social/political influences that affect requirements on personnel, practices and procedures, and resource availability. This paper describes a process for constructing models of the social/political influences on plant operations using the system dynamics technique. The model incorporates representation of internal utility actions and decisions as affected by external factors such as public opinion, intervenor actions, safety and economic regulation, and the financial community. The feedback between external agents and plant performance is explicitly modeled. The resulting model can be used to simulate performance under a variety of different external and internal policy choices. In particular, the model can be used to study means of improving performance in response to externally imposed regulations
Heuchemer, Sylvia; Kleimeier, Stefanie; Sander, Harald
We investigate the determinants of European banking market integration with a focus on the potentially limiting role of cultural and political factors. Employing a unique data set of European cross-border loans and deposits, the study uses various gravity models that are augmented by societal proxies. While trade-theoretic reasoning can explain part of the surge in cross-border banking, we demonstrate that distance and borders still matter in the geography of European cross-border banking. Mo...
Full Text Available The organizations try to achieve their goals through using resources such as material and human resources, but most of them are a little successful to achieve their goals, however it is difficult to use the resources in order to achieve to personal and group gains that occur in the organization repeatedly. These actions called as political behavior include activities that go forward in order to work in the people or groups to obtain the protecting the personal gains when there are opposite solutions. In the present paper, the researcher studies the relationship between the organizational factors and the political behaviors or the policy in the Kerman's governmental organizations. This study to be done by juncture studies and correlative way in the population includes 1992 samples of the Kerman’s governmental organizations personnel and classified random sampling that include 322 samples. The researcher uses two questionnaires in order to gather the date and consult with the professors in order for determining the reliability questionnaires and evaluates them through re-examining and finally analyzes the collected data by means of software”SPSS". The results of this study show that there is a relationship between the organizational factors and the personnel's tendency toward the political behavior.
Juan Mario SOLÍS DELGADILLO
Full Text Available This paper explains why the Argentine and Chilean presidents believe important to face the political past of their countries; or in other words, why no president resists the temptation to interfere in the issue of public policies of the memory through different strategies with different political costs. In that sense, we try to explain what factors mainly affect the decision of the Argentine and Chilean presidents when they adopting public policies of memory. Following the analysis made by means of logistic regressions, it is estimated that the ideology of the leaders, affect on the repair policies. In justice policies, the analysis shows that these are particularly conducive in times of critical juncture. And in the symbolic policies, anniversaries are not so decisive as might be expected.
Views are presented on the economic, political, and public acceptance factors influencing the future of nuclear power in the United States. Electricity has been the preferred energy choice throughout the world. Nuclear energy must produce a competitive economic result along with energy supply security and environmental impacts. In the United States there exists ample experience and capacity to plan, design, construct, and operate new large nuclear power plants which could be competitive. Even at the lowest level of apparent safety and acceptance there was on the whole enough economic incentive and political support to keep the enterprise going. According to the United States Council for Energy Awareness polls, public acceptance is positive. The long-term outlook of nuclear power should be favorable. The one thing which would preclude nuclear power having a future in the United States would be for all parties to insist on eliminating all risks
Dubow, Eric F; Huesmann, L Rowell; Boxer, Paul; Landau, Simha; Dvir, Shira; Shikaki, Khalil; Ginges, Jeremy
We examine the role of family- and individual-level protective factors in the relation between exposure to ethnic-political conflict and violence and posttraumatic stress among Israeli and Palestinian youth. Specifically, we examine whether parental mental health (lack of depression), positive parenting, children's self-esteem, and academic achievement moderate the relation between exposure to ethnic-political conflict/violence and subsequent posttraumatic stress (PTS) symptoms. We collected three waves of data from 901 Israeli and 600 Palestinian youths (three age cohorts: 8, 11, and 14 years old; approximately half of each gender) and their parents at 1-year intervals. Greater cumulative exposure to ethnic-political conflict/violence across the first 2 waves of the study predicted higher subsequent PTS symptoms even when we controlled for the child's initial level of PTS symptoms. This relation was significantly moderated by a youth's self-esteem and by the positive parenting received by the youth. In particular, the longitudinal relation between exposure to violence and subsequent PTS symptoms was significant for low self-esteem youth and for youth receiving little positive parenting but was non-significant for children with high levels of these protective resources. Our findings show that youth most vulnerable to PTS symptoms as a result of exposure to ethnic-political violence are those with lower levels of self-esteem and who experience low levels of positive parenting. Interventions for war-exposed youth should test whether boosting self-esteem and positive parenting might reduce subsequent levels of PTS symptoms. PMID:22594697
De Jong, Joop T V M
Political violence, armed conflicts and human rights violations are produced by a variety of political, economic and socio-cultural factors. Conflicts can be analyzed with an interdisciplinary approach to obtain a global understanding of the relative contribution of risk and protective factors. A public health framework was designed to address these risk factors and protective factors. The framework resulted in a matrix that combined primary, secondary and tertiary interventions with their implementation on the levels of the society-at-large, the community, and the family and individual. Subsequently, the risk and protective factors were translated into multi-sectoral, multi-modal and multi-level preventive interventions involving the economy, governance, diplomacy, the military, human rights, agriculture, health, and education. Then the interventions were slotted in their appropriate place in the matrix. The interventions can be applied in an integrative form by international agencies, governments and non-governmental organizations, and molded to meet the requirements of the historic, political-economic and socio-cultural context. The framework maps the complementary fit among the different actors while engaging themselves in preventive, rehabilitative and reconstructive interventions. The framework shows how the economic, diplomatic, political, criminal justice, human rights, military, health and rural development sectors can collaborate to promote peace or prevent the aggravation or continuation of violence. A deeper understanding of the association between risk and protective factors and the developmental pathways of generic, country-specific and culture-specific factors leading to political violence is needed. PMID:19883967
Paskvan, Brian A.
The purpose of this case study was to explore the influence of four factors--politics, economics, society, and technology--on educational delivery strategies, space needs, and design at Owens Community College. The future effects of these factors on the college were predicted four to six years from the time the study was conducted. The researcher…
According to the Nuclear Energy Act the government's Decision in Principle (DiP) on the nuclear waste disposal needs to be ratified by Parliament. The DiP was ratified by general consent (159-3) on 18 May 2001. How we can explain this parliamentary consensus taking account that the previous DiP concerning construction of a new nuclear power plant was overruled in 1993 and the public debate on nuclear power is still pronounced. The explanation can be sought, together with the institutional arrangements, from two sources; on one hand from the Finnish political culture, i.e., traditional and inherited ways of decision-makers to make decisions and citizens' ways to react to those decisions, and on the other hand, from current contextual factors linking to nuclear waste management. (authors)
Mohammad Awad AlAfnan
This study investigated politeness in workplace emails that were written in a Malaysian educational institute. It examined the use of politeness strategies in relation to the ethnicity of the communicators, power relations and social distance. Previous research on Malaysian workplace emails revealed that Malaysians usually use the direct imperative or declarative politeness strategies in emails. This study however, revealed that the Malaysian employees (i.e., Malay, ...
This publication identifies conditions which affect (either increase or decrease) public concern for and political acceptance of the development and implementation of programmes for geological disposal of long lived radioactive waste. It also looks at how interested citizens can be associated in the decision making process in such a way that their input enriches the outcome of a more socially robust and sustainable solution. The publication also considers how to optimize risk management, addressing the needs and expectations of the public and of other relevant stakeholders. Factors of relevance for societal acceptance conditions are identified for the different stages of a repository programme and implementation process, from policy development to the realization of the repository itself. Further, they are described and analysed through case studies from several countries, illustrating the added value of broadening the technical dimension with social dialogue and insight into value judgements.This report focuses on a geological disposal approach that consists of isolating radioactive wastes deep underground in a mined repository. It is not suggested here that geological disposal is the sole strategy that may be chosen or carried out by a country for managing high level radioactive waste, long lived waste or spent nuclear fuel. However, the geological disposal approach is favoured in principle by many countries for it is seen to offer advantages in terms of safety and security of this category of radioactive materials, and as a way to address ethical concerns. This report is meant for decision makers and others with a role in bringing forward a national programme to manage radioactive waste. Through different case studies, this report describes how programme acceptance has been fostered or hindered in different countries. It reviews factors that may affect whether a programme to develop and implement geological disposal strategy gains (or does not gain) societal support. The level of public and political acceptance that is needed to go forward with a programme will depend on the legal and institutional frameworks and cultural traditions of each Member State. In democracies, there is great demand for the views and preferences of the public and their elected representatives to be taken into account in decisions potentially affecting health and the environment
Full Text Available In this review article, the different conditions of the environment which could affect the well-being of the populations living on it are taken into consideration and analysed. A specific attention is paid to the phenomenon of water reduction, land degradation and consequent desertification. Such a phenomenon is particularly worrying in selected regions of the world (the Mediterranean Region and Central Asia in which a combination of several factors including climate variations, pressure of populations and increased competition for the available resources have a direct consequence on the economical, social and political conditions of the population. In addition, migrations could also take place, increasing the instability of entire regions. A proper management of water resources and the preservation of land and soil resources are essential requisites to counteract the mentioned adverse effects. Such a management is frequently a transboundary concern since it might involve different regions and countries; this is an additional reason for debating the environment degradation issues at the international level and for increasing the awareness of the civil society, the policy makers and governments.
Andersen, Jørgen Juel; Aslaksen, Silje
Political economy theories on the natural resource curse predict that natural resource wealth is a determining factor for the length of time political leaderships remain in o¢ ce. Whether resource wealth leads to longer or shorter durations in political o¢ ce depends on the political incentives created by the natural resources, which in turn depend on the types of institutions and natural resource. Exploiting a sample of more than 600 political leadership durations in up to 152 countries, ...
Full Text Available The referendum held on September 12, 2010 included fundamental changes in Turkish constitution related with the social, judicial and economic aspects. We are of the opinion that the referendum offered a general view on the reflections of government policies, since the incumbent party, Justice and Development Party (AKP, officially supported the proposed changes and the main opposition parties, Republican People’s Party (CHP and Nationalist Action Party (MHP, were opposed. We tested the effects of political tendencies on the referendum results using provincial data. The results show that the “yes” votes are higher in the provinces where AKP has a stronger base, and lower in the provinces where the opposition parties, especially CHP, have stronger bases. Moreover, our analyses imply that referendum votes are higher where economic conditions are getting relatively better in the last year. However, we could not find a positive effect of public spending on the patterns of voting.
Government support is crucial for the viability of the market for natural gas as engine fuel. This outlook focuses on the viewpoint of the government and the large political parties in this respect. At first this study was meant to be a brief outlook, but the study expanded in two directions. First of all, more attention was paid to the discussion on the use of natural gas as engine fuel and in line with the various incentivisation regulations in the context of more general greening taxes. The stimulation of driving on natural gas cannot be separated from similar measures for other (clean(er)) fuels. Secondly, based on the obtained insights, conclusions were drawn on the chances for government subsidy for driving on natural gas. Finally, attention has also been paid to the question if politicians recognise and acknowledge the intermediary role of natural gas in the transition towards sustainable fuels. If this is the case, the parliament will probably put more pressure on the government to stimulate driving on natural gas in view of the additional value of investments in the natural gas fuel infrastructure.[mk
Full Text Available This essay interprets American representations of dictator Porfirio Díaz in relation to the “economic conquest” of Mexico that took place during his long rule (1876–1911, a period known as the “Porfiriato,” in which Americans invested more than $1 billion. No single person inspired as much attention from travelers, reporters, and photographers during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as Díaz, and their visions of the President helped to shape perceptions of Mexico as a desirable field in which to expand US capitalism and influence. Travelers clamored to meet him and his sophisticated young wife, and their travelogues were rich with descriptions of such encounters. Reporters, dazzled by the rapid transformation of Mexico during his 35-year rule, described Díaz in such terms as “the Mexican Wizard” and “the maker of modern Mexico” until the very end of his regime. Photographers, working in a relatively new medium, amassed a huge body of works devoted to the dictator; even at an advanced age late in his rule, the President’s image adorned postcards and commemorative cartes-de-visite that posited him in heroic and hypermasculine terms (not unlike those of his US counterpart, Theodore Roosevelt. Ultimately, this essay argues that representations like these reflected American desires for a Mexican body politic that was amenable to economic and social transformation under the inextricable banners of “progress” and US capitalism. Prevailing images of Díaz and his family suggested that Mexico was as friendly to foreign investors as it was to foreign visitors.
In its process of adhesion to the European Union, Romania was absolutely compelled to follow a wide process of local and central public administration reform that would correspond to theadhesion criteria established by the Union in view of acquiring the membership status. In Romania, the preexistent elements that made the reform process be more difficult and slow and sometimes evenstopped it, aimed at the strategic, structural and behavioral factors. Thus, the stage of the Romanian administra...
Full Text Available The article discusses factors influencing language maintenance under changing social, cultural, economic and political conditions of Polish minority in Siberia. The village of Vershina was founded in 1910 by Polish voluntary settlers from Little Poland.During its first three decades Vershina preserved Polish language,traditions, farming methods and machines and also the Roman Catholic religion. The changes came to a village in taiga in the1930s. Vershina lost its ethnocultural homogeneity because of Russian and Buryat workers in the local kolkhoz. Nowadays the inhabitants of Vershina regained their minority rights: religious, educational and cultural. However, during the years of sovietization and ateization, their culture and customs became much more similar to other Siberian villages. Polish language in Vershina is under strong influence of Russian, which is the language of education,administration, and surrounding villages. Children from Polish-Russian families become monolingual and use Polish very rare, only asa school subject and in contacts with grandparents. The process of abandoning mother tongue in Vershina is growing rapidly. However,there are some factors which may hinder the actual changes:the activity of local Polish organisations and Roman Catholic parish as well as folk group “Jazhumbek”.
Donner, William R
This study examines casualties from tornadoes in the United States between the years 1998 and 2000. A political model of human ecology (POET) was used to explore how the environment, technology, and social inequality influence rates of fatalities and injuries in two models. Data were drawn from four sources: John Hart's Severe Plot v2.0, National Weather Service (NWS) Warning Verification data, Storm Prediction Center (SPC) watch data, and tract-level census data. Negative binomial regression was used to analyze the causes of tornado fatalities and injuries. Independent variables (following POET) are classified in the following manner: population, organization, environment, and technology. Rural population, population density, and household size correspond to population; racial minorities and deprivation represent social organization; tornado area represents environment; and tornado watches and warnings, as well as mobile homes, correspond to technology. Findings suggest a strong relationship between the size of a tornado path and both fatalities and injuries, whereas other measures related to technology, population, and organization produce significant yet mixed results. Census tracts having larger populations of rural residents was, of the nonenvironmental factors, the most conclusive regarding its effects across the two models. The outcomes of analysis, although not entirely supportive of the model presented in this study, suggest to some degree that demographic and social factors play a role in vulnerability to tornadoes. PMID:17913016
Full Text Available Since independence of the Republic of Indonesia, Muslims, as the majority population, have established diverse Islamic political parties. The nature of such parties has changed from the days of the Old Order to the New Order and Reformasi eras. Despite similar anatomies between Islamic parties of the Old Order and those of Reformasi, Islamic political parties profess different ideological missions. While the beginning of Old Order saw the confederation of Islamic political parties, Masyumi, seeking to promote the establishment of an Islamic State, none of the Islamic political parties which mushroomed during Reformasi era expressly struggled for the establishment of an Islamic state. However, the Islamic political parties had to weather similar problems of internal conflict and fragmentation. Different ideological strands, policy stances and leadership styles are believed to be amongst the pivotal root causes of their domestic troubles. With their popular votes and parliamentary seats significantly reduced, they prove to be no competition to the nationalist political parties.
Campbell, Martha; Bedford, Kathleen
The silence about population growth in recent decades has hindered the ability of those concerned with ecological change, resource scarcity, health and educational systems, national security, and other global challenges to look with maximum objectivity at the problems they confront. Two central questions about population--(1) is population growth a problem? and (2) what causes fertility decline?--are often intertwined; if people think the second question implies possible coercion, or fear of upsetting cultures, they can be reluctant to talk about the first. The classic and economic theories explaining the demographic transition assume that couples want many children and they make decisions to have a smaller family when some socio-economic change occurs. However, there are numerous anomalies to this explanation. This paper suggests that the societal changes are neither necessary nor sufficient for family size to fall. Many barriers of non-evidence-based restrictive medical rules, cost, misinformation and social traditions exist between women and the fertility regulation methods and correct information they need to manage their family size. When these barriers are reduced, birth rates tend to decline. Many of the barriers reflect a patriarchal desire to control women, which can be largely explained by evolutionary biology. The theoretical explanations of fertility should (i) attach more weight to the many barriers to voluntary fertility regulation, (ii) recognize that a latent desire to control fertility may be far more prevalent among women than previously understood, and (iii) appreciate that women implicitly and rationally make benefit-cost analyses based on the information they have, wanting modern family planning only after they understand it is a safe option. Once it is understood that fertility can be lowered by purely voluntary means, comfort with talking about the population factor in development will rise. PMID:19770159
Alireza Samiee Esfahani; Siroos Ahmadi; Saeedeh Enfeali
Introduction One area of human activity that requires a decision-making and selection is political participation. This is a voluntary activity through which members of a community participate in affaire of their neighborhoods, towns and villages and direct and indirect contribute to shaping their social and political life. Voting is the most effective and most practical means for citizens to give and apply their opinions and ideas in the management of public and social affairs. In all elec...
Written by a powerful international team of theorists, this book offers a sophisticated analysis of the central political concepts in the light of recent debates in political theory. All political argument employs political concepts. They provide the building blocks needed to construct a case for or against a given political position. To address such issues as whether or not development aid is too low, income tax too high, or how to cope with poverty and the distribution of wealth, citizens m...
St. John, Alex; Travers, Robb; Munro, Lauren; Liboro, Renato; Schneider, Margaret; Greig, Carrie L.
This article outlines how gay-straight alliances (GSAs) work to connect youth with community resources, and outlines the political and social context of GSAs in Waterloo Region, Ontario, Canada. Fifteen individuals (youth, teachers, and a lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer [LGBTQ] youth service provider) participated in interviews…
Examines the prosodic features of political candidates' names and their hypothesized influence on voters' attitudes. Reports on the burgeoning business of politic prosody--the identification and analysis of the persuasive qualities of the rhythms of the English language. (RL)
PAPPAS, Takis S.
This paper seeks to bring political charisma back into the study of comparative politics by reconstructing the concept and rendering it applicable to empirical research. Unlike previous approaches, the present study examines charisma as a pure power term by focusing on what makes it appear in ordinary democratic politics as an extraordinary phenomenon, namely, its personal (as opposed to impersonal) character of leadership and the pursuit of a politically radical (as opposed to moderate) prog...
Escenario de agitación socio-política en la Venezuela contemporánea: de los factores de conflictividad a la apertura de ventanas de oportunidad / Socio-political unrest in contemporary Venezuela: from conflict factors to the opening of windows of opportunity
Juan Camilo, Ito Cerón.
Full Text Available Desde inicios de 2014, la actualidad venezolana ha sido dominada por un clima de confrontación constante. Múltiples episodios de violencia han dejado un saldo preocupante de muertos y heridos en escasos meses. Aquello invita a realizar aproximaciones desde la ciencia política en aras de desentrañar [...] causas, efectos y perspectivas del contexto actual. El presente artículo aborda una serie de factores de conflictividad socio-política que han influenciado las relaciones entre actores antagónicos. Se analizan algunos componentes coyunturales que pueden facilitar la comprensión del actual escenario de hostilidades. Durante el proceso, se traen a colación ciertos elementos relacionados con el contexto de crisis político-institucional vivido entre 2002 y 2003 que persisten actualmente. Más adelante, se resalta la importancia de restablecer los canales de comunicación política entre los actores en pugna. Finalmente, se abordan algunas características de la Conferencia Nacional por la Paz y se ofrecen consideraciones sobre su proceder. Abstract in english So far during 2014, Venezuelan political events have been influenced by a climate of constant confrontation. These violence-related events have left a troubling death toll within months. This intricate context invites to provide approaches from the scope of the political science in order to unravel [...] causes, effects and prospects of the present situation. This article discusses a number of factors of socio-political conflict that have influenced relations between antagonistic actors. Also, it analyzes some juncture components that may facilitate the understanding of the contemporary climate of hostility. During the process, key elements related to the context of political and institutional crisis that took place between 2002 and 2003 are addressed, considering that several of tríese elements persist in today's Venezuela. Afterwards, the article highlights the importance of restoring the communication conduits between opposing political actors. Finally, some key features of the National Conference for Peace are addressed, and some considerations about its course of action are provided.
China operates 10 nuclear power reactors and has 5 more under construction. A large extension of nuclear power is expected by 2020. Nuclear generated electricity accounts for 2% of the total electric power generation. The Chinese policy is to have spent fuel reprocessed in China. So, final disposal include vitrified waste and some CANDU spent fuel for direct disposal. There is a legal framework in place in China to manage HLW. The China Atomic Energy Authority (CAEA) has the responsibility for setting policy on HLW disposal and implementing the disposal programme, while the National Nuclear Safety Administration (NNSA) and the State Environment Protection Agency (SEPA) are the regulatory bodies, which are responsible for licensing and reviewing of environment impact assessment report. The China National Nuclear Corporation (CNNC) is considered to be the actual implementer, conducting the major activities for HLW management. In the 1980's, China started generic research and development for HLW disposal. After reviewing the major progress made in other countries and considering the actual situation in China, the experts in CNNC proposed to choose granite as the host rock, to select multibarrier system as the disposal concept, and to start site selection process. The Beishan granite site, located in northwest China's Gansu province has been selected as the most potential site for China's HLW repository. However it is now considered as necessary to review the suitable hosed as necessary to review the suitable host rock types (granite or clay) in China and the potential suitability of Beishan granite. The preliminary strategy for HLW management is a 3-step strategy: the 'site-URL repository' strategy. The strategy involves selecting an area for an underground research laboratory which might later be transformed into a repository, then to construct a site specific URL at the repository area, and at last to build a repository. The preliminary schedule is to have an URL ready by 2020 and to construct the repository by the middle of the 21st Century. It is still unclear whether or how the technical factor affected the public and political acceptability of the repository development process. The CAEA has not clarified the responsibility of CNNC as the actual implementer, and, consequently, this might affect the progress of HLW disposal programme. In addition, the funding mechanism for waste disposal has not yet been established. Further, the nuclear power plants companies have not been involved in the HLW programme. Due to the favourable conditions in China's Beishan site, it was considered as the most potential site for a HLW repository, but without much discussion and consultation with regulatory body and scientists. China Atomic Energy Authority (CAEA) established an Expert Group for High Level Radioactive Waste Disposal in 2005. The expert group has pointed out the importance of stepwise decision process and indicated it is necessary to review the siting process and host rock type in 2006 in an open manner. It is also necessary to involve representatives from different scientific sectors, in order to get consensus at least among technical experts. In this context, explanation to choose granite and Beishan site should be presented in detail and the expert group will make its judgement for further activities. The local government and local people have not been well informed about the site characterization activities in the Beishan area. Recently, CAEA has realised the importance of openness, transparency, accountability and communication with local government. In August of 2005, CAEA organised an open workshop on HLW disposal, and 110 participants from different sectors attended. During the workshop, a report named 'A Guideline for the Short- and Long-term Plan of High Level Radioactive Waste Disposal in China' was released, waiting for open comments and modification
Full Text Available In the modern times, a major event was the transition of the financial center in the Sichuan-Chongqing area, which was caused by the fact that Chongqing was opened as a commercial port. The transition process was basically completed before the Anti-Japanese War. Academic circles have conducted in-depth studies from some factors such as Chongqing’s geography and transport, but the researches on the military-political factors in the transition are seldom made, especially on “the War of Two Warlords Surnamed Liu”, namely, war between two warlords of Liu Xiang and Liu Wenhui, before the unification of Sichuan Government, resulting in the establishment of Chongqing financial advantages; in addition, the research on how the Nanjing Government selected and established Chongqing as the financial center of the home front is less conducted. As a matter of fact,before “the War of Two Warlords Surnamed Liu”,Chongqing-centered financial circles have the advantages, but are insufficient to cover and radiate the Chengdu-centered financial circles.The ultimate victory of Liu Xiang military-political group played a pivotal role in the long-term transition, thereafter, Chiang Kai-shek group expelled Liu Xiang group out of the nest of Chongqing because of dual political scheme of “suppressing the communist and intending on Sichuan”, furthermore, strived to establish Chongqing as the financial center of the Anti-Japanese War and the founding of the state. Finally, the goal has come true through the baptism of the Anti-Japanese War.
Political issues are particularly prone to motivated beliefs, as the individual cost of manipulating one's information is negligible in large elections. We consider a political agency model in which voters learn information about some policy-relevant variable, which they can strategically ignore when it impedes their desire to hold optimistic beliefs. We show that an excessive tendency of voters to maintain desirable beliefs may result in inefficient political decision-making because the elec...
Germany has 17 operational nuclear power reactors and 19 are shutdown. The nuclear share in the gross electricity production is approximately 30%. Phase out of nuclear energy production is planned to be realised between 2020 and 2025. Spent fuel is stored at reactor sites, vitrified reprocessed waste and spent fuel is stored at the centralised storage facility at Gorleben. Local populations were not involved in policy decisions, which resulted in local resistance. In 1977, the government of Lower Saxony identified the Gorleben salt dome and the Federal Government accepted this decision. Neither a systematic decision-making process nor a wide site investigation preceded the designation of the Gorleben site. The decision resulted in strong local and regional opposition to the project. In 1977, the predecessor to the Federal Office of Radiation Protection (BfS) filed an application to start the licensing procedure. Surface-based investigations started in 1979, and a decision on underground investigation was made in 1983. This decision was reached despite the fact that several experts found the site unsuitable due to some unexpected hydrogeological findings (particularly the so called 'Gorleben channel'). Because of public concerns about the selection of the Gorleben site, in 1999 the Federal Ministry for Nature Conservation and Reactor Safety (BMU) established the AkEnd Committee. It followed a new approach (for Germany) of sharing information with the public: it organizng information with the public: it organized public workshops and fora, established a website, gave lectures, and, published its decisions in 2002, including the minority opinions. Several reasons for the failure of the German approach in implementing the Gorleben site can be identified. First, until 2002 there was no attempt to involve the broader public in radioactive waste management decisions. Second, since the late 1970s the Gorleben site is heavily criticised by non-institutional experts for technical reasons, while institutional experts continue defending it. Third, after the Chernobyl accident the issue of nuclear energy has come to the fore and has become the subject of national party political platforms. Since then, the issue of radioactive waste has become increasingly of political nature. Indeed, although reaction to the AkEnd efforts was generally positive, views were divided along pro- and antinuclear lines, since attitudes towards radioactive waste management are strongly influenced by attitudes towards nuclear energy in general. Similarly, attitudes among industry, NGOs, and institutional actors with respect to the importance of developing a deep underground repository may also fall along political lines. There is general agreement that the approach taken by the implementer in the past did not meet the current requirements for openness and transparency
Factores técnico-operativos y políticos determinantes de las decisiones de inversión privada en el sector confección zuliano / Technical-Operative and Political Factors that Determine Private Investment Decisions in the Zulia State Garment Sector
Maryana, Sandrea; Mariby, Boscán; Jenny, Romero; Ana, Acosta.
Full Text Available Desde finales de la década de los setenta gran parte de las empresas venezolanas han experimentado un proceso de desinversión, mientras que otras sólo invierten lo necesario para sobrevivir. En este contexto, el objetivo de esta investigación consiste en determinar los factores técnicos-operativos y [...] políticos que afectan las decisiones de inversión privada en el sector confección zuliano. El estudio realizado es descriptivo, incluyó una entrevista personal a 18 gerentes. Los resultados obtenidos muestran que la intención de actualización tecnológica local, la ubicación geográfica del estado y el funcionamiento de servicios públicos figuran como los factores técnico-operativos favorables a la decisión de inversión, mientras que como factores desfavorables destacan la actuación de asociaciones de apoyo a las empresas y el costo de los servicios públicos. Asimismo, destaca la influencia negativa de la situación política venezolana. Se concluye que la situación económica, política y la falta de apoyo institucional constituyen los factores de mayor relevancia para las decisiones de inversión privada en el sector. Abstract in english Since the end of the nineteen seventies, a great number of Venezuelan companies have experienced a de-investment process, while others invested only in what was necessary to survive. In this context the objective of this research is to determine the technical-operating and political factors affectin [...] g private investment decisions in the Zulia State garment sector. The study is descriptive, and included personal interviews with 18 plant managers. The results obtained show: a) the intention to realize local technological up-dating, b) the geographical location of the state and the operation of public services figure as favorable technical-operating factors in the investment decision, and c) unfavorable factors were the performance of company support associations and the cost of public services. Also, the negative influence of the Venezuelan political situation is pointed out. The conclusion is that the economic and political situation and the lack of institutional support constitute the more relevant factors in private investment decisions in this sector.
Full Text Available In order to completely understandconcept of this paper I would like to stress that myaim was to elaborate “political market as variableof political marketing” in a way that will define therole of political marketing in the society by drawinga parallel with the traditional (basic marketingonly because the political marketing as a scientificdiscipline emerged from the theory of basicmarketing. The position that political market takeswithin the political marketing is defined, bystressing political marketing in the context ofelectoral- political public, research of politicalmarket, its segmentation, positioning of a politicalproduct and communication between politicalcandidate and political public.Political marketing is a comprehensive andcomplex process that encompasses: research of themarket; creation of personal political product andits adaptation to political market; systematicprocess of action on political market throughmeans of political communication, with the finalaim to accept and support certain political productin the shape of a political idea or program.
The car, and the range of social and political institutions which sustain its dominance, play an important role in many of the environmental problems faced by contemporary society. But in order to understand the possibilities for moving towards sustainability and 'greening cars', it is first necessary to understand the political forces that have made cars so dominant. This book identifies these forces as a combination of political economy and cultural politics. From the early twentieth century, the car became central to the organization of capitalism and deeply embedded in individual identities, providing people with a source of value and meaning but in a way which was broadly consistent with social imperatives for mobility. Projects for sustainability to reduce the environmental impacts of cars are therefore constrained by these forces but must deal with them in order to shape and achieve their goals. Addresses the increasingly controversial debate on the place of the car in contemporary society and its contribution to environmental problems Questions whether automobility is sustainable and what political, social and economic forces might prevent this Will appeal to scholars and advanced students from a wide range of disciplines including environmental politics, political economy, environmental studies, cultural studies and geography
Full Text Available This article asks into the contrast between political viciousness and common criminal brutality. It contends that political savagery is any viciousness that gets to be authentic through the straightforward reality that it happened. It then researches the relationship between political viciousness and the state`s imposing business model of real viciousness. At long last it contends that vote based systems have amplified more distant than some other states their restraining infrastructure of authentic viciousness and recommends that this is identified with the nearby association that generally has existed in the middle of majority rule governments and imperialism.
Using facts and examples, this didactically structures textbook gives an insight into the extent and consequences of the damage to the environment, with the subjects - fundamentals of ecology; - population and food problems; - the energy problem; - economic growth; scarcity of resources, recycling; - ground, water, and air pollution, - city and traffic problems; - work protection and medical care; - political alternatives and 'soft technologies'. The analysis of the political and economic reasons is combined with social and technical alternatives from which demands to be made and measures to be taken can be derived for individuals, citizens' interest groups, political groups and trade unions. Teaching models intend to help teachers to work on specific problems of ecology. (orig.)
Della Porta, Donatella; Vannucci, Alberto
This entry reviews social science literature on political corruption, privileging an institutionalist approach. In doing so, it looks at resources and mechanisms of hidden exchange as well as at its governance.
Herrero de Miñón, Miguel
Full Text Available Politics, Law and Psychology are fields that come together in the symbolic. This text takes evidence from those three areas to develop an analysis of political symbols and political transitions. The development of the analysis goes through three stages. The first succinctly describes the concept of transition and its meaning. The second closely examines the notion of the symbol, in terms of its definition, to explain aspects that allow us to understand it, characterise it and make its functions clear. Finally, from the author's experience as a witness and as an actor, I suggest three ways of understanding symbols in the processes of political transition: as symbols of change, as symbols of acknowledgment, and as symbols of support.
The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland has 23 operational nuclear power reactors operating on 12 sites and an additional 22 reactors are shut down. Nuclear power generates almost 20% of the electricity consumption. Waste is stored at reactors sites and at Sellafield, where some are awaiting reprocessing. Vitrified HLW is also stored at Sellafield. Middle of the 90s, Nirex, a company then owned by the waste producers, applied for a permission to construct a rock characterization facility (RCF) near the community of Sellafield.In the United Kingdom, there is a legal framework in place to manage radioactive waste. A government department (formerly the Department for Environment [DoE], now Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs -Defra) has the responsibility for setting policy on radioactive waste. There are two key regulatory functions: one is responsible for installation and worker safety (Nuclear Installations Inspectorate [NII]), and the other for environmental issues (Her Majesties Inspectorate for Pollution [HMIP], now part of the Environment Agency (EA) and the Scottish Environmental Protection Agency [SEPA]). Legislative framework, history, technical factor, structural factor, and process factor are discussed.Concerning behavioural factor it is reported that there was no open debate or free access to all relevant information. There was little transparency associated with the reasoning behind actions, deliberations, and decisions that ctions, deliberations, and decisions that were taken. Interested and affected parties and the wider public were not involved, and their opinions were not seen as being taken into account. Nirex did not publicise the reasoning behind its decisions and did not give people feedback on how their views had been taken into account, or if not, why not. Moreover, Nirex was not widely viewed as technically competent to undertake these projects. Nirex did not create such a perception even though many experts supported their position
"Political Parties in Britain." Matt Cole and Helen Deighan. Edinburgh University Press. July 2012. --- This introductory textbook examines the factors contributing to a political party’s fortune and identity. Authors Matt Cole and Helen Deighan examine Britain’s main political parties as well as ‘peripheral’ parties including the BNP and UKIP. Eunice Goes writes that Political Parties in Britain is a highly informative, accessible and up-to-date introductory text that should be in...
One-third of the total electricity produced in Japan comes from 53 nuclear power reactors. The basic Energy Plan states that nuclear fuel cycle will be promoted as national policy that includes reprocessing spent fuel. At the present, spent fuels are stored at each reactor site and an interim storage facility in Rokkasho, where they await reprocessing. Some spent nuclear fuel has been reprocessed in Japan, and the vitrified waste is currently being stored. Some of the HLW from fuel reprocessed in France has been being shipped back and is stored at Rokkasho. Other high-level waste is waiting in the U.K. for its return to Japan. An administrative framework for the utilization of nuclear energy in Japan was established in 1956. By 1962, two realistic alternatives for final disposal of radioactive waste were proposed: dumping the waste into the deep ocean and disposing of the waste in deep underground repositories. By the mid-1970s to 1980s, geological disposal gradually came to be recognized as the most probable option for the management of HLW. In 1976, Japan's Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) published comprehensive guidelines including some key elements relating to geological disposal. In 1980, the Special Committee of the AEC indicated a stepwise procedure (revised in 1985) for geological disposal. In 1987, the AEC, in its long-term programme report on research, development and utilization of nuclear energy (LTP), recommended the establishment of an implementing organihe establishment of an implementing organization, a clear allocation of responsibilities among the related organizations and a site selection process with a sufficient degree of public support and understanding. Legislative framework, history, technical factor, structural factor, and process factor are discussed. Concerning the behavioural factor it is reported that it is unlikely that a community will consider hosting a repository unless local decision-makers and the public have sufficient information and expertise to make an appropriate judgment. NUMO (the implementing organization) believes that it is therefore essential to set up a framework by which critical information can be accessed by the interested public. Such information includes the overall and detailed schedules for siting, safety principles and plans for the promotion of the local economy and infrastructure, both by the government and the implementing organization. Accordingly, NUMO has established a rule of conduct for information disclosure
Sweden has currently 10 operating nuclear power reactors; 2 such reactors have been closed down since 1999. Nuclear power generates almost 50% of the electricity consumption. SNF from all reactors is stored at one central facility close to one of the reactor sites (CLAB in Oskarshamm). Since 1988, one central repository for radioactive operational waste, the SFR located at the Forsmark site near the community of Oesthammar, is functioning. Legislative framework, history, technical factor, structural factor, process factor and behavioural factors are discussed. It is reported that the system of regular reviews of the implementer's programmes for research and development work in connection with disposal of spent nuclear fuel has been important. A wide audience, which includes interested members of the public in concerned municipalities, has had access to comprehensive reports describing the plans of the implementer and has also had the possibility to provide comments on the plans. Over time these reports have been refined and developed in a way that has made them more and more accessible (understandable) for non-experts. The behaviour of the implementer is no doubt of vital importance for earning and maintaining trust and confidence. SKB seems to have gradually developed an attitude that 'there are no silly questions'. The behaviour of the regulator is also of great importance. It can be noted that the siting process has resulted in changes in the regulatory approach. Bd in changes in the regulatory approach. Before the process was initiated the focus was on supervision, safety reviews and building of competence for the review of SKB's future licence applications. Communication and dialogue had a rather low profile and procedures for regular interaction with the municipalities were not established. As experience grew, regulators gradually came to the insight that the municipalities had great expectations for the active involvement of the regulatory authorities in the siting process. Since the middle of the 1990s regulators have been active and visible in the site selection process. This behaviour is not regarded as an obstacle to their future independent review of licence applications. Public attitudes regarding a future repository have been affected positively by the conclusion to the discussion about 'international repositories'.The Swedish position is clearly not to accept nuclear waste from other countries in a Swedish repository. Both municipalities where site investigations are currently made have even declared that it is a condition for their positive attitude that a possible repository is only intended for Swedish waste
Political past weight: factors that affect the development of policies of memory in Argentina and Chile El peso político del pasado: factores que inciden en la formulación de las políticas de la memoria en Argentina y Chile
Juan Mario SOLÍS DELGADILLO
Full Text Available This paper explains why the Argentine and Chilean presidents believe important to face the political past of their countries; or in other words, why no president resists the temptation to interfere in the issue of public policies of the memory through different strategies with different political costs. In that sense, we try to explain what factors mainly affect the decision of the Argentine and Chilean presidents when they adopting public policies of memory. Following the analysis made by means of logistic regressions, it is estimated that the ideology of the leaders, affect on the repair policies. In justice policies, the analysis shows that these are particularly conducive in times of critical juncture. And in the symbolic policies, anniversaries are not so decisive as might be expected.El presente trabajo explica por qué los presidentes argentinos y chilenos creen importante seguir afrontando el pasado político de sus países; o dicho en otras palabras, por qué ningún mandatario se resiste a la tentación de injerir en el tema de las políticas públicas de la memoria a través de distintas estrategias con costos políticos variables. En ese sentido, se intenta explicar qué factores inciden con mayor fuerza en la toma de decisiones de los presidentes argentinos y chilenos a la hora de aprobar políticas públicas hacia el pasado. A raíz del análisis efectuado por medio de regresiones logísticas, se estima que en cuanto a las políticas de reparación, la ideología de los mandatarios importa, aunque no sean precisamente los gobernantes más a la izquierda del espectro los que se distingan en la aprobación de estas medidas. En las políticas de justicia, el análisis arroja que éstas son particularmente propicias en momentos de coyuntura crítica. Y en cuanto a las políticas simbólicas, los aniversarios no son tan decisivos como se pudiera esperar.
