This article deals with the evolution of the international petroleum sector since 1973 with a special view to interdependence between the economic and political factors that influence it. Two issues are focused upon: (1) the effects of the nationalization of oil companies on the sharing of oil rents and on changes in the structure of the oil market; and (2) the determination of oil prices. The latter involves a discussion of, on the one hand, the political and economic behaviour of the United States and Saudi Arabia and, on the other, the combination of cooperation and conflict that has tended to characterize relations among OPEC countries. (author). 30 refs
Histories of the printed press and occupational myths tend to emphasise that journalists in most European countries have long been concerned about interferences from political authorities in the editorial sphere. But over time, other sources of potential influence, including advertising, commercial pressures, competition and other economic pressures became matters of concern. As news evolved to become a big business, news desks have had to cope with different forms of political and economic i...
The ongoing discussion of U.S.-Japanese trade relations suggests that national differences such as in the institutional environment may be relevant for assessing international trade policies. However, economic trade theory often assumes countries to be organized around common notions of complete markets. This paper compares two alternative modes of trade policy analysis by juxtaposing the ?economic? view inherent in Gene Grossman?s work on ?Japan?s Innovation and Trade? with the ?political? v...
Lutz, Stefan H.
Political scientists have found that one of the strongest predictors of political participation is political efficacy, the belief that individuals' actions can influence political processes. Prior research indicates that political efficacy increases through various experiences, such as discussions of public issues, but it does not explain why or…
Levy, Brett L. M.
Full Text Available Este estudo analisa como fatores políticos e institucionais afetama eficiência do gasto municipal no provimento do bem estar para a população ao longo da década dos noventa. O modelo adota a abordagem da fronteira de produção estocástica, condicionada por variáveis relacionadas ao custo da provisão [...] dos serviços e os incentivos que afetam a eficiência municipal. O resultado indica que não podemos rejeitar: 1) economias de escala; 2) o efeito da margem de voto no município e do tipo de mandato (primeiro ou segundo) do governador eleito, indicando uma forma de clientelismo; e que 3) a política local e a existência de comitê setoriais não afetam o nível da eficiência do gasto, o que sugere assimetria de informação entre os políticos e os eleitores. Abstract in english This study analyses how political and institutional factors affected the performance of municipalities in improving social welfare in Brazil in the period from1990 to 2000. Themodel adopts a stochastic production frontier, conditioned by variables related to the provision costs of services and those [...] that can affect municipal efficiency. The results indicated that we can not reject:1) economies of scale; 2) the effect of vote margin in the municipality and the type (first or second) of mandate of elected governor, which indicates a form of patronage; and 3) that local politics and the existence of sectorial boards did not affect the level of efficiency for municipal spending, suggesting an asymmetry of information between politics and voters.
Ronaldo Seroa da, Motta; Ajax, Moreira.
We propose a computational framework for identifying linguistic aspects of politeness. Our starting point is a new corpus of requests annotated for politeness, which we use to evaluate aspects of politeness theory and to uncover new interactions between politeness markers and context. These findings guide our construction of a classifier with domain-independent lexical and syntactic features operationalizing key components of politeness theory, such as indirection, deference, impersonalization and modality. Our classifier achieves close to human performance and is effective across domains. We use our framework to study the relationship between politeness and social power, showing that polite Wikipedia editors are more likely to achieve high status through elections, but, once elevated, they become less polite. We see a similar negative correlation between politeness and power on Stack Exchange, where users at the top of the reputation scale are less polite than those at the bottom. Finally, we apply our class...
Danescu-Niculescu-Mizil, Cristian; Jurafsky, Dan; Leskovec, Jure; Potts, Christopher
We propose a computational framework for identifying linguistic aspects of politeness. Our starting point is a new corpus of requests annotated for politeness, which we use to evaluate aspects of politeness theory and to uncover new interactions between politeness markers and context. These findings guide our construction of a classifier with domain-independent lexical and syntactic features operationalizing key components of politeness theory, such as indirection, deference...
Danescu-niculescu-mizil, Cristian; Sudhof, Moritz; Jurafsky, Dan; Leskovec, Jure; Potts, Christopher
Full Text Available There are a great number of states in which different ethnic minorities coexist, each of them having their own culture, language and history. In some of these states, the ethnic minorities have been subjected to marginalization and acculturation, in other states the minority groups were recognized as being distinct parts of the nation and were granted equal rights of participation in the public arena. This paper attempts to explain why states opt for such different ways of integrating their minorities. It first develops a typology of minorities’ integration and than, by using the example of two nation-states that fit into each type of integration model it discusses the historical, political and economical factors that could explain each pattern of minorities’ integration.
Full Text Available The research is on “violence in politics among adolescents in the Nigerian society”. The research problems were to find out why adolescents have become violent when they are involved in politics. Certain factors were selected for investigation. The purpose was to find out the relationship between these factors and violence in polition in order to make recommendation on limiting the influence of these factors. The study was guided by five (5 hypotheses based on the relationship of socio-economic status, age of adolescents, parental care, discipline and situational background of violence occurrence. The descriptive design was used for the study and data collected through questionnaire. The chi-square method was adopted to analyse data collected. Findings showed the relationship of these factors with violence in adolescents in politics. Recommendations were made based on the results of data analyzed and findings of the research.
Godwin G. Ogbebor
An analysis is presented of the process of implementing advanced manufacturing technology, based on studies of numerous organizations. This process is seen as consisting of a series of decisions with technical, economic, and political objectives. Frequency decisions involve specifications, equipment, resources/organization, and location. Problems in implementation are viewed as resulting from tradeoffs among the objectives, the tendency of decision makers to emphasize some objectives at the expense of others, and the propensity of problems to spread from one area to another. Three sets of recommendations, based on this analysis, are presented.
Dean, J. W., Jr.; Susman, G. I.; Porter, P. S.
There are some factors in translating a text which influence the result of translation process, one of which is political ideology and control factors which impose some limitations and give direction to the translator. Through this paper an attempt has been made to substantiate these imposing factors as well as describing the ways translators might apply. Based on critical discourse analysis (CDA) approach to textual analysis and following Lefevere's (1992a; 1992b) concept of patronage, it ha...
Amir Shojaei; Fardin Laheghi
Full Text Available There are some factors in translating a text which influence the result of translation process, one of which is political ideology and control factors which impose some limitations and give direction to the translator. Through this paper an attempt has been made to substantiate these imposing factors as well as describing the ways translators might apply. Based on critical discourse analysis (CDA approach to textual analysis and following Lefevere's (1992a; 1992b concept of patronage, it has been tried to compare some newspaper texts with their related translations so as to depict the role of imposing factors in the process of translation. Results of the survey and analysis of the factors behind the translational aspects indicate that ideologies and political issues are important stimuli which can control the materials being translated, and then presented to the mass through news texts.
In this article, the author focuses on the relationship between political actors and the mass media. The author uses media frames as dependent variables and investigates the factors that influence the presence and frequency of frames applied by journalists (the frames in “news media”). This has come to be known as frame building. The author argues that there are at least three important factors in frame building: power, the salience of the frames in the media input, and the multiplication...
Full Text Available This paper explains why the Argentine and Chilean presidents believe important to face the political past of their countries; or in other words, why no president resists the temptation to interfere in the issue of public policies of the memory through different strategies with different political costs. In that sense, we try to explain what factors mainly affect the decision of the Argentine and Chilean presidents when they adopting public policies of memory. Following the analysis made by means of logistic regressions, it is estimated that the ideology of the leaders, affect on the repair policies. In justice policies, the analysis shows that these are particularly conducive in times of critical juncture. And in the symbolic policies, anniversaries are not so decisive as might be expected.