Milton Andres Salazar
Full Text Available This article describes how within the global biopolitical order dissident youth subjectivities are emerging, based on the care of the self, displaying cultural micropolitics that seek to challenge and subvert dominant cultural meanings, "regimes of truth". These subjectivities and micropolitics are in turn pre-figurative of the desire for a world that holds a multiplicity of possible worlds, sustained in a politics of difference that is conflictive and not totalizing.
In the end of 2004, according to the information available to the IAEA, there were 440 nuclear reactors operating worldwide, with a total net capacity of 366.3 GW(e), 6 of them being connected to the grid in 2004 ( 2 in Ukraine, one each in China, Japan and the Russian Federation and a reconnection in Canada) by comparison with 2 connections and 2 re-connections in 2003. Also, in the end of 2004, 26 nuclear power plants were under construction with a total net capacity of 20.8 GW(e). The conclusion accepted by common consent is that the nuclear power is still in progress and represents one of the options for power security on long and middle term. If we refer to the nuclear fusion which will produce commercial electric power, over 30 - 40 years, in practically unlimited quantities, the above underlining becomes even more evident. Fortunately, besides the beneficent characteristics, such as: clean, stable as engendering and price, has also a negative characteristic, which generally breathes fear into the people: radioactive waste. A classification of the radioactive waste is not the target of this presentation. I just want to point that a nuclear power plant produces during the time spent fuel - long life high radioactive, generating heat. Another high radioactive waste have similar characteristics (HLW = High Level Waste) for which reason these two categories of wastes are treated together. The spent fuel and the High Level Waste are interim stored for cooling, for arste are interim stored for cooling, for around 50 years, afterwards it is transferred to the final repository where it will be kept for hundreds of years, in the case of an open fuel cycle and this is also the case of Cernavoda NPP. Taking into consideration that the Cernavoda Unit 1 reaches the age of 10 years of commercial running during December 2006, it results that the issue of the final disposal is not such urgent as it looks. The objectives of long term management of radioactive waste are public health and protection of the environment, during the storage. There is a powerful scientific and technical consensus according to which a well placed final repository must be provided with some barriers, including the geological and engineered ones. The wide-spread and accepted concept of final repository for spent fuel and high level waste is the so-called geological disposal which means the solid radioactive waste storage in underground repositories in a stable geological structure (ordinary at some hundreds of meters deep) so ensuring the isolation of radionuclides from biosphere on long term. The types of radioactive waste (high level and long life waste) which will be placed in geological repository are established by the national strategy and politics for the safe management of the radioactive waste. The development and implementation process of a repository can be achieved in the next non compulsory steps: - Developing the national politics in the field of safe management of the radioactive waste - Developing the legislative and institutional framework - Developing the technical concept of geological repository - Initiation of underground and surface investigations for the characterization of the host rock - Selecting the suitable site for an underground repository - Design, licensing for construction (which takes into account the environmental impact, nuclear safety and so on), operation and shut down. The decision to construct a geological repository must be taken by the Government or by the producers of waste. The steps for the establishing the legal framework, regulation and licensing are prerogatives of the Government, all the others steps could be achieved by non governmental organizations. The achievement of a geological repository, from the technical concept to the operation may last even more than 50 years and its operation some hundreds years. The paper contains the following sections: 1. Introduction; 2. Public and political acceptance; 3. Factors which affect the public and political acceptance of the long term disposal of the spent fuel and
Operaciones fuera de presupuesto (off budget), factores políticos y deuda municipal: Un estudio empírico aplicando una metodología de datos de panel / Off-Budget Operations, Political Factors and Municipal Debt: An Empirical Study Using Panel Data Methodology
Gemma, Pérez-López; Ana María, Plata-Díaz; José Luis, Zafra-Gómez; Antonio M., López-Hernández.
Full Text Available El intento de superar las restricciones al endeudamiento impuestas a los ayuntamientos lleva a los gestores públicos a la creación de entes instrumentales que permitan al ayuntamiento no computar en su presupuesto determinados niveles de deuda. El objetivo del presente trabajo es determinar si la cr [...] eación de agencias, empresas públicas, consorcios o la externalización de servicios que tienen un alto costo para los ayuntamientos, junto con los aspectos políticos y financieros de la entidad, son factores que condicionan que el ayuntamiento presente un determinado nivel de deuda. Para ello, utilizando diferentes bases de datos, se estudia sobre un panel de 1 517 municipios para el periodo 2003-2008 cuáles de estos factores influyen sobre la deuda de los municipios españoles. Tras la aplicación de una metodología de datos de panel de efectos fijos, los resultados muestran que las variables financieras y la población influyen en el nivel de deuda del municipio, y que los ayuntamientos que presentan mayor número de externalizaciones y de participación en consorcios obtienen menor nivel de deuda. Abstract in english Attempts to overcome borrowing restrictions imposed on local authorities have led public managers to create instrumental entities by means of which certain levels of debt are not included in the municipal budget. The aim of the present study is to determine whether the creation of agencies, public e [...] nterprises or consortia, or the outsourcing of high-cost public services, together with relevant political and financial aspects, are relevant to local authority borrowing requirements. In this study, various databases are employed to construct a panel of 1 517 municipalities for the period 2003-2008 to determine which of these factors are most influential on municipal debt in Spain. The results obtained from the application of fixed-effects panel data methodology show that financial variables and population size influence municipal borrowing, and these authorities presenting a greater number of outsourcing operations and of consortia tend to have lower levels of debt.
Liu Peng; Lingling Cai; Xianjun Tan
Politeness is a common phenomenon in any society. Thus conventions of politeness vary from culture to culture. How people value politeness or show politeness is influenced by many factors such as age, gender, knowledge level, or social status or power. In this research, we deal with politeness in China EFL classrooms. Based on Brown and Levinson’s Face Theory and applying a series of research methods like class observation, survey questionnaires and semi-structured interviews in a case ...
The attitude of the major political parties in Britain to nuclear power is described, based on the proceedings of the 1986 party conferences. The SDP are committed to major initiatives on energy efficiency, renewables etc but are still in favour of AGRs, the FBR and fusion. The Liberal Party Assembley reaffirmed its long-term opposition to nuclear power. The Labour party, whilst wanting to support a nuclear phase-out programme, recognised it could not do this in one Parliament. The Green Party, Plaid Cymru and the Scottish Nationalist Party are all basically anti-nuclear. (UK)
Michael J. Shapiro
Full Text Available I write from Prague, where, unlike in most urban formations, the main city street plays an iconic role; it references a history of political protest. However, before elaborating on the protest iconography of the Prague street, Vaclavske nam, I want to locate the ways in which the design of urban space is actualized in everyday life in the cities of the world. Three functions stand out; the first involves dwelling, the second seeing, and the third moving. With respect to the first function – dwelling – the design partitions and coordinates residential, commercial and leisure functions. At times these are organized to segregate different classes (Robert Moses’ redesign of much of New York stands out with respect to the segregation function. With respect to the second function – seeing – the design of urban space is allegiance-inspiring; it involves sight lines that afford urban dwellers and visitors views of iconic buildings and statues, which reference key founding moments in the past and/or authoritative political functions in the present (Here, L’Enfants design for Washington DC stands out as exemplary. Its manifest intention was to make the buildings housing executive, legislative and judicial functions visible from many vantage points. Rarely are the streets themselves iconic. Their dominant role is involved with the effectuation of movement. As for this third function: As Lewis Mumford famously points out, streets were once part of an asterisk design, radiating out from an exemplary, often spiritual center...
Ro?. 47, ?. 2 (2014), s. 203-229. ISSN 0010-4140 Institutional support: RVO:68378025 Keywords : Political participation * political opportunity structure * national institutions Subject RIV: AO - Sociology, Demography Impact factor: 1.477, year: 2013
Based on a sample of tetrads (N = 839), including 16 year-old adolescents, their mothers, fathers, and same-sex friends, it was analyzed in which way the value social responsibility is related to adolescents' readiness for different types of political participation. Results showed that social responsibility was positively linked to readiness for…
This brief response to Smith focuses on his distinction between moral and political responsibility in general and how it relates to human rights in particular. It argues that the notion of political responsibility as is used in the debate on political CSR often does not exclude morality but is based on it.
Full Text Available This article deals with "the transformation of visibility" in political discourse on and representation of politics and politicians in resent Dansih television documentaries. Drawing on the theories of Habermas, Meyrowitz and John B. Thompson, it is argued that the political persona on television is moved closer to the individual citizen, creating a sort "mediated quasi-inter- action" giving mediated communication a stronger element of face-to-face interaction. Together with the more pervasive "live" coverage of politics and politicians, this expands media coverage to both the backstage of political processes and the private and personal backstage of politicians, changing the form of democracy and public debate.
Howard, Michael C.
Identifies the developing nations of the Pacific Rim to be the Philippines, Indonesia, and 21 small states such as Fiji and Papua, New Guinea. Discusses the political and economic factors which both hinder and aid the governments of these nations. Contends that the region's tremendous potential is unrealized because of economic underdevelopment…
O papel dos fatores políticos na internacionalização de empresas: o caso da Energias de Portugal (EDP no Brasil The role of political factors in the internationalization of companies: the case of Energias de Portugal (EDP in Brazil
Carla Madalena Alves Fernandes
Full Text Available Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar o papel dos fatores políticos e sua relação com os fatores mercadológicos no processo de internacionalização de empresas multinacionais. Este estudo de caso processual permite que a dinâmica do fenômeno seja analisada em três níveis: o ambiente nacional, setorial e organizacional. É realizada uma revisão teórica sobre a empresa multinacional e sobre o papel dos fatores políticos. Posteriormente, é descrito e analisado o processo de internacionalização de uma empresa portuguesa de capitais públicos, a - Energias de Portugal (EDP. Conclui-se que a posse de capacidades e recursos técnicos e de know-how para a entrada e consolidação da empresa no Brasil foram condições necessárias, mas não suficientes para viabilizar o processo de internacionalização da EDP no Brasil; e que a história da EDP no Brasil representa o caso de uma empresa oriunda de um país com estabilidade institucional que desenvolveu novas capacidades para lidar com o ambiente político e mitigar o risco.This study aims at analyzing the role of political factors and their relation to market factors in the internationalization process of multinational companies. This procedural case study allows the dynamics of this phenomenon to be analyzed in three levels: national, industrial, and organizational environments. A theoretical review on the multinational company and on the role of political factors is carried out. Subsequently, the internationalization process of a Portuguese company with public capital, Energias de Portugal (EDP, is described and analyzed. One concludes that the possession of abilities, technical resources, and know-how for the company to enter and consolidate in Brazil were needed conditions, but they were not enough to enable EDP's internationalization process in Brazil; and that EDP's history in Brazil represents the case of a company from a country with institutional stability which developed new abilities in order to deal with the political environment and to mitigate the risk.
The rise of party-based Islamic charities has had a profound impact on the nature of philanthropic activities in contemporary Indonesia, and stimulated a new debate over the issue of the politics of benevolent acts. Over the past few years, in line with the increase of the influence of the Islamic factor in Indonesian politics, there have been a number of political parties which actively engaged with social welfare activities through the newly-established Islamic charitable organizations. The...
Political parties messages or cues constitute important factors shaping public attitudes not only on domestic matters but also on issues of European integration and constitutionalisation. The question explored in the book is, how national political parties communication matters for European integration. The study aims at providing explanations for the politicisation of European contentious politics here EU treaty ratification by analysing patterns of variation in political parties public comm...
The American Political Science Association (APSA) has recently launched Teaching Political Science. This rich pedagogical site provides an array of professional development opportunities for instructors and many educational resources for students of political science and civics. Included are a database of online syllabi, a collection of scholarly articles and essays, a section devoted to civic education, online access to APSA's journal, PS: Political Science & Politics, and much more. Each month, the site will focus on an aspect of political science education. This month's feature, Teaching and the Internet: Watching Evolution, provides a compilation of essays on how to integrate the Internet into the classroom.
A review is presented of the evolution of the international petroleum sector since 1973 with a special emphasis on the interdependence between the economic and political factors that influence it. Two issues are focused on: the effects of the nationalization of oil companies on the sharing of oil rents and on changes in the structure of the oil market; and the determination of oil prices. Definitions are presented of oil rents, and the reasons for OPEC nationalization of oil companies are explored. The effects of nationalization on market structures, expansion of free markets, and vertical integration are discussed. The existence of an oil price floor and the reasons for such a floor are examined. It is shown that nationalization induced an internalization of rents by the producing countries, leading to the emergence of a differential rent supported by the politics of the industrialized countries. Nationalization led to the breakup of systems of vertical and horizontal integration, with replacement by a new dual structure with OPEC controlling the upstream activities of the oil sector and oil companies controlling the downstream ones. Prices move between a floor price set by the costs of substitute deposits in the U.S., while the determination of ceiling levels by OPEC rests on successive fragile compromises. Overall oil is still a strategic product, despite the existence of spot markets, forward trading options, etc. 29 refs
Pfetsch, Barbara; Esser, Frank
This chapter describes the maturation of comparative political communications as a sub-discipline and defines its conceptual core. It then lays out the concept of “political communication system”. At the macro-level, this model captures the patterns of interaction between media and politics as social systems; at the micro-level it captures the interactions between media and political actors as individuals or organizations. Comparative research in this tradition focuses on the structure of...
The political development in the Western world is transforming. Political party participation decreases as well as other non-profit associations. This individualistic development is described as a threat to democracy. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that the political participation is a transformation into a new type of participation that instead could strengthen the democracy. The political parties are the foundation of the democratic system and they receive their power by representing the...
Lars W, Nord; Torbjörn Von, Krogh.
Full Text Available The four British Prime Ministers giving testimony to the Leveson Inquiry choose not to confront the media on issues of large-scale media abuse. “A missed opportunity”, John Major said. “I think you certainly do fear the power being directed at you”, Tony Blair declared. “We had no mandate”, Gordon B [...] rown asserted. The relationship between the media and politicians “has become too close”, David Cameron stated. How did this closeness come about? This article discusses the political actors’ decisions and non-decisions with regard to possible media policy strategies in Britain during four different Prime Ministers in the period between 1990 and 2012. The four cases examine media policy goals, values, contexts and alternatives offered for every Prime Minister. Their testimonies to the Leveson Inquiry are used for a comparison of media policy decision strategies during the examined period.
Aline Vieira de Lima Nunes
Full Text Available Neste estudo, objetivou-se verificar como se apresentam a atitude político-ideológica e a inserção social, no contexto universitário, frente ao preconceito sutil. Participaram 206 estudantes, 80% mulheres e idade média de 23 anos (DP=5,34, sendo heterogênea a divisão entre as áreas do conhecimento humano, saúde e educação. Foram utilizadas as escalas de inserção universitária, preconceito sutil e atitude favorável ao 1º e 3º mundos. Foi realizada ANOVA (Scheffé entre as áreas do conhecimento e inserções, onde se verificou a promoção de inserções em diferentes atividades na universidade. Regressões (stepwise constatam que as atitudes primeiro e terceiro mundistas são inversamente preditivas às inserções universitárias, assim como sua pertença às áreas, e que a inserção extracurricular prediz menor expressão de preconceito sutil. Infere-se que atitudes político-ideológicas atuam indiretamente no preconceito sutil, diferentemente da sua atuação mais direta frente à inserção social e ao antirracismo.In this study, the aim is verify how political-ideological attitudes and the social insertion in college context are observed through subtle prejudice. Took part 206 college students, 80% woman and average age of 23 (SD=5,34, divided into knowledge areas: human, health and education. The tools used were university insertion and subtle prejudice scales and favorable attitude on the first and third world. ANOVA (Scheffé were used and identified knowledge areas as promoting insertions in different activities at the university. Regressions (stepwise verified that first and third world attitudes are conversely predict to university insertions thus as their areas insertions, and which extracurricular insertion predict lower expression of subtle prejudice. It suggests that political-ideological attitudes acting indirectly on subtle prejudice expression, unlike its influence towards social insertion and anti-racism.
Ursprung, Heinrich W.
Standard spatial models of political competition give rise to equilibria in which the competing political parties or candidates converge to a common position. In this paper I show how political polarization can be generated in models that focus on the nexus between pre-election interest group lobbying and electoral competition.
Ormrod, Robert P.
The aim of this working paper is to develop a definition of political marketing that builds on the political rather than commercial marketing literature. This aim is motivated by the need to make explicit our understanding of what political marketing is, a necessary exercise when discussing theory, concepts and empirical methods in political marketing. We first present five existing definitions of political marketing that have been selected to represent advances in research from the origins of academic research into political marketing in the mid-1970’s to the present day. After this we discuss ‘wide’ and ‘narrow’ interpretations of political marketing, the nature of the political marketing exchange, political relationship marketing and how one can integrate the stakeholder concept into an understanding of political marketing. Finally, we propose a definition of political marketing that differs from existing definitions in several key ways: that the exchange component is understood as a triadic interaction rather than a dyadic exchange; that political relationships are dynamically managed, a characteristic that does not dictate a specific duration or intensity; and finally, that there is a non-specific understanding of stakeholders that allows for differences at the systemic and organisational level, and from normative and strategic approaches.
Full Text Available Political identity is always a vital topic for scholars to discuss, especially within the globalization context. Anderson has given a famous notion of identity, however, due to the globalization process, the sense of limitation and sovereign has been eroded, and Anderson’s notion has been challenged. This essay has explored the changing of political identities, with the cases of Canada and Turkey. Owing to the influence of globalization on many significant factors, such as language, culture, economic factors, the political identity is no longer restricted to the territorial limitation. Homogenization and democratization and some other factors have played a role to shape the political identity.
Full Text Available This research focuses on political culture with a special reference to political participation of the Malays and the non-Malays in district of Hulu Langat, Malaysia. Political landscape in Malaysia is normally being observed in term of ethnicity. This is why political observers in Malaysia claim that the goal of development and individual’s behavior towards politics are habitually govern by ethnicity. Therefore, this paper aims to scrutinize the significance of value and attitude in political participation between Malay and non-Malay. These two vital factors are constanly being neglected in observing political participation. Value and attitude are also positively involved with conventional and non-conventional political participation, while socio-economic status only acts as an underpinning principle. The research was held in Hulu Langat District in Malaysia and rationally being chosen due to its ethnic composition is similar to Malaysian’s ethnic composition, namely Bumiputera, Chinese and Indian. Data was collected through qualitative method that emphasized political participation and respondents’ perspectives on politics and leadership. A total of 400 respondents were sampled involving 208 Malays, 148 Chinese and 44 Indians. The pattern of political participation in this area can explain the politics scenario or political culture among multi-ethnic society in Malaysia.
Das, Satya Prasanna; Ghate, Chetan
This paper generalizes the analysis of distributive con?ict, politics, and growth developed by by Alesina-Rodrik (1994). We construct a heterogenous-agent framework in which both growth and the distribution of wealth are endogenous. Due to adjustments in the distribution of wealth, the composition of factor ownership across households equalizes in the long run. This implies that the optimal tax rate is the same for all households and equals the growth maximizing tax rate. Hence, there is no d...
Milligan, Kevin; Smart, Michael
We investigate the political and economic factors influencing the allocation of regional development grants for a panel of Canadian electoral districts in the 1988-2001 period. In a strong party system such as Canada?s, models of political competition predict little role for individual legislators, as party leaders allocate resources to maximize party success. While spending is targeted toward some ?swing? districts, we do also find it is higher in districts represented by members of the gove...
Veiga, Linda Gonçalves
Although the literature on the political economy of public finance is already quite extensive, most articles analyse the behaviour of central governments. Furthermore, studies about the Portuguese economy are scarce. The present article contributes for a better understanding of these phenomena by testing the influence of political factors on municipal expenditure decisions in Portugal. The dataset used in the empirical work has information for all mainland Portuguese municip...
?The object of this thesis is to explain why Pakistan which Muslim nationalist historians claim was created in the name of Islam failed to sustain a democratic political system. This question is explored by examining the politics of South Asian Muslims as a continuity from the colonial to the post-partition period, focusing on the tension between centripetal and centrifugal forces. The thesis begins by investigating the factors which helped politicize Muslim identity during the ...
In the United States, 103 nuclear power reactors generate approximately 20% of the country's electrical power. An additional 28 reactors have been shut down. Most of the waste is in the form of SNF, most of which is stored in pools and dry casks at reactor sites. A small amount of SNF is stored at a privately-owned centralized facility located in Morris, Illinois. Minor amounts of HLW from reprocessing commercial fuel are also being stored in West Valley, New York. The United States developed the legal and institutional framework for disposing of HLW and SNF over a period of more than 50 years. Legislative framework, history, technical factor, structural factor, and process factor are discussed.The behavioural factor, as used in this report, generally refers to how those responsible for developing a repository, i.e., implementers, government officials, regulators, etc., interacting with members of the general public or with interested and affected parties, such as members of a community being considered as a site for a waste management facility. As noted above, neither the general public nor citizens living at potential sites were at that time much involved in the passage of the NWPA (Nuclear Waste Policy Act). Thus, this factor is largely irrelevant in this particular case
Laura Inés González-Zapata
Full Text Available Se analizaron las prevalencias de exceso de peso, según índice de masa corporal (IMC, en adultos y su asociación con algunas variables demográficas, socioeconómicas e índice de democracia. Se realizó un diseño ecológico que consideró un total de 105 países, con datos de IMC de 2000 a 2006. Las demás variables se obtuvieron en correspondencia con el año del dato de estado nutricional, o su referente más cercano. Se utilizaron los puntos de corte de la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS para IMC. Se calcularon correlaciones de Spearman y modelos de regresión múltiple. El sobrepeso y la obesidad se correlacionaron en ambos sexos con la disponibilidad energética y con el Índice de Desarrollo Humano (IDH y sus variables constitutivas. En cuanto a las variables relacionadas con democracia, la correlación fue inversa y más fuerte con el nivel ponderal de los hombres. En conclusión, indicadores de condiciones de vida más favorables en los países se asociaron de forma directa con mayores prevalencias de exceso de peso poblacional, con comportamientos diferentes en función del género.This study analyzed prevalence rates for excess weight in adults based on body mass index (BMI and the association with various demographic, socioeconomic, and political variables (democracy index. An ecological design was used, including a total of 105 countries, with BMI data from 2000 to 2006. Other variables were obtained by proximity to the year of nutritional status. The study used the World Health Organization (WHO classification for BMI. Spearman correlation coefficients and multiple logistic regression models were used. In both genders, overweight and obesity were correlated with calorie availability and the human development index (HDI and its component variables. As for the variables related to democracy, there was an inverse correlation with weight, stronger in men than women. In conclusion, better living conditions in countries were directly associated with higher rates of excess weight in the population, with different patterns according to gender.
Full Text Available This paper analyzes metaphors usage within political discourse, i.e rhetoric of political public speech. The analysis is based on public speech held at Vukovi sabori manifestations from 1987-2005, by active politicians or cultural elite at a given time period. Manifestations such as Vukovi sabori or Saborski dani were created primarily as purely cultural and artistic; however, they have also proven to be a good medium for messages with clear political agenda, hidden in metaphors of the speakers. These metaphors, in a political rhetoric, are thus seen as an instrument used to channel desired aims and win over potential voters. On the other hand, they also could be taken as one of the indicators of ideological-political paradigm change after 2000. In both cases, these metaphors are analyzed as a potential for promoting certain interests carrying heavy influence on key values and attitudes within the political discourse.
Slade?ek Michal M.
This paper considers the concept of political community, its constitution and value. The starting point is that the concept of community is not sufficiently recognized in modern political theories, as well as in contemporary liberal theory. In the last two decades communitarian and republican political theory attempted to revitalize this notion. The first part of the paper elaborates on the polemics between these three theoretical orientations. The concluding part examines the possibilities a...
Using the definition proposed here, integral politics can be a process of integrating diverse perspectives into wholesome guidance for a community or society. Characteristics that follow from this definition have ramifications for understanding what such political processes involve. Politics becomes integral as it transcends partisan battle and nurtures generative conversation toward the common good. Problems, conflicts and crises become opportunities for new (or renewed) social coherence. Co...
Fernanda Brollo; Tommaso Nannicini; Roberto Perotti; Guido Tabellini
The paper studies the effect of additional government revenues on political corruption and on the quality of politicians, both with theory and data. The theory is based on a version of the career concerns model of political agency with endogenous entry of political candidates. The evidence refers to municipalities in Brazil, where federal transfers to municipal governments change exogenously according to given population thresholds. We exploit a regression discontinuity design to test the imp...
Full Text Available On 16 February 2003, more than half a million people gathered in Sydney, Australia, as part of a global anti-war protest aimed at stopping the impending invasion of Iraq by the then US Administration. It is difficult to estimate how many millions marched on the coordinated protest, but it was by far the largest mobilization of a generation. Walking and chanting on the streets of Sydney that day, it seemed that a political moment was upon us. In a culture that rarely embraces large scale activism, millions around Australian demanded to be heard. The message was clear: if you do not hear us, we would be willing to bring down a government. The invasion went ahead, however, with the then Australian government, under the leadership of John Howard, being one of the loudest and staunchest supporters of the Bush Administrations drive to war. Within 18 months, anti-war activists struggled to have a few hundred participants take part in anti-Iraq war rallies, and the Howard Government was comfortably re-elected for another term. The political moment had come and gone, with both social commentators and many members of the public looking for a reason. While the conservative media was often the focus of analysis, this paper argues that in a time of late capitalism, the political moment is hollowed out by ‘Politics’ itself. That is to say, that formal political processes (or ‘Politics’ undermine the political practices that people participate in everyday (or ‘politics’. Drawing on an ongoing research project focusing on democracy and young people, I discuss how the concept of ’politics‘ has been destabilised and subsequently, the political moment has been displaced. This displacement has led to a re-definition of ‘political action’ and, I argue, the emergence of a different type of everyday politics.
Damania, Richard; Yalcy?n, Erkan
There is a growing evidence that political corruption is often closely associated with the rent seeking activities of special interest groups. This paper examines the nature of the interaction between the lobbying activities of special interest groups and the incidence of political corruption and determines whether electoral competition can eliminate political corruption. We obtain some striking results. Greater electoral competition serves to lessen policy distortions. However, this in turn ...
Political parties have made themselves noticed in history by competing for power and over time they have emerged as undeniable and indispensable realities in a political system regardless of its form. The Constitution of Romania recognised the role and historical importance of pluralism and political parties and dedicated them a place of honour in the general principles that establish our state as a democratic and social state of law. This article analyses the constitutional provisions on pol...
Gordon, Uri; Professor Michael Freeden
?This thesis explores contemporary anarchism, in its re-emergence as a social movement and political theory over the past decade. Its method combines cultural sociology and philosophical argumentation, in a participatory research framework. The first part, "Explaining Anarchism", argues that it should be addressed primarily as a political culture, with distinct forms of organisation, of campaigning and direct action repertoires, and of political discourse and ideology. Largel...
In the paper, commissioned by Hussein Solomon and Akeem Fadare for their forthcoming anthology on Political Islam and the State in Africa, the focus placed on the political role of Islam in Kenyan politics. Prevalent fears (e.g. in the United States) of the country becoming a hotbed of Islamist radicalism and terrorism are critically examined against the background of the various categories of Kenyan Muslims, their general position in Kenyan society, their grievances, organisation and occasio...
Erçetin, ?efika; Tekin, Ali
The present work investigates global politics and political implications of social science and management with the aid of the latest complexity and chaos theories. Until now, deterministic chaos and nonlinear analysis have not been a focal point in this area of research. This book remedies this deficiency by utilizing these methods in the analysis of the subject matter. The authors provide the reader a detailed analysis on politics and its associated applications with the help of chaos theory, in a single edited volume.
Slade?ek Michal M.
Full Text Available This paper considers the concept of political community, its constitution and value. The starting point is that the concept of community is not sufficiently recognized in modern political theories, as well as in contemporary liberal theory. In the last two decades communitarian and republican political theory attempted to revitalize this notion. The first part of the paper elaborates on the polemics between these three theoretical orientations. The concluding part examines the possibilities and prospect for stable political community in conditions of pluralism of particular social communities and ethnocultural heterogeneity.
Jorge Federico, Jaef.
Full Text Available Esta comunicación se propone analizar las implicancias de los postulados de El Príncipe, de Nicolás Maquiavelo y cómo se mantiene vigente hoy en día. El autor parte de la pregunta por la necesidad de la violencia para la supervivencia de un régimen político. El presente artículo analiza también la i [...] mportancia de la violencia como medio específico del Estado. Se presta especial atención a las características de la relación soberano-súbdito y a partir de allí se explica la importancia del monopolio de la violencia por parte del soberano. Se explica también cuáles son las consecuencias esperables de la no aplicación de la violencia por parte de los regímenes políticos. El autor busca detectar la persistencia de la represión como elemento decisivo de la política. Asimismo, se otorga especial atención a las condiciones que deben regular el uso de la violencia estatal para que sirva a los propósitos del gobernante. Finalmente, se aborda la tensión entre Estado y democratización. Abstract in english This communication attempts to analyse the implications of Niccoló Machiavelli's thoughts as pictured in The Prince and how these remain valid nowadays. The author's starting point is the question about why violence is necessary for the survival of a political regime. The article also analyses the i [...] mportance that violence has as States' specific means. Special attention is paid to the attributes of the sovereign-subject relation and therefore, the importance of the monopoly of violence by the ruler is explained. The author attempts to expose the persistence of repression as politics' decisive element. Also, special attention is paid to the conditions that should regulate violence usage by States for it to serve governments' purposes. Finally, the tension between States and democratization is explored.
Hatemi, Peter K; Verhulst, Brad
The primary assumption within the recent personality and political orientations literature is that personality traits cause people to develop political attitudes. In contrast, research relying on traditional psychological and developmental theories suggests the relationship between most personality dimensions and political orientations are either not significant or weak. Research from behavioral genetics suggests the covariance between personality and political preferences is not causal, but due to a common, latent genetic factor that mutually influences both. The contradictory assumptions and findings from these research streams have yet to be resolved. This is in part due to the reliance on cross-sectional data and the lack of longitudinal genetically informative data. Here, using two independent longitudinal genetically informative samples, we examine the joint development of personality traits and attitude dimensions to explore the underlying causal mechanisms that drive the relationship between these features and provide a first step in resolving the causal question. We find change in personality over a ten-year period does not predict change in political attitudes, which does not support a causal relationship between personality traits and political attitudes as is frequently assumed. Rather, political attitudes are often more stable than the key personality traits assumed to be predicting them. Finally, the results from our genetic models find that no additional variance is accounted for by the causal pathway from personality traits to political attitudes. Our findings remain consistent with the original construction of the five-factor model of personality and developmental theories on attitude formation, but challenge recent work in this area. PMID:25734580
Hatemi, Peter K.; Verhulst, Brad
The primary assumption within the recent personality and political orientations literature is that personality traits cause people to develop political attitudes. In contrast, research relying on traditional psychological and developmental theories suggests the relationship between most personality dimensions and political orientations are either not significant or weak. Research from behavioral genetics suggests the covariance between personality and political preferences is not causal, but due to a common, latent genetic factor that mutually influences both. The contradictory assumptions and findings from these research streams have yet to be resolved. This is in part due to the reliance on cross-sectional data and the lack of longitudinal genetically informative data. Here, using two independent longitudinal genetically informative samples, we examine the joint development of personality traits and attitude dimensions to explore the underlying causal mechanisms that drive the relationship between these features and provide a first step in resolving the causal question. We find change in personality over a ten-year period does not predict change in political attitudes, which does not support a causal relationship between personality traits and political attitudes as is frequently assumed. Rather, political attitudes are often more stable than the key personality traits assumed to be predicting them. Finally, the results from our genetic models find that no additional variance is accounted for by the causal pathway from personality traits to political attitudes. Our findings remain consistent with the original construction of the five-factor model of personality and developmental theories on attitude formation, but challenge recent work in this area. PMID:25734580
The paper assesses the political credibility of three encyclopaedias (Encyclopaedia Britannica, Encyclopedia of Marxism and Wikipedia) in relation to three chosen topics (Friedrich Engels's biography; the political philosophy of fascism; and, the discipline of social psychology). I was interested in discerning how entries are represented and…
Over the last thirty years, happiness research in psychology, economics and philosophy has been discussing the proper meaning of happiness and its main determinants. Moreover, the idea has spread within academic and political circles that it may be legitimate for institutions to engage in “politics of happiness”. This article presents a critique of the project of promoting happiness through public policies.
Heitzmann, William Ray
Discusses the uses of political cartoons in the classroom, and presents a list of skills which must be acquired by students to allow them to master cartoon interpretation. Illustrates how to recognize the use of caricature and identify symbolism and includes a bibliography of political cartoon sources and uses. (GEA)
The term "political activity" can be interpreted in a myriad of different ways, but in this paper, it is taken to mean involvement in a variety of campaigns around issues affecting the way we live and the sort of society we want to live in. At a time when support for the main political parties has never been weaker, it is essential that teachers…
The absence or the presence of the resource curse is often explained by the specifics of political and institutional factors. The aim of this paper is to study this effect looking separately at economic and political institutions and at their interaction. Unlike most empirical papers in the literature, this paper considers the intra-national variation of institutional environment and access to political decision-making, using a dataset of the Russian regions. It shows that subnational variati...
There is presently a general increasing concern about the impact that the economical and industrial development may be causing to the environment and to human health. Although it is a fact that no industrial activity can be considered either one hundred percent safe or completely environment impact free, this concern is perceived by society in a particularly sensitive manner in the case of the electricity generated from nuclear origin and related radioactive waste management issues. This vague and not always rational concern felt by the general public in relation to nuclear energy is an objective reality which must be faced. It seems to be based on the origin of this type of energy, certainly accentuated by the position of some radical green organizations and by the attitude of the mass media, which are quick to spread and amplify the threatening component of any potential risk. This scenario clearly affects the attitude of our elected representatives as well as the role of our institutions, and consequently influences the decision-making process. This paper attempts to briefly analyze the role of the nuclear option in connection with the future energy needs, as well as the main factors influencing the public perception of this energy source and related waste management issues. It also aims at investigating the role of the institutions and the need for political action impacting sociological standpoints. (author). 4 refs
Bolt, Mikkel; Lund, Jacob
Within the last 10–15 years we have witnessed a turn towards art and aesthetics amongst explicitly politically inclined philosophers and theorists whereas many art theorists and art critics have drawn the political aspects of contemporary art to the fore. With the present issue of The Nordic Journal of Aesthetics we want to address the relationship between aesthetics and politics and the ways in which this relationship has been and might be dealt with, analyzing the possible reasons for this current emphasis on the political potentials of art and aesthetics. Furthermore we aim to analyze the current interest in the different ways arts and aesthetics can have a political function and to contextualize this analysis within the broader return to aesthetics that have taken place within the humanities over the last 20 years.
Full Text Available Political parties have made themselves noticed in history by competing for power and over time they have emerged as undeniable and indispensable realities in a political system regardless of its form. The Constitution of Romania recognised the role and historical importance of pluralism and political parties and dedicated them a place of honour in the general principles that establish our state as a democratic and social state of law. This article analyses the constitutional provisions on political parties, depicting the evolution of statutory regulations thereon over more than 100 years, during various political regimes. Last but not least, it also analyses concepts and points of view of the doctrine with respect to the subject matter, while also making references to the relevant constitutional jurisprudence. Finally, as a result of the analysis conducted, we will reveal any weaknesses of the legislation and we will make our conclusions.
Full Text Available Political parties have made themselves noticed in history by competing for power and over time they have emerged as undeniable and indispensable realities in a political system regardless of its form. The Constitution of Romania recognised the role and historical importance of pluralism and political parties and dedicated them a place of honour in the general principles that establish our state as a democratic and social state of law. This article analyses the constitutional provisions on political parties, depicting the evolution of statutory regulations thereon over more than 100 years, during various political regimes. Last but not least, it also analyses concepts and points of view of the doctrine with respect to the subject matter, while also making references to the relevant constitutional jurisprudence. Finally, as a result of the analysis conducted, we will reveal any weaknesses of the legislation and we will make our conclusions.
Christopher P. Long
Full Text Available This essay articulates the differences and suggests the similarities between the practices of Socratic political speaking and those of Platonic political writing. The essay delineates Socratic speaking and Platonic writing as both erotically oriented toward ideals capable of transforming the lives of individuals and their relationships with one another. Besides it shows that in the Protagoras the practices of Socratic political speaking are concerned less with Protagoras than with the individual young man, Hippocrates. In the Phaedo, this ideal of a Socrates is amplified in such a way that Platonic writing itself emerges as capable of doing with readers what Socratic speaking did with those he encountered. Socrates is the Platonic political ideal. The result is a picture of the transformative political power of Socratic speaking and Platonic writing both.
Full Text Available People’s electoral behavior is understood as political predispositions and attitudes in specific institutional contexts. Recent scholarly work has included personality as a key explanatory factor in individual-level models of political participation. In this paper we build upon these recent efforts. We utilize the Big Five approach to assess the effects of different personality traits on people’s likelihood of political engagement during the 2012 presidential election in Mexico. We focus on the effects of personality on voting in the election and on individual views about the integrity of the electoral process. We use post election survey data collected for the Comparative National Elections Project in the 2012 Mexican presidential election. Our findings show that extraversion is a critical individual-level factor accounting for the propensity to turnout in this election as well as to encourage political discussion with family members, friends, neighbors, and co-workers.
Lye, W F
In this discussion of the politics of survival in Lesotho, attention is directed to the historical foundations; the road to dependency, the emergence of a political economy; and political transitions. The 1.25 million citizens of Lesotho enjoy a precarious independence. In November 1981, the government welcomed Russian military advisers. Presumably the reason for this was to help defend itself against the Republic of South Africa. This action was only the most recent of a series of increasingly hostile acts and verbal barrages which confirm the persistent aversion of Lesotho toward South Africa. The behavior contrasts markedly with an equally persistent pattern, that of continuous consultations between the Prime Minister of Lesotho since independence in 1966 and every leader of South Africa. The fact that some 200,000 Sotho workers, almost 1/6 of the nation's populaton, cross annually into South Africa to earn their only possible means of income lends a special character to this relationship. It reveals both the depth of Lesotho's aversion while equally affirming its reluctant dependence. It also illuminates a reciprocal need on the part of South Africa, which causes them to tolerate the irritant. The key to understanding the recent history of Lesotho lies with this fundamental interdependence and aversion. In the context of declining living standards at home and the demand for labor by South Africa, at first on the nearby farms and after 1867 in the mines and cities, Lesotho's economy became increasingly subject to political forces beyond its control. During even the early days of Moshoeshoe's reign, he encouraged youths to leave their families to obtain work among the aliens. His original objective was to have the youths learn useful new techniques which could be applied to enrich Lesotho beyond the few coins they might earn. The central focus of foreign employment before long became routine jobs in the mines. By the last decade of the 19th century, Lesotho contributed 30,000 men to the mines and railway construction. The population has continued to increase, the agricultural base constantly deteriorates, and the people have become more and more dependent upon migrant labor for their survival at the cost of social deterioration and a compromised political situation. The economics of migrant labor results in reciprocal dependency. The vulnerability of Lesotho's economy to political factors beyond its control is further exacerbated by the equally temporary and unstable element of foreign aid. At current levels of involvement about 20% of the gross national income derives from these projects. PMID:12264492
Christensen, Henrik Serup; ?bo Akademi University
The impact of the Internet on political participation has been a debated issue in recent decades. Internet activities have been criticized for being slacktivism, where the real life impact of the activities is limited; the main effect is to enhance the feel-good factor for the participants. This article examines whether this accusation is valid. It does so by examining two aspects of Internet campaigns: Whether they are effective in affecting real life political decisions, and whether Interne...
This thesis consists of five essays in the field of political economy. The first part of the thesis includes three essays covering various aspects of the political economy of globalization and economic reforms, which are linked in several ways. The second part of the thesis includes two essays on the political economy of development in India. The aim of this introductory section is to give a brief and non-technical overview of the essays, as well as to explain the links between them. The disc...
Full Text Available Wendy Brown’s approach in Politics out of History is characterized by an attempt to analyze the presence of the past which can be read not only under the light of Nietzsche’s legacy, but also through a comparison with Hannah Arendt’s conception of the gap between the past and the future. Like Arendt, Brown aims to look at the present as the site of politics and freedom, even though the former conceives the break with tradition as the unavoidable starting point, while the latter assumes that that break is not fully accomplished because it was not recognized. Rather, it produces Wounded Attachments whose effect is that of limiting the possibility of left criticism. Moving from this parallel, Brown’s analysis is compared to the Italian philosophy of sexual difference, stressing their common interest in thinking freedom beyond a female identity built on a presumed common oppression.
Full Text Available Using the definition proposed here, integral politics can be a process of integrating diverse perspectives into wholesome guidance for a community or society. Characteristics that follow from this definition have ramifications for understanding what such political processes involve. Politics becomes integral as it transcends partisan battle and nurtures generative conversation toward the common good. Problems, conflicts and crises become opportunities for new (or renewed social coherence. Conversational methodologies abound that can help citizen awareness temporarily expand during policy-making, thus helping raise society’s manifested developmental stage. Convening archetypal stakeholders or randomly selected citizens in conversations designed to engage the broader public enhances democratic legitimacy. With minimal issue- and candidate-advocacy, integral political leaders would develop society’s capacity to use integral conversational tools to improve its health, resilience, and collective intelligence. This both furthers and manifests evolution becoming conscious of itself.
Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C.
This article develops a conceptual framework and measurement model of political market orientation that consists of attitudinal and behavioural constructs. The article reports on perceived relationships among different behavioral aspects of political market orientation and the attitudinal influences of such behavior. The study includes structural equation modeling to investigate several propositions. While the results show that political parties need to focus on several different aspects of market-oriented behavior, especially using an internal and external orientation as cultural antecedents, a more surprising result is the inconclusive effect of a voter orientation on market-oriented behaviours. The article discusses the findings in the context of the existing literature in political marketing and commercial market orientation.
Batool, Irem; Sieg, Gernot
This paper studies whether in Pakistan the dynamic behavior of unemployment, inflation, budget deficit and real GDP growth is systematically affected by the timing of elections. We cover the period from 1973-2009. Our results can be summarized as follows: 1. Unemployment tends to be lower in pre-election periods and tends to increase immediately after elections, perhaps as a result of politically motivated employment schemes. 2. In ation tend to be lower in preelection periods, perhaps as a r...
Globalisation, referring to an interconnectedness and interdependence across the world, creates a challenge for national states, localities and individuals. In the past, people used to define themselves with strong ties with political parties, trade unions, and churches. However, modernisation process decreased the importance of these institutions, and individualistic values became more important. As a result of that process, ties between people and political parties are weakened. Meanwhile,...
This Living Review makes the case for the study of Europeanization and political parties as related but distinct from the study of political parties and European integration. It then presents the Europeanization approach to parties, noting that some of the components in this approach developed to study policy and institutional change may not lend themselves so well to the study of national parties. This argument distinguishes between direct and indirect effects of European Union influence on ...
Aurel Piturca; Anca Parmena Olimid
Like in the case of great religions – Confucianism, Buddhism,Brahmanism, Christianity – Islamism was and continues to be a culture and civilization, a religious and political doctrine. Islamism is situated at the confluence between the religious and political perceptions of organization and management of the community.Facing the decadence of the Islamic societies, their inability to keep pace with the European and North-American contemporary development, the fundamentalists consider that ...
Racine's tragedy Esther is often presented as a religious poem extolling piety and innocence. This article argues that this reading is complicated by the political dimension of the work. This dimension is reflected in the context in which Esther was first performed, as well as in allusions to the prevailing socio-political situation and to the drama that is played out within the work. Despite the author's stated intention to compose a work of piety, his indebtedness to the two biblical versio...
Herrera, Helios; Ordon?ez, Guillermo; Trebesch, Christoph
We show that political booms, measured by the rise in governments’ popularity, predict financial crises above and beyond other better-known early warning indicators, such as credit booms. This predictive power, however, only holds in emerging economies. We show that governments in emerging economies are more concerned about their reputation and tend to ride the short-term popularity benefits of weak credit booms rather than implementing politically costly corrective policies that would help...
Meier, Ardith J.
Argues that research invoking Brown and Levinson's theory of politeness in order to determine "rules of politeness" should not form the basis of the teaching of "politeness phenomena" in foreign- and English-as-a-Second-Language pedagogy. Maintains that a refocusing is called for that views politeness as appropriateness, a view having implications…
Political parties in Chile of both the left and right have focused more on drawing women into their ideologies than on considering what political issues mean to women. A look at feminist thought shows how political life for women includes not only the traditional political arena but also domestic life. (IS)
The political season is, of course, already fast upon us, and interested users will do well to add this new site to their list of online political news sources. A rare example of a political site created as a business venture, Politics.com is designed to serve as a central source for news and analysis of the US 2000 presidential race. A clean and easily navigated site, Politics.com is composed of four major sections. The first contains smartly-packaged, if concise, profiles of the leading candidates, including recent ratings, fundraising vs. opponents, issue positions on several selected topics, a very brief biographical sketch, last election results, and voting record. A collection of campaign videos in RealPlayer format is also available from the Candidates section. The Money section contains a campaign finance primer, dollars raised by month, soft dollar leader board, and search engines that allow users to search for contributors in geographic areas or by name. The Polls section features recent polling results on individual candidates and other related issues, and the Directory is a collection of annotated political links organized by topic. Additional resources at the site include breaking news, recent opinion pieces, and a free email daily briefing.
Full Text Available Valuing the professional literature, the paper highlights in its first part, the main factors that influence the demographic behaviours, especially birth-rate, meaning the cultural, biological, economic, social and political factors. I have tried to focus on a possible supremacy of the religious and political factor in comparison to other factors which have an influence on demographic evolutions. In the second part we approached the religion and the projections regarding the youngsters’ demographic behaviour. Referring these results to statistical data on this issue, that are to be found in the Statistical Annual of Bihor County, we tried to reveal the trends of the evolution of birth-rate and to make the difference between objective statistical data and subjective echoes of 18 year old high school students way of thinking, regarding the potential impact of religion – nowadays studied in the Romanian schools – on the demographic behaviour.
Full Text Available This study aims at examining the nature of the continued relevance of traditional rulers in contemporary Nigerian politics in spite of the negative impact of colonialism and Westernization on the institution. In pre-colonial period, traditional rulers occupied important positions of political authority in African kingdoms. They were held in high esteem and believed to be representatives of the gods on earth. Before the emergence of colonial rule in Nigeria, traditional rulers were the political and spiritual heads of the various kingdoms and states which now make up Nigeria. Impressed by the well organized system of traditional political institutions in some parts of Nigeria, the British colonial masters made use of traditional rulers in the colonial administrations particularly in the implementation of the Indirect Rule system. However, towards the last years of colonial rule, there was a shift from the traditional rulers to the educated elite who eventually succeeded in achieving political independence for the country. Since 1960, traditional rulers have been relegated to the background in the political scene in Nigeria and the Constitutions stipulate that they should be non-partisan and be politically neutral in the electoral processes. However, in spite of this, traditional rulers continue to play important role in the political and electoral processes in contemporary Nigeria. This study examines the factors and nature of the continued political influence and relevance of traditional rulers in contemporary Nigerian political landscape.
Drakopoulos, Stavros A.
Socioeconomic factors play a crucial role in determining physiological and psychological health levels of the population. The level of unemployment, income inequality and poverty levels are largely affected by economic policies and the economic cycles. Economic policies can also influence the occurrence of economic cycles which in turn influence socioeconomic factors and therefore health inequalities. Economic policies are influenced by political considerations as the historical record of man...
Objectives This study examines political marketing and how political organizations are creating value to their customers, ie. the voter-citizens, through the means of political and relationship marketing. The focus is from a managerial perspective to help determine how political organizations could better create value to their customers and build long-term beneficial relationships with them in order to become more successful. The empirical research will be based in the Finnish political f...
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Nonverbal communication as being a fundamental aspect of communication, meaning “nonverbal symbolic codes applied in relations in daily life”, is used mostly unconsciously but continuously. It is revealed in the researches that 38% of communication is comprised of audio codes, %55 body language and 7% words. As can be seen, importance of nonverbal communication is undeniable. General opinion in society is that nonverbal communication is comprised of just gestures and mimics. But voice, word accent, silence, colors, body posture and angle, touching, smell, use of objects, sense of place and time, dressing, accessories used, walking style etc. are included in nonverbal communication. As can be seen, nonverbal communication covers items which are non-verbal and cannot be expressed with words.
In addition to rhetoric, when a community is evaluating political leaders they resorts to some other information. This information is usually obtained from nonverbal communication. Voters in the society and other national societies take into account when communicating face to face with politicians the tone of voice, rhetoric, dominance of the mother tongue language, as well as the dress style, jewelry, accessories, body posture, gestures and facial expressions as non-verbal communication and persuasion factors. In the presentations and international relation conferences the non-verbal elements, as stated before, are much more effective, easier to recall, cogent and persuasive than elements of written communication of the political leaders messages.
“How are the non-verbal communication items used by political leaders” is the starting point and the question for this article. Because today nonverbal communication items are effective to create political image and has an important dimension in the international politics. In this article, these items are reviewed with examples in communication literature.
Key words: Nonverbal communication; Politics; Political leader
La communication non verbale comme étant un aspect fondamental de la communication, qui signifie «non verbale codes symboliques appliquée dans les relations dans la vie quotidienne", est utilisé plus souvent inconsciemment mais continuellement. Il est révélé dans les recherches que 38% de la communication est composé de codes audio, le langage corporel de 55% et les mots de 7%. Comme on peut le voir, l'importance de la communication non verbale est indéniable. L'opinion générale dans la société, c'est que la communication non verbale est composée de gestes et mimiques simplement. Mais la voix, l'accent parole, le silence, les couleurs, la posture du corps et de l'angle, le toucher, l'odorat, l'utilisation d'objets, le sens du lieu et de temps, l'habillage, les accessoires utilisés, la marche de style etc sont inclus dans la communication non verbale. Comme on peut le constater, la communication non verbale couvre les éléments qui sont non-verbale et ne peut pas être exprimé avec des mots.
En plus de la rhétorique, quand une communauté est d'évaluer les dirigeants politiques qu'ils recourt à certaines autres informations. Cette information est généralement obtenu à partir de la communication non verbale. Les électeurs de la société et d'autres sociétés nationales de prendre en compte lors de la communication face à face avec les politiciens du ton de la voix, la rhétorique, la dominance de la langue maternelle, ainsi que le style vestimentaire, des bijoux, des accessoires, la posture, les gestes et les expressions faciales que la communication non verbale et les facteurs de la persuasion. Dans les présentations et les conférences internationales concernant les éléments non-verbaux, comme indiqué précédemment, sont beaucoup plus efficaces, plus faciles à rappeler, forte et persuasive que les éléments de la communication écrite des messages des dirigeants poli
Full Text Available The Fifteenth Day of the Fourth Month of the Year of the Male Earth Tiger, corresponding to 10th June 1998, will probably stay as a milestone date in Bhutan's modern history. HM Jigme Singye Wangchuck, the fourth King of Bhutan, known to his subjects as the Druk Gyalpo, has issued a kasho (royal edict that could bring profound changes in the kingdom’s everyday life. By devolving full executive powers to an elected cabinet, the authority of which will be defined by the National Assembly during its 1999 session, and introducing the principle of his own political responsibility, the King has opened a new page in Himalayan politics.Although being a small country which has always been very cautious on the international scene, Bhutan, as a buffer state, nested in the heart of the Himalayas, between India and China, has a strategic position in a region where the divisive forces of communalism are vivid. The kingdom, which has long stayed out of the influence of such forces, is now facing potential difficulties with the aftermath of the so called ngolop issue and the impact of ULFA-Bodo activity across the border with India, that threatens its political stability and internal security. The process of change in Bhutan is not meant to fit in any regional model that could be inspired by Indian or Nepalese politics. However there is a clear interaction between national and regional politics. Whatever happens on the internal political scene, can have repercussions outside the kingdom, and vice-versa. As a genuine Buddhist kingdom, which has chosen a unique path towards development, Bhutan, while preserving its cultural heritage, has to meet new and specific challenges that relate not only to social and economic factors, but also to a broader approach of development that includes political changes. In order to understand the rationale and the impact of the current reform, we must place it in its historical, economic, social and cultural context.
Blickle, G.; Meurs, J.A.
Based on the socioanalytic perspective of performance prediction [Hogan, R. (1991). Personality and personality assessment. In M. D. Dunnette, L. Hough, (Eds.), Handbook of industrial and organizational psychology (2nd ed., pp. 873-919). Chicago: Rand McNally; Hogan, R., & Shelton, D. (1998). A socioanalytic perspective on job performance. Human Performance, 11, 129-144.], the present study tests whether motives to get along and to get ahead produce greater performance when interactively combined with social effectiveness. Specifically, we investigated whether interactions of the Five-Factor Model constructs of agreeableness and conscientiousness with political skill predict job performance. Our results supported our hypothesis for the agreeableness-political skill interaction. Additionally, after correcting for the unreliability and restricted range of conscientiousness, we found that its interaction with political skill also significantly predicted job performance, although not precisely as hypothesized. Implications of the results and directions for future research are provided. © 2007 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Andersen, Thomas Barnebeck; Harr, Thomas
The political factors shaping IMF lending to developing countries have attracted attention in recent empirical work. This goes in particular for the role and influence of the US. However, scant formal modelling makes interpretation of empirical results difficult. In this paper, we propose a model in which the US acts as principal within the IMF and seeks to maximize its impact on the policy stance of debtor countries. We derive an optimal loan allocation mechanism, which leads to the testable hypothesis that the probability of an IMF loan is increasing in the amount of political concessions countries make. A political concession is defined as the distance between a country's bliss point and its actual policy stance measured relative to the US. We introduce a bliss-point proxy and demonstrate that our hypothesis is strongly supported in the data. Moreover, we show that not accounting for bliss points may lead to endogeneity bias in empirical work
Fox, Sean; Hoelscher, Kristian
Why are some countries more prone to social violence than others? Drawing on theoretical and empirical insights from the fields of political economy, sociology and criminology we develop and empirically test a holistic theory of social violence that accounts for political-institutional, socio-economic and socio-demographic factors. We find that hybrid political regimes, political-institutional volatility, poverty, inequality and ethnic diversity are associated with higher rates of social viol...
Otto F. von Feigenblatt
Jan Nederveen Pieterse’s model of ethnic relations is applied tothe socio-political unrest of Thailand in the early 21st century. This paper argues that Pieterse’s model of global multiculture and multiethnicity complements Marxist and neo-Marxist explanations of the political unrest in a dialectical relationship. Thus, structural factors such as the economy and the political system are dialectically influenced by cultural and ethnic politics. The use by the royalist elite of state power ...
This paper utilises Hall’s (1977) ‘encoding-decoding’ theory in the context of critical political economy theories of the media and cultural studies to explain the political, economic and cultural factors that influence media operation and content both at a macro and micro level. While political economy provides the setting in which the Kenyan media operates, cultural studies show how media content is not only shaped by the political and economic environments comprising those in power p...
Aaron C. Weinschenk
Full Text Available Scholars have recently started to integrate personality traits into models of political participation. In this paper, we present the results of a survey experiment (N = 724 designed to test whether negative political messages differentially impact people with different personality traits. We found evidence that individuals with high scores on agreeableness were less likely, and individuals with high scores on extraversion were more likely, to report intending to participate in politics than their counterparts after being exposed to negative political messages. Agreeableness and extraversion also interacted with negative messages to influence specific intentions to make a political donation, attend a meeting, rally, or event, and volunteer for a political campaign. We also found suggestive evidence that agreeableness interacted with negativity to influence turnout intentions. The results of this study have important implications for the study of political engagement, the ways in which people interact with political information, and the practice of democratic politics.
Ferran Izquierdo Brichs
Full Text Available Since the 1980s, political Islam or Islamism has created enormous concern both in the political media and the news media. The revolution in Iran in the late 1970s and the election victory by FIS in Algeria in the late 1980s represented two decisive points in the popular and ideological mobilisation by Islamist groups. Immediately after that, the civil war in Algeria and terrorist violence left their mark on the 1990s. The perception of Islamism today is still associated, in many cases, with the dynamics of the end of the past century, and with the jihadism of a few fundamentalist groups, without taking into account the fact that the majority of Islamist groups have undergone an enormous evolution, and that the context in which they are operating is also very different. As we will see, instead of the jihadism or the ideological radicalness of the past century, today’s political Islam is much better represented by the moderation (both ideological and in terms of political activity of Turkey’s AKP party, the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Morocco’s PJD, Tunisia’s al-Nahdah and most of the parties and large groups. Central factors in this dynamic of moderation are, on one hand, the link between Islamist groups with regimes and, on the other, the claims for and acceptance of liberal democracy as a strategy in their political struggle.
Nengher N. Vang, Ph.D
Full Text Available Since the initial resettlement of the Hmong in the United States in the mid-1970s, they have maintained strong political and military relationships with the Lao People‘s Democratic Republic (LPDR. Yet, there is little research on that relationship and the involvement of the Hmong in the United States in political developments in Laos. Most works on Hmong political activism have focused on the electoral participation and representation of Hmong Americans in relation to American domestic politics. In this article, using archival, ethnographic, and interview data that I have collected between 2006 and 2009 in Laos, Thailand, and the United States, I describe and analyze the non-domestic or transnational form of Hmong American political expression and participation. I argue that Hmong political activism in America not only was transnational from the outset, but that their transnational involvement in political developments in Laos and their relations with the Lao PDR government also had a significant impact on their ethnic politics. Many Hmong political activists made their entry into ethnic politics through the door of transnational politics, and many were motivated by transnational political issues to participate in domestic American politics. By exploring their transnational involvement in political developments in Laos and their relations with the Lao PDR government, we get a more complete and dynamic understanding of Hmong political activism in the United States than is possible by focusing exclusively on domestic and electoral participation. Examining their transnational politics also allows us to see the transnationality of not only their culture, identity, and community but also that of their political activities and aspirations.
Full Text Available Politeness is a common phenomenon in any society. Thus conventions of politeness vary from culture to culture. How people value politeness or show politeness is influenced by many factors such as age, gender, knowledge level, or social status or power. In this research, we deal with politeness in China EFL classrooms. Based on Brown and Levinson’s Face Theory and applying a series of research methods like class observation, survey questionnaires and semi-structured interviews in a case study, the researcher tries to find out: how students’ gender and level of English proficiency influence their understanding of teachers’ politeness strategies, what attitudes they have towards the application of teachers’ PS, and how students value politeness strategies in EFL classrooms. In conclusion, on one hand, teachers should increase their own politeness awareness as well as students’; on the other hand, it is very important to improve students’ English proficiency, which can help them understand situational contexts in English and interpret teachers’ well meaning in the term of politeness.
This paper will argue that astronomical models have long been applied to political theory, from the use of the Sun as a symbol of the emperor in Rome to the application of Copernican theory to the needs of absolute monarchy. We will begin with consideration of astral divination (the use of astronomy to ascertain divine intentions) in the ancient Near East. Particular attention will be paid to the use of Newton's discovery that the universe operates according to a single set of laws in order to support concepts of political quality and eighteenth century Natural Rights theory. We will conclude with consideration of arguments that the discovery of the expanding, multi-galaxy universe, stimulated political uncertainty in the 1930s, and that photographs of the Earth from Apollo spacecraft encouraged concepts of the `global village'.
Full Text Available Political science has long been concerned with how to make frameworks permitting us "to be free from craving and restraint." Political improvement infers that a few legislatures are preferred at finishing these objectives over others are. Despite the fact that we ought to be mindful so as not to romanticize vote based system with all its defects and surely Samuel Huntington would advise us that political request matters more—numerous concur that majority rule government in some structure is desirable over the wide cluster of nondemocratic frameworks of government. Modernization alludes to monetary advancement and the change from rural to modern social orders, alongside comparing social and social movements (in spite of the fact that the utilization of terms, for example, cutting edge and primitive has been censured as improperly stereotyping certain societies from a Western point of view.
Palma Peña-Jiménez, Ph.D.
Full Text Available During election campaigns the political spot has a clear objective: to win votes. This message is communicated to the electorate through television and Internet, and usually presents a negative approach, which includes a direct critical message against the opponent, rather than an exposition of proposals. This article is focused on the analysis of the campaign attack video ad purposely created to encourage the disapproval of the political opponent among voters. These ads focus on discrediting the opponent, many times, through the transmission of ad hominem messages, instead of disseminating the potential of the political party and the virtues and manifesto of its candidate. The article reviews the development of the attack ad since its first appearance, which in Spain dates back to 1996, when the famous Doberman ad was broadcast, and examines the most memorable campaign attack ads.
Full Text Available While the transnational public sphere has existed in the Arendtian sense at least since the mid-19th century, a new kind of reflexively political global civil society emerged in the late 20th century. However, non-governmental organisations (NGOs, advocacy groups, and networks have limited agendas and legitimacy and, without the support of at least one state, limited means to realise changes. Since 2001, the World Social Forum (WSF has formed a key attempt in forging links and ties of solidarity among diverse actors. Although the WSF may seem a party of opinion when defined negatively against neoliberal globalisation, imperialism, and violence, in more positive ideological terms it remains a rather incoherent collection of diverse actors; while itself defined as a mere open space. There is a quest for new forms of agency such as a world political party. Various historical predecessors of global political parties, real and imagined, provide conceptual resources, useful experiences for envisaging the structure, and function of a possible planetary party-formation. H.G. Wells's ‘open conspiracy’ is a particularly important future-oriented left-democratic vision. Wells believed that only a mass movement of truly committed individuals and groups could have the power to transform the world political organisation, by creating a democratic world commonwealth. Recently, for instance, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri have formulated similar ideas. I argue that transformative political agency presupposes a shared programme, based on common elements of a wider and deeper world-view, and willingness to engage in processes of collective will-formation in terms of democratic procedures. From this perspective, I outline a possible organisation and some substantial directions for a global political party.. The point is also to respond to the criticism of existing parties and cultivate the critical-pluralist ethos of global civil society, but in terms of democratic party-formation.
This book, divided into four parts, describes, first, energy consumption and national economy growth. In a second part, the irresistible ascent of coal, natural gas and petroleum international markets is studied. In the third part, energy politic is investigated: exchanges releasing, prices deregulation, contestation of power industry monopoly, energy national market and common energetic politic, single market concept. In the last part, global risks and world-wide regulations are given: demand, energy resources, technical changes, comparative evaluations between fossil, nuclear and renewable energies, environment, investments financing and international cooperation. 23 refs., 14 figs., 16 tabs
Analyzing the influence of national political and economical factors on the success of public-private partnerships in transport / Análisis de la influencia de la política nacional y factores económicos en el éxito de la asociación entre los sectores
Patricia, Galilea A; Francesca, Medda.
Full Text Available Desde el surgimiento de la asociación entre los sectores público y privado en la década de 1980, ha habido cambios estructurales en la forma como los países financian y proveen infraestructura pública. Aunque aparentemente los gobiernos apoyan esta asociación y en muchos casos ha Fecha de recepción: [...] 17 de septiembre de 2008 sido exitoso, en otros ha habido fracasos. Utilizando datos de proyectos en el sector transporte de 72 países de ingreso bajo y medio registrados Fecha de aceptación: 22 de enero de 2009 en la base de datos del Banco Mundial sobre la participación de agentes privados en proyectos de infraestructura, los autores investigaron la influencia de los tres principales factores en el éxito de tales proyectos: la experiencia nacional, la presencia de inversionistas privados y la influencia de la banca multilateral. Los resultados del estudio resaltan la importancia de las bases provistas por la experiencia nacional. No obstante, se destaca que la experiencia nacional microeconómica no es el único elemento determinante, sino son igualmente relevantes las experiencias previas (positivas o negativas) de proyectos de transporte con asociación público-privada. Un interesante hallazgo en el análisis es que la percepción del nivel de corrupción del país y la solidez de su democracia son determinantes sobre el resultado final de los proyectos. Además, la región y el subsector del proyecto de asociación también juegan un importante roll sobre su éxito. Abstract in english Since the emergence of public-private partnerships (PPPs) in the 1980s, there has been a structural change in the way countries now finance and provide public infrastructure. Although national governments apparently encourage PPPs, and many have succeeded, some others have failed. Using data from tr [...] ansport sector projects for 72 low- and middle-income countries from the Private Participation in Infrastructure Project Database of the World Bank, we investigate the role of three main factors in the success of these transport PPPs: national experience, the presence of private investors, and the influence of multilateral lenders. The results of the study highlight the importance of the foundation provided by national experience. Not only does national macroeconomic experience appear to have a relevant role, but so also does its past experience (either positive or negative) of transport PPP projects. An interesting finding of the analysis is that the perception of a country's level of corruption and democratic accountability has significant bearing on the final outcome of a PPP project. Also, the region and subsector of the PPP project seem to play an important role in its success.
PAPPAS, Takis S.
This paper, initially prompted by the puzzles raised from the atypical emergence of charismatic politics in the otherwise ordinary political system that our contemporary democracy is supposed to be, seeks to bring political charisma back into the study of comparative politics by reconstructing the concept and rendering it applicable to empirical research. Unlike previous approaches, which have suffered from either individual or structural reductionism, the present study examines charisma as a...
This article explores the internet as a political tool in order to achieve political goals. In Thailand, for example, the internet has significant roles in the contemporary Thai political context. It demonstrates that the internet is a tool that can be used for political mobilizing, promoting and protecting the mainstream ideology of the state. This paper also argues that it has many possible uses for censorship and surveillance by the government. In conclusion, the internet can be considered...
Taking cognisance of the lack of studies on leadership in modern India, this book explores how leadership is practiced in the Indian context, examining this across varied domains — from rural settings and urban neighbourhoods to political parties and state governments. The chapter presents a case study of the nature of the Communist Parties’ presence at the village level in West Bengal.
SHAIKH FARUK ISMAIL; SHUBHANGAI RATHI
Maulana Abul Kalam Azad is one of the pioneer nation builders of modern India. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad whose real name was Abul Kalam Ghulam Muhiyuddin was born on November 11, 1888 in Makkah. He came back to Calcutta (now Kolkata) with his family in 1890. He was home schooled. He learned Arabic, Persian, Philosophy, Geometry, Mathematics, Algebra, English, World history and Politics.
Leidman, Mary Beth
This document looks at advertising and political commercials in radio. When placing an advertisement, in any media in general and radio in particular, one takes into consideration qualitative and quantitative data: how many people are listening, and who they are, and what level of education they have attained. Listeners have extremely well…
Full Text Available The paper describes the text linguistic research of political texts in the field of Translation Studies and presents an overview of critical discourse analysis-based studies. First, the relationship between text, power and ideology and its implications on the role of translation are explored. This is followed by a review of a number of studies on the translation of political texts and on the power relations involved. The paper classifies such studies into the following six categories representing distinct research fields: translators' professional roles and politics; translators acting as mediators in situations of political conflict; translators' professional responsibilities and the strategies they apply; the inference of translators' own historical, social and cultural backgrounds; manipulation in the translation of literary texts and other text types; and critical discourse awareness in Translation Studies. The most recent studies in the above research fields and their results are also presented. It is concluded that these approaches exhibit quite varied research methods and their results are almost impossible to compare. With a view to the future development of this research field, it seems expedient to introduce a unified research theory, method and tool.
A brief review is given of the development of hydropower in the UK and the standardization of the electricity supply industry in the earlier part of this century. Particular emphasis is placed on the political background and the social objections of the Scottish Hydro Board Act. (UK)
Ledyaeva Ol'ga Mikhaylovna
Full Text Available Several approaches that underlie urban politics are discussed in the paper. They include neo-liberalism, political economy discourse, elitist/pluralist debates, and postmodernism. The neoliberal approach focuses on the limited role of the state and individual responsibility. The legal framework protects both the rights and responsibilities of individuals and regulates the operation of the market. It is the market that fosters individual choices and provides goods and services by virtue of the processes which are flexible, efficient and transparent. The political economy approaches (regulation theory, public choice theory, neo-Marxism explain urban politics via the analysis of national and international economic processes and changes in contemporary capitalism. Changes in national and international economies determine what solutions are possible. The discourse has been influenced by the debate on globalization of capital and labour markets. Modern elitism and neopluralism are represented by theories of "growth machines" and "urban regimes". The former focuses on bargaining alliances between political and business leaders in order to manage the urban system and to promote its growth. The latter develops neopluralist explanations of power within local communities with an emphasis on the fragmented nature of the government where local authorities lack comprehensive governing powers. Postmodernism views the city as the site of the crisis of late capitalism which leads to segregation of neighbourhoods onto prosperous areas and ghettoes. In contrast to the modern city, the postmodern city is not defined by its industrial base; rather, it is determined by its consumerist environment of malls and museums, characterized by revivalist architecture. At the same time, the suburban shopping mall and a motorway network make nonsense of the idea of the city as a unique and well-defined space. These and other approaches encompass a wide spectrum of possibilities in the study of urban and regional politics in relation to the Russian context. In the recent two decades, several studies of the power of urban and regional communities (A. Chirikova, N. Lapina, V. Gel'man, D. Seltser, D. Tev show that it can contribute for a better understanding of the Russian local politics and government.
Able Abraham; Ghormade V. N.
Criminalisation of politics is a common phenomenon in now a day. In every walk of life corruption is involved because of regeneralisation of political parties. Almost all the political parties are following criminilisation as a medium for capturing power. The influence of mussel power and money is the basis for doing crimes. During the time of elections, almost all the political parties influence the voters by this method. So the politicians are thriving today on the basis...
Brack, Nathalie; Weinblum, Sharon
The role and nature of political opposition in democracy have long been acknowledged by scholars as essential issues. Indeed, the study of political opposition has major implications for several key questions in political science like the question of democratic representation and legitimacy as well as the organization of parties and parliaments. However, since the seminal contributions of Dahl, Baker, Ionescu and de Madariaga political opposition has been generally studied as a co-subject wit...
Full Text Available Are political regimes drivers of economic growth? While political institutions are influenced by economic development, they are in turn a key determinant of the development process. This study builds in the Neoclassical Growth theory to identify the influence of political regimes on economic development through a panel data sample of 170 countries from 1960 to 2000. Results suggest that once fixed effects are considered, the positive relationship between income per capita and political regimes measured by different democracy variables disappears.
In the following article we are going to discuss the phenomenon of political Problem (Or Problems). It is an attempt of philosophical and psychological interpretation of political thinking. Firstly the concept of political thinking and its relation to the identity issue will be examined. The aim is to determine the core principles of these two concepts and the relations between them. We will try to show the psychological means of formation of political thinking linking them with the issue of ...
Adegboyega, O. O.
As a concept, politics is the science of administration ofhuman society. Fundamentally, its practice is to enhancepeace, social order, stability, growth and development in anysociety or nation. However, the effect of politics on Nigeriais a negation of the above identified goals of politics. Ratherthan peace, unity, social order, growth and development therehave been chaos, disintegration, instability, and socialdisorder. This paper therefore advanced the argument thatthe idea of politics and...
Baker, Susan; Eckerberg, Katarina; Zachrisson, Anna
Ecological restoration has taken on a new significance in the face of climate change and biodiversity loss. Despite its growing policy salience, however, the social and political sciences have paid limited attention to the study of ecological restoration policy and practice. By drawing upon the political science study of multilevel governance, institutions, power elations, and place-based politics, a flavour is given of what a political science engagement might contribute to the rich tapestry...
In the paper I address the empirical puzzle arising from different responses by political authorities in Spain and the UK to the existence of political parties integrated in the terrorist groups Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Basque Homeland and Freedom) and the Irish Republican Army (IRA). More specifically I address the question of why the radical Basque nationalist political party Herri Batasuna and its successors, and the republican parties Sinn Féin and the Republican Clubs, enjoyed periods of legality and illegality during periods in which they all were involved in (separate) violent campaigns against established authorities. I adopt a ‘discursive institutionalist’ approach and argue that decisions to ban the political parties linked to the IRA and ETA can be explained at least in part by the dominance of a ‘discourse of intolerance’ in which proscription is seen predominantly as a problem of law and order; the banned party is deemed ‘abnormal’ and thus unworthy of usual privileges and entitlements; and where proscription is seen to positively contribute to ending violent conflict. In contrast, parties were legalized when a ‘discourse of tolerance’ predominated, where the role of parties for realization of free speech rights and representation is also emphasized, and where proscription is seen as inimical to resolution of conflict underpinning violence. In the context of party competition, a winning coalition is required for one discourse to predominate. However, I also argued that both ideas and institutions matter; varying institutional structures and norms empower different actors in the two countries with the result that unlike the UK, the judiciary are veto players in Spain and are able to overturn preferences of political parties on matters of proscription if they have not been in agreement.
Raja Ahmad Iskandar Raja Yaacob
Full Text Available The ICT implementation has been widely mentioned in many sectors such as education, government and business. However the implementation of ICT in political parties is rarely highlighted compared to the study from the political science view. This paper highlighted some preliminary study and interesting findings about ICT implementation of a case study in one of the dominant Malay political parties in Malaysia namely Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS. It assessed the current level of ICT implementation as well as captured the requirement and future plan in the implementation of ICT in the political parties. It used observation, questionnaires and interviews on 14 respondents. There were five factors involved namely party and model, culture, social and organisational issues, ICT support and ICT impact and barriers. At the end, it was found that the party applied a systematic framework in ICT implementation in order to take advantages of ICT as a tool for spreading political message and program to the voters.
This paper, which was given as the Dudley Allen Sargent lecture at the 2012 conference of the National Association for Kinesiology and Physical Education in Higher Education, discusses the politics of physical education. It examines how both national politics and local/campus politics affect the discipline. Drawing from the history of national…
The number of people reading and writing political blogs in the UK continues to grow, just as political bloggers grow in influence and authority. Now in its sixth year, the Total Politics Guide to Political Blogging comprises contributions from leading media commentators and bloggers analysing the state of the blogosphere and predicting where it might move next, as well as chronicling the pitfalls to avoid. The guide also contains blogging league tables, as voted for by Total Politics readers, which charts which blogs are the most influential in their field.
Regionalização e acesso à saúde nos estados brasileiros: condicionantes históricos e político-institucionais Regionalization and access to healthcare in Brazilian states: historical and political-institutional conditioning factors
Luciana Dias de Lima
Full Text Available O artigo aborda o processo de regionalização da saúde nos estados brasileiros no período de 2007 a 2010, com o objetivo de identificar as condições que favorecem ou dificultam esse processo. Utilizou-se o referencial de análise de políticas públicas e, particularmente, do institucionalismo histórico. Três dimensões sintetizam os condicionantes da regionalização: contexto (histórico-estrutural, político-institucional e conjuntural, direcionalidade (ideologia, objeto, atores, estratégias e instrumentos e características da regionalização (institucionalidade e governança. A pesquisa empírica privilegiou a análise de documentos oficiais e entrevistas com atores-chave em 24 estados. Observaram-se combinações de fatores e padrões de influência distintos nos estados, sendo a regionalização marcada por importantes ganhos de institucionalidade e governança no período. Entretanto, dificuldades inerentes aos contextos comprometem maiores avanços. Há necessidade de ampliar o enfoque territorial no planejamento governamental e integrar políticas setoriais ao desenvolvimento regional de médio e longo prazo para fortalecer a regionalização e superar entraves ao acesso aos serviços de saúde no Brasil.This article examines the healthcare regionalization process in the Brazilian states in the period from 2007 to 2010, seeking to identify the conditions that favor or impede this process. Referential analysis of public policies and especially of historical institutionalism was used. Three dimensions sum up the conditioning factors of regionalization: context (historical-structural, political-institutional and conjunctural, directionality (ideology, object, actors, strategies and instruments and regionalization features (institutionality and governance. The empirical research relied mainly on the analysis of official documents and interviews with key actors in 24 states. Distinct patterns of influence in the states were observed, with regionalization being marked by important gains in institutionality and governance in the period. Nevertheless, inherent difficulties of the contexts prejudice greater advances. There is a pressing need to broaden the territorial focus in government planning and to integrate sectorial policies for medium and long-term regional development in order to empower regionalization and to overcome obstacles to the access to healthcare services in Brazil.
Klemmensen, Robert; Hatemi, Peter K
Interest in politics is important for a host of political behaviors and beliefs. Yet little is known about where political interest comes from. Most studies exploring the source of political interest focus on parental influences, economic status, and opportunity. Here, we investigate an alternative source: genetic transmission. Using two twin samples, one drawn from Denmark and the other from USA, we find that there is a high degree of heritability in political interest. Furthermore, we show that interest in politics and political efficacy share the same underlying, latent genetic factor. These findings add to the growing body of literature that documents political behaviors and attitudes as not simply the result of socialization, but also as part of an individual's genetically informed disposition.
Hansen, Wendy L.; Prusa, Thomas J.