Juan Mario SOLÍS DELGADILLO
Identifying and characterising the factors that determine why a local authority opts for a particular way of managing its waste collection service is an important issue, warranting research interest in the field of municipal solid waste (MSW) management. This paper presents empirical evidence spanning a broad time horizon (2002-2010) showing that economic and political factors impact in different ways on the provision of waste management services. We examine five alternatives in this area, including public and private service delivery formulas and, within each field, individual and joint options. Our findings highlight the importance of the service cost and that of the various indicators of fiscal stress as determinant factors of management decisions regarding the provision of MSW management services. PMID:25108757
Plata-Díaz, Ana María; Zafra-Gómez, José Luis; Pérez-López, Gemma; López-Hernández, Antonio Manuel
Political violence, armed conflicts and human rights violations are produced by a variety of political, economic and socio-cultural factors. Conflicts can be analyzed with an interdisciplinary approach to obtain a global understanding of the relative contribution of risk and protective factors. A public health framework was designed to address these risk factors and protective factors. The framework resulted in a matrix that combined primary, secondary and tertiary interventions with their implementation on the levels of the society-at-large, the community, and the family and individual. Subsequently, the risk and protective factors were translated into multi-sectoral, multi-modal and multi-level preventive interventions involving the economy, governance, diplomacy, the military, human rights, agriculture, health, and education. Then the interventions were slotted in their appropriate place in the matrix. The interventions can be applied in an integrative form by international agencies, governments and non-governmental organizations, and molded to meet the requirements of the historic, political-economic and socio-cultural context. The framework maps the complementary fit among the different actors while engaging themselves in preventive, rehabilitative and reconstructive interventions. The framework shows how the economic, diplomatic, political, criminal justice, human rights, military, health and rural development sectors can collaborate to promote peace or prevent the aggravation or continuation of violence. A deeper understanding of the association between risk and protective factors and the developmental pathways of generic, country-specific and culture-specific factors leading to political violence is needed. PMID:19883967
De Jong, Joop T V M
The main objective of this paper is to identify conditions which affect public concern (either increase or decrease) and political acceptance for developing and implementing programmes for geologic disposal of long-lived radioactive waste. It also looks how citizens and relevant actors can be associated in the decision making process in such a way that their input is enriching the outcome towards a more socially robust and sustainable solution. Finally, it aims at learning from the interaction how to optimise risk management addressing needs and expectations of the public and of other relevant stakeholders. In order to meet these objectives, factors of relevance for societal acceptance conditions are identified, described and analysed. Subsequently these factors are looked for in the real world of nuclear waste management through cases in several countries. The analysis is conducted for six stages of a repository programme and implementation process, from policy development to the realisation of the repository itself. The diversity of characteristics of such contexts increases insight in the way society and values of reference are influencing technological decision making. These interrelated factors need to be integrated in step by step decision making processes as emerging the last years in HLW disposal management. In the conclusions, the effect of each factor on acceptance is derived from the empirical record. In the course of carrying out this analysis, it became cof carrying out this analysis, it became clear that acceptance had a different meaning in the first three stages of the process, more generic and therefore mainly discussed at policy level and the other stages, by nature more site-specific, and therefore requesting both public and political acceptance. Experience as clearly addressed in this report has shown that a feasible solution has its technical dimension but that 'an acceptable solution' always will have a combined technical and social dimension. If the paper provides tentative answers to the central question how factors affect public and political acceptance, it also aims at illustrating the added value of broadening the technical dimension with social dialogue and insight in value judgements. (authors)
According to the Nuclear Energy Act the government's Decision in Principle (DiP) on the nuclear waste disposal needs to be ratified by Parliament. The DiP was ratified by general consent (159-3) on 18 May 2001. How we can explain this parliamentary consensus taking account that the previous DiP concerning construction of a new nuclear power plant was overruled in 1993 and the public debate on nuclear power is still pronounced. The explanation can be sought, together with the institutional arrangements, from two sources; on one hand from the Finnish political culture, i.e., traditional and inherited ways of decision-makers to make decisions and citizens' ways to react to those decisions, and on the other hand, from current contextual factors linking to nuclear waste management. (authors)
This study investigated politeness in workplace emails that were written in a Malaysian educational institute. It examined the use of politeness strategies in relation to the ethnicity of the communicators, power relations and social distance. Previous research on Malaysian workplace emails revealed that Malaysians usually use the direct imperative or declarative politeness strategies in emails. This study however, revealed that the Malaysian employees (i.e., Malay, ...
Mohammad Awad AlAfnan
This publication identifies conditions which affect (either increase or decrease) public concern for and political acceptance of the development and implementation of programmes for geological disposal of long lived radioactive waste. It also looks at how interested citizens can be associated in the decision making process in such a way that their input enriches the outcome of a more socially robust and sustainable solution. The publication also considers how to optimize risk management, addressing the needs and expectations of the public and of other relevant stakeholders. Factors of relevance for societal acceptance conditions are identified for the different stages of a repository programme and implementation process, from policy development to the realization of the repository itself. Further, they are described and analysed through case studies from several countries, illustrating the added value of broadening the technical dimension with social dialogue and insight into value judgements.This report focuses on a geological disposal approach that consists of isolating radioactive wastes deep underground in a mined repository. It is not suggested here that geological disposal is the sole strategy that may be chosen or carried out by a country for managing high level radioactive waste, long lived waste or spent nuclear fuel. However, the geological disposal approach is favoured in principle by many countries for it is seen to offer advantages in terms of safety and security of this category of radioactive materials, and as a way to address ethical concerns. This report is meant for decision makers and others with a role in bringing forward a national programme to manage radioactive waste. Through different case studies, this report describes how programme acceptance has been fostered or hindered in different countries. It reviews factors that may affect whether a programme to develop and implement geological disposal strategy gains (or does not gain) societal support. The level of public and political acceptance that is needed to go forward with a programme will depend on the legal and institutional frameworks and cultural traditions of each Member State. In democracies, there is great demand for the views and preferences of the public and their elected representatives to be taken into account in decisions potentially affecting health and the environment
Full Text Available In this review article, the different conditions of the environment which could affect the well-being of the populations living on it are taken into consideration and analysed. A specific attention is paid to the phenomenon of water reduction, land degradation and consequent desertification. Such a phenomenon is particularly worrying in selected regions of the world (the Mediterranean Region and Central Asia in which a combination of several factors including climate variations, pressure of populations and increased competition for the available resources have a direct consequence on the economical, social and political conditions of the population. In addition, migrations could also take place, increasing the instability of entire regions. A proper management of water resources and the preservation of land and soil resources are essential requisites to counteract the mentioned adverse effects. Such a management is frequently a transboundary concern since it might involve different regions and countries; this is an additional reason for debating the environment degradation issues at the international level and for increasing the awareness of the civil society, the policy makers and governments.
After reaching their highest levels of the 20th century, homicide rates in the United States declined precipitously in the early 1990s. This study examines a number of factors that might have contributed to both the sharp increase and decline in homicide rates. We use a pooled cross-sectional time series model to assess the relationship between changes in structural conditions and the change in homicide rates over four decennial time points (1970, 1980, 1990, and 2000). We assess the extent to which structural covariates associated with social, economic and political conditions commonly used in homicide research (e.g., urban decay, poverty, and the weakening of family and social bonds) are related to the change in homicide rates. Along with these classic covariates, we incorporate some contemporary explanations (e.g., imprisonment rates and drug trafficking) that have been proposed to address the recent decline in urban homicide rates. Our results indicate that both classic and contemporary explanations are related to homicide trends over the last three decades of the 20th century. Specifically, changes in resource deprivation and in the relative size of the youth population are associated with changes in the homicide rate across these time points. Increased imprisonment is also significantly related to homicide changes. These findings lead us to conclude that efforts to understand the changing nature of homicide will require serious consideration, if not integration, of classic and contemporary explanations. PMID:19086112
McCall, Patricia L; Parker, Karen F; MacDonald, John M
Full Text Available This paper is primarily based on the observation of conditions and effects of functioning of Belgrade, the Capital of Serbia, in the period of its multiparty constellation. Although there were no significant intentions of political instrumentalisation of this segment of city functioning that would sacrifice social usefulness and efficiency of development to political marketing in the domain of urban planning, carrying out plans, and construction, , it is appropriate to point to these tendencies and needed to face the problem in order to operate according to the processes of free political competition and not opposing them.