We study the determinants of trade policy decisions focusing specifically on antidumping and countervailing duty statutes administered by the International Trade Commission (ITC). Using detailed industry, import, and political pressure data we model ITC decision making, weighing the relative impact of economic and political factors in predicting policy outcomes. We find the ITC's decision making is significantly influenced by both economic and political factors. However, because an industry h...
Stavros A. Drakopoulos
Full Text Available Socioeconomic factors play a crucial role in determining physiological and psychological health levels of the population. The level of unemployment, income inequality and poverty levels are largely affected by economic policies and the economic cycles. Economic policies can also influence the occurrence of economic cycles which in turn influence socioeconomic factors and therefore health inequalities. Economic policies are influenced by political considerations as the historical record of many countries indicates. The paper discusses the conduct and the effects of economic policy on health inequalities. It starts with a discussion of the need and of the instruments of economic policy and also its effectiveness in smoothing the economic cycle. It also examines the interplay between main policy targets such as unemployment and inflation with political considerations. Finally, it concentrates on the effects of economic policies for health inequalities in view of economic recessions.
Kanybek Nur-tegin; Czap, Hans J.
The recent empirical literature on corruption has identified a long list of variables that correlate significantly with corruption but only five were distinguished by Leamer’s Extreme Bounds Analysis as robust to various samples, measures of corruption, and regression specifications. Among these five factors that were found to reduce corruption are decades-long tradition of democracy and political stability. In today’s world, however, there are many countries that combine one of these t...
Riemann, Rainer; Grubich, Claudia; Hempel, Susanne; Mergl, Susanne; Richter, Manfred
We presented a representative list of 162 political issues currently discussed in Germany and the German NEO-FFI to 184 subjects (45% university students). Principal components analysis of the attitude items reveals four factors which are interpreted as (1) general conservatism, preference for authoritarian punitiveness, (2) social welfare and support of women's equality, (3) liberalism and affirmation of technological progress, and (4) affirmation of increase in taxation for environmental pr...
While scientists have been talking about global warming for several decades, attempting to get politicians of different political stripes to act on these pressing matters has been frustrating for many people. This provocative and thoughtful documentary from Frontline takes a look at the "political decisions that have prevented the United States government from confronting one of the most serious problems facing humanity today." As with other Frontline sites, visitors can view the program in its entirety here, and then take advantage of the numerous extras offered on the site. A section of the site that should not be missed is that offered by the Center for Investigative Reporting, which features scientific reports that were suppressed by different government agencies and profiles of five prominent global warming skeptics, among other excellent items. Also, visitors can read special interview with various policy-makers and politicians, such as Senator Chuck Nagel, Newt Gingrich, and Christine Todd Whitman.
Die Abschlussarbeit „Die Linke: A Political Discourse Analysis“ versucht zu verstehen a) wie und mit welchen Mitteln Sprache in der Politik strategisch genutzt wird, um Wähler zu beeinflussen b) welcher sozialer und politischer Kontext sich auf die Bildung von politischen Diskursen auswirkt c) welche Art von Effekten politische Diskurse auf aktuelle ‚policy making‘ Prozesse haben. Analysiert wird die Partei Die Linke. Das Ziel der Studie ist nicht, der schon existierenden Literatur ?...
Google has developed this helpful web-based tool to help citizens, journalists, and others stay abreast of various political campaigns throughout the United States. Visitors can view and interact with a clickable map of the United States to find out information about each candidate and his (or potentially her) activities. Additionally, visitors can use the Issues area to track news items on topics like the economy, immigration, healthcare, and others. This version is compatible with all operating systems.
Throughout the expenses scandal, the lobbying scandal and other storms which have buffeted Parliament, many regard Tony Wright as one MP who provided a measured, sane and sensible reaction to events. His recent book considers the wider implications of the various political ructions and the public reaction to them. Dave O’Brien is impressed with the publication, but is also hopeful that Wright might be tempted to publish a more extensive memoir soon.
Penelope Brown and Stephen Levinson (1987) have proposed that power (P), distance (D), and the ranked extremity (R) of a face-threatening act are the universal determinants of politeness levels in dyadic discourse. This claim is tested here for Shakespeare's use of Early Modern English in Hamiet, King Lear, Maebeth, and Otheilo. The comedies are used because. (i) dramatic texts provide the best information on colloquial speech of the period; (2) the psychological soliloquies in the tragedies ...
SHAIKH FARUK ISMAIL
Full Text Available Maulana Abul Kalam Azad is one of the pioneer nation builders of modern India. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad whose real name was Abul Kalam Ghulam Muhiyuddin was born on November 11, 1888 in Makkah. He came back to Calcutta (now Kolkata with his family in 1890. He was home schooled. He learned Arabic, Persian, Philosophy, Geometry, Mathematics, Algebra, English, World history and Politics.
Mutascu, Mihai; Tiwari, Aviral; Estrada, Fernando
The present study is, in particular, an attempt to test the relationship between tax level and political stability by using some economic control variables and to see the relationship among government effectiveness, corruption, and GDP. For the purpose, we used the Vector Autoregression (VAR) approach in the panel framework, using a country-level panel data from 59 countries for the period 2002 to 2008. The salient features of this model are: (a) simplicity is based on a limited number of ...
Jurado, Ignacio; Rueda, David
This dissertation presents a theoretical framework about which voters parties distribute to and with which policies. To develop this full framework of distributive policies, the dissertation proceeds in two stages. First, it analyses which voters parties have more incentives to target distributive policies. Second, it also develops the conditions under which political parties can focus exclusively on these voters or need to combine this strategy with appeals to a broader electo...
Doumit, Rita; Afifi, Rema A; Devon, Holli A
College students are often faced with academic and personal stressors that threaten their well-being. Added to that may be political and environmental stressors such as acts of violence on the streets, interruptions in schooling, car bombings, targeted religious intimidations, financial hardship, and uncertainty of obtaining a job after graduation. Research on how college students adapt to the latter stressors is limited. The aims of this study were (1) to investigate the associations between stress, uncertainty, resilience, social support, withdrawal coping, and well-being for Lebanese youth during their first year of college and (2) to determine whether these variables predicted well-being. A sample of 293 first-year students enrolled in a private university in Lebanon completed a self-reported questionnaire in the classroom setting. The mean age of sample participants was 18.1 years, with nearly an equal percentage of males and females (53.2% vs 46.8%), who lived with their family (92.5%), and whose family reported high income levels (68.4%). Multiple regression analyses revealed that best determinants of well-being are resilience, uncertainty, social support, and gender that accounted for 54.1% of the variance. Despite living in an environment of frequent violence and political uncertainty, Lebanese youth in this study have a strong sense of well-being and are able to go on with their lives. This research adds to our understanding on how adolescents can adapt to stressors of frequent violence and political uncertainty. Further research is recommended to understand the mechanisms through which young people cope with political uncertainty and violence. PMID:25658930
How do polls of public opinion and political behavior work exactly? Well, it's definitely a complex answer, and when you add the mix of how exactly these polls work when done in a less "traditional" fashion, such as with the Internet, things get even more complicated. Part of the mission of the Political Communication Lab at Stanford University is "to develop and administer experimental studies of public opinion and political behavior through the use of both on-line and traditional methods". The site is a rather fascinating one, as it contains a number of informative areas on work at the Lab and on the current presidential election campaign. One of the group's projects that is worth a look is the Voter Attention Share project, in which the Lab is tracking the total number of daily references to key election issues across national TV newscasts and the 80 most widely read daily newspapers from June 1 to Election Day. Visitors can also read about the group's other projects and listen to a talk on online polling by Professors James Fishkin and Shanto Iyengar.
Full Text Available This paper discusses the use of pronouns to express Bugis politeness. This is based on the research I conducted in 2005 in two different Bugis communities, one in Awangpone and the other in Parepare. Bugis pronouns such as idi’, ta-, -ki are used by Bugis speakers to express politeness. This use is influenced by factors such as familiarity, differences in age, status, and gender, and the formality and informality of the situation.
Tritt, Shona M.; Inzlicht, Michael; Peterson, Jordan B.
It is widely held that negative emotions such as threat, anxiety, and disgust represent the core psychological factors that enhance conservative political beliefs. We put forward an alternative hypothesis: that conservatism is fundamentally motivated by arousal, and that, in this context, the effect of negative emotion is due to engaging intensely arousing states. Here we show that study participants agreed more with right but not left-wing political speeches after being exposed to positive a...
Rasaei, Janet; Nguyen, Kim
In this paper, we examine the relationship between political risk as an international environmental determinant of capital structure as well as other factors that contribute to capital structure including leverage, foreign exchange risk, agency costs of debt, and collateral value of assets. We conducted this research on a sample of 200 Singaporean, non-financial, listed domiciled multinational firms over the period of 2005 to 2009. The results suggest that political risk is irrelevant to the ...
"Demographic and fiscal pressures have increased pressures on governments in most wealthy countries to reduce the generosity of their public pension programs. Mechanisms that automatically adjust public pension levels to take account of factors such as increased life expectancy and slower economic growth are appealing to politicians because it saves them from having to take loss-imposing actions that are likely to incur political blame. This paper analyzes the financial and political potentia...
Hao(?, Yan, ?)
Political identity is always a vital topic for scholars to discuss, especially within the globalization context. Anderson has given a famous notion of identity, however, due to the globalization process, the sense of limitation and sovereign has been eroded, and Anderson’s notion has been challenged. This essay has explored the changing of political identities, with the cases of Canada and Turkey. Owing to the influence of globalization on many significant factors, such as language, culture...
Santos, Eduardo J. R.; Ferreira, Joaquim Armando
In this article, we present an overview of the political context of vocational psychology and career counseling in Portugal. The essence of our position is that career counseling needs to encompass all the major tasks of personal and social development, beyond the traditional focus on primarily vocational/occupational goals. Given the importance of social and political factors that are apparent in an analysis of the Portuguese climate within career development, we propose that ...
Full Text Available In the Third World, the function of political leadership is more pivotal than in western countries. The subjective factor of Qadhafi has vital bearing on developments in Libya. There was no historical neccessity for Libya to have developed along the revolutionary path that it has. The formation of the Arab Socialist Union, the Popular Revolution, the creation of the Jamahiriya, the inauguration of the Revolutionary Committee movement and the programme of militarisation - all these issues are a result of Qadhafi's wish to "revolutionarize" Libyan society. His ultimate aim was to eliminate all intermediaries between the people and the political power. In practice, real power remained in the hands of Qadhafi and the Revolutionary Committees . A drastic fall in oil revenues and the arrogance and arbitrariness of Qadhafi1s revolutionary zealots led to growing discontent among the Libyan population. The American raid on Tripoli and Benghazi in April 1986 was meant to precipitate Qadhafi1s downfall. But his regime was not overthrown and the Libyan leader proved to be a master of political survival. A (temporary political and economic liberalisation has boosted his popularity. On the eve of the twentieth anniversary of the Libyan revolution, his position still seems to be secure.
This paper was first presented at the annual meeting of the HPS in New Orleans in 1984. Twelve years later, the basic lessons learned are still found to be valid. In 1984, the following things were found to be true: A government agency is preferred by the public over a private company to manage radioactive waste. Semantics are important--How you say it is important, but how it is heard is more important. Public information and public relations are very important, but they are the last thing of concern to a scientist. Political constituency is important. Don't overlook the need for someone to be on your side. Don't forget that the media is part of the political process-they can make you or break you. Peer technical review is important, but so is citizen review. Sociology is an important issue that scientists and technical people often overlook. In summary, despite the political nature of radioactive waste disposal, it is as true today as it was in 1984 that technical facts must be used to reach sound technical conclusions. Only then, separately and openly, should political factors be considered. So, what can be said today that wasn't said in 1984? Nothing. open-quotes It's deja vu all over again.close quotes
Kim-Hui Lim; Wai-Mun Har
Malaysian politic has been overwhelmingly dominated by the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition since 1969. In the 12th Malaysian General Election, the ruling coalition suffered a shocking moral defeat. This paper argue that the 12th Malaysian General Election is metaphorically a political volcano eruption, witnessing the rise of People Power against suppression of dissatisfactions over communal politics, deteriorating social-economic conditions (dubbed the “3Cs” factors) and continues margi...
Videogames have dominated popular culture for some time, but only in 2004 did they make a significant break into the world of politics, advocacy, and activism. This paper provides an overview of a variety of types of games used for political speech, from endorsed party messages to activist dissent. After explaining the state of the field, I discuss approaches to design and measure success for such artifacts. While some political opinion is black and white, most issues occupy grey areas, heavi...
Cunha, Alexandre B.; Ornelas, Emanuel
We consider an economy where competing political parties alternate in office. Due to rent-seeking motives, incumbents have an incentive to set public expenditures above the socially optimum level. Parties cannot commit to future policies, but they can forge a political compromise where each party curbs excessive spending when in office if it expects future governments to do the same. We find that if the government cannot manipulate state variables, more intense political competition fosters a...
Skripsi yang berjudul Politeness in Kyoko Mori’s Polite Lies ini ditulis untuk mengkaji bagaimana tuturan linguistik yang digunakan oleh para karakter dalam novel Polite Lies terbuka untuk dinilai sebagai tuturan yang sopan dan bagamana pula tuturan yang sopan tersebut dinilai negatif oleh karakter utama dalam novel, Kyoko Mori. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kepustakaan dengan analisis kualitatif. Adapun teori yang digunakan untuk analisis adalah teori yang dikemukakan oleh Richard Watt...
Religious and cultural conflicts about accommodation of immigrant minorities in European democracies have become major policy issues during the last 20 years, exacerbated by the political and economic crisis. The essay addresses the inclusion/exclusion of women and ethnic minorities in the European Public Sphere (EPS). It is inspired by results and reflections from the European Gender Project (EGP) , where intersectionality was used as an approach for analysing negotiations between gender and ethno-national diversity in selected European countries and in relation to the European Public Sphere. The aim of the essay is to further deepen the theoretical and empirical understanding of intersectionality by reflecting on the relations between political intersectionality and democratic politics from a particular European perspective. It thus confronts theory and research findings concerning intersections of gender and ethnic diversity in political life at the national and transnational levels across Europe. In thiscontext, political intersectionality refers to the framing of gender and ethnic diversity by major political actors as well as by activities of women’s and anti-racist organisations. Democratic politics refers to conflicts and negotiations across political parties and social movement organisations/NGOs. The transnational approach contributes to illuminate potentials of and barriers for transnational civil society actors to create democratic politics in the European Public Sphere.
Advertising and Cultural Politics in Global Times traces daringly transgressive convergences between cultural politics and global advertising media. It engages with a range of interpolations between cultural politics and advertising technologies including: the governmental rationality of neoliberal vistas, transgressive aesthetics and the cultural politics of representation, the political sign-economy of citizen branding, techno-political convergences between the social and political, and the...
Full Text Available The paper explores Latour’s conception of political ecology and its theoretical and political implications. The first part of the paper shows Latour’s critique of theoretical frameworks of scientific and political practices, which, in his opinion, constrain a true discussion on ecological crises by simplifying them and putting them into readymade interpretative models. The second part of the paper examines the notions - the collective, representation, propositions, articulation, and parliament of things - central to understanding Latour’s idea of involvement of humans and non-humans in politics. Finally, the paper explores the potentials and constraints of Latour’s idea of political community of new political subjects (hybrid entities, which is constituted in controversies and through controversies. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 43007
Manners, Ian James
The chapter engages in a survey of what political psychology and European integration have to say to each other in the understanding of the European Union. The chapter draws on five strands of political psychology as part of this engagement – conventional psychology, social psychology, social construction, psychoanalysis, and critical political psychology. Within each strand a number of examples of scholarship at the interface of political psychology and European integration are examined. The chapter argues that the study of the EU has much to benefit from political psychology in terms of theories and methods of European identity and integration, but it also argues that political psychology can benefit from the insights of European integration by rethinking the processes that drive the marking of inside and outside, interior and exterior, belonging and otherness.
Adegboyega, O. O.
Full Text Available As a concept, politics is the science of administration ofhuman society. Fundamentally, its practice is to enhancepeace, social order, stability, growth and development in anysociety or nation. However, the effect of politics on Nigeriais a negation of the above identified goals of politics. Ratherthan peace, unity, social order, growth and development therehave been chaos, disintegration, instability, and socialdisorder. This paper therefore advanced the argument thatthe idea of politics and its ideals have been wronglyconceived by the political elites and this is responsible forthe problems of injustice, disintegration, and lack of growthand under development in the contemporary Nigeria nation.To resolve these problems, the paper argued for a return tothe traditional conception of politics.
This article provides an explanation of major civil upheaval and violent political turmoil – hereinafter referred to as “active political factionalism” – that take place in the Mexican state of Oaxaca. More specifically, this work identifies the main causes of extra-institutional protest politics or uncivil modes of political action that seriously affect political stability and undermine democratic advancement. The analysis focuses on the effects of two groups of explanatory factors: ...
...publicly support a candidate, political party, or political committee subject...should work for a candidate, political party or political committee subject...contributing to candidates, political parties, or political committees...
Bambra, C.; Fox, D.; Scott-samuel, A.
This glossary reflects a (re-)emerging awareness within public health of the political dimension of health and health inequalities, and it also attempts to define some of the key concepts from the political science literature in a way which will be of use in future public health analyses. Examples from different domains (health care and population health) are provided to highlight how political concepts pervade health.
The paper explores Latour’s conception of political ecology and its theoretical and political implications. The first part of the paper shows Latour’s critique of theoretical frameworks of scientific and political practices, which, in his opinion, constrain a true discussion on ecological crises by simplifying them and putting them into readymade interpretative models. The second part of the paper examines the notions - the collective, representation, propositions, articulation, and par...
Miettinen, Topi; Poutvaara, Panu
We argue that anti-corruption laws may provide an efficiency rationale for why political parties should meddle in the distribution of political nominations and government contracts. Anti-corruption laws forbid trade in spoils that politicians distribute. However, citizens may pay for gaining access to politicians and, thereby, to become potential candidates for nominations. Such rent-seeking results in excessive network formation. Political parties may reduce wasteful network formation, thank...
Samuels, Richard J.
Introduction: History is filled with political abductions, incidents in which individuals are kidnapped and held hostage by hostile groups or states to gain leverage or legitimacy for their cause.1 Such episodes have been used since antiquity to highlight the failure of rulers to perform their single-most important function-- protecting citizens from harm. Consequently, kidnappings have opened up deep political chasms and often have been used by political actors to identify enemies, distill c...
Menon, Sudha Venu
The article presents a broad overview of the concept of political marketing and its significance in the contemporary era of information revolution and democratic resurgence. The article provides meaning, definition and various dimensions of political marketing as a concept and method and differentiates it from mainstream marketing practices. The article also attempts to analyze the origin and development of the concept in different political and social contexts and its usage as a powerful ins...
Why are some financial crises associated with political crises and some are not? Does political instability cause financial fragility or the other way around? What are the implications of political distortions for policy in countries experiencing financial turmoil? This paper studies these and other questions in a formal model of debt, default, and financial crisis. A key assumption is that the default decision is made by a government that has superior information than the public about the so...
Harrison, Kevin; Boyd, Tony
Written specifically to cover the A2 component of the GCE Government and Politics A-level, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that have shaped the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at political concepts including the state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citize...
Although political leaders, donors and some scholars would argue that there is nothing illegal behind the idea of giving and receiving campaign contributions, this research attempts to demonstrate the contrary. Here, I claim that small and large contributions constitute representations of political corruption because they are given for specific purposes either ideological or personal. Since the relationship between campaign financing and political corruption has not been studied worldwide, in...
Bebchuk, Lucian Arye; Jackson Jr, Robert
The Supreme Court spoke clearly this Term on the issue of corporate political speech, concluding in Citizens United v. FEC that the First Amendment protects corporations’ freedom to spend corporate funds on indirect support of political candidates. Constitutional law scholars will long debate the wisdom of that holding, as do the authors of the two other Comments in this issue. In contrast, this Comment accepts as given that corporations may not be limited from spending money on politics sh...
This paper means to examine the impacts of media on political decisions. Today, broad communications have taken different structures like TV, film, radio and above all, online networking. All these distinctive parts of media help altogether towards forming the air of political races. This paper will concentrate on the hugeness of media towards the political decisions. In today's current society, nobody has enough time to get included in the decision fights by and by. Indiv...
Irene Akuamoah Boateng
Full Text Available Organizational politics plays a large role in how most businesses function and develop. Humans are political animals so it is difficult to prevent politics from the work place. Organizational politics have so many influences on the affairs and behavior of employees in an organization. However, there has been limited study in this area in Ghana specifically and Africa as a whole. The purpose of this study was to examine the influence of organizational politics on business entities within Accra metropolis, Ghana. Two large business organizations were chosen within the metropolis. In addition, forty (40 questionnaires were distributed to forty (40 respondents thus; twenty (20 for each organizational setup. It was concluded that political factors such as increase anxiety and stress, create hostile organizational environment and climate of mistrust were dominant negative political influences on organizations. The researchers recommended both management and employees to set aside their personal interests and go along with the mission of the organization for the achievement of stated goals.
Bloche, M Gregg
Straw men play a major role in the debate over racial disparity in American medicine. Most have been deployed by the disparities-denying right, but progressives intent on "outing" racism have sent forth their share. This essay flushes out the straw men while attempting to understand the competing moral premises that drive the politics of health care disparity. At bottom, arguments about the scope of disparity and discrimination in medical care are disputes about the appropriate scope of personal responsibility for life circumstances. Further research into the factors that correlate with racial differences in health care can shed light on the circumstances that bring about these differences. Whether these circumstances, once understood, should be deemed acceptable is a moral and political matter, and sharp differences over the scope of personal and public responsibility for these circumstances are inevitable. Such disagreements, however, distract us from efforts to reach common ground solutions to agreed-upon inequities in health care. PMID:15842087
Full Text Available This is basically an attempt at an original conceptual reconstruction of Hobbes’ philosophy as set in Lehiathan, namely one in the view of which Hobbes was neither an atheist nor an absolutist, as the standard interpretation holds, but rather what we could call an agnostical pragmatist (fact which, quite surprisingly, places Hobbes in the company of Burke. More to the point, my basic claim within this paper is that Hobbes was not such an ‘enemy of individual freedom’ as we traditionally hold him to be and that his thought was just as attached to the notion of individual freedom as the later contractualist views. The difference however, arises from the fact that Hobbes, unlike Locke, Rousseau or Kant, was what we could call a voluntaristic determinist and consequently viewed human freedom not so much as ‘unhindered action derived from reflective choice’, but rather as what we could call ‘reasonable fulfillment of the basic human inclinations’ (self-interest. As such, I will analyze the three main focal points of Hobbes’ thought, namely (i human nature, (ii the principle of association and (iii the principle of authority. More specifically I will try to offer a perspective on the link between his voluntaristic determinism, his notion of legitimate absolute coercion (sovereignity and his political theology (the view that any form of political authority rests on a religious legitimacy in trying to demonstrate how all these were Hobbes’ specific way of seeking to find individual freedom a place under the sun.
Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C.
Recently, the areas of strategic political marketing and political market orientation have been the subject of several conceptual articles which have provided the theoretical foundations for further empirical work. However, despite the close conceptual relatedness of the proposed concepts, these have yet to be integrated to provide a more nuanced framework which both researchers and political marketing practitioners can utilise in the development of strategies and offerings with which to achieve their organizational goals. The aim of this conceptual paper is to address this deficit by developing an integrated concept of political marketing strategy using two complementary frameworks, namely Strategic Political Postures (SPP) and Political Market Orientation (PMO). We introduce the two main concepts and derive for each of the strategic posture-specific PMO profiles as well as inter-construct relationships.
Vanolo, Alberto; Rossi, Ugo
Table of contents Foreword: The Athenian Symptom by Ola Söderström Foreword: The Nine Lives of Neoliberalism by Jamie Peck Foreword: Politics Between the Lines by AbdouMaliq Simone Introduction Globalization and the Urban Experience The Triad of Urban Politics Overview of the Book's Structure PART ONE: POLITICS AS REPRESENTATION Urban Development and the Politics of Representation Introduction: towards a political economy of representation ...
Nahla Nola Bacha
Full Text Available Theories and strategies of politeness and impoliteness are drawn upon to investigate underlying factors that might contribute to an understanding of differences among students and teachers towards politeness strategies. Classroom politeness in the present study is operationally defined according to various strategies or behaviors that the students in question draw upon in reacting to different situations. The study explores through a survey and a discourse completion test the degree of politeness the genders in an L1 Arabic context indicate to certain situations. Results show that the possible causes for the 'misunderstandings' and any perceived differences in 'impoliteness' between the genders are more 'cultural' rather than that of 'impoliteness' on the part of the students. Recommendations are made for program coordinators and teachers to deal with this issue in EFL classrooms along with future needed research.
Kristensen, Niels NØrgaard; Solhaug, Trond
The theme of this paper is the political participation and political involvement among migrant youth in Denmark. It is well documented (Kulbranstad 2009) that second-generation immigrants posses poorer skills than their school fellows with an ethnic Danish background. These pupils in general start out with a lower average, and when they leave the school they are also behind. Especially, the Danish language skills often place them in a worse situation in the lessons as well as in the public life. From a political resource perspective it could easily be argued that such conditions lead to a situation with less possibilities for a democratic citizenship. But how do these second-generation immigrants orient themselves politically and democratically? How are their political affiliations? And how is their sense of citizenship?
Full Text Available The history of the involvement of NU in politics cannot be separated from the elites of this organization in East Java. The variety of cultures that flourishes in the province strongly influences the nature and characteristics of the NU elites. This paper is an attempt to deal with the relationship between those subcultures and political participation. It focuses only on five subcultures, Mataraman, coastal areas, Arek, Madurese, and Pendalungan. The NU kiais are perceived by their followers to have played double roles as religious leaders (dealing with spiritual aspects and community leaders (relating to socio-political aspects. Locality and its growing culture become a key factor. Locality makes a contribution to the growth of understanding about politics. Mataraman NU elites always keep their relationship with formal religious issues, and there is a tendency among them to separate religion from politics. In contrast, Madura, Pendalungan, Pesisiran (north coast, and Arek areas tend to combine religion and politics.
In a 2010 catalog introduction for my exhibition titled: POLITICS OF SNOW, Eileen Claussen, President of the Pew Center on Global Climate Change wrote the following: "Climate change has been taken over by politics…We are awash in talking points, briefing papers, scientific studies, and communiqués from national governments… Diane Burko's paintings remind us that all these words can often obscure or even obstruct our view of what is truly happening …..There is only so much you can do with words. People need to see that the world is changing before our eyes. When we look at Diane's images of the effects of climate change, we connect to something much deeper and more profound (and more moving) than the latest political pitch from one side or another in this debate…These paintings also connect us to something else. Even as Diane documents how things are changing, she also reminds us of the stunning beauty of nature - and, in turn, the urgency of doing everything in our power to protect it." The creation of this body of work was made possible because of the collaboration of many glacial geologists and scientists who continually share their visual data with me. Since 2006 I've been gathering repeats from people like Bruce Molnia (USGS) and Tad Pfeffer of Alaskan glaciers, from Daniel Fagre (USGS) of Glacier National Park and Lonnie Thompson and Jason Box (Ohio University's Byrd Polar Center) about Kilimanjaro, Qori Kalis and Petermann glaciers as well as from photographer David Breashears on the disappearing Himalayan glaciers. In my practice, I acknowledge the photographers, or archive agencies, such as USGS, NASA or Snow and Ice Center, in the title and all printed material. As a landscape painter and photographer my intent is to not reproduce those images but rather use them as inspiration. At first I used the documentary evidence in sets of diptychs or triptychs. Since 2010 I have incorporated geological charts of recessional lines, graphs, symbols and Landsat maps into my practice. I am continually exploring new visual strategies to deliver information in a visual codification which provides a linear foil for my painterly vistas. My presentation will speak to the ongoing collaboration I have developed with glacial geologists. I will also speak on the evolution from my earlier painting practice to my current focus on visual interpretations of climate change. Repeat imagery from recent 2010-2012 exhibitions will be included, concluding with the most current images of Petermann Glacier whose ice shelf first calved dramatically in 2010 and then most recently in July 2012. This year my focus has pivoted from Alaska to the Arctic because I have been selected to participate in the expedition ARCTIC CIRLCE: 2013.
Sardell, A; Johnson, K
The Early and Periodic Screening, Diagnosis and Treatment (EPSDT) program, which was designed to ensure that Medicaid-eligible children receive comprehensive health services, is the only national attempt to provide a right to these services. The political factors that have shaped national EPSDT policy during the past decade are described, based on a conceptual framework developed by John W. Kingdon. The analysis focuses on the roles of two distinct sets of policy entrepreneurs: child health advocates and fiscally conservative governors. Their activities are described in relation to the larger political environment, or "political stream," from the period of the expansion of Medicaid eligibility for pregnant women and children in the late 1980s to the enactment of a new State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) in 1997. The relative saliency of eligibility and benefit issues in children's health policies had a major influence on the politics and outcomes. PMID:9614420
Dosa, Marta L.
An attempt is made to document some of the developments which affected the political role of German librarianship as seen through the involvements, activities, and correspondence of one of its leaders, George Leyh, during and after the Hitler era. The interconnections of Leyh's behavior, inner conflicts, and actions and the political and…
The paper concerns the subject of nuclear power in British politics in 1986. The policies of the major political parties towards nuclear power are briefly outlined, along with public attitudes to nuclear energy, Chernobyl, and the rise of the anti-nuclear campaigners. (UK)
SETUPS (Empirical Teaching Unites in Political Science) data, published by the American Political Science Association, will be employed in group data analysis projects in an American Government class. Students then use results from these reports in composing an essay question on the course's final exam.
Encarnacion Tadem, Teresa S.
This article explores the similarities and differences concerning the extent to which electoral politics addresses the concerns of Basque and Moro nationalism. These demands mainly focus on the factors that have brought about their political, cultural and, for the Moros, also economic marginalization. In terms of similarities, electoral politics in the form of plebiscites and referendums are used to gauge the sentiments of the Basques and the Moros with regards to approving a national const...
Houlberg, Kurt; Holm Pedersen, Lene
It is becoming difficult to maintain consensus in a period of economic austerity, and this possibly challenges the ability of democratic institutions to take decisions on tough economic questions. In order to find out how political consensus influences fiscal outcomes, this article sets out to analyse the association between political consensus and public expenditure growth. The results show that political consensus is positively associated with both budgeted and actual expenditure growth, but also negatively associated with budget overruns. This indicates that political consensus comes at a cost, while at the same time politicians may be better at sticking to budgets if political consensus exists. The analysis is based on a pooled regression analysis of the local governments in Denmark in the years 2008 and 2009 using a data set combining survey data with administrative data on the local governments.
M. Reza Nakhaie
Full Text Available The social role of universities has been the subject of a lengthy debate as to whether those who teach in the academy are system-legitimizing conservatives or radicals helping to generate critical thinking that challenges the status quo. The aim of this paper is to evaluate political affiliations of Canadian university professors based on a national survey conducted in 2000. The study shows that Canadian professors’ political affiliation can be identified as either left or right depending on how the political orientation of political parties is conceptualized. University professors tend to vote more for the Liberal Party than other parties, and view it as centrist party. Moreover, the study highlights a complex and non-monolithic picture of the Canadian academy. University professors are not politically homogenous and party vote depends on the prestige of their university, their discipline, gender, ethnicity, marital status, generation, and agreement with liberalism.
Radoj?i? Mirjana S.
Full Text Available In this individual project the relationship between interests and moral in politics will be considered, taking into consideration the disintegration of former Yugoslavia and the processes of globalization. The starting thesis of the research is that the main actors of global politics are still guided by the modern principles of real-politics with interests as its basic category and power as its supreme value. In that context the main elements of external politics of USA as the key actor of the processes will be specially considered. In the concluding part of the research author will be argue in favor of the affirmation of a new model of global politics, matching the character and scope of the problems faced by humanity at the turn of the century and the millenium.
The political and socio-economic aspects of oil and gas exploration in Canada's Arctic and the Beaufort Sea were reviewed. The federal government was very interested in developing the North because they saw oil and gas development in the North as a means of strengthening sovereignty claims. The projected profits from Northern oil and gas development were also very attractive, and after dealing with environmental and social concerns, the government granted the necessary drilling permits. The federal government also made allowances for huge tax incentives for the oil and gas companies to encourage exploration. Although oil has been found, large-scale production in the Beaufort Sea never materialized. During the period from 1984 to 1988, world prices for oil fell and it was no longer economical to undertake frontier production. Beaufort Sea operation were shut down as the oil industry changed its focus to more cost-effective reservoirs in southern Canada. 1 fig
The use of nuclear energy has become a political issue in Austria, Sweden, France, Switzerland, the United States, and Canada. The Austrian people chose not to fuel their nation's first nuclear power plant, while the Swiss have decided to continue nuclear development with tighter regulations. In Sweden, governments have been elected or fallen due to their stand on the question. France has not yet held a referendum on nuclear power, but there have been demonstrations and terrorist attacks. In the United States, public opinion is sharply divided, and there have been no new nuclear plants ordered in 1979. Several public inquiries into uranium mining and nuclear power have been held in Canada. There is a trend to increasing opposition to nuclear power since the accident at Three Mile Island. (LL)
Brought to you by the folks at Adcritic.com, this Website features sixteen 30-second spots from the Presidential primary and general elections campaign. Political Ad Critic lists a "top ten," with Ralph Nader's hip parody ("The Truth: Priceless") of the popular MasterCard commercials awarded number one, and posts new ads from the campaign each week. Currently, there are four commercials from the Gore campaign posted here -- one of which has Gore speaking Spanish -- and six from Bush's camp, including the now-infamous "bureaucRATS" spot. (The QuickTime control bar allows users to advance frame by frame so they can judge for themselves the commercial's disputed subliminal content.) Commercials from the Libertarian party candidate Harry Browne, and primary contenders John McCain and Bill Bradley round out the Website. May the best commercial win.
...2010-01-01 false Political activity. 70.25 Section 70...MARKETING ACT OF 1946 AND THE EGG PRODUCTS INSPECTION ACT (CONTINUED...Graders § 70.25 Political activity. Federal graders may participate in certain political activities, including...
...political convention, rally, fund-raising function, or other political gathering...assessments, contributions, or other funds for a partisan political purpose...or actively participating in a fund-raising activity of a candidate in a...
...2010-07-01 2010-07-01 false Political parties. 51.7 Section 51.7 Judicial...AMENDED General Provisions § 51.7 Political parties. Certain activities of political parties are subject to the preclearance...
Ely, Robin J; Meyerson, Debra E; Davidson, Martin N
Legal and cultural changes over the past 40 years ushered unprecedented numbers of women and people of color into companies' professional ranks. Laws now protect these traditionally underrepresented groups from blatant forms of discrimination in hiring and promotion. Meanwhile, political correctness has reset the standards for civility and respect in people's day-to-day interactions. Despite this obvious progress, the authors' research has shown that political correctness is a double-edged sword. While it has helped many employees feel unlimited by their race, gender, or religion,the PC rule book can hinder people's ability to develop effective relationships across race, gender, and religious lines. Companies need to equip workers with skills--not rules--for building these relationships. The authors offer the following five principles for healthy resolution of the tensions that commonly arise over difference: Pause to short-circuit the emotion and reflect; connect with others, affirming the importance of relationships; question yourself to identify blind spots and discover what makes you defensive; get genuine support that helps you gain a broader perspective; and shift your mind-set from one that says, "You need to change," to one that asks, "What can I change?" When people treat their cultural differences--and related conflicts and tensions--as opportunities to gain a more accurate view of themselves, one another, and the situation, trust builds and relationships become stronger. Leaders should put aside the PC rule book and instead model and encourage risk taking in the service of building the organization's relational capacity. The benefits will reverberate through every dimension of the company's work. PMID:16967622
Much has been studied about political corruption and its implications for political development. Two perspectives, namely political and political economy, seem to dominate these studies. Both perspectives have provided useful analysis on the causes and impacts of political corruption, but they seem to have neglected the complex institutional contexts of the rise of political corruption in democratising societies. By employing the perspective of organisational institutionalism, this paper expl...
This paper develops a theoretically and empirically founded critique of the concept of political consumerism. In the course of the last decade, political consumerism was “discovered” as a new form of political participation, revealing the politics behind products. Surveys show that individuals more and more often use their consumption to voice political concerns, boycotting products or explicitly buying products for a political reason (boycott). I first discuss this concept and its differ...
Full Text Available The recent empirical literature on corruption has identified a long list of variables that correlate significantly with corruption but only five were distinguished by Leamer’s Extreme Bounds Analysis as robust to various samples, measures of corruption, and regression specifications. Among these five factors that were found to reduce corruption are decades-long tradition of democracy and political stability. In today’s world, however, there are many countries that combine one of these two robust determinants of corruption with the opposite of the other: politically stable autocracies or newly formed and unstable democracies. The central question raised in this paper is: Is it worth, in terms of corruption, for a country to trade stability with autocratic rule for political freedoms but with transitional instability? We find that the answer to this question is in the affirmative - the level of corruption is indeed lower in unstable democracies than in stable dictatorships. Our results are robust to various measures of corruption, alternative regressor indices, and regression specifications.
Aleksey Sergeevih Voynov
Full Text Available Purpose: identify the most important features in the process of making political decisions that affect the effectiveness of problem-solving situationsScientific novelty: as a result of the analysis identified the problematic features of major importance for the efficiency of the development and adoption of the most rational solution to a problem situation.Results: the analysis of the most significant features affecting the quality of decisions among them the interest of the person making decisions in the search for causes of the problem situation; decisions from the influence of the immediate environment; populism in decision making, creating a visibility problem-solving; decision making based on personal emotional factor face decision-makers; the perception of the population face decision-makers in relation to the current problem situation and possible ways of its resolution.Defined facts influencing the process of political decision-making such as: corruption, the struggle for influence on the process of political decision-making, lack of qualified specialists, staff shortage, including arose as the result of substitution of notions of "succession" to "nepotism".
Full Text Available This article tells the story of the Swiss NGO “Integrale Politik (ip” founded by about 20 people in November 2007 with the aim of becoming a regular political party at a later stage (www.integrale-politik.ch. We wish to make ip’s concepts and approaches known to a wider public. Inspired by integral thinkers such as Jean Gebser and Ken Wilber, ip develops its own ideas and interpretations of integral in view of the concrete challenges of Swiss and European politics.Integral political culture is understood, for example, as including practices addressing all senses, turning political commitment into an experience of meaningful activity and an expression of joy, ease and celebrating life. One of the most important challenges currently faced by the group is to perpetuate and further develop this working culture as the organization grows. Its success in doing this seems to be one of the main reasons for ip’s attractiveness to the Swiss cultural creative sector in general and the growing integrally-minded community in particular to whom it gives an increasingly visible face and a clear-cut voice. At the same time, the Swiss political system offers particularly favourable preconditions and thus, a fruitful ground for new political ideas and experiments such as this integral political one.