This paper analyzes the political economy of the reform process theoretically and empirically.Building on the framework developed by Rodrik , a two-sector model of a transition economy is constructed.This model is then used to study the dynamics of political support for the reforms.The key role is played by the pattern of flows between the state and private sectors and unemployment.It is shown that while the workers in the private sector always support rapid reforms, the workers in the ...
The growing literature on youth and political conflict has not included an adequate focus on youth activism. To address this deficit, this study used youth- and parent-reported data (N = 6,718) from the 1994-1995 Palestinian Family Study to test an ecological model of family influence (parents' activism, expectations for their adolescents'…
Spellings, Carolyn R.; Barber, Brian K.; Olsen, Joseph A.
Full Text Available The referendum held on September 12, 2010 included fundamental changes in Turkish constitution related with the social, judicial and economic aspects. We are of the opinion that the referendum offered a general view on the reflections of government policies, since the incumbent party, Justice and Development Party (AKP, officially supported the proposed changes and the main opposition parties, Republican People’s Party (CHP and Nationalist Action Party (MHP, were opposed. We tested the effects of political tendencies on the referendum results using provincial data. The results show that the “yes” votes are higher in the provinces where AKP has a stronger base, and lower in the provinces where the opposition parties, especially CHP, have stronger bases. Moreover, our analyses imply that referendum votes are higher where economic conditions are getting relatively better in the last year. However, we could not find a positive effect of public spending on the patterns of voting.
Full Text Available This essay interprets American representations of dictator Porfirio Díaz in relation to the “economic conquest” of Mexico that took place during his long rule (1876–1911, a period known as the “Porfiriato,” in which Americans invested more than $1 billion. No single person inspired as much attention from travelers, reporters, and photographers during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as Díaz, and their visions of the President helped to shape perceptions of Mexico as a desirable field in which to expand US capitalism and influence. Travelers clamored to meet him and his sophisticated young wife, and their travelogues were rich with descriptions of such encounters. Reporters, dazzled by the rapid transformation of Mexico during his 35-year rule, described Díaz in such terms as “the Mexican Wizard” and “the maker of modern Mexico” until the very end of his regime. Photographers, working in a relatively new medium, amassed a huge body of works devoted to the dictator; even at an advanced age late in his rule, the President’s image adorned postcards and commemorative cartes-de-visite that posited him in heroic and hypermasculine terms (not unlike those of his US counterpart, Theodore Roosevelt. Ultimately, this essay argues that representations like these reflected American desires for a Mexican body politic that was amenable to economic and social transformation under the inextricable banners of “progress” and US capitalism. Prevailing images of Díaz and his family suggested that Mexico was as friendly to foreign investors as it was to foreign visitors.
Government support is crucial for the viability of the market for natural gas as engine fuel. This outlook focuses on the viewpoint of the government and the large political parties in this respect. At first this study was meant to be a brief outlook, but the study expanded in two directions. First of all, more attention was paid to the discussion on the use of natural gas as engine fuel and in line with the various incentivisation regulations in the context of more general greening taxes. The stimulation of driving on natural gas cannot be separated from similar measures for other (clean(er)) fuels. Secondly, based on the obtained insights, conclusions were drawn on the chances for government subsidy for driving on natural gas. Finally, attention has also been paid to the question if politicians recognise and acknowledge the intermediary role of natural gas in the transition towards sustainable fuels. If this is the case, the parliament will probably put more pressure on the government to stimulate driving on natural gas in view of the additional value of investments in the natural gas fuel infrastructure.[mk
Full Text Available The AraguaiaRiver Basincovers a considerable extent of Brazilian Savanna (locally called Cerrado and part of Amazon Tropical Rainforest, embracing high biodiversity and a vast flooding area. This region has been converted to agricultural lands since 1970s, for the past four decades, leading to a fragmented landscape that holds one of the few large remaining blocks of Cerrado primary vegetation. Therefore, to assess the degree of preservation of this area a 2007 primary vegetation map was derived through Boolean operations using land use and land cover maps from 1975, 1985, 1996 and 2007, from digital classification of Landsat MSS and TM images. To evaluate the role of driving factors on the presence of pristine vegetation, a logistic regression analyses was performed. Tested factors were: distance from roads and cities, terrain slope, land tenure, soil fertility and flooding. We found statistical significant values (p nous lands, wetlands and areas with low fertility have positive influence on the presence and maintenance of these pristine areas. The occurrence of original vegetation in many cases is associated with environmental constraints that difficult or do not allow agricultural use. Analysis of physical and political factors, which may have direct or indirect influence on the conservation and degradation of native vegetation are very important for the comprehension of the dynamics of regional land use, and provide supporting information for a more efficient and sustainable regional landscape planning.
Henrique O. Sawakuchi
Full Text Available The industrial development policy focusing on heavy industry, mainly the steel and machine-construction branches, was a characteristic feature of the socialist-type political systems of Eastern Europe. Its notable consequence for the system of human settlements translated into forcible urbanisation, but only insofar as quantity was concerned (artificial multiplication of towns and of the town population. As industrial units set up, some villages, functioning as dormitories, would be turned into towns: other would be integrated into the urban administrative territory; on the other hand, some dominantly rural residential districts would be attached to the town and a new type of settlements, connected with the construction of big industrial estates, would be built on empty terrain. As a result, a new type of town-integrated settlements would emerge, but the quality of their urban-type infrastructure falls far below that of traditional centres. Their individual character is marked by a fluctuating evolution, in the majority of cases much closer to countryside, that is, decreasing population and growing vulnerability connected with the units they had been engendered by. Considering the foregoing, we could say that these settlements, now part of the town, represent a distinct, intermediary category between the urban and the rural system and should be designated as such. The state capital determines a specific organisation of the state territory, as materialised in a certain pattern of communication routes and a specific layout of the other urban nuclei with macro-territorial functions. Bucharest’s peripheral position within the national territory calls for the decentralisation of its functions concomitantly with remote regional metropoles becoming more important as spatial structuring nuclei. Bucharest’s high degree of hypertrophy compared to the second city in the urban hierarchy, together with its distinct position within the Romanian urban system, asked for a distinctive organisation of its built-in area as early as the beginning of the 20-th century.
Prof.dr. Jodi Dean, hoogleraar politieke filosofie aan Hobart and William Smith Colleges (Geneva, New York), sprak donderdag 19 februari 2009 haar inaugurele rede uit, getiteld "Politics without politics". Dean is dit jaar Erasmus Professor op de Erasmus Chair of Humanities in de Faculteit der Wijsbegeerte. De Erasmus Wisselleerstoel is ingesteld door de G. Ph. Verhagen Stichting. V In haar oratie gaat Dean in op het thema democratie in relatie tot linkse politiek. Enkele politieke wetensc...
As a new concept in the research of political party, political culture has its unique content, function and characteristics, which are different from any other culture organizations. It confines and influences the existence, development and realization degree of political democracy (refers to democracy inside political parties in particular). The essay analyzes how traditional political cultures enhanced and hindered political democracy and proposes to construct a new political culture that f...
Qi, Gang-li; He, Yan-jie
Concentrations of worldwide fallout 137Cs were measured in the lichen-caribou-Eskimo food chain of northern Alaska during the period 1962-79. Pronounced inputs of fallout occurred after major nuclear weapons tests in the atmosphere and 137Cs was transmitted through the food chain to Eskimos with about a 2-yr delay due to environmental parameters. Caribou (Rangifer tarandus) meat sampled during spring harvest contained 4 times the 137Cs concentration of lichens obtained from their winter range. Calculated caribou meat ingestion rates of Anaktuvuk Pass Eskimos during winter ranged from approximately equal to 1 kg/day in 1964 to 0.16 kg/day in 1977. Several environmental factors affected seasonal patterns and amounts of 137Cs transferred through the food chain. Maximum 137Cs concentrations of approximately equal to 20 nCi/kg body weight in Eskimos occurred in 1964 and have now decreased to approximately equal to 0.5 nCi/kg, largely because of cultural and political factors. Radiation doses from 137Cs body burdens during the study period ranged from 60 mrad/yr in 1962 to approximately equal to 140 mrad/yr during the 1962-64 maxima and decreased to 8 mrad/yr in 1979. (author)
Full Text Available Since independence of the Republic of Indonesia, Muslims, as the majority population, have established diverse Islamic political parties. The nature of such parties has changed from the days of the Old Order to the New Order and Reformasi eras. Despite similar anatomies between Islamic parties of the Old Order and those of Reformasi, Islamic political parties profess different ideological missions. While the beginning of Old Order saw the confederation of Islamic political parties, Masyumi, seeking to promote the establishment of an Islamic State, none of the Islamic political parties which mushroomed during Reformasi era expressly struggled for the establishment of an Islamic state. However, the Islamic political parties had to weather similar problems of internal conflict and fragmentation. Different ideological strands, policy stances and leadership styles are believed to be amongst the pivotal root causes of their domestic troubles. With their popular votes and parliamentary seats significantly reduced, they prove to be no competition to the nationalist political parties.
The 2011 AV referendum demonstrated the difficulty of enacting electoral reform through public mobilisation, and changes in electoral rules usually result from elite discussions rather than citizen demands. However, New Zealand represents an example of voters pushing through a new electoral system against the will of reluctant politicians. Willy Jou explores factors that affected New Zealand citizens’ electoral system preferences by analysing voters surveys over a 15-year period, and finds ...
In this study, we used an extended twin family design to investigate the influences of genetic and cultural transmission as well as different sources of nonrandom mating on 2 core aspects of political orientation: acceptance of inequality and rejecting system change. In addition, we studied the sources of phenotypic links between Big Five personality traits and political beliefs using self- and other reports. Data of 1,992 individuals (224 monozygotic and 166 dizygotic twin pairs, 92 unmatched twins, 530 spouses of twins, 268 fathers, and 322 mothers) were analyzed. Genetically informative analyses showed that political attitudes are genetically but not environmentally transmitted from parents to offspring and that a substantial proportion of this genetic variance can be accounted for by genetic variance in personality traits. Beyond genetic effects and genotypic assortative mating, generation-specific environmental sources act to increase twins' and spouses' resemblance in political beliefs. The results suggest multiple sources of political orientations in a modern democracy. PMID:21988277
Kandler, Christian; Bleidorn, Wiebke; Riemann, Rainer
People and organizations are inherently political. Library workplace environments have zones of tension and dynamics just like any corporation, often leading to the formation of political camps. These different cliques influence productivity and work-related issues and, at worst, give meetings the feel of the Camp David negotiations. Politics are…
Storm, Paula; Kelly, Robert; deVries, Susann
This article outlines how gay-straight alliances (GSAs) work to connect youth with community resources, and outlines the political and social context of GSAs in Waterloo Region, Ontario, Canada. Fifteen individuals (youth, teachers, and a lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer [LGBTQ] youth service provider) participated in interviews…
St. John, Alex; Travers, Robb; Munro, Lauren; Liboro, Renato; Schneider, Margaret; Greig, Carrie L.
Escenario de agitación socio-política en la Venezuela contemporánea: de los factores de conflictividad a la apertura de ventanas de oportunidad / Socio-political unrest in contemporary Venezuela: from conflict factors to the opening of windows of opportunity
Full Text Available Desde inicios de 2014, la actualidad venezolana ha sido dominada por un clima de confrontación constante. Múltiples episodios de violencia han dejado un saldo preocupante de muertos y heridos en escasos meses. Aquello invita a realizar aproximaciones desde la ciencia política en aras de desentrañar [...] causas, efectos y perspectivas del contexto actual. El presente artículo aborda una serie de factores de conflictividad socio-política que han influenciado las relaciones entre actores antagónicos. Se analizan algunos componentes coyunturales que pueden facilitar la comprensión del actual escenario de hostilidades. Durante el proceso, se traen a colación ciertos elementos relacionados con el contexto de crisis político-institucional vivido entre 2002 y 2003 que persisten actualmente. Más adelante, se resalta la importancia de restablecer los canales de comunicación política entre los actores en pugna. Finalmente, se abordan algunas características de la Conferencia Nacional por la Paz y se ofrecen consideraciones sobre su proceder. Abstract in english So far during 2014, Venezuelan political events have been influenced by a climate of constant confrontation. These violence-related events have left a troubling death toll within months. This intricate context invites to provide approaches from the scope of the political science in order to unravel [...] causes, effects and prospects of the present situation. This article discusses a number of factors of socio-political conflict that have influenced relations between antagonistic actors. Also, it analyzes some juncture components that may facilitate the understanding of the contemporary climate of hostility. During the process, key elements related to the context of political and institutional crisis that took place between 2002 and 2003 are addressed, considering that several of tríese elements persist in today's Venezuela. Afterwards, the article highlights the importance of restoring the communication conduits between opposing political actors. Finally, some key features of the National Conference for Peace are addressed, and some considerations about its course of action are provided.
Juan Camilo, Ito Cerón.