This presentation discusses the factors contributing to the cost of the Uranium Mill Tailings Remediation Action Project and the political process involved in the funding. Topics covered include the following: Funding estimate and growth of estimate; Management actions during process; how the political process worked; cost of completed sites; economic benefit analysis of the project to Colorado; cost reduction program for the UMTRA project
Pagen, Christine Mary
Scholarship has isolated internal economic conditions and political institutions as essential factors in political development and democracy-building, this research suggests that external influences are at play. During times of civil war and post-conflict reconstruction, governmental and socioeconomic structures are likely weak or nonexistent, and…
St Denny, Emily
Understanding Policy Change aims to provide readers with the full range of political economy tools and concepts necessary to understand, analyse and integrate how political and social factors may influence the success or failure of policy goals. Case studies and practical exercises for students and practioners are of great value, finds Emily St.Denny.
Discusses the need for data on political risk or country risk among business library patrons and describes some of the factors and methods used in foreign country risk analysis. Also provides an annotated list of political risk sources, including paper and electronic resources. (LRW)
Full Text Available In this short paper I ask to what extent the sharp contrast between the political and the comprehensive, on which political liberals such as Rawls and Quong place primary emphasis, caters to a truly “political” conception of liberalism. I argue that Quong’s own take on this point is more distinctively “political” than Rawls’s, in that it assigns far less weight to citizens’ comprehensive doctrines. Indeed, I suggest that Quong’s exclusion of comprehensive doctrines (exemplified by his worries about an “overlapping consensus” has more radical implications than Quong himself seems to think. In doing so, I offer a streamlined version of Quong’s critique, which encompasses two more or less direct criticisms of Rawls’s doctrine of the overlapping consensus. I will call them the “sincerity objection” and the “liberal objection”.
Christopher N. Ekong
Full Text Available The study seeks to unveil the operational forces surrounding and compelling gangsterism and sycophancy in Nigerian politics by examining the level of influence economics has on politics as the two concepts are very highly dependent. Political decisions tend to be overwhelmingly influenced by economic benefits. The primary cause of restiveness, communal and ethnic clashes, tension and class antagonism is believed to be largely defined by economic factors. This state of affairs has impacted negatively on the ideological foundations of political parties in Nigeria and has given vent to the formation of gangs and sycophantic groups within the political parties with the principal aim, though latent, of looting the national treasury. The activities of the gangs and the sycophantic groups in Nigeria currently appear to be uncontrollable and seem to steer the wheel of governance in the Nigerian polity. This is detrimental to democratic and economic institutional development in Nigeria. The country’s electoral system, therefore, needs an overhaul. The Electoral Commission should encourage and bring to bear strategies that will engender ideological principles in Nigerian political parties. The media, as the vanguard and watchdog of the society, should re-evaluate its role and in the circumstance, elect to be independent and astutely critical in its holistic delivery of the needs and demands of democracy.
Ormrod, R.P.; Zaefarian, Ghasem
This paper investigates the fit between the strategic posture of a political party and its political market orientation, and analyses the impact of this fit on party performance. For this purpose, a configuration theory logic is applied to the context of the political market; in particular, we develop strategic profiles (i.e. strategic postures and political market orientation) of four Belgian political parties represented in the Flemish Parliament. By comparing the strategic profiles derived from a questionnaire administered to 3148 party members with those of ‘theoretically ideal’ profiles, we uncover the ‘strategic misfit’ (or ‘misalignment’) for each party and then relate this misfit to party performance. Results indicate that there is a strong, negative relationship between the misalignment of actual and perceived strategic profiles on the one hand and performance on the other. However, the ‘ideal profiles’ differ with the strategic posture of a party. Thus, our findings show that it is not so much the strategic posture itself that will determine superior performance, but it is the strategic posture that the party aligns with implementing a particular political market orientation that is the most important factor.
Elke Fein; Hans-Peter Studer
This article tells the story of the Swiss NGO “Integrale Politik (ip)” founded by about 20 people in November 2007 with the aim of becoming a regular political party at a later stage (www.integrale-politik.ch). We wish to make ip’s concepts and approaches known to a wider public. Inspired by integral thinkers such as Jean Gebser and Ken Wilber, ip develops its own ideas and interpretations of integral in view of the concrete challenges of Swiss and European politics.Integral political c...
This bibliographic database currently holds 650 titles of recent works concerned with women in politics. A new addition to the Inter-Parliamentary Union's "Democracy through Partnership between Men and Women in Politics" site, "it provides bibliographic references to books, reports and journal articles on all aspects of women's participation in political life worldwide." The search mechanism allows users to specify type of document, geographic region, publishing organization, subject matter, author, title of periodical, and year of publication. Alternatively, there is also a subject keyword search. For more information about the Inter-Parliamentary Union Website, see the December 12, 1997 Scout Report.
Full Text Available In this paper we discussing about the potential threats to the investments safety evaluation system, creating the model of the system analysis methods when a new political concept is raised in the country. Traditionally, as we already know that politic and economic are inextricably linked. We can easily assure in it using the historical overview of the political and economic interactions. So the question: how the investment safeties are depending from political environment when a new political concept is raised in the country? Become actual and important. The method assumptions suggested and discussed in this paper are made according to the summaries of public surveys and research results of sociologists, political scientists and psychologists of different countries. These summaries are made analyzing the survey and research results systematically and separately from the variety of their initial objectives. We construct the dimensional frame of references combining the time axes, government forms scale, ideology scale and call they Politological system of axis. It help to us show that if a new political concept is raised in the country, it will be supported and developed by the majority of society members only if its political-ideological essence is possible to show in the chosen politological frame of reference and the point are possible to mark in the area of the most typical structures of the statistical division of the society individuals’ approaches at the set point of time and the deviance of this concept is not forecast in the nearest future. The methods we are discussing provide the specialists with the opportunity to evaluate the possibilities of inside threats to the investments safety still in the political concept raising process and its political-ideological core. To summarize this discussion, we can make once more conclusion as following: the main threat to the investments safety after the new political concept raising is the prejudice of the social characters’ majority. Such graphic and many-sided reflection of the analyzed and summarized politological researches shows the perspective forecasts and assumptions of the formulated political and economical analytics.
Blomberg, Thomas G; Waldo, Gordon P
This article discusses the role of politics in the Juvenile Justice Educational Enhancement Program's effort to use evaluation research data to inform Florida's juvenile justice education policies and practices. Through consideration of the Juvenile Justice Education Enhancement Program's experiences with privatization and the tough love and economy of scale rationales for larger and more custodial juvenile institutions, the variable role of politics is examined. Although the two examples are different, the discussion demonstrates that by maintaining an overriding commitment to its evaluation research purpose, the Juvenile Justice Educational Enhancement Program has been able to continue its data-driven policy efforts despite operating in a politically charged environment. PMID:12055880
...or buttons associated with political parties, candidates for partisan political...candidate or a candidate for political party office; (d) Endorse or...candidate or a candidate for political party office in a political...
This essay investigates what identity politics may have to contribute to the reformation of Marxist theories of education through considering how it would theorize the practice of explicitly critical pedagogy. (IAH)
Karina Regina Vieira Bazuchi
Full Text Available This paper aims to analyze the interactions between home country governments and Developing Country Multinational Companies (DMNCs. Drawing on evidence from the Brazilian political environment and Brazilian multinationals we investigate the mechanisms governments use to influence the internationalization process of domestic companies and firms’ political strategic responses to shape the political institutional environment in which they operate. We argue that foreign direct investment (FDI outflows from developing economies need to be explored given specific country level contextual factors, such as high levels of government involvement. Our main findings support this idea and indicate that home country governments use a series of formal and informal mechanisms in order to drive the international expansion of DMNCs in both the entry and consolidation phases. Moreover, DMNCs political behavior in the home country political environment accounts for an important part of their strategy to develop political resources and obtain above average returns from governmental benefits.
Karina Regina Vieira, Bazuchi; Suelen Alice da Silva, Zacharias; Laurent Wiliam, Broering; Maria Fernanda, Arreola; Rodrigo, Bandeira-de-Mello.
Full Text Available This paper aims to analyze the interactions between home country governments and Developing Country Multinational Companies (DMNCs). Drawing on evidence from the Brazilian political environment and Brazilian multinationals we investigate the mechanisms governments use to influence the internationali [...] zation process of domestic companies and firms' political strategic responses to shape the political institutional environment in which they operate. We argue that foreign direct investment (FDI) outflows from developing economies need to be explored given specific country level contextual factors, such as high levels of government involvement. Our main findings support this idea and indicate that home country governments use a series of formal and informal mechanisms in order to drive the international expansion of DMNCs in both the entry and consolidation phases. Moreover, DMNCs political behavior in the home country political environment accounts for an important part of their strategy to develop political resources and obtain above average returns from governmental benefits.
Scheufele, Dietram A.
Scientific debates in modern societies often blur the lines between the science that is being debated and the political, moral, and legal implications that come with its societal applications. This manuscript traces the origins of this phenomenon to professional norms within the scientific discipline and to the nature and complexities of modern science and offers an expanded model of science communication that takes into account the political contexts in which science communication takes plac...
Recent research has demonstrated a negative link between macroeconomic and political uncertainty and levels of private investment across countries. This raises the question whether certain types of government institutions might help reduce this uncertainty. North and Weingast (1989) propose that political institutions characterized by checks and balances can have beneficial effects on investment by allowing governments to credibly commit not to engage in ex post opportunism with respect to in...
The author starts from the hypothesis that it is essential for the countries of the region to critically assess the synergy established between systemic, political corruption and a selectively weak, “devious” nature of the state. Moreover, the key dilemma is whether the expanded practice of political rent seeking supports the conclusion that the root of all corruption is in the very existence of the state - particularly in excessive, selective and deforming state interventions and b...
Boukouras, Aristotelis; Koufopoulos, Kostas
This paper presents a model of political competition, where voter decisions are affected by their ideological adherence to political parties. We derive a number of interesting results: First, we show that an equilibrium exists even though voting is fully deterministic. Second, although politicians, because of deterministic voting, can win an election with certainty by making concessions to voters, they choose to win the election only with some probability in order to maximize their expected r...
International organizations promote privatization as precondition for economic development. But is there really too little privatization? This political economy model asks for the incentives of governments to privatize or restructure a state-owned firm. Different government types are compared to identify the political and institutional determinants of privatization. Under privatization, governments commit not to influence the profit-maximizing employment choice by private investors. With resp...
Labonne, Julien; Fafchamps, Marcel
This thesis is about how elected politicians stay in power and about some of its economic and social consequences, fundamental political economy questions. It takes advantage of the decentralized political structure in the Philippines to test models of voter and politician behavior. In doing so, it contributes to the literature on clientelism and retrospective voting. In Chapter One, I assess the impacts of targeted government transfers on a local incumbent's electoral performance. I use...
Reza Nakhaie, M.; Adam, Barry D.
The social role of universities has been the subject of a lengthy debate as to whether those who teach in the academy are system-legitimizing conservatives or radicals helping to generate critical thinking that challenges the status quo. The aim of this paper is to evaluate political affiliations of Canadian university professors based on a national survey conducted in 2000. The study shows that Canadian professors’ political affiliation can be identified as either left or right depending o...
This article addresses the roles of intellectuals in the shaping of cultural policy. Three distinct but interrelated political levels are discussed: the EU, the UK as a member state and Scotland as a stateless nation. The cultural and political space of the European Union is contradictory: it has a cultural presence but member states have full cultural competence. The EU’s public sphere is fragmented, poised between regulation and federation. The member state therefore remains the principal...
Bahareh Azizi Nejad; Mir Mohammad Seiied Abbaszadeh; Mohammad Hassani
The present research aimed to promote understanding of political tactics in organizations. Political behavior in nowadays-complex conditions is a process that the conflicts, contrasts and differences among interested groups are resolved. It means dialogue, attention to different goals in organizations, regarding the interest of different groups, attraction of staff cooperation, and acquisition of the worker’s support in management decisions, therefore technical and organizational wisdom are...
...2010-01-01 false Political activity. 58.61 Section 58...MARKETING ACT OF 1946 AND THE EGG PRODUCTS INSPECTION ACT (CONTINUED...Miscellaneous § 58.61 Political activity. All inspectors or graders...political campaigns. Political activities in city, county,...
Loerscher, Wolfgang; Schulze, Rainer
Discusses the concept of politeness in language and its importance and implications in the foreign language classroom, covering interactional rules and competence, politeness as a social-psychological phenomenon, politeness as a learning goal and subject matter, and politeness in discourse. (CB)
Larsen, Flemming; BjØrnholt, Bente
Performance measurements are meant to improve public decision making and organizational performance. But performance measurements are far from always rational tools for problem solving, they are also political instruments. The central question addressed in this article is how performance measurement affects public policy. The aim is to conceptualize the political consequences of performance measurements and of special concern is how performance systems influence how political decisions are made, what kind of political decisions are conceivable, and how they are implemented. The literature on the utilization of evaluation and performance measurements is applied to analyse how performance measurements affect the political process of goal-setting, implementation and learning. The article concludes that performance measurements may have intended and unintended effects and they seem to have a retroactive impact on the political decision making process, as the focus on performance goals entails a kind of reductionism (complex problems are simplified), sequential decision making processes (with a division in separate policy issues) and short-sighted decisions (based on the need for making operational goals).
In November of 1979, the Program in Science, Technology and Humanism and the Energy Committee of the Aspen Institute organized a conference on resolving the social, political, and institutional conflicts over the permanent siting of radioactive wastes. This book was written as a result of this conference. The chapters provide a comprehensive and up-to-date overview of the governance issues connected with radioactive waste management as well as a sampling of the diverse views of the interested parties. Chapter 1 looks in depth of radioactive waste management in the United States, with special emphasis on the events of the Carter Administration as well as on the issues with which the Reagen administration must deal. Chapter 2 compares waste management policies and programs among the industralized countries. Chapter 3 examines the factional controversies in the last administration and Congress over nuclear waste issues. Chapter 4 examines the complex legal questions involved in the federal-state conflicts over nuclear waste management. Chapter 5 examines the concept of consultation and concurrence from the perspectives of a host state that is a candidate for a repository and an interested state that has special concerns regarding the demonstration of nuclear waste disposal technology. Chapter 6 examines US and European perspectives concerning public participation in nuclear waste management. Chapter 7 discusses propaganda in the issues. The epilogue attempts to assess thissues. The epilogue attempts to assess the prospects for consensus in the United States on national policies for radioactive waste management. All of the chapter in this book should be interpreted as personal assessments
The carbon quota sale scandal remains at the center of media and public attention mostly thanks to various documents that have started to leak out and are generally hard to verify. One such document was behind the Interblue Group's project manager Rastislav Bilas introduction to the scene. And gradually more and more traces are showing that the story is no longer just about the government's bad deal but the whole case might be turning into a feud among the shadowy figures behind political parties. It is even possible to detect internal tension within Premier Minister Robert Fico's Smer-SD, the strongest ruling party. TREND has documents showing cash transfers from the Interblue Group's account. According to them, former Interblue executive Jana Luetken ordered several transfers totaling 10.65 million euros into the account of a company Ossian Establishment, based in St. Vincent. A person named Jozef Brhel was shown as the final receiver of the money. This is the name of a big unofficial sponsor of Smer. Mr. Bilas refused to confirm Mr. Brhel's involvement in the transaction. Instead, he showed TREND a confirmation of the receipt of transfer that has his name on it rather than Mr. Brhel's. This document cannot be verified either. The group around the Czech entrepreneur Milan Ruzicka seems to be part of the story too. He claims to have acquired Interblue Group Europe. The Czech group is convinced they are the legal successor to Interblue Group and therefore have a validInterblue Group and therefore have a valid contract with Slovakia. The Ministry of Environment says the opposite, saying the contract expired once the U.S.A.-based Interblue was closed down. According to Mr. Bilas, Mr. Ruzicka took over Interblue with more than 10 million euros in bank accounts, but they still need to deal with the Japanese buyers of the carbon credits. That cannot be realized without Slovak green investment scheme projects. (author)
Political risk arises from unstable governments, commercial establishments and infrastructure as well as labor unrest. All these factors vary from country to country and from time to time. Banks and insurance companies quantify these risks, but they are reluctant to divulge their opinions for fear of alienating possible customers that have been assigned a high risk. An investment in a fixed property such as an oil and gas lease, concession or other mineral interest is subject to political risk. No one will deny that money to be received several years in the future has a greater value today in a country with a stable government, stable tax regime, a sound economy and reliable labor force than in a Third World country where a revolution is brewing. Even in stable countries, the risk of tax law changes, exorbitant environmental production regulations and cleanup costs may vary. How do these factors affect fair market value and how are these calculations made? An important consideration discussed in this paper is the treatment of capital investments
Translation of polite expressions is an arduous task of the translator. Every culture presents its own system of polite expression in the source language. Therefore, the translator should prepare the mutual situation in source and target language in order to convey the near sense of polite expressions. Politeness Principles (PP) and Positive-Negative Politeness were proposed by Geoffrey Leech (1983) and Brown-Levinson (1987) respectively. The present paper seeks to find some translation strat...
As we all know, different people hold different views about politeness. To be polite, Leech thinks you should follow “Politeness Principle” while Levinson suggests paying attention to others’ “Face Wants”. Sometimes what the Chinese people considered to be polite may not be true according to western culture. In order to adequately provide an educated answer to this heartfelt question, this paper attempts to shed light on some of the important differences on politeness between Chines...
The paper examines the impact of firms exhibiting political connection on their stock market performance. The results appear to suggest that the performance of ‘political’ stocks has been significantly weak. This is apparent in simple univariate tests that compare the political stocks across various industry categories or even comparisons of political versus apolitical stocks. The regression analysis indicates that the returns on political stocks are on average, over 20% lower as compared to ...
Political leaders are the most universal, recognized, and talked about element of political life. However, the general analysis of political leadership has been little advanced. In this book Professor Blondel provides a general framework for the systematic study of leadership to make possible future empirical study and comparative analysis of political leadership. After examining the current state of political leadership studies, Professor Blondel categorizes the leaders of the world taking ...
Andersen, Thomas Barnebeck; Hansen, Henrik
This paper studies the role of US political factors in the allocation of World Bank concessional lending, where US political interests are proxied by voting similarity in the United Nations General Assembly on issues identified as important by the US Department of State. In contrast to previous studies we find that the US exerted a significant influence on IDA lending during the period 1993-2000. We demonstrate that the influence was both statistically as well as economically significant. Finally, we demonstrate that our result is robust with respect to the omission of the IDA Country Performance Rating index
Full Text Available This article examines political participation among older adults in Österbotten, Finland, and Västerbotten, Sweden. Two specific hypotheses are tested. First, we anticipate that older adults are loyal voters but less avid in engaging in politics between elections. Second, we expect individuallevel resources to explain why older people participate in politics. The article offers two contributions to the literature on political participation of older adults. First, it corroborates earlier findings by showing that older adults indeed have a higher inclination to vote than to engage in political activities between elections, but it also shows that the latter engagement is more diversified than one could expect. Second, although the findings largely support the resource model, they suggest that we need to consider also other factors such as the overall attitude towards older people.
CLEMENTE J, NAVARRO; TERRY N, CLARK.
Full Text Available Uno aspecto central de la gobernabilidad en el ámbito local es el relacionado con el estilo de liderazgo político. Éste, en buena medida, refleja la cultura política característica de las sociedades políticas locales en las que se ejerce como reglas-en-uso de los procesos y dinámicas socio-políticos [...] que tienen lugar en ellas. En este marco, cabe señalar la aparición de una 'Nueva Cultura Política' como estilo de liderazgo diferente al clásico de 'Política de Clases', tanto por las preferencias de actuación como por las pautas de interacción con la sociedad civil. Esta nueva orientación surge ligada a patrones de cambio social y cultural, así como determinados diseños institucionales. Mediante el uso de la información que proporciona el proyecto internacional Fiscal Austerity and Urban Innovation se operacionalizará la Nueva Cultura Política, tratando de dar cuenta de los factores que puedan dar cuenta de su extensión entre alcaldes (municipios) de varios países de Europa, Norteamérica y Latinoamérica. Abstract in english Political leadership style is one of the most important traits of local governance. This used to show the character of local political societies as rules-in-use of socio-political processes and dynamics. In this framework, the 'New Political Culture' (NPC) is a new leadership style against the class [...] ical 'Class Politics' showing different policy preferences and different interaction patters with civil society. Socio-economic and cultural change, as well as institutional factors, are driving the growing and spread of the NPC among local political actors. Using surveys from the Fiscal Austerity and Urban Innovation Project, this article tries to show the presence of the NPC among mayors in European, North American and Latin American countries. The comparison among them could show the importance of socio-economic, cultural and institutional factors explaining the spread of the NPC.
CLEMENTE J NAVARRO
Full Text Available Uno aspecto central de la gobernabilidad en el ámbito local es el relacionado con el estilo de liderazgo político. Éste, en buena medida, refleja la cultura política característica de las sociedades políticas locales en las que se ejerce como reglas-en-uso de los procesos y dinámicas socio-políticos que tienen lugar en ellas. En este marco, cabe señalar la aparición de una 'Nueva Cultura Política' como estilo de liderazgo diferente al clásico de 'Política de Clases', tanto por las preferencias de actuación como por las pautas de interacción con la sociedad civil. Esta nueva orientación surge ligada a patrones de cambio social y cultural, así como determinados diseños institucionales. Mediante el uso de la información que proporciona el proyecto internacional Fiscal Austerity and Urban Innovation se operacionalizará la Nueva Cultura Política, tratando de dar cuenta de los factores que puedan dar cuenta de su extensión entre alcaldes (municipios de varios países de Europa, Norteamérica y Latinoamérica.Political leadership style is one of the most important traits of local governance. This used to show the character of local political societies as rules-in-use of socio-political processes and dynamics. In this framework, the 'New Political Culture' (NPC is a new leadership style against the classical 'Class Politics' showing different policy preferences and different interaction patters with civil society. Socio-economic and cultural change, as well as institutional factors, are driving the growing and spread of the NPC among local political actors. Using surveys from the Fiscal Austerity and Urban Innovation Project, this article tries to show the presence of the NPC among mayors in European, North American and Latin American countries. The comparison among them could show the importance of socio-economic, cultural and institutional factors explaining the spread of the NPC.
Tosi, Simone; Vitale, Tommaso
Political cultures have usually been studied as static and perhaps monolithic. If any attention has been dedicated to how political cultures change it has been devoted to exogenous factors. In recent years, however, some authors have advocated exploring the role of endogenous factors. In this article, we reflect on the advantages of a comprehensive approach to explaining how political cultures change, embracing endogenous and exogenous factors. We look at peace mobilizations in Italy as a cas...
Impact de la violence politique sur la santé mentale des jeunes adolescents en Colombie. Analyse des facteurs de risque et de protection / Impact of the political violence on mental health of young adolescents in Colombia. Analysis of risk and protective factors
Clette, Sabatier; Jorge Enrique, Palacio Sañudo; Michel, Tousignant.
Full Text Available El objetivo de esta investigación es examinar desde una perspectiva ecológica la salud mental de los adolescentes desplazados por la violencia política en Colombia. Se tomó como base el modelo ecológico integrado del impacto del trauma de Elbedour, ten Bensel y Bastien (1993), que estipula la influe [...] ncia combinada de diferentes niveles de factores unidos a la experiencia traumática, factores individuales y factores proximales que vienen de la familia, y de los factores sociales de la red social familiar. El estudio se realizó con 98 jóvenes en edades entre los 9 a 16 años (M= 12.5 años, dt= 2.18), habitantes de las afueras de Barranquilla, de los cuales 48 son desplazados por la violencia (26 de sexo masculino, 22 de sexo femenino) y 50 son sedentarios pobres (26 de sexo masculino, 24 de sexo femenino). Los cuestionarios se escogieron en función de su utilización en contextos de pobreza y/o violencia (Macksoud, 1992; Macksoud & Aber, 1996; Macksoud, Aber, Dyregrov & Raundalen, 1990). Los resultados muestran que los adolescentes desplazados son más deprimidos y ansiosos que sus pares sedentarios. La ansiedad está unida al número total de eventos traumáticos, mientras que la depresión se explica más bien por la separación de los padres. Las competencias sociales y el ambiente social actúan como factores protectores. Entre los factores del ambiente social se observa el hecho de vivir en una familia extensa y de inscribirse en una red social que incluye a los amigos de la familia. En su conjunto, la familia y la preservación de su unidad aparecen como elementos cruciales. Abstract in english The aim of this research is to examine the mental health of young adolescents who have been displaced by political violence of Colombia within the integrated ecological model of trauma impact presented by Elbedour, ten Bensel and Bastien (1993). This framework stipulates the combined influence of se [...] veral levels of factors linked to family affiliation and social aspects of family network. Two groups of young adolescents participated in this study, 48 were displaced by political violence (26 boys and 22 girls), 50 sedentary adolescents lived in extremely poor suburb of Barranquilla (26 boys and 24 girls). The mean age is 12.5 years old (sd= 2.18; min = 9; max = 16). Questionnaires have been chosen with regards to their use in a context of poverty and/or violence (Macksoud, 1992; Macksoud& Aber, 1996; Macksoud, Aber, Dyregrov, & Raundalen, 1990). Results show that displaced adolescents are more depressed and anxious than their sedentary peers. Anxiety is explained by the total indices of trauma events while depression is rather explained by the separation from parents. Social competencies and social environment appear as protective factors. Among the social factors, one finds the extended family unit and the inclusion of friends within the social network of the family. Overall, the family and the preservation of the family unit appear as crucial factors of mental health.
Full Text Available Na entrevista publicada em francês sob o título de Politique et Amitié, Derrida diz: "O próprio 'político' é um filosofema - e finalmente muito obscuro." Esta obscuridade não se dissipa certamente facilmente, e talvez nada mesmo, porque é a síntese das três obscuridades temíveis do "comum", do "pode [...] r" e do "sentido". Mas é possível, pelo menos, introduzir uma distinção entre a política compreendida como assunção d'"o ser do homem na sua relação ao ente" e a política compreendida como a esfera particular encarregada de manter aberto o acesso a uma tal relação. Isto faz uma enorme diferença e, no entanto, nós empregamos a palavra com os dois valores alternados, ou então confundidos. Se uma diferença vem à luz, não é senão entre uma "política" restrita, governamental, "politiqueira" mesmo, e a grande "Política". O que se encetou com a democracia. Abstract in english In the interview published in French under the title Politique et Amitié, Derrida says: "The 'political' itself is a philosopheme - and ultimately quite an obscure one." This obscurity is not easily dissipated, for sure, and perhaps not at all, because it is the synthesis of the three fearful obscur [...] ities: the "common", "power" and "sense". Yet it is at least possible to introduce a distinction between politics understood as assumption of the 'being of man in his relation to the being' and politics understood as the particular sphere responsible for holding open the access to such a relation. This makes a huge difference, and nonetheless we use the word with the two values alternating or even confused. If a difference comes to light, it is just between a restricted "politics", governmental, even derogatorily "political", and the great 'Politics'. A difference that arose with democracy.
Thylstrup, Nanna Bonde
Mass-digitization of cultural-heritage archives has become increasingly pervasive. From Google Books to Europeana, bounded material is converted into ephemeral data on an unprecedented scale, promising to provide mankind with readily accessible and enduring reservoirs of knowledge. Interrogating this phenomenon, this dissertation asks how mass digitization affects the politics of cultural heritage. Its central argument is that mass digitization of cultural heritage is neither a neutral technical process, nor a transposition of the politics of analog cultural heritage to the digital realm on a 1:1 scale. Rather, it should be understood as distinct subpolitical processes that bring together a multiplicity of interests and actors hitherto foreign to the field of cultural heritage archives. Mass digitization is thus upheaving the disciplinary enclosures of cultural heritage and gives rise to new territorial constellations of knowledge circulation and regulation. Through the theoretical notions of “assemblage”, “subpolitics” and “network power” the dissertation discusses the political implications of these transformations focusing on three levels, or aspects, of mass-digitized archives: macro-political orderings, cultural political configurations and modes of subjectification. Doing so, it further links these processes to issues of globalization, commercialization, cultural memory, the public sphere, privacy and freedom.
Full Text Available The author starts from the hypothesis that it is essential for the countries of the region to critically assess the synergy established between systemic, political corruption and a selectively weak, “devious” nature of the state. Moreover, the key dilemma is whether the expanded practice of political rent seeking supports the conclusion that the root of all corruption is in the very existence of the state - particularly in excessive, selective and deforming state interventions and benefits that create a fertile ground for corruption? The author argues that the destructive combination of weak government and rampant political corruption is based on scattered state intervention, while also rule the parties cartel in the executive branch subordinate to parliament, the judiciary and the police. Corrupt exchange takes place with the absence of strong institutional framework and the precise rules of the political and electoral games, control of public finances and effective political and anti-monopoly legislation and practice included. Exit from the current situation can be seen in the realization of effective anticorruption strategy that integrates preventive and repressive measures and activities and lead to the establishment of principles of good governance. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 179076: Politi?ki identitet Srbije u regionalnom i globalnom kontekstu
Alejandro, Gaviria; Ugo, Panizza; Jessica, Seddon; Ernesto, Stein.
Full Text Available This paper tests whether Rodrik's (1999) results that institutions for conflict management are associated with the ability to react to economic shocks are robust to different ways of defining the quality of such institutions. In this paper, we measure the quality of conflict management institutions [...] with two different indices. The first is an index of political constraints on the ability of the executive to impose its will. These constraints limit the ability of the government to arbitrarily change the rules of the game and therefore may reduce redistributive struggles. The second index measures the degree of political particularism. We define political particularism as the policymakers' ability to further their career by catering to narrow interests rather than broader national platforms. The indices used in this paper solve the endogeneity and subjectivity biases that affect Rodrik's main measure of institutional quality. We find strong support for the idea that high levels of political constraints and intermediate levels of political particularism are associated with a quick recovery from economic shocks.
Due to the difference of political system and great achievements of the reform and opening up, China’s political ecology has attracted more and more attention from scholars at home and abroad. In China, political theory researchers are keen on explaining problems of China through western political theory, while western political academic circles cannot develop a macroscopic theory explaining political ecology with Chinese characteristics because of the inherent mind-set. Therefore, this the...
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Full Text Available The article refers to the theoretical aspects of the study of the political traditions phenomenon. The influence of traditional components of the political culture on the current political process is recognized in contemporary literature, but political traditions rarely become the original subject of a scientific research, which explains the vagueness of their interpretation and the need of their system understanding.The author analyzes existing interpretations of the concept "tradition", on which formulates the definition of "political traditions" as (1 a form of fixation for meaningful content of the nation’s socio-political experience and as (2 a mechanism of political-cultural continuity.The author identifies mental, behavioral and institutional levels in the structure of political traditions. Mental level consists of political symbols, myths and stereotypes, which form the image of political reality and authority, and values and norms, which affect the motivation of political behavior. Behavioral level includes models of behavior and patterns of action, such as political habits and rituals. Institutional level reflects historical features of interaction between branches of power and relations between the state and society.The author pays attention to the influence of structural elements of political traditions on the political consciousness and behavior of individuals and social groups. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2218-7405-2013-4-25
In 1987 an international conference brought global attention to an issue that previously had been ignored: the world's alarmingly high number of maternal deaths in childbirth. The conference ended with a declaration calling for a reduction in maternal mortality by at least half by the year 2000. As the deadline approached, safe motherhood activists lamented the fact that the world was nowhere near to achieving this objective. They attributed this failure to a variety of causes, but were in agreement that the medical technology was available to prevent maternal deaths in childbirth, and the key was generating the political will to make such technology widely available to women in developing countries.What 'political will' means, however, has been left as an unopened black box. What causes governments to give priority to the issue of safe motherhood, given that national political systems are burdened with thousands of issues to sort through each year? In marked contrast to our extensive knowledge about the medical interventions necessary to prevent maternal death, we know little about the political interventions necessary to increase the likelihood that national leaders pay meaningful attention to the issue. Drawing from a scholarly literature on agenda setting, this paper identifies four factors that heighten the likelihood that an issue will rise to national-level attention: the existence of clear indicators showing that a problem exists; the presence of effective political entrepreneurs to push the cause; the organization of attention-generating focusing events that promote widespread concern for the issue; and the availability of politically palatable policy alternatives that enable national leaders to understand that the problem is surmountable. The paper presents a case study of the emergence, waning and re-generation of political priority for safe motherhood in Indonesia over the decade 1987-1997, to highlight how these four factors interacted to raise safe motherhood from near obscurity in the country to national-level prominence. While there are contextual factors that make this case unique, some elements are applicable to all developing countries. The paper draws out these dimensions in the hope that greater knowledge surrounding how political will actually has been generated can help shape strategic action to address this much neglected global problem. PMID:12600358
Burchardt, Marian; Patterson, Amy S.
In 2012, roughly 23 million people in sub-Saharan Africa were infected with HIV, the virus that causes AIDS. Religious responses to the disease have ranged from condemnation of people with HIV to the development of innovative AIDS-related services. This article utilises insights from the social movement literature about collective identity, framing, resources, and opportunity structures to interrogate religious mobilisation against HIV/AIDS. It demonstrates that mobilisation cannot be divorced from factors such as state–civil society relations, Africa's dependence on foreign aid, or the continent's poverty. Religious HIV/AIDS activities must be analysed in a conceptual space between a civil society/politics approach and a service-provider/anti-politics framework. That is, religious mobilisation may at times seek to engage the public realm to shape policies, while at other times it may shun politics in its provision of services. Case studies that illustrate these themes and demonstrate the multi-faceted interactions between religion and HIV/AIDS are included.
Ferris, G.R.; Blickle, G.
Purpose - Political skill is measured with the political skill inventory (PSI), and the construct is composed of four distinct dimensions. Previous validation studies of the PSI found evidence in support of the four-factor structure, but only using self-reports. Furthermore, no efforts have been made to also identify a single, higher-order factor solution through second-order factor analysis. The present research aims to expand on prior work and report on a two-study investigation of both the construct validity and antecedents and consequences of the political skill construct. Design/methodology/approach - To test construct validity, Study 1 combined self- and other reports of political skill from 467 employees in a confirmatory factor analysis. Study 2 used longitudinal data from 202 employees to constructively replicate Study 1 results and to test hypotheses regarding the antecedents and consequences of political skill. Findings - The results of Study 1 confirmed both a four-factor and a single higher-orderfactor solution of the political skill construct, thus supporting our hypothesis. Study 2 constructively replicated the Study 1 factorial validity results, and supported hypotheses regarding the dispositional and developmental experience antecedents, career-related consequences, and mediation of these antecedents and outcomes by political skill. Originality/value - These two studies test the construct validity of political skill using both self- and other-reports. Further, this is the first research to test the Ferris et al. conceptualization of political skill, by examining its antecedents, consequences, and mediation of the antecedents-consequences relationships.
Full Text Available This paper presents preliminary research findings on the use of conceptual metaphors in political interviews in Croatian newspapers and magazines. The language of a successful politician is thelanguage of persuasion that convinces an audience of what is right or wrong. Political leaders mobilize their followers by using highly effective rhetorical strategies, such as conceptual metaphors. Our opinion is that the choice of metaphor is often essential to its rhetorical persuasiveness. Based on these theoretical considerations, we have analyzed the use of metaphors, combining both quantitative and qualitative text analysis with a focus on identifi cation and interpretation of source domains. Our corpus encompasses 49266 words from 40 political interviews given by Croatian politicians Jadranka Kosor, Vesna Pusi?, Ivo Sanader and Stjepan Mesi?. Our research findings reveal that metaphors used by Croatian politicians are based either on personification or on the use of source domains of journey and conflict/war.
Dr. José Cisneros Espinosa
Full Text Available The following article establishes a critique to the prevalent conception of political communication by focusing on the concept of collective democracy, which is drawn from English political theory. This approach, proposed by David Mena PhD., a researcher from Universidad de las Americas, Puebla, in Mexico, is applied here to contrast the concept of political marketing with the notion of communication as a model for political participation through collective decision-making. Finally, in the conclusive section, the author emphasizes two ideas pointed out by Mena: first, the design of political campaigns as education promotion, and second, the notion of the political debate as a public good.
Slone, Michelle; Shoshani, Anat
A paradigm conceptualizing resilience as factors moderating between political violence exposure and psychological distress administered in a 7-year research project yielded a profile of factors promoting Israeli children's coping in conflict conditions. Three factors--social support mobilization, self-efficacy, and meaning attribution--were…
The lecture first deals with the aims and legal basis in German and European law of environment protection with regard to energy politics. It then goes to deal with European regulations for environment protection and their effects on the energy supply: Air pollution abatement, tax for the protection of the climate, internalisation of external costs. The following European energy-political measures impinge on environment protection: Sponsored projects, least-cost planning, third-party access to the public electricity supply. The discrepancy between European and national policies can be lessened or resolved by the following means: Harmonisation, subsidiarity principle, and scope for entrepreneurial solutions. (orig.)
All articles focus on historical aspects of the development of energy politics in the Federal Republic of Germany (energy enconomy and industry, hard coal, nuclear energy). Some articles also look at international developments (oil boycott, Saudia Arabias's oil policies, International Energy Agency). (UA)
The paper highlights the relevance of the concept of regime change for addressing the challenges involved in analysing political developments and complex, incremental, change. The overall focus is on the occurrence and dynamic of complex political change: Why it happens; what are the drivers and how we identify the impact of domestic and international factors in that process. To demonstrate its application the concept of regime change is applied to the case study of Japan. It is argued that t...
The Kenyan general election of 2002, which put an end to Daniel Arap Moi's 24-year rule, has been subjected to much political analysis. The article takes as its point of departure the politico-religious movement Mungiki and the movement's own narratives of its role in the elections. Mungiki's narratives tell a story of alliances and behind-the-scenes political play that differs from the public version of events. It is argued that the movement's retrospective narratives provide a useful tool for exploring future possibilities for Mungiki's engagement in Kenyan politics. The narratives are primarily internal narratives, in that they are intended for the movement's own members. As such, they invite a discussion of Mungiki's perception of truth and, more broadly, of the relationship between narratives and truth.
This paper focuses on an econometric investigation of the macroeconomic and political factors that contributed to Greece’s excessive debt accumulation and its failure to adequately address its fiscal imbalances, from the restoration of democracy in 1974 till the crisis of 2009. The econometric investigation is based on a model in which two political parties alternate in power, and in which governments choose primary expenditure and taxes to minimize deviations from politic...
Development of a civil society and social systems for protection of different groups is directly related to well functioning political and economic systems. If the level of economic development or political stability is not continuous the implementation of antidiscrimination laws would most likely be at a very low level. In this case development of social rights along with implementation of antidiscrimination rights may be marginalized due to three factors: lack of cooperation among political...