China operates 10 nuclear power reactors and has 5 more under construction. A large extension of nuclear power is expected by 2020. Nuclear generated electricity accounts for 2% of the total electric power generation. The Chinese policy is to have spent fuel reprocessed in China. So, final disposal include vitrified waste and some CANDU spent fuel for direct disposal. There is a legal framework in place in China to manage HLW. The China Atomic Energy Authority (CAEA) has the responsibility for setting policy on HLW disposal and implementing the disposal programme, while the National Nuclear Safety Administration (NNSA) and the State Environment Protection Agency (SEPA) are the regulatory bodies, which are responsible for licensing and reviewing of environment impact assessment report. The China National Nuclear Corporation (CNNC) is considered to be the actual implementer, conducting the major activities for HLW management. In the 1980's, China started generic research and development for HLW disposal. After reviewing the major progress made in other countries and considering the actual situation in China, the experts in CNNC proposed to choose granite as the host rock, to select multibarrier system as the disposal concept, and to start site selection process. The Beishan granite site, located in northwest China's Gansu province has been selected as the most potential site for China's HLW repository. However it is now considered as necessary to review the suitable hosed as necessary to review the suitable host rock types (granite or clay) in China and the potential suitability of Beishan granite. The preliminary strategy for HLW management is a 3-step strategy: the 'site-URL repository' strategy. The strategy involves selecting an area for an underground research laboratory which might later be transformed into a repository, then to construct a site specific URL at the repository area, and at last to build a repository. The preliminary schedule is to have an URL ready by 2020 and to construct the repository by the middle of the 21st Century. It is still unclear whether or how the technical factor affected the public and political acceptability of the repository development process. The CAEA has not clarified the responsibility of CNNC as the actual implementer, and, consequently, this might affect the progress of HLW disposal programme. In addition, the funding mechanism for waste disposal has not yet been established. Further, the nuclear power plants companies have not been involved in the HLW programme. Due to the favourable conditions in China's Beishan site, it was considered as the most potential site for a HLW repository, but without much discussion and consultation with regulatory body and scientists. China Atomic Energy Authority (CAEA) established an Expert Group for High Level Radioactive Waste Disposal in 2005. The expert group has pointed out the importance of stepwise decision process and indicated it is necessary to review the siting process and host rock type in 2006 in an open manner. It is also necessary to involve representatives from different scientific sectors, in order to get consensus at least among technical experts. In this context, explanation to choose granite and Beishan site should be presented in detail and the expert group will make its judgement for further activities. The local government and local people have not been well informed about the site characterization activities in the Beishan area. Recently, CAEA has realised the importance of openness, transparency, accountability and communication with local government. In August of 2005, CAEA organised an open workshop on HLW disposal, and 110 participants from different sectors attended. During the workshop, a report named 'A Guideline for the Short- and Long-term Plan of High Level Radioactive Waste Disposal in China' was released, waiting for open comments and modification
Political Theory is an attractive and well-organized site hosted by John Roome of Oxford University. It is divided into three sections, covering Classical, Modern, and Contemporary Political Theorists. The first two sections offer biographies and links to online versions of the major works of each period's prominent theorists, while the third contains links to a number of contemporary political sites. Although the site is essentially a collection of pointers to information hosted elsewhere, its ease of use and breadth make it a fine teaching tool for undergraduate or upper-level secondary school political science courses.
A public policy approach in this analysis of the major energy sources updates the third edition by using the perspective of private business. The politics of major fuels is a result of physical characteristics, market forces, and the general political environment of coal, oil, natural gas, electricity, nuclear energy, and the new renewable and synthetic energy sources. 87 references, 3 figures. (DCK)
Using facts and examples, this didactically structures textbook gives an insight into the extent and consequences of the damage to the environment, with the subjects - fundamentals of ecology; - population and food problems; - the energy problem; - economic growth; scarcity of resources, recycling; - ground, water, and air pollution, - city and traffic problems; - work protection and medical care; - political alternatives and 'soft technologies'. The analysis of the political and economic reasons is combined with social and technical alternatives from which demands to be made and measures to be taken can be derived for individuals, citizens' interest groups, political groups and trade unions. Teaching models intend to help teachers to work on specific problems of ecology. (orig.)
Full Text Available Politics, Law and Psychology are fields that come together in the symbolic. This text takes evidence from those three areas to develop an analysis of political symbols and political transitions. The development of the analysis goes through three stages. The first succinctly describes the concept of transition and its meaning. The second closely examines the notion of the symbol, in terms of its definition, to explain aspects that allow us to understand it, characterise it and make its functions clear. Finally, from the author's experience as a witness and as an actor, I suggest three ways of understanding symbols in the processes of political transition: as symbols of change, as symbols of acknowledgment, and as symbols of support.
Herrero de Miñón, Miguel
Full Text Available This essay interprets American representations of dictator Porfirio Díaz in relation to the “economic conquest” of Mexico that took place during his long rule (1876–1911, a period known as the “Porfiriato,” in which Americans invested more than $1 billion. No single person inspired as much attention from travelers, reporters, and photographers during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as Díaz, and their visions of the President helped to shape perceptions of Mexico as a desirable field in which to expand US capitalism and influence. Travelers clamored to meet him and his sophisticated young wife, and their travelogues were rich with descriptions of such encounters. Reporters, dazzled by the rapid transformation of Mexico during his 35-year rule, described Díaz in such terms as “the Mexican Wizard” and “the maker of modern Mexico” until the very end of his regime. Photographers, working in a relatively new medium, amassed a huge body of works devoted to the dictator; even at an advanced age late in his rule, the President’s image adorned postcards and commemorative cartes-de-visite that posited him in heroic and hypermasculine terms (not unlike those of his US counterpart, Theodore Roosevelt. Ultimately, this essay argues that representations like these reflected American desires for a Mexican body politic that was amenable to economic and social transformation under the inextricable banners of “progress” and US capitalism. Prevailing images of Díaz and his family suggested that Mexico was as friendly to foreign investors as it was to foreign visitors.
The paper investigates the relationship among the foreign direct investment (FDI) and political stability by investigating the country-level FDI flows, FDI inward performance and political stability measures. Countries with high political rights have higher FDI outflows. Also, countries with high level of corruption of government and low level of democracy have higher FDI inflows. The results are consistent with the argument of that political factors are important in explaining FDI flows. We ...
Full Text Available The paper investigates the relationship among the foreign direct investment (FDI and political stability by investigating the country-level FDI flows, FDI inward performance and political stability measures. Countries with high political rights have higher FDI outflows. Also, countries with high level of corruption of government and low level of democracy have higher FDI inflows. The results are consistent with the argument of that political factors are important in explaining FDI flows. We also find that FDI inward performance has consistently positive relationships with the level of corruption of government, while negative relationships with the political rights, when key variables from factor analysis are included.
The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland has 23 operational nuclear power reactors operating on 12 sites and an additional 22 reactors are shut down. Nuclear power generates almost 20% of the electricity consumption. Waste is stored at reactors sites and at Sellafield, where some are awaiting reprocessing. Vitrified HLW is also stored at Sellafield. Middle of the 90s, Nirex, a company then owned by the waste producers, applied for a permission to construct a rock characterization facility (RCF) near the community of Sellafield.In the United Kingdom, there is a legal framework in place to manage radioactive waste. A government department (formerly the Department for Environment [DoE], now Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs -Defra) has the responsibility for setting policy on radioactive waste. There are two key regulatory functions: one is responsible for installation and worker safety (Nuclear Installations Inspectorate [NII]), and the other for environmental issues (Her Majesties Inspectorate for Pollution [HMIP], now part of the Environment Agency (EA) and the Scottish Environmental Protection Agency [SEPA]). Legislative framework, history, technical factor, structural factor, and process factor are discussed.Concerning behavioural factor it is reported that there was no open debate or free access to all relevant information. There was little transparency associated with the reasoning behind actions, deliberations, and decisions that ctions, deliberations, and decisions that were taken. Interested and affected parties and the wider public were not involved, and their opinions were not seen as being taken into account. Nirex did not publicise the reasoning behind its decisions and did not give people feedback on how their views had been taken into account, or if not, why not. Moreover, Nirex was not widely viewed as technically competent to undertake these projects. Nirex did not create such a perception even though many experts supported their position
his multiple study thesis considered the findings of research around the factors that influence individual and group propensity to violence in a socio?political context and tested key variables to establish their relative contribution in driving this process. An initial pilot study, using a sample of 30 UK participants, recorded perceptions about violent behaviour and its causes using a 27 item parcel: five factor model including variables: environmental, belief systems, social identity, de...
Certain decisions, problems, and successes are selected to recall the great impact of the 1950s on the history of rocketry, and particularly the inauguration of the space age. In reviewing the history of the Redstone, Juno, and Jupiter, some of the largest stepping stones to space, problems stand out in three areas: technical or engineering, management, and political.
Lucas, W. R.
One-third of the total electricity produced in Japan comes from 53 nuclear power reactors. The basic Energy Plan states that nuclear fuel cycle will be promoted as national policy that includes reprocessing spent fuel. At the present, spent fuels are stored at each reactor site and an interim storage facility in Rokkasho, where they await reprocessing. Some spent nuclear fuel has been reprocessed in Japan, and the vitrified waste is currently being stored. Some of the HLW from fuel reprocessed in France has been being shipped back and is stored at Rokkasho. Other high-level waste is waiting in the U.K. for its return to Japan. An administrative framework for the utilization of nuclear energy in Japan was established in 1956. By 1962, two realistic alternatives for final disposal of radioactive waste were proposed: dumping the waste into the deep ocean and disposing of the waste in deep underground repositories. By the mid-1970s to 1980s, geological disposal gradually came to be recognized as the most probable option for the management of HLW. In 1976, Japan's Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) published comprehensive guidelines including some key elements relating to geological disposal. In 1980, the Special Committee of the AEC indicated a stepwise procedure (revised in 1985) for geological disposal. In 1987, the AEC, in its long-term programme report on research, development and utilization of nuclear energy (LTP), recommended the establishment of an implementing organihe establishment of an implementing organization, a clear allocation of responsibilities among the related organizations and a site selection process with a sufficient degree of public support and understanding. Legislative framework, history, technical factor, structural factor, and process factor are discussed. Concerning the behavioural factor it is reported that it is unlikely that a community will consider hosting a repository unless local decision-makers and the public have sufficient information and expertise to make an appropriate judgment. NUMO (the implementing organization) believes that it is therefore essential to set up a framework by which critical information can be accessed by the interested public. Such information includes the overall and detailed schedules for siting, safety principles and plans for the promotion of the local economy and infrastructure, both by the government and the implementing organization. Accordingly, NUMO has established a rule of conduct for information disclosure
Sweden has currently 10 operating nuclear power reactors; 2 such reactors have been closed down since 1999. Nuclear power generates almost 50% of the electricity consumption. SNF from all reactors is stored at one central facility close to one of the reactor sites (CLAB in Oskarshamm). Since 1988, one central repository for radioactive operational waste, the SFR located at the Forsmark site near the community of Oesthammar, is functioning. Legislative framework, history, technical factor, structural factor, process factor and behavioural factors are discussed. It is reported that the system of regular reviews of the implementer's programmes for research and development work in connection with disposal of spent nuclear fuel has been important. A wide audience, which includes interested members of the public in concerned municipalities, has had access to comprehensive reports describing the plans of the implementer and has also had the possibility to provide comments on the plans. Over time these reports have been refined and developed in a way that has made them more and more accessible (understandable) for non-experts. The behaviour of the implementer is no doubt of vital importance for earning and maintaining trust and confidence. SKB seems to have gradually developed an attitude that 'there are no silly questions'. The behaviour of the regulator is also of great importance. It can be noted that the siting process has resulted in changes in the regulatory approach. Bd in changes in the regulatory approach. Before the process was initiated the focus was on supervision, safety reviews and building of competence for the review of SKB's future licence applications. Communication and dialogue had a rather low profile and procedures for regular interaction with the municipalities were not established. As experience grew, regulators gradually came to the insight that the municipalities had great expectations for the active involvement of the regulatory authorities in the siting process. Since the middle of the 1990s regulators have been active and visible in the site selection process. This behaviour is not regarded as an obstacle to their future independent review of licence applications. Public attitudes regarding a future repository have been affected positively by the conclusion to the discussion about 'international repositories'.The Swedish position is clearly not to accept nuclear waste from other countries in a Swedish repository. Both municipalities where site investigations are currently made have even declared that it is a condition for their positive attitude that a possible repository is only intended for Swedish waste
Politics and policy affect all of us, both as scientists and as citizens, and issues ranging from laboratory budgets to arms control treaties clearly require research problem-solving skills and technical expertise. There is a critical role for scientists in each aspect of the political system, and in fact, we as a society need more scientists to take part in politics. Furthermore, the research we pursue has important societal applications and is fascinating! We have a right and a responsibility to share our scientific knowledge not only with each other, but with the general public as well. So, why are we as a community of scientists reticent in the public arena, hesitant to enter politics, and even at times unsupportive of our peers who transition into governmental roles? In this time of fiscal constraint, when difficult research funding (and de-funding) choices are regularly being made, we as scientists must step up to the plate, reach across the aisle, and explain why what we do is fascinating, inspiring, and important, not just to us, but to society as a whole. A range of policy-relevant roles exists inside and outside the laboratory, such as Congressional Fellowships. Each year the Congressional Fellowships program brings together approximately thirty scientists at all stages of their careers to serve as scientific advisors in a variety of offices in the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives. Although the jump from lab to lobbying meetings can be frustrating, the transition can also be intriguing. Firsthand experience with the ``how'' and ``why'' (or lack thereof) of politics and policy is invaluable and provides a unique opportunity to expand and broaden one's background. The opportunity to work on Capitol Hill is unparalleled, particularly because our nation has a definite need for scientists with the inclination and interest to inform and develop policy. But, whatever role you decide to take, from contributing scientific news to local publications to running for Congress, it's high time to show that we as scientists have important contributions to make both inside and outside the laboratory. We as scientists can and should contribute to ongoing political discussions, and there is no better time than now to speak up and apply our expertise to the policy issues at hand.
Berzak Hopkins, Laura
This dissertation titled "Essays in the Political Economy of Inflation" is comprised of three papers which study the problem of inflation from a political-institutional perspective. All the three essays apply modern technical tools of macroeconomics to study different factors that affect the choice of policies. It is shown that these factors are crucial in shaping the governance structure conducive for policy effectiveness. The complex political-economic environment is difficult to study with...
The attitude of the major political parties in Britain to nuclear power is described, based on the proceedings of the 1986 party conferences. The SDP are committed to major initiatives on energy efficiency, renewables etc but are still in favour of AGRs, the FBR and fusion. The Liberal Party Assembley reaffirmed its long-term opposition to nuclear power. The Labour party, whilst wanting to support a nuclear phase-out programme, recognised it could not do this in one Parliament. The Green Party, Plaid Cymru and the Scottish Nationalist Party are all basically anti-nuclear. (UK)
This article expresses the view that nuclear power is the only logical alternative to dwindling oil supplies, and that blame for failure to implement the nuclear power programme can be placed on the environmentalists, the media and political leaders who have been frightened by anti-nuclear demonstrations and anticipated media reaction to their decisions. President Carter and others have looked upon nuclear power as a last resort, but it is shown here to be more abundant, cheaper, cleaner, and safer than all other currently available sources of energy. (U.K.)
Valuing the professional literature, the paper highlights in its first part, the main factors that influence the demographic behaviours, especially birth-rate, meaning the cultural, biological, economic, social and political factors. I have tried to focus on a possible supremacy of the religious and political factor in comparison to other factors which have an influence on demographic evolutions. In the second part we approached the religion and the projections regarding the youngsters&rs...