Full Text Available For the majority of citizens political participation in democracy requires just voting in periodical elections. However, this comprehension of participation has been pressed by theorists that defend the development of democracy by the deepening of citizens participation and by the increase of public service deficiency to satisfy social needs. Innovative participative practices, which challenge established concepts, have been more and more present in the performance of civil society organizations. On the other hand, social organizations have become privileged spaces to discuss and support public interest objectives. This paper discusses the ways social organizations of Salvador (BA, Brazil participate politically. The methodology encompassed interviews with 44 organizations. The main results show that: (i the observation of social organizations political participation requires new patterns of analysis to overcome traditional factors as “electoral participation”, “party identification” and “reliance in institutions”; (ii the new patterns of analysis must aggregate new actors to those factors; (iii among the main forms of participation there are those lined up to the concepts of the so called deliberative democracy, as, for example, the valorization of public debates; (iv there are changes in the political participation ways of these organizations, mainly in the sense of the development and the variety they express themselves.
Zettler, Ingo; Hilbig, B.E.
Previous research on political orientations, which can be understood as one's left- versus right-wing attitude, has shown that some personality factors yield explanatory power. In the current work, we consider the role of altruism - a personality construct which does not exclusively map onto one of the broad personality dimensions typically studied. Altruism was predicted to relate to left-wing attitudes due to an overlap regarding concerns for social equality, and a discrepancy between well-known attributes of right-wingers and altruistic individuals, respectively. Moreover, altruism was expected to explain unique variance in political orientation beyond the 'Big Six' broad dimensions as it relates to aspects not covered by the latter. Both hypotheses were tested in a web-based questionnaire study (N = 137). Besides replicating findings of previous research, results corroborated a strong positive association between altruism and left-wing attitudes, and altruism was found to account for substantial variance in political orientation after controlling for the HEXACO factors of personality. We conclude that altruism is an important construct which deserves attention whenever political attitudes or other topics relating to social equality are at stake. © 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Grünbaum, Niels NolsØe; Stenger, Marianne
The aim of this paper is to create a more complex and holistic understanding of the value system of the political consumer. A case study was undertaken were the unit of analysis constituted 12 high users of organic food products. The empirical data was analysed by utilizing Reynolds and Gutman’s laddering technique. The results revealed that the purposive selected informants activate different cognitive structures when buycotting organic food. In other words, the informants activate different values for similar attributes and consequences. This means that consumption of organic food is related to different value sets. That is, value sets where the political aspects are represented to different degrees. This means that some informants primarily buycott organic food for personal or family related reasons. For this group of informants, the focus is mainly on health related issues. Preservation of nature or environmental concern is important in the sense that it in the end relates to promoting personal security and health. This means that the environmental aspect cannot automatically be assumed to be a political motive when buycotting organic food, because it can be linked to personal motives. Understanding environmental issues solely as political motives thus reflects a rather mundane understanding. Further and more problematic it also leads to wrong results when trying to investigate the extent of political consumption from a positivistic paradigmatic posture. More specifically, survey studies will have a tendency to conclude that the phenomenon i.e. political consumption is much more prevalent than it actually is. The novel findings yield theoretical as well as practical implications. For practitioners a more comprehensive understanding of consumer values related to “politicized” products or services will enable companies to better understand consumers need and expectations. The latter being a necessity if confirmation of expectations, satisfaction, retention of customers and customer loyalty are goals of importance for the selling company.
Full Text Available Religion plays an important role in contemporary politics, both as a public and political actor, and as set of values. As a public actor, religion widely participates in the political spheres of European countries. At the same time, both European and non-European societies are experiencing a profound reshaping of their political landscapes. In these contexts, it has become clear that new modes of governance redraw the boundaries between institutional actors and citizens, and create space for horizontal and/or transnational networks. Today, the separation between religion and politics is being questioned more or less radically, and the meaning and the substance of democracy likewise. This special issue aims to offer a wide range of examples of studies focusing on the interactions between religion and politics from different disciplinary perspectives and scientific traditions. Ranging from single case studies to transnational comparative analyses, from sociology of religion to political science, and from the analysis of specific religious traditions to comparative studies, the articles presented offer a useful insight of topics and debates. This heterogeneity allows the readers to have an overview on some of the most important religious actors (movements, associations, groups and, parties in contemporary democracies, such as Christian traditional parties in Europe and the US, Islamist groups in Turkey and in Pakistan. At the same time, this collection of article shows different approaches through which is possible to analyse these movements, such as cross-country comparative approaches, comparison between different cases of religious groups’ collective action within the same national contexts or in the same urban area, or in-depth case studies of the specific role of religious groups in a broader national mobilization. The common element of these different contributions is the objective of looking at the complex relationships between religious organizations (both movements and parties and political mobilizations, and analysing the religious factor neither as a mere effect of conflicts driven by non-religious factors, such as economic or utilitarian motives, nor as essentialist phenomena driven by non-rational logics of action.
Munson, Sean A.
The Internet gives individuals more choice in political news and information sources and more tools to filter out disagreeable information. Citing the preference described by selective exposure theory--that people see and attend to information that supports their beliefs and avoid counter-attitudinal information--observers warn that people may use…
Thelin, William H.
Students in college writing courses need to understand world issues, including the oppressive effects of the global economy. But their teachers need to give them a sense of agency and authority, rather than simply telling them what political positions to take. One example of a writing assignment that might engage as well as inform students…
Clegg, Stewart R., Ed.; Palmer, Gill, Ed.
This book recognizes the political nature of management knowledge, as a discourse produced from, and reproducing, power processes within and between organizations. Critical examinations of certain current management theories--lean production, excellence, entrepreneurship--are examples of relations of power that intermingle with relations of…
Gallagher, James J.
In this article, James J. Gallagher proposes that understanding the political issues and the debate surrounding the education of gifted students is based on the recognition that education policy (including rules, regulations, financial allocations, etc.) reflects social policy. Hence, society prioritizes needs so that the most important of these…
Munger, E. S.; And Others
The Caltech political military exercise (PME) is a game in which players assume roles of leaders of various countries and attempt to act as they think these leaders would in a time of international crises. The main purposes of the exercise are (1) to provide students with an experience in crisis diplomacy and policy formation, and (2) to provide a…
Located within the Kennedy School of Government, the Harvard University Institute of Politics emerged out of the desire to create an organization that would reflect the late President John F. Kennedy's commitment to public service. As such, the Institute of Politics was created in the fall of 1966, and placed under the able direction of Professor Richard E. Neustadt. The Institute of Politics strives to engage young people in politics and public service, and does so by providing a number of internship opportunities, study groups, conferences, and excellent speakers. While some of these programs are limited to Harvard undergraduates, there is a good deal of information for the general public on the site. The research and publications area is a good place to start, as it contains the results of recent polls of the voting tendencies of America's college students, along with previous survey results. This same section also contains an interesting policy paper on youth civic engagement efforts across 11 cities in the U.S. The real highlight of the site is the video archive that presents recent Forum events in streaming video format. Visitors can peruse events from 2001 to the present day, and the topics covered in these erudite forums are quite wide-ranging. Recent forum topics have included "Gays and God: Being LGBT and a Person of Faith" and "The Challenge of Resolving Conflicts & Developing Africa".
Data from a number of language (Slavic, Romance, Modern Greek) concerning predicate agreement with the polite plural (semantically singular, but plural in surface structure) suggest that more verb-like predicates tend to agree with the surface subject, while more noun-like predicates tend to agree with the underlying subject. (Author/KM)
Walker, Donald E.
It is suggested that recognizing the university as a political community may lead to better management and organization. The patriarchal role, the president as hero, dispersed power, how the university really functions, and a political model are described. (MLW)
...2010-01-01 false Political activity. 592.80 Section 592...DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE EGG PRODUCTS INSPECTION VOLUNTARY INSPECTION OF EGG PRODUCTS Performance of Services § 592.80 Political activity. All inspection...
Worldwide political influences on language policy and planning are discussed, including the growth of nationalism, scripts as political symbols, the symbolism of a name, regionalization, democratization, minority rights, and multiculturalism. (Contains 50 references.) (LB)
The aim of the project is to build a coherent framework of social and political theory around defined case studies of discourse analysis – an analysis of the representation of ‘Otherness' in political and press discourse.
Schier, Richard F.
For a decade, intellectuals have shaped the political dialogue of the country, but their moral absolutism generates a simplistic view of politics that is incompatible with democratic government. (Editor)
Natalia, Aruguete; Carlos, Muñiz.
Full Text Available Mucho se ha analizado acerca de la relación entre medios y actitudes políticas, en el marco de la investigación en comunicación política. Los estudios se dividen entre aquellos que asumen que la cobertura mediática de la política declina el interés ciudadano hacia ella y los que sostienen que los me [...] dios promueven un mayor compromiso cívico y político. Asumiendo que la relación entre medios y opinión pública no es unidimensional, y que no hay un único factor en la formación de actitudes hacia la política, este trabajo analizó la cuarta Encuesta de Cultura Política y Prácticas Ciudadanas (ENCUP), realizada en México en el año 2008. Se encontró una relación significativa entre conversación política, consumo de ciertos medios de comunicación y las actitudes políticas por parte de la población. Los resultados del estudio permiten abrir una discusión sobre los efectos de los medios en la generación de una cultura política en el país. Abstract in english A lot has been analyzed about the relationship between media and political attitudes in the field of political communication research. Studies are divided into those assuming that media coverage of politics declines the interest of citizens for politics and those affirming that media promote a highe [...] r civic and political commitment. If we assume that the relationship between media and public opinion is not a one-dimension one and there is not an only factor which encourages formation of attitudes towards politics, this article has analyzed the fourth ''Encuesta de Cultura Política y Prácticas Ciudadanas'' (ENCUP), conducted in Mexico in year 2008. A meaningful relationship was found among political speech, consumption of certain communication media, and political attitudes of population. Results allow opening a discussion about the effects of media on the generation of a political culture in the country.
This book looks at the important issues in British politics since 1945, including a brief guide to the changing political culture of Britain in that period. It will be essential reading for all students studying politics at A2 level, as it covers all the important issues required by the main examining boards. Neil McNaughton is a seasoned writer at this level. He begins by reviewing the changing nature of the principal political ideologies - Conservatism, Labourism and Liberalism - before dis...
Political Science has tended not to problematize human domination over nonhuman animals. Political scientists have been engaged intellectually and politically with other struggles for justice and citizenship leading one to question the apparent indifference to the issue of ‘animal rights’. This paper accounts for the absence of animals in political science research and suggests that recent scholarship has begun to take animal liberation seriously. The paper then looks at the options for t...
Sali Emruli; Tahir Zejneli; Florin Agai
Analysis how to use Internet influence to the process of political communication, marketing and the management of public relations, what kind of online communication methods are used by political parties, and to assess satisfaction, means of communication and the services they provide to their partyand#039;s voters (people) and other interest groups and whether social networks can affect the political and economic changes in the state, and the political power of one party.
?rem A?KAR KARAKIR; Müge AKNUR
The purpose of this article is to examine conceptual and analytical issuesbehind the political deliberalization process in Egypt. In order to do that, thearticle will first study the approaches such as international context, civil society,political culture, and political economy, which are considered as significantfactors that shape Arab countries’ political liberalization process. In thisanalysis, the article will concentrate on the most important component of theEgyptian domestic context, “...
Emruli, Sali; Agai, Florin
Analysis how to use Internet influence to the process of political communication, marketing and the management of public relations, what kind of online communication methods are used by political parties, and to assess satisfaction, means of communication and the services they provide to their partys voters (people) and other interest groups and whether social networks can affect the political and economic changes in the state, and the political power of one party.
Analysis how to use Internet influence to the process of political communication, marketing and the management of public relations, what kind of online communication methods are used by political parties, and to assess satisfaction, means of communication and the services they provide to their partys voters (people) and other interest groups and whether social networks can affect the political and economic changes in the state, and the political power of one party.
Full Text Available Analysis how to use Internet influence to the process of political communication, marketing and the management of public relations, what kind of online communication methods are used by political parties, and to assess satisfaction, means of communication and the services they provide to their partyand#039;s voters (people and other interest groups and whether social networks can affect the political and economic changes in the state, and the political power of one party.
Full Text Available Analysis how to use Internet influence to the process of political communication, marketing and the management of public relations, what kind of online communication methods are used by political parties, and to assess satisfaction, means of communication and the services they provide to their partys voters (people and other interest groups and whether social networks can affect the political and economic changes in the state, and the political power of one party.
Alfonso Toledo Ballén
Full Text Available This article presents an exercise in political science simulation applied via artificial neural networks software called Easy NN-plus 15.0, with reference to possible political scenarios that can emerge once conclude the dialogue between the guerrillas of the armed revolutionary forces of Colombia (FARC-EP and Juan Manuel Santos’s administration, whose aims to solve through negotiated via the internal armed conflict that is afflicting Colombia more than half a century ago. The political scenarios referred to as input layer for the Perceptron were: democratic stability, civil war, coup d’État, revolution, political reform and authoritarian modernization; the output layers were: democratic openness and the continuation of the conflict; while the interlayer was formed with the complex interrelationship of the six entry scenarios. The computer program was used to relate complex non-linear factors of the political challenge posed by the dialogue, to improve the analytical understanding of the situation.
Shi, Junqi; Chen, Zhuo
Ferris and colleagues defined political skill in organizations as "the ability to effectively understand others at work and to use such knowledge to influence others to act in ways that enhance one's personal and/or organizational objectives." In this study, the psychometric properties of a Chinese translation of the Political Skill Inventory were investigated, supporting construct, convergent, discriminant, and criterion validities. The results suggested that the Chinese translation retained a four-factor structure. Political skill was positively correlated with self-monitoring, conscientiousness, political savvy, emotional intelligence, extraversion, agreeableness, and proactive personality, and was negatively correlated with trait anxiety and external locus of control. After controlling for age, sex, and job tenure, political skill was predictive of task performance, work contribution, and interpersonal help. PMID:22489389
Starling, J. D.; Brown, J.; Gerhardt, J. M.; Dominus, M. I.
The findings of a comparative study of the following six regional airports were presented: Dallas/Fort Worth, Kansas City, Washington, D.C., Montreal, Tampa, and St. Louis. Each case was approached as a unique historical entity, in order to investigate common elements such as: the use of predictive models in planning, the role of symbolism to heighten dramatic effects, the roles of community and professional elites, and design flexibility. Some of the factors considered were: site selection, consolidation of airline service, accessibility, land availability and cost, safety, nuisance, and pollution constraints, economic growth, expectation of regional growth, the demand forecasting conundrum, and design decisions. The hypotheses developed include the following: the effect of political, social, and economic conflicts, the stress on large capacity and dramatic, high-technology design, projections of rapid growth to explain the need for large capital outlays.
Paul Andrew Bourne
Full Text Available Jamaica is not atypical in its high levels of corruption, nor is it surprising that there is a low degreeof public trusts in government – only 8 out of 100 people trust the government. One of the measures that canbe used as an approximation for the public’s distrust in government is the increasing decline in voting behaviourin elections, and the increase in unconventional political participation over the last half a decade. Within thecontext of the aforementioned issues, we w ill be examining the factors that account for this reality, as well asthe extent of trust (or distrust in the government and in interpersonal relationships in Jamaica from aneconometric perspective. And so we will seek to build a model that explains the people’s trust in government.This study utilizes prim ary observational data collected by the Centre of Leadership and Governance,Department of Government, the University of the West Indies at Mona, Kingston, Jamaica between July andAugust, 2006. The observational data was collected by way of a 166-item questionnaire. It was a stratifiednationally representative sample of some 1,338 Jam aicans from all 14 parishes. The observational data werecollected and stored using the Statistical Packages for the Social Sciences (SPSS for Windows version 16.0.Descriptive statistics were done to provide background information on the sample, and tests were done forCronbach alpha to examine the validity of the construct – i.e. w ellbeing and political participation. Then,logistic regression was used to build a model. A goodness of fit statistics test was carried out on the model.Of a sampled population of 1,338 respondents, 37% (approximately 4 out of 10 persons reported that they trustother persons compared to 8% (8 out of 100 people who indicated that they trust the government. Theobservational data were used to test the general hypothesis [trust in government is a function of some 14 factors,and estimate the parameters of the final function. We found that of the 14 predisposed variables that wereidentified by the literature, only 6 were statistically significant influencers. The 6 factors explain 27.3% of thevariance in trust in government. Those factors in regard to degree of importance in descending order are:confidence in socio-political institutions, governance of the country, interpersonal trust, political participation,administration of justice and sex of respondents. Governments in Jam aica have been suffering from a deficitin trust, just like the nation’s budget And any building of trust in government must first begin by accepting thefactors that affect trust, and secondly by being aware that their actions (or inactions coupled with that of theirrelated institutions affect public confidence, cooperation from the citizenry and civic engagement. Given thelimitations of this study, we recommend that a longitudinal study be conducted with the same set of variables,as well as the others that were identified in the literature but were not used. And instead of using perceivedcorruption as a proxy for corruption, we utilized the operational definition of Transparency International, ascorruption appears to be a primate variable in trust in government, but were unable to verify this with the useof perceived corruption.
The parallel political marketplace conceptualization is used to analyze the political environment in which colleges and universities operate, including the effect of citizen/consumer groups on institutional marketing decisions, advocacy organizations, flow of favors and threats in political systems, political roles served by marketing, and…
Dunn, Cynthia Dickel
In recent years, politeness theory has increasingly focused on speakers' own conceptualizations of polite behavior, viewing politeness concepts as a type of language ideology. This article examines the construction of Japanese politeness concepts in the business etiquette training provided for new employees in Japanese companies. Drawing on…
The development of political parties in Albania has passed in two stages in the communist system where only one party was known and in the democratic system where was recognized political pluralism. Highlighting the role of political parties, as an important promoter of the functioning of state and of the coverage of the political rights of individuals, makes this study important.
Nee, Victor; Opper, Sonja
This research applies a transaction-focused institutional analysis to compare the value of political capital in different institutional domains of China's market economy. Our results show that the value of political capital is associated with institutional domains of the economy in which agents can use political connections to secure advantages.…
Full Text Available Politics is in difficulties. It is constantly blamed by people, who also require it to respond. The world is increasingly complex and diverse, and politics is needed to facilitate the continuity of a civilized community. The article defines the conceptual and operative bases of deliberative democracy, which is interpreted as the way to restore faith in politics.
Werlin, Herbert H.
Describes the political elasticity (PE) theory that permits equal consideration of political science and public administration, discussing the five major propositions of the theory. Utilizes the principles of political elasticity by focusing on six countries (Netherlands, Egypt, Japan, Sierre Leone, Singapore, and Jamaica) that underscore the…
Dahler-Larsen, Peter; Schwandt, Thomas A.
One way to understand the context of evaluation is in terms of its interaction with political culture. That culture includes citizens' views of the role of government and of evaluation and the history of the polity. This chapter illustrates the relationship of political culture and evaluation by means of two accounts of Danish political culture.…
Full Text Available Much has been studied about political corruption and its implications for political development. Two perspectives, namely political and political economy, seem to dominate these studies. Both perspectives have provided useful analysis on the causes and impacts of political corruption, but they seem to have neglected the complex institutional contexts of the rise of political corruption in democratising societies. By employing the perspective of organisational institutionalism, this paper explores ways in which complex institutional networks play a pivotal role in bringing about political corruption. This study uses two types of qualitative approaches. The first is a literature study, surveying published academic journal articles and books that are concerned with issues of political corruption; and the second uses unpublished raw data from case studies of political corruption in Indonesia. By using Indonesia as a case in point, this paper shows that the rise and growth of political corruption lies in the complex interplay of interactions among dominant institutions and organisations, including state-owned enterprises, parliaments, and political parties. The curbing of political corruption in any democratising society will depend on the existence of a powerful agency of corruption eradication. Equipped with a powerful authority, as Indonesia has shown, such an agency is capable of bringing corrupt politicians, bureaucrats, and business people before corruption courts. In Indonesia, the Corruption Eradication Commission is a strategic agency able to transform a corrupt state into legal-rational state.
McCarthy, Michael P.
Describes possible applications of political cartoons to historical analysis and history teaching on the college level, and presents a history of political cartoons since 1800. A brief guide to sources of political cartoons for American, English, and European history courses is included. (Author/DB)
Presents findings from a case study of a social service organization suggesting that organizational politics influenced the validity of data provided by managers and subordinates during a training needs analysis. Provides a framework for recognizing the influence of organizational politics and maps political dimensions that have an impact on…
Aggarwal Sunil K
Full Text Available Abstract The goal of this paper is to both understand and depathologize clinically significant mental distress related to criminalized contact with psychoactive biotic substances by employing a framework known as critical political ecology of health and disease from the subdiscipline of medical geography. The political ecology of disease framework joins disease ecology with the power-calculus of political economy and calls for situating health-related phenomena in their broad social and economic context, demonstrating how large-scale global processes are at work at the local level, and giving due attention to historical analysis in understanding the relevant human-environment relations. Critical approaches to the political ecology of health and disease have the potential to incorporate ever-broadening social, political, economic, and cultural factors to challenge traditional causes, definitions, and sociomedical understandings of disease. Inspired by the patient-centered medical diagnosis critiques in medical geography, this paper will use a critical political ecology of disease approach to challenge certain prevailing sociomedical interpretations of disease, or more specifically, mental disorder, found in the field of substance abuse diagnostics and the related American punitive public policy regimes of substance abuse prevention and control, with regards to the use of biotic substances. It will do this by first critically interrogating the concept of "substances" and grounding them in an ecological context, reviewing the history of both the development of modern substance control laws and modern substance abuse diagnostics, and understanding the biogeographic dimensions of such approaches. It closes with proposing a non-criminalizing public health approach for regulating human close contact with psychoactive substances using the example of cannabis use.
Full Text Available This study discusses how various politeness strategies are implemented linguistically and how linguistic usage is related to social and contextual factors in the Indic language Odia. The study extends the validity of politeness theory (Brown & Levinson, 1978 with reference to Odia speech-patterns and shows that Odia usage of politeness would be more differentiated according to the social relationship and gender than the content of the message. In Brown and Levinson’s model, individual speech acts are considered to be inherently polite or impolite. However, in Odia, it is found that communities of practice, rather than individuals, determine whether speech acts are considered polite or impolite. Thus, politeness should be considered as a set of strategies or practices set by particular groups or communities of practice as a socially constructed norm for themselves.-----Razprava predstavi, kako se razli?ne strategije vljudnosti izražajo skozi jezik in kako je izbira jezikovnih sredstev povezana z družbenimi in kontekstualnimi dejavniki v indijskem jeziku orija. Študija pokaže, da teorija vljudnosti (Brown & Levinson, 1978 velja tudi za govorne vzorce v oriji, saj so razlike v izražanju vljudnosti tesneje povezane s spolom in družbenimi razlikami, kot pa s samo vsebino sporo?ila. V okviru Brownovega in Levinsonovega modela so posamezna govorna dejanja inherentno ljudna ali nevljudna. Na primeru odije se je izkazalo, da je dojemanje govornega dejanja kot vljudnega ali nevljudnega, v ve?ji meri odvisno od jezikovne skupnosti, in ne toliko od posameznega govorca. Na podlagi tega bi morali vljudnost obravnavati kot nabor strategij in dejanj, ki jih zase dolo?ijo posamezne skupine ali skupnosti kot dužbena pravila.
Full Text Available Research on Brazilian federalism and state politics has focused mainly on the impact of federal arrangements on national political systems, whereas comparative analyses of the workings of state political institutions and patterns of political competition and decision-making have often been neglected [...] . The article contributes to an emerging comparative literature on state politics by developing a typology that systematizes the variation in political competitiveness and the extent of state elites’ control over the electoral arena across Brazilian states. It relies on factor analysis to create an index of " electoral dominance" , comprised of a set of indicators of party and electoral competitiveness at the state level, which measures state elites’ capacity to control the state electoral arena over time. Based on this composite index and on available case-study evidence, the article applies the typological classificatory scheme to all 27 Brazilian states. Further, the article relies on the typological classification to assess the recent evolution of state-level political competitiveness. The empirical analysis demonstrates that state politics is becoming more competitive and fragmented, including in those states that have been characterized as bastions of oligarchism and political bossism. In view of these findings, the article argues that the power of state political machines rests on fragile foundations: in Brazil’s multiparty federalism, vertical competition between the federal and state governments in the provision of social policies works as a constraint on state bosses’ machine-building strategies. It is concluded that our previous views on state political dynamics are in serious need of re-evaluation.
Krogstad, Anne; Storvik, Aagoth Elise
This article explores images of high-level female politicians in France and Norway from 1980 to 2010, examining the ways in which they present themselves to the media and their subsequent reception by journalists. Women in French politics experience difficulties living up to a masculine heroic leadership ideal historically marked by drama, conquest, and seductiveness. In contrast, Norwegian female politicians have challenged the traditional leadership ethos of conspicuous modesty and low-key ...
Conraria, Lu S. Aguiar; Magalh Es, Pedro C.; Soares, M. J.
Spectral analysis and ARMA models have been the most common weapons of choice for the detection of cycles in political time-series. Controversies about cycles, however, tend to revolve about an issue that both techniques are badly equipped to address: the possibility of irregular cycles without fixed periodicity throughout the entire time-series. This has led to two main consequences. On the one hand, proponents of cyclical theories have often dismissed established statistical ...
The aim of this paper is to explain the apparent paradox between political Islam and Islamic political parties in Indonesia. On one hand, the support for Islamic political parties is in decline, while, on the other religious intolerance and the implementation of local regulations based on the shari’ah laws have increased in many provinces. This paper argues that political Islam and Islamic political parties are not synonymous. Moreover, the aim of achieving an ideal society according to an ...
O’sullivan, Noe?l K.
In 1959, Reinhardt Koselleck published Critique and Crisis, in which he argued that the dominant tendency of political theory since the Enlightenment has been to subsume the political under the moral. Since then, other thinkers have echoed Koselleck’s contention, and have described recent liberal political theory in particular as a ‘flight from the political’ (Freeden, 2005, 2008). In this situation, one of the main challenges confronting contemporary Western political theory is to en...
In this thesis, I outline the normative relevance of religious political parties as carriers of values in the context of contemporary political theory. The central argument of my thesis is that religious political parties are, in ideal terms, vital institutional tools for channelling religious claims into the public political realm of liberal democratic polities, in a way that favours democracy. The reason for my claim is that there is a set of normative criteria that all polit...
The Foundations of Political Theory Organized Section of the APSA "exists to advance the linkage of political theory and philosophy with political science as a discipline." This site contains numerous resources for the study of political theory, including a Newsletter, a listing of recent books in political theory, and links to related journals, research institutions, conference announcements, fellowships and grants, and professional announcements. Interested users can also find a collection of links to online syllabi, texts, and other sites.
Politics and the Emotions is a unique collection of essays that reflects the affective turn in the analysis of today’s political world. With contributions from scholars across Europe, US, and Australia, the book aims to advance the debate on the relationship between politics and the emotions. Considering themes such as antagonism and deliberation, the politics of fear, the affective dimension of political mobilization, each chapter includes a case study to demonstrate the application of con...
This chapter discusses language and national aspirations through a case study of language politics in Croatia. Not only is language crucially influenced by national politics, but language politics has played a significant role in national politics in which the status accorded to regional variations in language has paralleled political aspirations. Claims to a distinct Croatian language and rejection of a shared Serbo-Croatian language have been a key part in the Croatian nation-building proce...
The contribution is based on a topical panel set especially adjusted to the requirements of political culture research, electoral research, and movement research. The book is centered around empirically verified findings of political-cultural modernization and differentiation processes, and the development of German political culture. It was possible to empirically confirm the main thesis in particular: The new social movements call for rigid and quick social changes in emancipatory, equalitary, ecological and fundamental-democratic orientation. Apart from the Greens, an independent political subculture has formed itself, which is, even in the present phase with little movement-specific mobilization, politically effective and empirically ascertainable. (orig.)
This article examines the role of the father in the transferral of ideological beliefs to the son within the Afrikaans-speaking family as represented in the fiction of contemporary male authors, specifically Alexander Strachan, Mark Behr and S.P. Benjamin. The research is guided by the central question of ideological factors regulating the relation between gender and politics. Kaja Silverman's interpretation of Jacques Lacan's work and her psychoanalytical distinction between the penis and th...
Economic, politic and organizational factors that govern the developments on the french electric power market are investigated. Three scenarios are then outlined for the french market and the electricity export from France, in the light of EC policies. Two questions are of special importance for the french power market: Will EDFs monopoly be broken, and will the nuclear program be continued? (56 refs., 5 figs., 6 tabs.)
This paper analyzes the determinants of multilateral aid from international financial institutions (IFIs) to Pakistan, focusing on the world three major IFIs, the World Bank, the IMF and the ADB. Political economic factors, notably bureaucratic interests and major shareholders economic interests, are suspected to be relevant in international aid allocation decisions. Pooled Tobit estimation analyses confirm this hypothesis. Although recipient need also proves to be a relevan...
Political ideologies translate into both rhetoric and actual economic policy, and both are important factors for explaining economic development such as foreign direct investment and the distribution of growth. In Nicaragua, the government calls itself “socialist”, but neither local big business nor rating firms or foreign investors seem to be anxious. In this thesis, an attempt is made to define and measure characteristics of economic ideologies, and to analyse them in a country context....
The paper examines the factors that played a major role in development of the old-age pension system in Georgia. Based on data collected from 1991-2009, this analysis centers on the system’s patterns of development and identifies four main attempts to reform the old-age pension system. Economic performance, demographic aging, domestic political constellations, and external influence are traditionally thought to be responsible for the pension system reforms. Qualitative data analyses and in-...
Katada, Saori N.
In the last decade, East Asia has engaged in constructing numerous mechanisms to enhance regional cooperation in the areas of trade and finance. However, the region's economic architecture exhibits certain idiosyncrasies such as an eclectic institutional structure and a limited level of commitment shown by its members. These idiosyncrasies seem to prevent regional cooperation from becoming deeper and more coherent. This paper focuses on the political factors that have thus far shaped the inst...
Cabaleiro Casal, Roberto
Full Text Available In contrast to several studies presented in the literature which analyze how different political elements affect specific aspects of financial management of public institutions, we have investigated from a comprehensive perspectivehowvarious political factors influence the financial situation of the municipalities. To do this,weuse diverse multivariate techniques, the concept of financial condition and a large sample of Spanish municipalities. By isolating the electoral cycle and analyzing the essence of political factors, our main findings are that conservative and progressive parties do not present different behavior in relation to any of the financial dimensions. The territoriality of political parties influences the relationship between fund transfers received by the municipalities and certain expenses and investments. Furthermore, we did not detect that, in Spain, a partisan alignment exists between municipalities and the upper-level institutions.
Full Text Available In order for democracy to result from freedom, the citizens’ participation in the creation and exercise of democratic power must be structured in a pluralist way. Art. 8(1 of the Romanian Constitution firstly imposes the organization of the company in parallel with the State’s organic structure as an indispensable requisite for the existence of democracy. In other words, there is no democracy without a civil society, distinct from the State. The organization of the civil society is necessary because the individual alone cannot determine a certain attitude of the political power: structuring gives weight to the action; the organization of citizens contributes to rendering their political participation more efficient. But the organization, structuring limits the freedom of people adhering to the structure.
The Long Island Lighting Company (LILCO) built the Shoreham Nuclear Power plant, on New York State's Long Island, at a cost of over $5 billion. In 1989, the United States Nuclear Regulatory Commission granted LILCO a full operating license for Shoreham. yet, that year New York State and LILCO signed an agreement under which LILCO would sell the plant to New York State for $1. new York, in turn, would dismantle Shoreham, despite great uncertainties regarding future power supplies for Long Island. The Shoreham project brought a major public utility to the brink of bankruptcy, forced the question of state versus federal control of nuclear power, and for over a decade dominated the politics of a region of 2.7 million people. This book examines how technology, economics, managements, politics, and personal commitments interacted to produce one of the most spectacular and pivotal failures of nuclear power policy in the United States
How much do people use social media as a way to be politically engaged? This question has been posed by a team of researchers at the Pew Internet & American Life Project, resulting in this 13-page report. The report was authored by a team of scholars including Lee Rainie and Aaron Smith and found that 60% of adults use social networking sites like Facebook or Twitter and that approximately 39% of all adults have done at least one of eight civic or political activities with social media. The findings here are based on a nationally representative survey of 2,253 adults conducted in the summer of 2012. Visitors can view the report in its entirety online or download the file. Additionally, persons with an interest in psychometrics and survey design can explore all of the survey questions here.
Mario López Martínez
Full Text Available Mohandas K. Gandhi was the father of modern nonviolence. He called the forms of struggle without use of firearms as satyagraha. Gandhi distinguished between passive resistance and satyagraha. The basic postulate of satyagraha rested on the belief in the inherent goodness of man, moral power and the capacity to suffer for the opponent. He tried, in difficult times, offering an alternative to war and social policy. On the roots of forms of struggle and popular peasant ancestral (disobedience, non-cooperation, insubordination, he developed the ethical and political union, beyond N. Machiavelli and M. Weber. But his ethical-political struggle could not be understood without other elements of his “constructive program” such as ahimsa (not kill, Sarvodaya (welfare of all, swaraj (self-determination and self-government and swadeshi (self-sufficiency.
Full Text Available Translation of polite expressions is an arduous task of the translator. Every culture presents its own system of polite expression in the source language. Therefore, the translator should prepare the mutual situation in source and target language in order to convey the near sense of polite expressions. Politeness Principles (PP and Positive-Negative Politeness were proposed by Geoffrey Leech (1983 and Brown-Levinson (1987 respectively. The present paper seeks to find some translation strategies in dealing with polite expressions across cultures. And finally, this study is based on the English-Italian instances to test the workability of the defined politeness translation strategies to see the similarities and difference between the intended languages.
Ionela Carmen Bo?oteanu
Full Text Available Today, at the beginning of the XXIst century, politics has come to display itself, under all its forms, in front of a mass public through communication media, within the daily exercise of democracy practice. All of the political actors admit that one of the main conditions for having a successful intervention in public debate, in making decisions is to understand the way communication and media work. The growing immixture of communication mass media in the political arena, as well as the tendency to propagate politics – a show with more and more violent and aggressive acts, in absence of arguments, the way political parties and politicians use public relations, marketing and advertising techniques in elections campaigns testify to the political fervour and degradation of political speech.
This article explores the international dimensions of multinationals' corporate political activities, focusing on an international issue - climate change - being implemented differently in a range of countries. Analyzing data from Financial Times Global 500 firms, it examines the influence on types and process of multinationals' political strategies, reckoning with institutional contexts and issue saliency. Findings show that the type of political activities can be characterized as an information strategy to influence policy makers toward market-based solutions, not so much withholding action on emission reduction. Moreover, multinationals pursue self-regulation, targeting a broad range of political actors. The process of political strategy is mostly one of collective action. International differences particularly surface in the type of political actors aimed at, with U.S. and Australian firms focusing more on non-government actors (voluntary programs) than European and Japanese firms. Influencing home-country (not host-country) governments is the main component of international political strategy on climate change
Full Text Available This paper empirically examines the effects of political risks on the Japanese outward Foreign Direct Investment (FDI with a panel data of 30 countries for the period of 1995-2004. The estimation model is constructed on the basis of the OLI (ownership, location and internalization advantages and Knowledge-Capital Models. Political risk variables are included as additional explanatory variables with market potential, wages, skilled workforce endowments, investment cost, trade cost and distance. We found that the model with interaction terms of these political risk factors with some traditional explanatory variables reasonably explains Japanese outward FDI flows.
Political risk is one of the crucial factors influencing the operation of a country’s financial market as widely claimed by numerous studies. Many examples of the events which are considered as a political risk are the switch in regimen, a revolution, a coup incident, or a civil war. In Thailand, one of the most recent incidents contribute to the instability of the country’s political situation which received much of public attention worldwide is the 2006-military coup. Not only the coup ...
Full Text Available Our paper analyzes the relation between social media and political movements in contemporary world. Many authors consider that social media, especially social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter are responsible for triggering the revolutions in the Arab world. Is the “Arab Spring” the result of modern technologies or its origins are more profound and mundane, deeply rooted in the society? Our response is that social media played an important, but only instrumental role.
The paper investigates strategic campaigning in a model of redistributive politics in a society with many groups and two parties. Campaigns are informative, and parties can target campaigns to different groups. Voters are uncertain about whether parties fabor special groups. The parties will seek to target campaings at groups where most votes are gained by informating about policies. In equilibrium campaigning will be most intensive in groups where the uncertainty is largest and where voters ...
Public broadcasters, like the BBC and the Italian broadcaster RAI, are some of the most important media organisations in the world. Politicians are often tempted to interfere in the workings of these broadcasters and when this happens, the results are highly controversial, as both the Blair and Berlusconi governments have discovered. Public Broadcasting and Political Interference explains why some broadcasters are good at resisting politicians’ attempts at interference, and have won a reput...
Tommaso Nannicini; Andrea Stella; Guido Tabellini; Ugo troiano
In this paper, we empirically investigate a channel through which social capital may improve economic wellbeing and the functioning of institutions: political accountability. The main idea is that voters who share norms of generalized morality demand higher standards of behavior on their elected representavtives, are more willing to bear the cost of acquiring information, and are more likely to base their vote on criteria of social welfare rather than (narrow) personal interest. We take this ...
This paper examines the association between political ideology and the size of government and quality of the legal system and regulations. A cross-country indicator of government and citizen ideology is presented. Empirical results suggest that ideologically leftwing governments increase the size of government while the long-term ideological convictions of citizens but not governments affect the quality of the legal system and regulations.
Marc de Leeuw
Full Text Available To understand recent transformations of “Dutchness” it is crucial to look again to the development of Dutch liberalism. Both tolerance and liberalism are seen as Dutch accomplishments: from Holland as a free-haven for the religiously persecuted in the 17th century – of which Descartes and Spinoza are the most famous – to the image of progressive politics on sexuality, drugs, prostitution, and euthanasia.
The thesis is a theological enquiry into the nature of human affections (or ‘emotions’), their role in morality and their significance for political relations. The argument builds critically on the work of cognitivist theorists of emotion, such as Martha Nussbaum, who oppose both rationalist disavowals of the reasonableness of emotion and empiricist fascination with physical sensation. Nussbaum holds that emotions’ intentional (object-directed), evaluative quality indicates a cognitive ...
Recent theoretical and empirical work has demonstrated a clear negative link between macroeconomic and political uncertainty and levels of private investment across countries. This result raises the question what institutions might help reduce this uncertainty, in particular by allowing host governments to limit their own possibilities to act opportunistically with respect to investors. Some have argued that governments might benefit from joining a multilateral investment agreement, but there...