This book is a non-technical exploration of the political and policy issues that have influenced the development of nuclear power. Part One describes the successes, failures, horse-trading, and infighting that make up nuclear power's history, taking nine counties as examples. Part Two reviews the main problems that now confront us, as seen in mid-June 1990; like all contemporary accounts, the book is unavoidably incomplete. However, by then it was possible to make provisional judgements about two very important recent influences: the political consequences of Chernobyl, and concerns about the greenhouse effect. The story that emerges is of a nuclear industry that has rarely been guilty of dereliction of duty, though it was undeniably complacent in not addressing sooner the causes of the public's entirely reasonable anxieties. The anti-nuclear lobby has been skilled in debate, and sometimes extraordinarily percipient; but less than fair in failing to acknowledge the industry's achievements and its willingness to learn from past mistakes. As for the politicians, the book contains many examples that show how the flames of controversy can be deliberately fanned when there are votes to be gained. The story has few heroes, but within the industry fewer villains than the public has been led to believe. (author)
Full Text Available The present text is based on a key note lecture (‘Civic Education, Democracy and Political Participation’ delivered at the symposium Globalization of School Subjects – Challenges for Civics, History, Geography and Religious Education, Karlstad University, 13–14 December, 2012. Drawing on recent developments in research on political participation and civic engagement, the text starts out with a discussion about different ways of understanding political passivity. Subsequently, the text turns to a brief analysis of ways in which schools may provide young people with political skills and competencies needed in a democratic society. Three dimensions of political citizenship are highlighted: political efficacy, political literacy, and political participation; and the analysis focuses on the impact of a number of different school-related factors on these three ‘citizenship competencies’.
Many countries with limited number of nuclear power reactors have developed plans for management of their radioactive waste but have some common difficulties to implement some stages of each national plan. Examples of such countries are Lithuania, Slovenia, Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania, and Argentina. Management of radioactive waste in these countries must address considerations that are not usually present in countries with large nuclear programmes. Because of the small quantities of waste involved, the unit cost of disposing the waste is considerably higher. Simultaneously, these programmes have limited financial resources and very often limited human resources. These factors strongly constrain the development of waste management programmes, especially geological disposal programme. These countries tackle the challenges they confront in different ways, but some common features may be outlined. In most cases these programmes started later than countries with more advanced nuclear power programmes. Therefore the need for geological disposal appeared later. This suggests that some countries, like Hungary, Bulgaria, Argentina or Lithuania, have chosen to postpone a decision on long-term spent fuel management. Other countries, such as Slovenia and Romania, have taken strategic decisions on geological disposal but have kept open other options such as the development of multinational repository or the export of spent fuel. The legislative framework in these countries is mostative framework in these countries is mostly set and responsibilities of the different institutions defined. Most countries have already established the waste management organisations, responsible for the development and implementation of the disposal programmes. Radioactive waste management organisations were established in Slovenia (ARAO, 1991), Hungary (PURAM, 1998), Lithuania (RATA, 2001), Romania (ANDRAD, 2004), Bulgaria (SERAW, 2004) and Argentina (PNGRR Programa Nacional de Gestion de Residuos Radioactivos), within National Atomic Energy Commission, 2003). In the context of countries with small nuclear programmes, it is clearly premature to reach conclusions about how the different factors discussed below have affected public and political acceptance. Technical factor, structural factor, and process factor are discussed. Given the small quantities of radioactive waste arisen in these countries, it may be even more difficult to convincingly present the need for a national disposal programme. Consequently, time schedules for their implementation are shifted far into the future. This allows relatively open and transparent discussion of the programme without time pressure. On the other hand, time distant plans raise less public interest and attention and it is more difficult to achieve two-way communication and get insight into the public's perception of the proposed solutions. For implementers, the long planning horizon presents an additional challenge. Their responsibilities extend over a time period of more than one generation with relatively low engagements in the current generation. Under such conditions, developing and maintaining the necessary expertise can be quite difficult as is the transfer of knowledge between generations
Full Text Available Any text is a product of author’s contemplation aimed at the discourse and new contemplation. The same can be said about the political text. The political text greatly depends on the cultural situation of the particular historical period. The present study analyses the functioning of the political text in Russia today. As the epistemological tool in the present article, we used the modern research of applied aspects in the political contemplation and political discourse. The applied relevance of the present article is conditioned by new (“network” forms of the discourse in the XXI century. As a result of the analysis, the following conclusions have been made: 1 the crisis-conditioned character of the modern politics and culture has an immediate impact on the functioning of the political text in Russia; 2 in the present-day conditions, the communication between the subject and the object of the political text has changed dramatically; 3 the notion of the “political text” itself, existing in the context of the historical change, have long ago gained a new applied content that needs contemplation. The conclusions of the present study are aimed at realizing a very important factor: the drive for renovation of the language of the political science due to critical changes in the modern Russia has more and more supporters. In the world of global projects and total leveling that seduce people, the culture of political contemplation as a kind of an “art of survival” has gained critical importance.
Discusses four possible approaches for teaching political science in the classroom, including analyzing the classroom as a political arena, employing case studies, using simulation games, and orchestrating encounters with political figures. (Author/JG)
Hunkins, Francis P.
Ro?. 47, ?. 2 (2014), s. 203-229. ISSN 0010-4140 Institutional support: RVO:68378025 Keywords : Political participation * political opportunity structure * national institutions Subject RIV: AO - Sociology, Demography Impact factor: 1.477, year: 2013
Agricultural systems are situated within social and political environments that have tremendous influence on how they operate. If agricultural systems are to be sustainable, it is critical to understand how they are influenced by social and political factors. An expert panel approach was used to id...
From a study of 46 nations over the period 1957 to 1973, it is argued that regional educational inequality indicates the presence of other regional social, political, and economic inequalities, and it is all of these factors together that generate feelings of relative deprivation and the pursuant political instability. (Author/SJL)
Monchar, Philip Harris
O papel dos fatores políticos na internacionalização de empresas: o caso da Energias de Portugal (EDP no Brasil The role of political factors in the internationalization of companies: the case of Energias de Portugal (EDP in Brazil
Full Text Available Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar o papel dos fatores políticos e sua relação com os fatores mercadológicos no processo de internacionalização de empresas multinacionais. Este estudo de caso processual permite que a dinâmica do fenômeno seja analisada em três níveis: o ambiente nacional, setorial e organizacional. É realizada uma revisão teórica sobre a empresa multinacional e sobre o papel dos fatores políticos. Posteriormente, é descrito e analisado o processo de internacionalização de uma empresa portuguesa de capitais públicos, a - Energias de Portugal (EDP. Conclui-se que a posse de capacidades e recursos técnicos e de know-how para a entrada e consolidação da empresa no Brasil foram condições necessárias, mas não suficientes para viabilizar o processo de internacionalização da EDP no Brasil; e que a história da EDP no Brasil representa o caso de uma empresa oriunda de um país com estabilidade institucional que desenvolveu novas capacidades para lidar com o ambiente político e mitigar o risco.This study aims at analyzing the role of political factors and their relation to market factors in the internationalization process of multinational companies. This procedural case study allows the dynamics of this phenomenon to be analyzed in three levels: national, industrial, and organizational environments. A theoretical review on the multinational company and on the role of political factors is carried out. Subsequently, the internationalization process of a Portuguese company with public capital, Energias de Portugal (EDP, is described and analyzed. One concludes that the possession of abilities, technical resources, and know-how for the company to enter and consolidate in Brazil were needed conditions, but they were not enough to enable EDP's internationalization process in Brazil; and that EDP's history in Brazil represents the case of a company from a country with institutional stability which developed new abilities in order to deal with the political environment and to mitigate the risk.
Carla Madalena Alves Fernandes
The American Political Science Association (APSA) has recently launched Teaching Political Science. This rich pedagogical site provides an array of professional development opportunities for instructors and many educational resources for students of political science and civics. Included are a database of online syllabi, a collection of scholarly articles and essays, a section devoted to civic education, online access to APSA's journal, PS: Political Science & Politics, and much more. Each month, the site will focus on an aspect of political science education. This month's feature, Teaching and the Internet: Watching Evolution, provides a compilation of essays on how to integrate the Internet into the classroom.
Political parties messages or cues constitute important factors shaping public attitudes not only on domestic matters but also on issues of European integration and constitutionalisation. The question explored in the book is, how national political parties communication matters for European integration. The study aims at providing explanations for the politicisation of European contentious politics here EU treaty ratification by analysing patterns of variation in political parties public comm...