Campos, Nauro F.; Giovannoni, Francesco
Conventional wisdom suggests that lobbying is the preferred mean for exerting political influence in rich countries and corruption the preferred one in poor countries. Analyses of their joint effects are understandably rare. This paper provides a theoretical framework that focus on the relationship between lobbying and corruption (that is, it investigates under what conditions they are complements or substitutes). The paper also offers novel econometric evidence on lobbying, corruption and in...
Full Text Available In this paper I present a model of receptivity that is composed of ontological and normative dimensions, which I argue answer to the critical-diagnostic and to the possibility-disclosing needs of democratic politics. I distinguish between ‘pre-reflective receptivity,’ understood ontologically as a condition of intelligibility, and ‘reflective receptivity,’ understood normatively as a condition of disclosing new possibilities.
Kriesi, Hanspeter; Grande, Edgar; Dolezal, Martin; Helbling, Marc; Ho?glinger, Dominic; Hutter, Swen; Wu?est, Bruno
-- Part I. Theory and Methods -- 1. The transformative power of globalization and the structure of political conflict in Western Europe Edgar Grande and Hanspeter Kriesi -- 2. Exploring the new cleavage across arenas and public debates: design and methods Martin Dolezal, Swen Hutter and Bruno Wüest -- Part II. The Development of the 'Integration-Demarcation' Cleavage -- 3. Participation and party choice: comparing the demand-side of the new cleavage across arenas Martin Dolezal a...
Political candidates raise campaign funds from a variety of sources. Whether contributions from certain sources should be restricted has been the subject of debate in the U.S. since the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971. I contribute to this debate by showing that the source of contributions affects the policy choice of candidates. When lobby contributions are limited, and candidates need to choose between costly fundraising activities or self-financing of the campaign, two types of can...
Zellentin, Alexa Birgit; Mcdermott, Daniel
Liberal neutrality – as understood in current legal and political debates – has two underlying intuitions and therefore two distinct elements. On the one hand it refers to the intuition that there are matters the state has no business getting involved in (hands-off element). On the other hand it is motivated by the idea that the state ought to treat citizens as equals and show equal respect and for their different conceptions of the good life (equality element). This thesis defends this t...
What explains the divergent political paths that the post-communist countries of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union have followed since the fall of the Berlin Wall? While some appear today to be consolidated democracies, others have all the features of consolidated autocracy. This study reviews the patterns of change and examines correlates of progress towards democracy. Variation across post-communist countries in the degree of democracy twenty years after the start of transition can...
SORIN SUCIU; DALIA PETCU
Our paper analyzes the relation between social media and political movements in contemporary world. Many authors consider that social media, especially social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter are responsible for triggering the revolutions in the Arab world. Is the “Arab Spring” the result of modern technologies or its origins are more profound and mundane, deeply rooted in the society? Our response is that social media played an important, but only instrumental role.
The paper discusses the South American gas and oil industries. Opening ever wider to private investment, the continent is attracting a flood of foreign and local firms, pushing drilling and production rates still higher. This is despite a rash of political problems in many countries, including guerrillas, environmentalists, crooked officials and border disputes. Separate evaluations are given for Venezuela, Argentina, Colombia, Brazil, Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, Trinidad and Tobago, Chile, and briefly for Falkland Islands, Paraguay, Suriname, and Barbados
Belloc, Marianna; Pagano, Ugo
Most pre-crisis explanations of the various corporate governance systems have considered the separation between ownership and control to be an advantage of the Anglo-American economies. They have also attributed the failure of other countries to achieve these efficient arrangements to their different legal and/or electoral systems. In this paper we compare this view with the co-evolution approach based on the hypothesis that politics and corporate governance influence each other, generating c...
This paper presents a theoretical model to investigate the effect of heterogeneous ideological preferences over the public provision of goods on both the scope of government spending and the electoral competition among political parties. The proposed model points out that the presence of both ideological politicians who compete for of ce and electoral uncertainty generate a partisanship effect on economic policy. In particular, pro-market (right-wing) politicians commit to lower public provis...
Abstract Since 2001, political concerns over social and ethnic cohesion have stimulated new debates over citizenship and belonging in the UK. A central feature of which has been a civic requirement of new citizens to learn English. Such a debate however coincides with concerns around in-migration in Wales, and the highly contested notion that non-Welsh speakers have a civic responsibility to learn Welsh. This article aims to explore the contradictions between these two cases via re...
Dr. Venkatesh G. Pujari
d Empowerment of women is essentially the process of upliftment of economic, social and political status of women, the traditionally underprivileged ones, in the society. It involves the building up of a society wherein in women can breathe without the fear of oppression, exploitation, apprehension, discrimination and the general feeling of persecution which goes with being a woman in a traditionally male dominated structure. The present paper major therapy prescribed by woman empowerment adv...
Full Text Available While focusing on the thought of Charles Taylor the question whether the politics of loyalty can be part of a transcendental structure for society is discussed in this article. Classical patriotism, for instance, involves loyalty to public institutions and laws to enhance self-rule. In the twentieth century, however, classical patriotism became fused with nationalism (i.e. loyalty to culture, resulting in many instances in human suffering. Part of the explanation for this derailment is to be found in the Taylorian concept of the hypertrophy of autonomous freedom. The argument developed in this article links up with trends in liberalism and Taylor’s own reasoning that hypertrophy can be curbed within a transcendental structure for society (i.e. a cosmopolitan politics of loyalty. However, in the liberalist trends (and also in Taylor’s thought tension exists between such a structure and the perception that loyalty politics is a mere particularism. As alternative I propose engagement between the cosmopolitan perspective and the various loyalties, with the latter a transcendental principle that needs to be applied in collaboration with other principles.
Marco Bonomo; Cristina Terra
This paper investigates whether political economy factors contribute to explain the exchange rate policy in Brazil from 1964 to 1997. An analytical framework presents the tradeoff between the positive effect of a depreciated exchange rate on the balance of payments and its negative effect on inflation as driving force affecting exchange rate policy. The exchange rate policy resulting from this tradeoff depends on the political environment. We test our hypotheses by modeling the exchange rate ...
Jain, Sanjay; Majumdar, Sumon; Mukand, Sharun
This paper examines the role of cultural factors in driving the politics and shape of migration policy. We show that there exists a broad political failure that results in inefficiently high barriers restricting the import of temporary foreign workers and also admitting an inefficiently large number of permanent migrants, but not enough to fill any labor shortage in the economy. We show that countries that are poor at cultural assimilation are better positioned to take advantage of short-term...
Khani Hoolari, Seyed Morteza; Abounoori, Abbas Ali; Mohammadi, Teymour
Empirical literature that examines the determinants of inflation in Iran has suggested inflation as a monetary phenomenon. This study investigates the effect of political instability and governance parameters on inflation in Iran over 1959 to 2010. This research sought to identify the profound factors which determine inflation in Iran. Using a combination of the predictions of Fiscal Theory of Price Level (FTPL) determination and Political Economy of Macroeconomic Policy (PEMP) literature and...
With this book Michael Foley sets out to present the basic components of political leadership and examine the key dimensions relating to leadership activity and development. Chapters cover types of leadership, the factors that influence followers, and international leadership. Ben Mueller would have liked to see the author take a more innovative approach, though this book will surely become a staple for politics students in the UK, owing to its careful and complete coverage of the main aspect...
The ethnic structure of this region has been heavily influenced by the evolution of the various historico-geographical factors and policies. Most of this structure, however, is linked to the evolution of the denominational structure. Ethnicity in this case is closely related to religion. The political reality, the events with political overtones that occurred during these centuries had a direct influence regarding the conduct of processes and phenomena related to the ethno-confessional evolut...
Jones, Chris; Morrissey, Oliver; Nelson, Doug
The majority of African countries implemented import liberalisation in the 1990s. This paper explores factors that may explain the pattern of protection and of tariff reform. We consider political economy explanations, motivated specifically by the Grossman and Helpman (1994) model of protection in response to industry lobbies, and the possibility that reforms are technocratic. Using industry-level data for a sample of six African countries, we find limited evidence that political economy fac...
CUMMINGS, E. MARK; Merrilees, Christine E.; Schermerhorn, Alice C.; Goeke-Morey, Marcie C.; Shirlow, Peter; Cairns, Ed
Relations between political violence and child adjustment are matters of international concern. Past research demonstrates the significance of community, family and child psychological processes in child adjustment, supporting study of inter-relations between multiple social ecological factors and child adjustment in contexts of political violence. Testing a social ecological model, 300 mothers and their children (M= 12.28 years, SD = 1.77) from Catholic and Protestant working class neighborh...
Gore, Radhika J; Fox, Ashley M; Goldberg, Allison B; Bärnighausen, Till
Analysis of the politics of HIV programme scale-up requires critical attention to the role of the state, since the state formulates HIV policies, provides resources for the HIV response and negotiates donor involvement in HIV programmes. However, conceptual and methodological approaches to analysing states' responses to HIV remain underdeveloped. Research suggests that differences in states' successes in HIV programme scale-up reflect their levels of 'political commitment' to responding to HIV. Few empirical measures of political commitment exist, and those that do, notably the AIDS Program Effort Index (API), employ ad hoc scoring approaches to combine information from different variables into an index of commitment. The indices are thus difficult to interpret and may not have empirically useful meaning. In this paper, we apply exploratory factor analysis to examine whether, and how, selected variables that comprise the API score reflect previously theorised dimensions of political commitment. We investigate how variables associated with each of the factors identified in the analyses correspond to these theorised dimensions as well as to API categories. Finally, we discuss potential uses--such as political benchmarking and accountability--and challenges of factor analysis as a means to identify and measure states' political commitment to respond to HIV. PMID:24511881
This paper presents the results of a research project which analyzed the commitments made by prime minister of Poland - Donald Tusk and his government in 2007 and 2008, and compares them with the content of articles published in “Rzeczpospolita” and “Gazeta Wyborcza” (the most opinion-forming newspapers in Poland) during the first 100 days as well as the first year of government. The author confronts two perspectives - classical, Schmittian sense of politics and the new one - pos...
This article deals with the Old Testament’s depiction of the historical developments that led to the division in Israel’s monarchy. It presents the underlying factors that destabilised the country during the lifetimes of David and Solomon as well as the power-play between Rehoboam and Jeroboam. The political developments in Lesotho are then read against these underlying factors.
Monti, Corrado; Rozza, Alessandro
Twitter is one of the most popular micro-blogging services in the world, often studied in the context of political opinion mining for its peculiar nature of online public discussion platform. In our work we analyse the phenomenon of political disaffection defined as the “lack of confidence in the political process, politicians, and democratic institutions, but with no questioning of the political regime”. Disaffection for organised political parties and institutions has been object of studies and media attention in several Western countries. Especially the Italian case has shown a wide diffusion of this attitude. For this reason, we collect a massive database of Italian Twitter data (about 35 millions of tweets from April 2012 to October 2012) and we exploit scalable state-of-the-art machine learning techniques to generate time-series concerning the political disaffection discourse. In order to validate the quality of the time-series generated, we compare them with indicators of political disaffection from public opinion surveys. We find political disaffection on Twitter to be highly correlated with the indicators of political disaffection in the public opinion surveys. Moreover, we show the peaks in the timeseries are often generated by external political events reported on the main newspapers.
ABSTRACT This research consists in the analysis of one of Ashley Mote’s political speeches, from the point of view of the speaker’s use of the modal verbs that contribute to the mitigation or the aggravation of the illocutionary forces released by the speech acts they belong to. The analysis focuses on the two main semantic values of modal verbs in English, the epistemic and the deontic. Mote’s discursive strategies are mainly underlain by directive speech acts, due to their ”competitive”...
The research problem formulated as follows: (1) How does scientific insight and understanding of politician toward political? (2) In the form of what are the politicians express that understanding and insight in the practice of party politics? This study used a qualitative approach, which is to collect data through interviews (in-depth interview) to politicians of political party. Once the data collected, it will be analyzed using descriptive qualitative method. In conclusion this study will ...
Full Text Available The language of politics is commonly studied within discourse analysis, whereby its linguistic features relating to vocabulary, grammar structures, textual and intertextual aspects are investigated using various methodologies. This paper presents an analysis of political discourse from a syntactic-semantic point of view. The corpus studied has been extracted from five. Montenegrin dailies and the analysis attempts to describe the genre as effectuated in the Montenegrin political discourse. As a result, the functions of political language are extrapolated and illustrated and its style is described in terms of intertextuality and other linguistic strategies commonly employed in political discourse. The paper aims to give a contribution to the understanding and linguistic profiling of political language.
Public participation in a complex technological issue such as the management of radioactive waste needs to be based on a simultaneous construction of scientific, ethical and socio-political foundations. Confronting this challenge is in no way straightforward. The problem is not only that the 'hard' technocrats downplay the importance of socio-political and ethical factors; also, our 'soft' ethical vocabularies (e.g. Habermasian 'discourse ethics') seem to be ill-equipped for tackling such complex questions (in terms of finding concrete solutions). On the other hand, professionals in the field, confronted with a (sometimes urgent) need for finding workable solutions, cannot wait for armchair philosophers to formulate the correct academic answers to their questions. Different public participation and communication models have been developed and tested in real-world conditions, for instance in the Belgian 'partnership approach' to the siting of a low-level waste management facility. Starting from the confrontation of theoretical outlooks and pragmatic solutions, this paper identifies a number of 'dilemmas of participation' that can only be resolved by inherently political choices. Successfully negotiating these dilemmas is of course difficult and conditional on many contextual factors, but nevertheless at the end of the paper an attempt is made to sketch the contours of three possible future scenarios (each with their own limits and possibilities). (authors)and possibilities). (authors)
This paper presents a new model of political parties. I assume that the role of parties is to increase the commitment ability of politicians vis-à-vis the voters. Whereas a politician running alone can only offer his ideal policy, the set of policies that a party can commit to is the Pareto set of its members. I show that the commitment mechanisms provided by the institution of parties has no effect when the policy space is unidimensional; the policies parties can induce in equilibrium arise...
Full Text Available The author describes the contemporary situation in the theory and practice of international politics in the field of nuclear weapons. The first part of the paper deals with past results in the process of proliferation and the process of reduction of nuclear weapons, as well as the contemporary nuclear policies of great powers. The second part presents different theoretical approaches to the problem of nuclear weapons - realism, liberalism and the so-called critical or alternative approaches. The author expects that the process of nuclear proliferation will be continued - it will be gradual, controlled and directed by great powers and the USA, in particular.
Galeotti, Andrea; Mattozzi, Andrea
This paper studies the effect of social learning on political outcomes in a model of informative campaign advertising. Voters' communication network affects parties' incentives to disclose political information, voters' learning about candidates running for office, and polarization of the electoral outcome. In richer communication networks, parties disclose less political information and voters are more likely to possess erroneous beliefs about the characteristics of the candidates. In turn, ...
The recent battle reported from Washington about proposed national testing program does not tell the most important political story about high stakes tests. Politically popular school accountability systems in many states already revolve around statistical results of testing with high-stakes environments. The future of high stakes tests thus does not depend on what happens on Capitol Hill. Rather, the existence of tests depends largely on the political culture of published test results. Most ...
Dworkin`s political theory is characterized by the interpretative integrity of morality, law, and politics, the so-called “hedgehog’s approach”. The interpretative integrity approach functions on multiple levels. Firstly, philosophical foundations of his theory of justice are linked to his conception of just liberal society and state. Secondly, from the perspective of political morality, interpretative concepts of law and morality are internally connected, in addition to interpretative ...
Aidt, Toke S.; Albornoz, Facundo; Gassebner, Martin
We analyze the influence of IMF and World Bank programs on political regime transitions. We develop an extended version of Acemoglu and Robinson's [American Economic Review 91, 2001] model of political transitions to show how the anticipation of new loans from in-ternational financial institutions can trigger political transitions which would not otherwise have taken place. We test this unexplored implication of the theory empirically. We find in a world sample from 1970 to 2002 that the anti...
The role of women in modern politics is a subject that needs further insight, considering the growthin number of women that nowadays have relevant political positions on the international stage.There are studies today that emphasize the equality issue and all that is gender role related, but ourinterest is to analyze the women representation in power related positions. Due to the fastmodernization of the political environment and the rapid spreading of the feminist way of thought,several auth...
The thesis consists of three essays in development and political economics. Political Connection, Government Patronage and Firm Performance: Evidence from Chinese Manufacturing Firms The paper tests whether politically connected firms receive preferential favor from the government, as measured by state capital investment from the central government and subsidies. My results suggest that firms connected with one more top leader from the State Council receive 9.4 percent more subsidies, firms c...
Kann, Mark E.; Berry, Jeff; Grant, Connor; Zager, Phil
In this article, the authors examine how American youths' contributions to three online worlds - participatory culture, political consumerism, and civic engagement - function as possible gateways to their increased political participation. Youth involvement in these three online worlds suggests that the Internet creates opportunities for youth involvement in politics and provides a measure of motivation, facilitation, and invitation for that involvement. Nonetheless, for reasons discussed, it...
Aisen, Ari; Veiga, Francisco J.
The purpose of this paper is to empirically determine the effects of political instability on economic growth. Using the system-GMM estimator for linear dynamic panel data models on a sample covering up to 169 countries, and 5-year periods from 1960 to 2004, we find that higher degrees of political instability are associated with lower growth rates of GDP per capita. Regarding the channels of transmission, we find that political instability adversely affects growth by lowering the rates of pr...
Simplice A, Asongu
The motivations of the Arab Spring that have marked the history of humanity over the last few months have left political economists, researchers, governments and international policymakers pondering over how the quality of political institutions affect consumer welfare in terms of commodity prices. This paper investigates the effect of political establishments on consumer prices in the African continent. Findings suggest that in comparison with authoritarian regimes, democracies better provi...
Full Text Available Many political theorists argue that cross-cultural communication within multicultural democracies is not best served by a commitment to identity politics. In response, I argue that identity politics only interfere with democratic participation according to an erroneous interpretation of the relationship between identity and reasoning. I argue that recognizing the importance of identity to the intelligibility of reasons offered in the context of civic deliberation is the first step towards the kind of dialogue that democratic participation requires.
This paper engages with the lively academic debate on the politicization of the firm and more specifically with Scherer and Palazzo’s recent works on a ‘political conception of corporate responsibility’. A number of critiques are formulated, in relation to both the discursive articulation of ‘political CSR’ in the way it constructs the political role of business and the normative argument advocating this politicization, focusing on possible unwanted effects. The paper then discusses how the p...
Dalgaard, Carl-Johan Lars; Olsson, Ola
We document empirically that rich countries are more politically cohesive than poorer countries. In order to explain this regularity, we provide a model where political cohesion is linked to the emergence of a fully functioning market economy. Without market exchange, the welfare of inherently selfish individuals will be mutually independent. As a result, political negotiations, echoing the preferences of the citizens of society, will be dog-eat-dog in nature. Whoever has greater bargaining ...
Michael Joseph Francisconi
Political Sociology is the study of power in a social setting. Political sociology explores the everyday experiences of people and the shaping of their economic position in a particular society, and the world economy that molds most political issues. Anthropology gives this analysis a historical and cross-cultural reference point, supplementing sociology. We professors must engage in seditious sabotage within the ranks of the university and call everything into question, including higher educ...
Bebchuk, Lucian Arye; Jackson Jr, Robert
This Article puts forward the case for Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) rules requiring public companies to disclose their political spending. We present empirical evidence indicating that a substantial amount of corporate spending on politics occurs under investors’ radar screens, and that share- holders have significant interest in receiving information about such spending. We argue that disclosure of corporate political spending is necessary to ensure that such spending is consis...
Full Text Available This essay argues for two complementary theses, one pertaining to epistemology and the other to politics. First, unless philosophy adopts a radical empiricist standpoint and seeks the uttermost generalities, it cannot differentiate itself from yet another form of limited expertise and becomes useless. Second, both radical empiricism and imaginative pragmatism lead the philosopher towards the left end of the political spectrum, i.e., to a radically progressive politics.
This paper analyses the political constraints of intergenerational risk sharing. The rst result is that the political process generally does not lead to ex ante optimal insurance. The second result is that in a second best political setting PAYG still contributes to intergenerational risk sharing. The third result is that aging in- creases the discrepancy between rst-best and second-best transfers. The source of the ine¢ ciency is that politicians redistribute to larger and easier swayed coh...
This paper offers an approach to analyzing political rhetoric in videogames, and on designing videogames intended to carry ideological bias, based cognitive linguist George Lakoff’s notion of metaphor and frame in political discourse. I argue for two important ways games function in relation to ideological frames, reinforcement and exposition, through examples of art games, political games, and commercial games. Finally, I argue that an explicit design of ideological frames in games is cruc...
Hoare, George Thomas Benjamin; Freeden, Michael
Since its birth at the time of the French Revolution, Left/Right has been a key tool for understanding politics. This thesis investigates how we think about politics using Left/Right: how it shapes, constrains and interacts with our most deeply-held conceptions of politics, how its meaning and implications have developed historically and in the British context, and why it might warrant the attention of the student of ideologies.After outlining the methodological underpinnings of the study and...
Full Text Available An age of the urban regionalism has arrived. Postindustrial capitalism is evolving in ways that give renewed importance to city regions. New forms of economic interdependence, the rise of specialized flexible production, the spread of new technologies, and other factors are making the city region a prominent node in today’s globalized economy. Although governments at all levels have been responding to manage this reality, political intervention remains a contentious matter because regional economic development has unleashed new political tensions over governance. Some tensions arise from economic obstacles to regional political cooperation. Other tensions arise from the urban political process in city regions. Many political interests, including entire governments, oppose political collaboration necessary for regional governance because it threatens them with loss of power, status or wealth. The political forces favoring resistance at the local and metropolitan levels tend to differ in the North American and Western European contexts, however.L’âge du «régionalisme urbain» est arrivé. Le capitalisme postindustriel se développe avec des modalités qui accordent une nouvelle importance aux villes-régions. De nouvelles formes d’interdépendance économique, l’émergence d’une production spécialisée flexible, la diffusion des nouvelles technologies, et d’autres facteurs font des villes-régions un nœud prédominant dans l’économie globalisée d’aujourd’hui. Bien que les gouvernements de tous niveaux aient fourni des réponses pour gérer cette réalité, l’intervention politique demeure un objet de conflit parce que le développement économique régional a libéré de nouvelles tensions politiques. Certaines tensions naissent des obstacles économiques à une coopération politique de niveau métropolitain. D’autres proviennent de l’intérieur même du processus politique des villes. De nombreux intérêts politiques, y compris ceux des gouvernements, s’opposent à une collaboration jugée nécessaire au niveau des villes-régions parce que cette collaboration met en danger ceux qui ont peur d’y perdre du pouvoir, un statut ou des ressources. Les forces politiques qui font de la résistance aux niveaux local et métropolitain diffèrent cependant en Amérique du Nord et en Europe de l’Ouest.
Taking the polit-vocabulary – politics, polity, policy, political and a politician – as a point of departure, this study reconstructs the idea of the political in the eighteenth-century Scottish Enlightenment. A conceptual method – a particular mode of conceptual history – plays a crucial role in this study. The political is conceptualised by reading the spontaneous use of the politconceptions, metaphors and allusions of the political. According to present interpretation, politics as ...
Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem
Full Text Available This article explores the similarities and differences concerning the extent to which electoral politics addresses the concerns of Basque and Moro nationalism. These demands mainly focus on the factors that have brought about their political, cultural and, for the Moros, also economic marginalization. In terms of similarities, electoral politics in the form of plebiscites and referendums are used to gauge the sentiments of the Basques and the Moros with regards to approving a national constitution with provisions affecting them as well as the establishment of an autonomous region for the Moros and the strengthening of a federal form of government in the case of the Basques. Elections are also used to choose their leaders at the local, provincial, regional and national levels. As for the differences, among the major ones are the following: One is that electoral politics in the Basque region mirrors the class divide in society and reflects the interests of the constituencies. This is not the case in Muslim Mindanao whereby patronage politics rules and electoral results are generally dictated by the Muslim elites who have close ties with the national elites. And secondly, the ideological bias of the elected leader and his political power in Spain has a direct impact on Basque nationalism. In the case of the Philippines, it is the personality of the elected leader that determines whether peace negotiations will be pursued or not. But this does not impact on national or local electoral politics as in the case of Spain.
Zain Ul Abideen
Full Text Available This paper attempts to explain individual’s political behaviour in organizations. It also suggests that as organization theory neglects individual political behavior within organizations. So, individual political behavior in organizational context is explored using three key dimensions of political behaviors: internal-external, vertical-lateral and legitimate-illegitimate. A pattern based on these dimensions is proposed thus concluding that individual’s practice politicking for a variety of reasons e.g. power, resources, knowledge, authority and securing their positions.
Nelson, Michael H.
Hosted by the Institute for Politics and International Studies at the University of Leeds and compiled by Dr. Michael Nelson of the Faculty of Political Science at Chulalongkorn University, the Leeds Thai Politics Electronic Bibliography lists approximately 2,000 citations of English language resources on Thai politics and government. Only some of the references are annotated. Users may view the bibliography in full or in divided alphabetical sections. The site provides an inefficacious full-text search utility, and users are advised to view the bibliography in full as an HTML document (456K) and search for citations via their Web browsers.
...INSPECTION ACT (CONTINUED) INSPECTION OF EGGS (EGG PRODUCTS INSPECTION ACT) Regulations Governing the Inspection of Eggs Performance of Services § 57.119 Political activity. Federal inspectors may participate...
SUMANTH S. HIREMATH
Full Text Available The term 'Elite' is that in every society there are people who possess in a marked degree the qualities of intelligence, character, skill and capacity of whatever kind. The present study is to draw an outline of 'Lingayat Political Elite' group on the base of some previous empirical studies and inquiries. Of this Elite group, some data are presented on the socio- economic background characteristics, political or professional career and role perceptions of the respondents. This serves as a, ladder to political assent, by providing the activists, an opportunity to learn, the technique and rules of the political game.
Full Text Available Political Science has tended not to problematize human domination over nonhuman animals. Political scientists have been engaged intellectually and politically with other struggles for justice and citizenship leading one to question the apparent indifference to the issue of ‘animal rights’. This paper accounts for the absence of animals in political science research and suggests that recent scholarship has begun to take animal liberation seriously. The paper then looks at the options for the broader animal liberation movement and suggests that incremental change is the best and only option for animal advocates in contemporary liberal democracies.
Full Text Available The acoustic dimension of political philosophy has rarely attracted serious attention, in part because scholars have tended to assume that political theories, ideas, and concepts, exist as abstract entities that are often noiselessly communicated in written texts. And yet, the noisy communication of political ideas whether in the form of Socratic dialogues, Churchillian orations, or in the hushed tones of focus group conversations treasured by deliberative democrats today, has a rich political history and a continuing relevance. This paper will focus on five performative modes for the communication of political ideas: the monologue, the dialogue, the oration, the interjection, and the noisy crowd. While this list may not be exhaustive, it will be used here as a starting point for further exploration. I will contend that in each of these performative modes, the communication of political ideas is framed by the noise of actual, or textually imagined kinds of political speech designed to underscore the validity of the ideas conveyed. One of the most important reasons for traversing this variable performative and acoustic terrain today is to enable us to hear and to listen to political speech amid the potentially polluting hum of political white noise.
Stanford History Education Group
In this lesson, students analyze primary sources in an effort to answer the central historical question: Were political bosses corrupt? The teacher begins by explaining progressives’ complaints about political machines and graft and then shows a political cartoon criticizing Tammany Hall. Students then read and analyze 2 documents: 1) a book excerpt by muckraker Lincoln Steffens, and 2) a ‘talk’ by political boss George Plunkitt. For each, they answer guiding questions on a graphic organizer (the teacher models this extensively with the first document in the lesson). For HW, students write a dialogue between the 2 writers in which Steffens tries to convince Plunkitt to practice honest government.
De Stefano, Lucia; Petersen-Perlman, Jacob; Sproles, Eric; Eynard, James; Wolf, Aaron T.
Globally 286 river basins extend across international borders, covering over 61.9 million km2 of the earth's surface and hosting a total of approximately 2.7 billion people. In these basins, transboundary water resources support an interdependent web of environmental, political, and economic systems that can enhance or destabilize a region. We present an integrated global-scale assessment of transboundary watersheds to identify regions more likely to experience hydro-political tensions over the next decade and beyond based upon environmental, political, and economic indicators. We combine NASA's Gravity Recovery and Climate Experiment (GRACE) measurements of changes in terrestrial water storage with metrics of projected climate change impacts on water variability, the institutional capacity of countries to manage shared water resources, the development of new water infrastructure, per capita gross national income, domestic and international armed conflicts, and recent history of disputes over transboundary waters. The construction of new water-related infrastructure is on-going or planned in many basins worldwide. New water infrastructure is foreseen also in areas where instruments of international cooperation are still absent or limited in scope, e.g. in Southeast Asia, South Asia, Central America, the northern part of the South American continent, and the southern Balkans as well as in different parts of Africa. Moreover, in Central and Eastern Africa, the Middle East, and Central, South and South-East Asia there is a concomitance of several political, environmental and socioeconomic factors that could exacerbate hydropolitical tensions. Our analysis integrates political, economic and environmental metrics and is part of the United Nation's Transboundary Waters Assessment Programme to provide the first global-scale assessment of its type.
Full Text Available Globalization has led to the fact that corruption in one country can affect the situation in other states. A number of top managers worldwide who are willing to pay bribes to keep or expand their business is increasing. However, the most common and dangerous corruption is in the government structures and corruption that associated with the use of administrative resources. The level of corruption in Ukraine is very high and remained stable for the past ten years. One of the factors of increasing corruption in Ukraine is considered the problem of political leadership. Using the Y.Engvalya theory of corruption allows re-evaluating mass and rationality of what is happening, indicates the fallacy of traditionally definition of corruption as unacceptable for majority. Existing corruption model today can be recognized as a widespread one, which significantly increases the role of political leadership. Implementation of new management standards is an important task for many states.
Jorge Eliécer Martínez Posada
Full Text Available The central thesis of this essay is the understanding of juvenile collective dynamics as political forms of demodernization, moral anticipation and life politics, viewing its academic productions as zombie categories, unable to understand the dynamics of new times and the juvenile collective dynamics, interpreted as the moral anticipation and distanciation from forms of social proscription or deviation label. Emphasis is placed on the alternative political dimension of the juvenile collective dynamics, noted as political forms of life.
This paper considers the epistemological value of the concept of political theology in thanatopolitics. The concept can be useful if one wants to interpret political usage of death. In addition to blurred boundaries between politics and theology, there is a more general and deeper socially integrative affinity between the two. In addition, there have been various politicizations of salvation in the past and in the present. Every political theology accentuat...
In Norway, according to this article, shifting fair wind and head wind for wind power have changed to unpredictable political whirlwinds. That is, there is great uncertainty with respect to further development of wind power in Norway as well as in nearby markets such as Sweden, Denmark and the Netherlands. The government, represented by Enova, has announced reduced investment grants, and so the realization of a ''green'' market, at home or across the frontiers, becomes very important. The political goal of producing 3 TWh of wind power per year by 2010 apparently is still valid, but it is difficult to see any robust and convincing clarity when it comes to policy instruments and economical frames that will make it possible to reach that goal. In its directive on renewable energy sources in the energy generation, the EU has quoted a total increase in capacity from 14 percent in 1997 to 22 percent in 2010. This has been shared among the member countries as indicative targets and there is great freedom in the selection of policy instruments. At the end of 2002, the wind power production in Norway is 0.3 TWh/year
The paper is limited to the first phase of conflict up to 1977. The various forms of controversy on the issue of nuclear energy are examined. The conflict is explained as being the result of relevant research and (energy) infrastructure policies. The first task of such an investigation is to analyse the depoliticization of nuclear energy policy which took place over a period of nearly 20 years (1955-1973/4). This depoliticization and non-decisionmaking on the social consequences of nuclear energy have laid the foundations for the development of the conflict which occured in the first cycle of the nuclear energy conflict. The second task is to highlight the social structure of the opposition movement, its forms of struggle, and the response of the state apparatus, The crisis of the nuclear power policy has led to a more or less distinct paralysis of the state apparatus because the political and industrial decisionmaking processes in this area were not designed to cope with social conflicts. In fact, their very structure had excluded the possibility of political opposition to a specific technology. (orig./HP)
Full Text Available Rawls defines education as the training and development of abilities and aptitudes, a civic, constitutional teaching, as a means for making a living and developing a cooperation sense. To understand the role of education in Rawls’ work we need to understand the concept of a well-ordered society. It is related to primary goods. In them political freedoms are given priority; and through them citizens —in developing their expression and meeting abilities, in enjoying freedom of thought— may get to enhance their self-esteem; guaranteeing citizens’ personal and social life enrichment. From this perspective, education plays a central role in society, as it helps to develop autonomy, allowing for individuals’ actions to be reflected by the principles they would accept as rational, reasonable, equal and free beings. As a consequence, education enables citizens for public debate. According to the theory of justice as fairness, differently from utilitarianism, citizenship development is a fundamental element; politics and education are intertwined aspects.
Westfall, Jacob; Van Boven, Leaf; Chambers, John R; Judd, Charles M
An important component of political polarization in the United States is the degree to which ordinary people perceive political polarization. We used over 30 years of national survey data from the American National Election Study to examine how the public perceives political polarization between the Democratic and Republican parties and between Democratic and Republican presidential candidates. People in the United States consistently overestimate polarization between the attitudes of Democrats and Republicans. People who perceive the greatest political polarization are most likely to report having been politically active, including voting, trying to sway others' political beliefs, and making campaign contributions. We present a 3-factor framework to understand ordinary people's perceptions of political polarization. We suggest that people perceive greater political polarization when they (a) estimate the attitudes of those categorized as being in the "opposing group"; (b) identify strongly as either Democrat or Republican; and (c) hold relatively extreme partisan attitudes-particularly when those partisan attitudes align with their own partisan political identity. These patterns of polarization perception occur among both Democrats and Republicans. PMID:25910386
In this review, the author explores various perspectives on language issues in political contexts, not least because languages have been prominent recently on the political agenda both in the UK and the US. She reviews articles that highlight different ways in which political pressures and contexts influence language teaching, learning and use.…
Full Text Available Development of a civil society and social systems for protection of different groups is directly related to well functioning political and economic systems. If the level of economic development or political stability is not continuous the implementation of antidiscrimination laws would most likely be at a very low level. In this case development of social rights along with implementation of antidiscrimination rights may be marginalized due to three factors: lack of cooperation among political and economic spheres, lack of knowledge about antidiscrimination laws and absence of political will for adoption and implementation of antidiscrimination laws. Therefore, we focus on the examination of specific issues concerning the three aforementioned factors primarily focusing on EU and divergence in the level of political and economic development among the member states.We will argue that antidiscrimination laws are not welcome in new member states, especially since they increase political and economic costs for the governments of respective countries. Level of political development has much to do with the acceptance and inclusion of AD laws in the decision making process. Economic development has much to do with social and living standards within a country which is directly related to the general perception of the population on AD laws. Therefore, one could say that implementation of AD laws heavily depends on the preparedness of people, economic and political system and their will to cope with costs and benefits of implementing those laws.
Full Text Available This article is aimed at investigating the importance of Kurdish women’s place and role in politics. The political activeness of Kurdish women, which became an important part of the reviving Kurdish political movement during the Republic period – in particular during the 1970s – has become more pronounced since 1980. Within the framework of these developments, the reasons and factors, which have changed Kurdish women, shaped their role and built a new identity for them, as well as the contribution of those women to the reformation, revival and development of their nation, will be investigated in this research. This article will assess women’s contribution to the Kurdish political movement while exploring the way women have changed and the new dimensions of relationships between individuals in the Kurdish community, by bringing clarification to the social development, change and the current status of Kurdish women.
I conducted case studies on the level of political priority given to maternal mortality reduction in 5 countries: Guatemala, Honduras, India, Indonesia, and Nigeria. Among the factors that shaped political priority were international agency efforts to establish a global norm about the unacceptability of maternal death; those agencies' provision of financial and technical resources; the degree of cohesion among national safe motherhood policy communities; the presence of national political champions to promote the cause; the deployment of credible evidence to show policymakers a problem existed; the generation of clear policy alternatives to demonstrate the problem was surmountable; and the organization of attention-generating events to create national visibility for the issue. The experiences of these 5 countries offer guidance on how political priority can be generated for other health causes in developing countries. PMID:17395848
Frederico de, Almeida.
Full Text Available The aim of this paper is to present the results of research on the structures of social, political and academic capital that are able to demonstrate and explain the existence of power structures of the Brazilian juridical field, especially with regard to the administration of the State judicial syst [...] em. With this objective in mind, the research analyzed the personal, professional and academic trajectories of members of the institutional, associative and academic elites linked to the administration of the State judicial system. Questioning the thesis that the social diversification of legal professions would necessarily produce ideological and political changes in the Brazilian judicial system, my main hypothesis is that the existence of a political subfield of the administration of the judicial system may be a factor in the resistance to reforms, indicating the control of this political dimension of the Brazilian State by elites with characteristics much less diverse than those of their professional bases.
As humanity marches closer to entering a new millennium, it is crucial that we nuclear professionals take renewed stock in the importance of our role in public interactions. The lack of public support has been very influential in bringing the once robust nuclear power construction program in America, Europe and Russia to a grinding halt. In trying to understand the key forces that shape public opinion on technologies such as ours, it becomes clear that the major force is the media enterprise. If we compare the basic driving forces behind successful media with the basic drivers behind successful science, we quickly come to the realization that the media are fundamentally in the entertainment business. Capturing instant attention and holding it are the principal ingredients of success for newspapers, radio, and television. Recognizing that these success drivers are diametrically opposite of those governing good science, we can readily understand why the antinuclear movement has been so successful in orchestrating their message in a package ideally suited to a receptive media enterprise. However, before blaming all our woes on the media, we need to assess at least four technical areas where additional professional work could be of substantial value. These include determining the real health effects of low-level radiation, further developing intrinsic robustness to enhance reactor safety, refining and articulating the environmental ethic associated with the recycling of nuclear waste, and exposing the myth that burying plutonium solves our nuclear non-proliferation problems. We suggest six key ingredients as necessary steps that merit strong consideration in regaining public support for nuclear power. These include 1) seriously addressing the four technical issues summarized above; 2) expressing our key issues and results in language understandable at the high school (or lower) level; 3) continually striving for an open and honest management of the Industry; 4) articulating the BENEFITS of nuclear science and technology as a whole; 5) adopting Decision Analysis techniques wherever possible; and 6) recognizing and taking advantage of appropriate 'band-wagons' of public interest issues. (author)
José Manuel, Robles; Stefano de, Marco; Mirko, Antino.
Full Text Available Este artigo faz parte de um conjunto de trabalhos que visam conhecer os fatores que determinam a participação digital em Espanha. Neste estudo, interessamo-nos pela forma através da qual o consumo de informação política afeta um tipo concreto de prática política digital: a participação em blogs polí [...] ticos e sociais. Partindo de um inquérito do CIS (ref. 2736), reunimos um conjunto amplo e heterogéneo de formas de aceder à informação política. Aplicámos uma análise fatorial para ordenar este conjunto de variáveis e realizámos uma análise de regressão, tomando os fatores resultantes da análise anterior como variáveis independentes e, como dependente, a participação em blogs políticos e sociais. Com isto pretendíamos averiguar que tipo de informação nos permite predizer melhor este tipo de comportamento político digital. Abstract in english This study is one of many that seek to understand the factors that determine digital participation in Spain. We examine the ways that consumption of political information affects a specific digital political practice - participation in political and social blogs. Beginning with a CIS questionnaire ( [...] ref. 2736), we gather a large and heterogeneous sample of means for obtaining political information. We apply a factorial analysis to order the sample and run regressions, using the factors emerging from the earlier analysis as independent and dependent variables. With this we reveal the type of information that allows us to better predict digital political behavior.
Full Text Available El presente artículo se concentra en el estudio de la corrupción como uno de los elementos que influye y facilita la socialización de las élites políticas mexicanas en el marco de relaciones políticas fundadas en compadrazgo, amiguismo, padrinazgo, familiarismo y clientelismo. Asimismo, se analiza e [...] l fenómeno de la corrupción como un factor que interviene en el proceso de reclutamiento político, movilidad de las élites y proporciona un referente en el ejercicio del poder político en México. Abstract in english This article focuses on the study of corruption as one of the factors influencing and facilitating the socialization of Mexican political elites in the context of political relations based on close friendship, family relations, caciquism or bossism, and patronage. It also analyzes the phenomenon of [...] corruption as a factor in the process of political recruitment, mobility of elites and provides a scheme in the exercise of political power in Mexico.
Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C.
Political marketing is a subdiscipline of both marketing and political science but possesses unique characteristics that sets it apart from its parent disciplines; paradigmatically grounded in marketing theory, political marketing research contributes to (or impinges on) the traditional research field of political science. However, it is our opinion that the theoretical and conceptual foundations of political marketing have yet to be explored and mapped in sufficient depth. Motivated by this deficiency and building on the work in Ormrod, Henneberg and O’Shaughnessy (2013), this paper aims to highlight three issues that we argue need further development. These issues concern the scope of political marketing as an academic discipline, the paradigmatic foundations of political marketing and the link between political marketing and democracy. The origins of political marketing are arguably grounded in the rhetoric that characterised political discourse in ancient Greece and Rome; however, the modern use of political marketing began with the widespread adoption of the mass media as a vehicle for political communication to voters, first using election posters and radio, and then, in the 1950’s, television. This can be described as a narrow interpretation of the scope of political marketing – voter-focused activities using tools and concepts transferred from commercial marketing practice. An alternative to this is a wide intepretation of political marketing, an approach that emphasises building and managing relationships with a wide range of stakeholders using tools and concepts that exhibit a context-specific development to suit the assumed unique political context. The key difference between these approaches is whether political marketing manifests itself as a dedicated organisational function or as a wider organisational philosophy. The narrow and wide interpretations of political marketing are grounded in alternative paradigms, the managerial/instrumental and relationship paradigms, respectively. Many authors use the managerial/instrumental paradigm as the implicit foundation for their research, whilst more recent work has argued that the relationship marketing paradigm shows the most promise as a framework for understanding political behaviour. This divergence reflects discussions that have occurred in the marketing literature about the most appropriate research lens in the commercial context; unfortunately, these discussions have yet to occur in sufficient depth in the political marketing literature. Finally, paradigmatic considerations also have an impact on how political marketing relates to alternative forms of democracy. Setting aside normative considerations regarding the appropriateness of applying a marketing mindset to the art of the possible, the managerial/instrumental approach, despite its widespread use in empirical research, arguably sits uneasily with democratic ideals as it emphasises poll-driven policies and polished candidates. On the other hand, the relationship approach demonstrates an affinity with deliberative democracy; this is especially visible in current experiments in online citizen participation that have the aim of increasing transparency in the parliamentary interaction of the political marketing exchange.
Full Text Available In the last decades, women and gender issues have been climbing up the political and media agendas in Albania, like in many other countries. Regardless of reasons behind this trend, considerable changes in the Albanian legal framework regarding gender equality and women’s participation in politics and decision-making has currently drawn the attention towards this specific area of gender equality. Media and civil society have been important shaping factors in this context, especially in terms of recent legal provisions like the introduction of gender quotas in politics and decision-making. This paper maps their role by utilizing qualitative research methods to explore the opinion of specialist and successful women who have managed to become part of the political or decision-making life, or even those who have contributed through their activities in promoting women in this sphere. This paper finds that the issue of women’s representation and participation in politics and decision-making in Albania is no longer new. Media and civil society have played very important roles in encouraging and taking the debate forward. However, acknowledging the advancement in this respect, this paper also identifies that knowledge and awareness on this issue together with expectations about the future remains still superficial, sometimes even among experts. Although, the underrepresentation of women in this sphere is attributed to the difficulty in combining family with other responsibilities (including those related to politics and decision-making, the aggressiveness of the political arena in Albania, and the lack of support and strong ties that women experience within political structures and out of them, in the opinion of experts and women activists, the introduction of quotas along with the implementation of other measures to ensure a critical mass of women representation in politics and decision-making will help drastically in improving the situation of gender equality in this area.
This paper attempts to clarify the articulation between economic and political factors in the formation of petroleum prices. The essential point is that when factors control significant low cost reserves and will not or cannot adopt behaviour of a 'substantial economic rationality' then the economic analysis does not allow a unique dynamic equilibrium price to be determined. However, it does permit definition of an equilibrium price range within which political preferences may be expressed. Finally, the paper draws some conclusions on what could be discussed within the scope of a new oil producer-consumer dialogue. (author)
On the one hand, ‘nature’ in relation to ecological issues has become increasingly present in the political agendas of rich and poor nations is obvious to anyone who cares to read the newspapers. But nature has also entered the political realm in another and more troublesome sense.
Carnegie, Paul J.
In the late 1990s Indonesia, the world’s most populous Muslim nation, transitioned to democracy amidst concerns over Islamist ascendancy. Yet, a decade later and Indonesia accommodates a diversity of Islamic political expression. The following article considers the clues to this accommodation. It examines the relationship between political Islam and democratisation and its possible future trajectory in Indonesia.
Describes the organizational structure of the broadcasting industry in West Germany which is unique because of the federal, public, and political elements involved. Special problems that arise from this framework are discussed, including financing, programing, creative vs technical advances, concepts of production values, and political balance.…
This essay provides a brief account of selected performances of Australian refugee policy in the domains of politics and theatre. In the domain of politics, it considers rhetorical performances by government ministers and military personnel in relation to the so-called "children overboard" scandal of 2001, and the scandal's parliamentary…
Full Text Available This article examines some important trends in American political discourse. In tracing the problems present in contemporary debates back to their rhetorical roots, it argues that our political discourse is harried not only by party schisms, but also by inefficient modes of speech and debate.
Political theory of European union, through an engagement between political concepts and theoretical understandings, provides a means of identifying the EU as a political object. It is argued that understanding the projects, processes and products of European union, based on sharing' or communion', provides a better means of perceiving the EU as a political object rather than terms such as integration' or co-operation'. The concept of European communion' is defined as the subjective sharing of relationships', understood as the extent to which individuals or groups believe themselves to be sharing relations (or not), and the consequences of these beliefs for European political projects, processes and products. By exploring European communion through an engagement with contemporary political theory, using very brief illustrations from the Treaty of Lisbon, the article also suggests that European communion embraces three different readings of the EU as a political object the EU as a constellation of communities;as a cosmopolitan space; and as an example of cosmopolitical co-existence. In other words, the political object of European union may be identified as sharing European communion'.
Against a perspective of shame that would see it as something paralyzing, negative and destructive, I draw out a different account of the politics of shame in intercultural education. I explore the openings that are created for a productive politics of shame in the context of discussions surrounding intercultural education via tracing how…
This chapter of "Principles of School Business Management" analyzes the types of budget preparation that are used in school districts across the United States. The chapter proposes as a basic premise that the budgetary process is inherently political, and states that some budgeting methods may provide more useful political information than others.…
Examines important trade issues and explains why the debate on trade policy will continue as a major political topic. Discusses the efficacy of recent trade agreements and the use of trade sanctions to encourage political change in other countries. Reviews several models of trade theory. (MJP)
Full Text Available The recent battle reported from Washington about proposed national testing program does not tell the most important political story about high stakes tests. Politically popular school accountability systems in many states already revolve around statistical results of testing with high-stakes environments. The future of high stakes tests thus does not depend on what happens on Capitol Hill. Rather, the existence of tests depends largely on the political culture of published test results. Most critics of high-stakes testing do not talk about that culture, however. They typically focus on the practice legacy of testing, the ways in which testing creates perverse incentives against good teaching. More important may be the political legacy, or how testing defines legitimate discussion about school politics. The consequence of statistical accountability systems will be the narrowing of purpose for schools, impatience with reform, and the continuing erosion of political support for publicly funded schools. Dissent from the high-stakes accountability regime that has developed around standardized testing, including proposals for professionalism and performance assessment, commonly fails to consider these political legacies. Alternatives to standardized testing which do not also connect schooling with the public at large will not be politically viable.
...elections are not partisan in the usual meaning of the word. With respect to tribal elections...anything of value to an individual or group engaged in tribal political activity...tribal political activity which produces a conflict of interest between the employee's...
Discusses recent trends in the development of American political theory and reviews four themes found in current anthologies and monographs which can be used to supplement college political theory courses. The themes include the founding of America, the Lincoln literature, religion, and the neoconservative phenomenon. (AM)
Meloni, Giulia; Swinnen, Johan
The EU wine market is heavily regulated. Despite the many distortions in the wine market as a consequence, refirming the regulations has proven difficult. This paper analyses the political economy mechanism that created the existing set of wine regulations. We document the historical origins of the regulations and relate these to political pressures that resulted from international integration, technological innovations and economic developments.
Daniella Guedes Rocha
Full Text Available The global context created by the First World War meant that Brazil was forced to accelerate its process of industrialization causing the numerical growth of the working class and the expansion of trade union activities in the country. Because of this, the Brazilian government increased its interest in controlling the different factors of industrial production process aimed at intensifying the process of capitalist accumulation in the country. At the same time, began the implementation of a series of welfare measures in the country as part of the conformation of the Brazilian system of social policies. If, initially, the system was linked primarily to the institutional apparatus of the state, in the mid-twentieth century, and more recently, we can see the growth of the bond between these social policies and the entities deprivation of neoliberal orientation. Thus, this article aims to observe the historical context and the relationship between the emergence and development of various forms of political participation in the construction of social policies in Brazil.
Full Text Available Based on the politeness theories proposed by Brown and Levinson, by Leech, and by Gu, this article tries to explore how environment affects waiters/waitresses and their language and behavior. A qualitative approach is taken in the research to analyze the data collected by the author. After a careful comparison of the language and behavior of waiters/waitresses, a conclusion can be drawn that environment plays a crucial role in the using of different strategies in the restaurants of different grades—middle-grade restaurants tend to use negative politeness strategies, whereas low- grade ones positive politeness strategies. Furthermore, the author wants to emphasize the importance of using different politeness strategies to explain the politeness phenomena in different environments.
Full Text Available The role of women in modern politics is a subject that needs further insight, considering the growthin number of women that nowadays have relevant political positions on the international stage.There are studies today that emphasize the equality issue and all that is gender role related, but ourinterest is to analyze the women representation in power related positions. Due to the fastmodernization of the political environment and the rapid spreading of the feminist way of thought,several authors took interest in the gender differences in politics. The article follows some keydimensions in understanding the gender-role in politics: the glass ceiling, the role of the media indrawing the image of the woman politician, the gender affinity effect. In the end we would like topoint out the differences for men and women in exploiting the opportunities and securing the positions of power.
Full Text Available This research aims at analyzing politeness principles, politeness norms and cross-cultural perspectives on politeness in tourism-service language used by tourism industry practitioners in Central Java. The research findings indicate that tourism industry practitioners in Central Java use various politeness principles and norms in serving English speaking tourists, Indonesian speaking tourists and Javanese speaking tourists. The findings also indicate that there are similar and different perspectives on politeness among English speaking tourists whose backgrounds are Western cultures, Indonesian speaking tourists whose backgrounds are Indonesian cultures and Javanese speaking tourists whose backgrounds are Javanese cultures towards the tourism-service language used by tourism industry practitioners in Central Java.
Full Text Available With the 1996-7 IGC and signing of the Amsterdam Treaty, immigration has moved towards the top of the EU policy agenda. This paper offers an overview of developments on immigration, asylum and citizenship. It goes on to develop a sociological approach to Europeanisation, which identifies the principle actors and organisations which constitute the emerging political field of immigration at the EU level. In particular, it discusses in detail the growing presence of NGOs in Brussels, and their strategies for influencing EU policy making. It also relates the success of these transnational organisations to other forms of transnational cooperation between networks of European police and security experts, and between region and city networks. To understand in sociological terms the specific forms of empowerment enabled to certain groups by European integration, it is necessary to show how successful actors in the European circles have created new forms of social and cultural capital beyond the nation state.
Full Text Available With the 1996-7 IGC and signing of the Amsterdam Treaty, immigration has moved towards the top of the EU policy agenda. This paper offers an overview of developments on immigration, asylum and citizenship. It goes on to develop a sociological approach to Europeanisation, which identifies the principle actors and organisations which constitute the emerging ?political field? of immigration at the EU level. In particular, it discusses in detail the growing presence of NGOs in Brussels, and their strategies for influencing EU policy making. It also relates the success of these ?transnational? organisations to other forms of transnational cooperation between networks of European police and security experts, and between region and city networks. To understand in sociological terms the specific forms of empowerment enabled to certain groups by European integration, it is necessary to show how successful actors in the European circles have created new forms of social and cultural ?capital? beyond the nation state.
Camelia Florela Voinea
Full Text Available Our class of models aims at explaining the dynamics of political attitude change by means of the dynamic changes in values, beliefs, norms and knowledge with which it is associated. The model constructs a political culture perspective over the relationship between macro and micro levels of a society and polity. The model defines the bonding mechanism as a basic mechanism of the political culture change by taking inspiration from the valence bonding theory in Chemistry, which has inspired the elaboration of the mechanisms and processes underlying the political culture emergence and the political culture control over the relationship between macro-level political entities and the micro-level individual agents. The model introduces operational definitions of the individual agent in political culture terms. The simulation model is used for the study of emergent political culture change phenomena based on individual interactions (emergent or upward causation as well as the ways in which the macro entities and emergent phenomena influence in turn the behaviors of individual agents (downward causation. The model is used in the ongoing research concerning the quality of democracy and political participation of the citizens in the Eastern European societies after the Fall of Berlin Wall. It is particularly aimed at explaining the long-term effect of the communist legacy and of the communist polity concept and organization onto the political mentalities and behaviors of the citizens with respect to democratic institutions and political power. The model has major implications in political socialization, political involvement, political behavior, corruption and polity modeling.
Political parties are indispensable for the functioning of liberal democracies. However, the political parties of many transitional and developing countries are not functioning well. This fact has led to increasing donor support to political parties. However, due to the political sensitivity of the issue, donors are not supporting political parties directly. There are two indirect methods for party support. One is support for broadening democracy, assuming that this will also strengthen polit...
Suhana Saad1,; Ali Salman
This research focuses on political culture with a special reference to political participation of the Malays and the non-Malays in district of Hulu Langat, Malaysia. Political landscape in Malaysia is normally being observed in term of ethnicity. This is why political observers in Malaysia claim that the goal of development and individual’s behavior towards politics are habitually govern by ethnicity. Therefore, this paper aims to scrutinize the significance of value and attitude in politic...
Hossein Asayesh; Adlina Ab. Halim; Jawan, Jayum A.; Seyedeh Nosrat Shojaei
The political party is a means of connecting the political process with society and it helps to improve the political system. This paper looks at the history of political parties in Iran after the Islamic Revolution, and also considers the two main official political party groups: the Right Party and the Left Party. The article describes how each party shapes its views and develops its programs, and finally examines their similarities and differences in the field of economics, politics and cu...
Nuclear power and the management of high-level radioactive waste is examined with the goal of explaining the forces driving the formulation of the 1982 Nuclear Waste Policy Act and a subsequent decision to site a nuclear waste repository at Yucca Mountain, Nevada. The study draws upon geographic, political, economic, and organizational factors to examine the commitment to dispose of spent fuel in a geologic repository located in Nevada or in Utah, Texas, Mississippi, Louisiana, or at Hanford Washington. Special attention is given to the impact of location, science and technology on the definition of the nuclear waste problem and political agendas, public participation, and the power of the nuclear establishment. The study finds that the choice of a Yucca Mountain Nevada as the preferred site for a repository was based more on technological precedent and political-economic expediency than on the demonstrated superiority of that site's geology. Conflict over a repository location is interpreted as a symptom of more fundamental conflicts concerning: the credibility of nuclear science, the legitimacy of federal authority and administration, and the priorities of environmental protection and a nuclear economy
Full Text Available This article will address the Muslim politics in Malaysia in the light of the broader shifts towards democratization and Islamization by focusing on politics among the majority ethnic Malay community, followed an overview of the ideological rivalry between UMNO and PAS, with special reference to the electoral performances of these parties in the past three general elections (November 1999, March 2004 and March 2008 . It then explores the underlying reason for the perceived importance of Islam in understanding the voting trend among the Malay-Muslim electorate which raised the question to what extent was the discourse on Islam instrumental in persuading the Malays to switch their support from PAS to the UMNO during the 2004 elections, and in the process of continued participation as an ‘Islamic Party’ in Malaysian mainstream politics what factors were that encouraged the PAS leaders to compromises and to play by the ‘rule of democracy’. In the concluding part of the article the writer also provide with an overview on reform agenda of Civilizational Islam (Islam Hadhari under premiership of Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and the current Malaysia’s Transformation Programme (GTP under the leadership of Dato’ Sri Mohd Najib Tun Abdul Razak.
Dare E. Arowolo
Full Text Available The practice of democracy in Nigeria over a decade ago has not yielded much needed good governance. This is because democracy is practiced in such a way that responsible and competent people are scared away. Scholars and keen observers have attempted at unraveling the factors militating against translating democracy into good governance. The paper revealed that democratisation in Nigeria is pervaded by electoral violence, manipulation of election results and political participation constraints. These identified challenges have made it impossible to attain consolidated democracy that can, in turn, facilitate good governance. Democracy is a catalyst for accountability, transparency and responsive government which brings about good governance. The paper insisted that governance collapse in Nigeria is reflexive of the perfunctory role of the political actors and it adopted elite theory to reinforce this argument. The paper adopted content analysis as a means of data gathering. It dwelt extensively on the synergy between democracy, political participation and good governance but queried the artificial gulf between them in Nigeria. It concluded by putting forth viable and pragmatic way forward.
Full Text Available This paper presents findings from an empirical study of the 2008 Kenyan crisis, aimed at exploring the role and effectiveness of the international development and diplomatic communities’ response. This response involved working to ameliorate the fragile political environment that followed the disputed 2007 elections. Thus, this case study was selected as an archetype to demonstrate how international actors can work cooperatively on political settlements. The key objective of this research is to analyse and share lessons about how those international actors present in Kenya engaged with the evolving political settlement to address the conflict. This study draws upon evolving political economy and political settlement debates in its analysis and uses the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s (OECD Fragile States Principles as a framework. Adopting such an analytical lens encourages examination of the multiple, context-specific underlying dynamics that influenced the role of international actors during this period of political transition. It also enables a study of the operational factors facing external actors when they attempt to work more politically, and recognition of how carefully these actors need to use the limited role they have in shaping the internal institutional arrangements and dynamics of the countries within which they work. The study’s main findings indicate that in the 2008 post-election period the international development and diplomatic communities collectively commanded substantive influence over the nature and trajectory of Kenya’s evolving political settlement. It argues that these actors enhanced their influence over many important political issues principally as a result of applying good practice in fragile situations: understanding the context, adopting a unified and legitimate stance, coordinating and collaborating closely and acting fast to prevent conflict. They also laid the foundations for statebuilding in order to address the causes of the conflict. Prior to the crisis, a cohesive political voice was missing and many international actors lacked a thorough understanding of Kenya’s underlying political dynamics. This study concludes that the international development and diplomatic communities—by coming together and following good practice—significantly increased their influence over the political settlement following the 2008 crisis in Kenya.
Full Text Available The aim of the article. The aim of the article is consideration of political systems using marketing concept, which has recently received significant development in society live. The general laws of economic and social systems development are confirmed.The results of the analysis. It is known that systemic approaches to the solution of certain scientific problems make it possible to transfer properties of studied patterns on other systems. In the beginning of twenty-first century economy and politics intertwin with each other. So it is naturally to consider political events of recent years using marketing methodology, principles of market segmentation, research methods, properties of certain elements of the marketing mix: product life cycle graph, financial policy, instruments of marketing communications and more. Nowadays marketing approach moves from the market of goods and services to nonprofit sector. It happens because a lot of processes in this sphere are based on the use of market approaches and mechanisms. President, parliamentary and local government elections are the most felicitous objects to verify the effectiveness of marketing concept inpolitics.Political marketing is defined as a system of means and measures to create an image of party or its leaders. This image has to meet the expectations of their potential electorate and stress the differences between our party and competitors. The purpose of political marketing is to coordinate steps and program of the party or its leader with electoral expectations, to attract voter and to form assessment criterions. Such criterions can be: win or significant percentage of election results, the current rating of the party and so on.The subject of research in political marketing is election campaigns, mass political and educational events, propaganda work, lobbying process, preparation and implementation of various projects, work with political parties and public organizations. An applied sphere of political marketing is power relationships. It is a space in which parties, social movements, public organizations, state institutions and public interests exist and interact.Conclusions and directions of further researches. It is shown that political market is a place where the political product, problems, programs, analyzes, comments, concepts, events appear as a result of competition between involved agents. Ordinary citizens (consumers choose among them. Thus, marketing categories can be used to explaine, understand and research political systems. Also they confirm the common patterns of development of political and socio-economic systems.
This paper offers the concept recuperative gender strategies to describe how political leaders work to restore their public gender identities. The author examines a charity-boxing match between two Canadian politicians, Justin Trudeau and Patrick Brazeau. Trudeau is the current leader of the Liberal Party of Canada and son of former Prime Minister, Pierre Trudeau. Brazeau was a Conservative Senator. Through a discourse analysis of 222 national newspaper articles published on the match, this paper chronicles Justin Trudeau's transition from "precariously masculine" to "sufficiently masculine" and discusses the significance of this transformation for Trudeau's suitability for Liberal Party leadership. Cet article propose le concept de stratégies de récupération des sexes pour décrire et expliquer comment des dirigeants politiques travaillent à rétablir leurs identités sexuelles publiques. J'analyse la couverture médiatique du combat de boxe caritatif datant de mars 2012 et opposant deux politiciens canadiens : Justin Trudeau, le chef du Parti libéral du Canada, et Patrick Brazeau, un sénateur conservateur. En m'appuyant sur une analyse de discours de 222 articles de journaux nationaux publiés au sujet de ce combat, je détaille la transition de Justin Trudeau d'une forme de masculinité « précaire » à une « masculinité suffisante », et je discute de l'importance de cette transformation pour l'aptitude perçue de Trudeau comme chef du Parti libéral. PMID:25914272
Manoel, Mendonça Filho.
Full Text Available O artigo trata as questões do "Estado" e da "Política" partindo do exemplo concreto do processo de institucionalização, no Brasil, de práticas profissionais em psicologia reconhecidas como Análise Institucional (vertente grupalista francesa consideravelmente difundida nos últimos 20 anos). Trabalho [...] para expor uma face menos visível da judicialização que funciona ao nível das concepções, crenças e valores entre os operadores dos equipamentos onde se materializam as políticas públicas engendradas pelo excesso legalista. Dentre as modalidades desse apego à lei, toma-se em análise aquela mais próxima de nossas práticas de funcionalismo público marcando o índice de grau máximo de sua institucionalização: a aceitação consensual da competência como critério de legitimidade na operação dos "instrumentos da violência institucional". Abstract in english This article regards the issues of 'State' and 'Politics' starting from the concrete example of the institutionalization process, in Brazil, of professional practices in psychology recognized as Institutional Analysis (french branch of group psychology considerably spread in the last 20 years). I tr [...] y to expose a less visible face of the judicialization that works at the level of beliefs and values among the operators of the equipments where the public policies are materialized engendered by the legalist excess. Among the modalities of this attachment to law, it is taken into analysis that one closer to our public practices labeling the utmost grade index of its institutionalization: the consensual acceptance of the capacity as a legitimacy criterion in the 'instruments of institutional violence' operation.
Manoel Mendonça Filho
Full Text Available O artigo trata as questões do "Estado" e da "Política" partindo do exemplo concreto do processo de institucionalização, no Brasil, de práticas profissionais em psicologia reconhecidas como Análise Institucional (vertente grupalista francesa consideravelmente difundida nos últimos 20 anos. Trabalho para expor uma face menos visível da judicialização que funciona ao nível das concepções, crenças e valores entre os operadores dos equipamentos onde se materializam as políticas públicas engendradas pelo excesso legalista. Dentre as modalidades desse apego à lei, toma-se em análise aquela mais próxima de nossas práticas de funcionalismo público marcando o índice de grau máximo de sua institucionalização: a aceitação consensual da competência como critério de legitimidade na operação dos "instrumentos da violência institucional".This article regards the issues of 'State' and 'Politics' starting from the concrete example of the institutionalization process, in Brazil, of professional practices in psychology recognized as Institutional Analysis (french branch of group psychology considerably spread in the last 20 years. I try to expose a less visible face of the judicialization that works at the level of beliefs and values among the operators of the equipments where the public policies are materialized engendered by the legalist excess. Among the modalities of this attachment to law, it is taken into analysis that one closer to our public practices labeling the utmost grade index of its institutionalization: the consensual acceptance of the capacity as a legitimacy criterion in the 'instruments of institutional violence' operation.
Full Text Available Political architecture differences have only seldom been explained in the political science literature by reference to physical factors like size and geography. Correcting this neglect while focusing on microstates and especially on archipelago geographies, this article aims at uncovering the impact of geographical non-contiguity on political institution-building. Three separate devices for power devolution - federalism, bicameralism and assembly quotas - perform as dependent variables, and the guiding hypothesis is, for each device, that the device is implemented among archipelagos to a higher extent than among contiguous entities. Although there are marked differences between devices, the findings in general support the belief that territorial non-contiguity is more likely to foster power devolution. The findings also survive controls that investigate the impact of contesting factors.
Long-term take-or-pay contracts regulating gas exports to the Continent are described and analyzed. We thereafter examine whether the German gas market is integrated. Time series of Norwegian, Dutch and Russian gas export prices to Germany in 1990-1998 are examined. Cointegration tests show that that the different border prices for gas to Germany move proportionally over time, indicating an integrated gas market. We find differences in mean prices, with Russian gas being sold at prices systematically lower than Dutch and Norwegian gas. Among the explanatory factors for price discrepancies are differences in volume flexibility (swing) and perceived political risk
Pedersen, SØren Hviid
The structure of this paper consists in three parts. The first part aims to formulate the most basic conservative themes and ideas. The basic tenets conservatism is an understanding of human nature as morally and intellectually imperfect. This dual imperfection supports conservatisms veneration for traditionalism, organicism and political skepticism, which again concludes in an understanding of politics as an imperfect activity. The second part tries to delineate how conservatism narrates the relation between human nature and the purpose and function of political authority. This part will formulate three basic theses of conservatism regarding the relation between human nature and political authority. The third and last part unfolds Schmitt’s political theory in relation to his conception of human nature and how this relates to his understanding of political authority. It is especially Schmitt’s thoughts and comments on Thomas Hobbes which are the main focus of this part. Schmitt’s interpretation, inspiration and criticism of Hobbes reveal the more deep political commitments of Schmitt.
Ormrod, Robert P.; Savigny, Heather
This article is motivated by the growing need to integrate the current political science and marketing literature in order to provide a deeper understanding of the behaviour of political actors and their relationships with relevant stakeholder groups. In our article, we demonstrate how Ormrod’s conceptual model of political market orientation complements political science models of party organization by drawing attention to the competing interests of stakeholders in shaping party strategy and organizational structure. We treat parties as a multitude of actors rather than as monolithic entities and thus address the dearth of literature on the micro foundations of parties. Whilst the underlying conceptualization of a political market orientation draws on the management-based ‘relationship marketing’ approach, we acknowledge that the commercial and political contexts are not isomorphic, and thus we strive for contextual sensitivity. By adopting this approach it is hoped that the fears noted by political scientists that political marketing is solely concerned with applying standard management models to political parties with the resulting emphasis on communication tactics at election time, together with a more general ‘commodification’ of politics, can be assuaged.
Niels Nørgaard Kristensen
Full Text Available The theme of this paper is political identity and participation amongMuslim migrant young people in Denmark. Political identity is analysedby examining students’ political interests and perception of themselves as participants in politics, as well as their rationalities for politics. In order to address the research question ‘What characterizes political identities among Muslim immigrant young people in schools?’ we interviewed eight Muslim students from a Danish upper secondary school and from different national origins. The students’ political orientations seemed quite contradictory, even among those who might readily have been identified as a-political. Despite moderate political interest, all students showed some inclinations to participate in elections or in particular issues. However, they emphasized that their social studies classes primarily provided them with factual knowledge experience, and some students found this knowledge useful. None of the students seemed to experience school as an arena for participation. Consequently, there is first a need to emphasize the significance of a dynamic perspective on the phenomenon of political identity, and second, we need to know how students in school should be regarded as citizens in ‘the making’ or as equal citizens in a participatory arena.
Attempts to reform the electricity sector in developing countries have achieved mixed results, despite the implementation of similar reforms in many developed countries, and concerted effort by donors to transfer reform models. In many cases, political obstacles have prevented full and effective implementation of donor-promoted reforms. This paper examines the political economy of power sector reform in Fiji from 1996 to 2013. Reform has been pursued with political motives in a context of clientelism. Policy inconsistency and reversal is explained by the political instability of ethnic-based politics in Fiji. Modest success has been achieved in recent years despite these challenges, with Fiji now considered a model of power sector reform for other Small Islands Developing States (SIDS) in the Pacific. The experience demonstrates that reform is possible within difficult political environments, but it is challenging, takes time and is not guaranteed. The way in which political motives have driven and shaped reform efforts also highlights the need for studies of power sector reform to direct greater attention toward political drivers behind reform. - Highlights: • This is the first study of power sector reform in Fiji or other Small Island Developing States (SIDS) of the Pacific. • The clientelist nature of politics in Fiji is found to have both driven and shaped reform efforts. • There has been modest success in recent years despite these obstacles, with Fiji now considered a model for other SIDS. • The experience demonstrates that reform is possible within difficult political environments, but it is challenging, takes time and is not guaranteed
Kofo A. Adrogba
Full Text Available Nigeria has come a long way in politics and political electioneering processes. It has always been characterized by imbroglios. The objectives of this work are to examine the political systems, the electoral organs and processes; and highlight, for records, the political imbroglios as it characterized the 2011 April Polls. Literature on politics in developed and developing countries were read. News paper cuttings were read and used. Data and information were collected from INEC Headquarters, Abuja. The Chairman of INEC was of great assistance in these regards. Political chieftains were interviewed and they made suggestions towards sustainable democracy in Nigeria and in the Third World. Electorates and politicians, drawn from registered political parties and from across the country were interviewed. The researcher was part of the last four electoral processes and polls. The political system, electoral organs, organizations, logistics and processes; and the results of the last exercise form substantial parts of three sections of the work. Nigeria is operating a distorted version of American System of Government. There are high profile political violence and intimidations. The impasses, tactics, and imbroglios show that it is politics of bitterness. There was no peace in the country throughout the period of the elections. There were violence that led to character assassination, abductions, kidnappings, maiming, killing, large number of arrests, riotous scenes in the cities and towns; and destruction of lives and properties. The culture of impunity in politics must be expunged to save the nation from doom; and politics must be detribalized. Politically, a new nation must emerge.
Josè G. Jose
Full Text Available Problem statement: This research proposal aims to analyze the economic, social and political foreseeable scenarios of Mexico by the year 2030. Approach: Starting from the analyzes of the recent economic, social and political developments, to searching the trends in specific economic issues such as international commerce, energy, employment, environmental constraints; social trends such as demographic transition, fertility, population growth, aging, migration, education, health, housing, human development and political trends such as democratization processes, social upheaval, human rights. Results: Finally, concluded described and discussed the scenarios at three levels: pessimistic, realistic and optimistic. The key findings will be analyzed in more details. The methodology used are time series analysis for historical data, correlation analysis for data series of the different variables, the Delphi technique, panel of experts, interviews to some clue economic, social and political actors. For the analysis, the prospective techniques are also used. Conclusion: At the end of the study the most important factors in shaping the economic, social and political landscape of Mexico in 2030 and beyond are identified. It is also examined how the Mexican society will cope with the broad range of challenges furthermore it is assessed what conditions may be key to transforming economic, social and political trends into security and social welfare issues.
Otto F. von Feigenblatt
Full Text Available Jan Nederveen Pieterse’s model of ethnic relations is applied tothe socio-political unrest of Thailand in the early 21st century. This paper argues that Pieterse’s model of global multiculture and multiethnicity complements Marxist and neo-Marxist explanations of the political unrest in a dialectical relationship. Thus, structural factors such as the economy and the political system are dialectically influenced by cultural and ethnic politics. The use by the royalist elite of state power to install and then defend a national culture (based on a civic religion is explored in avariety of activities and spheres such as education, the media, usage of public space, economic public policy, religion, and foreign policy. Increasing efforts to defend the Thai ethnocracy are revealed to reflect its weakening vis a vis competing ethnicities and cultures seeking a place in the national culture and socio-political institutions. Finally the paper concludes that renewed calls for greater autonomy for minorities and for the renaming of the country to its old name, Siam, are signs that thecountry is moving to Pieterse’s third stage of ethnic relations called “ethnic competition” which explains the recent exponential increase in socio-political unrest throughout the entire country.
Denilson Bandeira, Coêlho.
Full Text Available What factors determine the diffusion of social policies? This article examines the launching of conditional cash transfer programs by Brazilian municipalities to explore this problem. The literature of political science asserts that such programs have been widely implemented because they correspond [...] to an alternative policy strategy adopted by governments facing opposition to implement universal public policies. So, political competition would be at the root of CCT launching. This article presents an alternative explanation. From 1995 to 2001, local governments created or emulated the Bolsa Escola Program (BEP) in all regions of the country. Sucha a path continued after the lauching of the national Bolsa Escola by the federal government. Why did some local governments decide to adopt the national BEP and others did not? To answer these questions, the research tests the influence of structural, internal and external variables on the dissemination of CCT programs. Two main hypotheses are tested. The first asserts that local political competition is positive for policy diffusion. The second hypothesis claims that party alignment between the municipal and federal levels increases the likelihood of municipalities adopting the federal BEP. The research uses Event History Analysis to test statistically the impact of political incentives on policy diffusion among São Paulo State's municipalities. Two types of policy diffusion are examined: horizontal and vertical. The findings confirm that political competition influences the horizontal diffusion among municipalities. Unexpectedly, vertical diffusion does not occur because of party alignment or political competition. Rather, levels of socioeconomic development drive policy emulation.
Eriksen, Siri; Lind, Jeremy
In this article, we argue that people's adjustments to multiple shocks and changes, such as conflict and drought, are intrinsically political processes that have uneven outcomes. Strengthening local adaptive capacity is a critical component of adapting to climate change. Based on fieldwork in two areas in Kenya, we investigate how people seek to access livelihood adjustment options and promote particular adaptation interests through forming social relations and political alliances to influence collective decision-making. First, we find that, in the face of drought and conflict, relations are formed among individuals, politicians, customary institutions, and government administration aimed at retaining or strengthening power bases in addition to securing material means of survival. Second, national economic and political structures and processes affect local adaptive capacity in fundamental ways, such as through the unequal allocation of resources across regions, development policy biased against pastoralism, and competition for elected political positions. Third, conflict is part and parcel of the adaptation process, not just an external factor inhibiting local adaptation strategies. Fourth, there are relative winners and losers of adaptation, but whether or not local adjustments to drought and conflict compound existing inequalities depends on power relations at multiple geographic scales that shape how conflicting interests are negotiated locally. Climate change adaptation policies are unlikely to be successful or minimize inequity unless the political dimensions of local adaptation are considered; however, existing power structures and conflicts of interests represent political obstacles to developing such policies. PMID:18726051
Eriksen, Siri; Lind, Jeremy
In this article, we argue that people’s adjustments to multiple shocks and changes, such as conflict and drought, are intrinsically political processes that have uneven outcomes. Strengthening local adaptive capacity is a critical component of adapting to climate change. Based on fieldwork in two areas in Kenya, we investigate how people seek to access livelihood adjustment options and promote particular adaptation interests through forming social relations and political alliances to influence collective decision-making. First, we find that, in the face of drought and conflict, relations are formed among individuals, politicians, customary institutions, and government administration aimed at retaining or strengthening power bases in addition to securing material means of survival. Second, national economic and political structures and processes affect local adaptive capacity in fundamental ways, such as through the unequal allocation of resources across regions, development policy biased against pastoralism, and competition for elected political positions. Third, conflict is part and parcel of the adaptation process, not just an external factor inhibiting local adaptation strategies. Fourth, there are relative winners and losers of adaptation, but whether or not local adjustments to drought and conflict compound existing inequalities depends on power relations at multiple geographic scales that shape how conflicting interests are negotiated locally. Climate change adaptation policies are unlikely to be successful or minimize inequity unless the political dimensions of local adaptation are considered; however, existing power structures and conflicts of interests represent political obstacles to developing such policies.
Moreno-Ternero, Juan; Roemer, John
We present a model of political competition, in a multi-dimensional policy space and with policy-oriented candidates, to analyze the problem of health care finance. In our model, health care is either financed publicly (by means of general taxation) or privately (by means of a copayment). The extent of these two components (as well as the overall tax schedule) is the outcome of the process of political competition. Our results highlight, from a political-economy perspective, the key role of t...
Full Text Available The core focus of "Political Psychology: Critical Perspectives" is an interrelated set of European-based theories and perspectives that emphasize both the social context of the individual and the capacity of citizens to engage in strategic discursive and rhetorical agency. Through an explanation of social representations, social identity, self-categorization and other theories, Tileag? raises questions about mainstream methodologies in political psychology and offers alternatives. The core achievements of the book consist of the integrated presentation of a range of critical European-based political psychology approaches as well as a subtle exploration of the interplay between the individual and the social.