This article outlines three ways of analysing the ‘politics of securitization’, emphasizing an often-overlooked form of politics practised through theory design. The structure and nature of a theory can have systematic political implications. Analysis of this ‘politics of securitization’ is distinct from both the study of political practices of securitization and explorations of competing concepts of politics among security theories. It means tracking what kinds of analysis the theory can produce and whether such analysis systematically impacts real-life political struggles. Securitization theory is found to ‘act politically’ through three structural features that systematically shape the political effects of using the theory. The article further discusses – on the basis of the preceding articles in the special issue – three emerging debates around securitization theory: ethics, transformations and post-Western analyses. The article finally suggests one possible way forward for securitization theory: a route built on first clarifying its concept of theory, then specifying more clearly the place of political theory and causal mechanisms in different parts of the analysis. The politics of securitization accordingly becomes sharpened. Instead of deducing the political quality of the theory from various empirical statements by its proponents, this approach zooms in on the very core of the theory: how does it structurally condition work done with it in systematically political ways?
A review is presented of the evolution of the international petroleum sector since 1973 with a special emphasis on the interdependence between the economic and political factors that influence it. Two issues are focused on: the effects of the nationalization of oil companies on the sharing of oil rents and on changes in the structure of the oil market; and the determination of oil prices. Definitions are presented of oil rents, and the reasons for OPEC nationalization of oil companies are explored. The effects of nationalization on market structures, expansion of free markets, and vertical integration are discussed. The existence of an oil price floor and the reasons for such a floor are examined. It is shown that nationalization induced an internalization of rents by the producing countries, leading to the emergence of a differential rent supported by the politics of the industrialized countries. Nationalization led to the breakup of systems of vertical and horizontal integration, with replacement by a new dual structure with OPEC controlling the upstream activities of the oil sector and oil companies controlling the downstream ones. Prices move between a floor price set by the costs of substitute deposits in the U.S., while the determination of ceiling levels by OPEC rests on successive fragile compromises. Overall oil is still a strategic product, despite the existence of spot markets, forward trading options, etc. 29 refs
Sponsored by the Political Studies Association, the Political Studies Review was designed to ï¿½develop and promote the study of politics.ï¿½ In particular, the editors of the Political Studies Review strive to create a space in which ï¿½new and exciting approaches to reviewing the disciplineï¿½ of political science arise. The site is a great source for anyone interested in politics and is the leading source for political science book reviews in English. New reviews are regularly updated on recent materials. Not only does the site provide means to update your knowledge of recent political literature, but it is also useful to those considering publishing, as the editors consider a wide array of opinions and ideas.
The politics of rural educational leadership are both intense and concentrated. Rural educational leaders need to be savvy and politically skilled if they are to inspire educational stakeholders and accomplish organizational objectives. The local school system is an organization with a political culture that can be characterized as a competitive…
Farmer, Tod Allen
Standard spatial models of political competition give rise to equilibria in which the competing political parties or candidates converge to a common position. In this paper I show how political polarization can be generated in models that focus on the nexus between pre-election interest group lobbying and electoral competition.
Ursprung, Heinrich W.
The aim of this working paper is to develop a definition of political marketing that builds on the political rather than commercial marketing literature. This aim is motivated by the need to make explicit our understanding of what political marketing is, a necessary exercise when discussing theory, concepts and empirical methods in political marketing. We first present five existing definitions of political marketing that have been selected to represent advances in research from the origins of academic research into political marketing in the mid-1970’s to the present day. After this we discuss ‘wide’ and ‘narrow’ interpretations of political marketing, the nature of the political marketing exchange, political relationship marketing and how one can integrate the stakeholder concept into an understanding of political marketing. Finally, we propose a definition of political marketing that differs from existing definitions in several key ways: that the exchange component is understood as a triadic interaction rather than a dyadic exchange; that political relationships are dynamically managed, a characteristic that does not dictate a specific duration or intensity; and finally, that there is a non-specific understanding of stakeholders that allows for differences at the systemic and organisational level, and from normative and strategic approaches.
Ormrod, Robert P.
Full Text Available This research focuses on political culture with a special reference to political participation of the Malays and the non-Malays in district of Hulu Langat, Malaysia. Political landscape in Malaysia is normally being observed in term of ethnicity. This is why political observers in Malaysia claim that the goal of development and individual’s behavior towards politics are habitually govern by ethnicity. Therefore, this paper aims to scrutinize the significance of value and attitude in political participation between Malay and non-Malay. These two vital factors are constanly being neglected in observing political participation. Value and attitude are also positively involved with conventional and non-conventional political participation, while socio-economic status only acts as an underpinning principle. The research was held in Hulu Langat District in Malaysia and rationally being chosen due to its ethnic composition is similar to Malaysian’s ethnic composition, namely Bumiputera, Chinese and Indian. Data was collected through qualitative method that emphasized political participation and respondents’ perspectives on politics and leadership. A total of 400 respondents were sampled involving 208 Malays, 148 Chinese and 44 Indians. The pattern of political participation in this area can explain the politics scenario or political culture among multi-ethnic society in Malaysia.
In the literature, politeness has been researched within many disciplines. Although Brown and Levinson's theory of politeness (1978, 1987) is often cited, it is primarily a linguistic theory and has been criticized for its lack of generalizability to all cultures. Consequently, there is a need for a more comprehensive approach to understand and explain politeness. We suggest applying a social signal framework that considers politeness as a communicative state. By doing so, we aim to unify and explain politeness and its corresponding research and identify further research needed in this area. PMID:21984311
Brunet, Paul M; Cowie, Roderick; Donnan, Hastings; Douglas-Cowie, Ellen
Full Text Available Neste estudo, objetivou-se verificar como se apresentam a atitude político-ideológica e a inserção social, no contexto universitário, frente ao preconceito sutil. Participaram 206 estudantes, 80% mulheres e idade média de 23 anos (DP=5,34, sendo heterogênea a divisão entre as áreas do conhecimento humano, saúde e educação. Foram utilizadas as escalas de inserção universitária, preconceito sutil e atitude favorável ao 1º e 3º mundos. Foi realizada ANOVA (Scheffé entre as áreas do conhecimento e inserções, onde se verificou a promoção de inserções em diferentes atividades na universidade. Regressões (stepwise constatam que as atitudes primeiro e terceiro mundistas são inversamente preditivas às inserções universitárias, assim como sua pertença às áreas, e que a inserção extracurricular prediz menor expressão de preconceito sutil. Infere-se que atitudes político-ideológicas atuam indiretamente no preconceito sutil, diferentemente da sua atuação mais direta frente à inserção social e ao antirracismo.In this study, the aim is verify how political-ideological attitudes and the social insertion in college context are observed through subtle prejudice. Took part 206 college students, 80% woman and average age of 23 (SD=5,34, divided into knowledge areas: human, health and education. The tools used were university insertion and subtle prejudice scales and favorable attitude on the first and third world. ANOVA (Scheffé were used and identified knowledge areas as promoting insertions in different activities at the university. Regressions (stepwise verified that first and third world attitudes are conversely predict to university insertions thus as their areas insertions, and which extracurricular insertion predict lower expression of subtle prejudice. It suggests that political-ideological attitudes acting indirectly on subtle prejudice expression, unlike its influence towards social insertion and anti-racism.
Aline Vieira de Lima Nunes
This paper generalizes the analysis of distributive con?ict, politics, and growth developed by by Alesina-Rodrik (1994). We construct a heterogenous-agent framework in which both growth and the distribution of wealth are endogenous. Due to adjustments in the distribution of wealth, the composition of factor ownership across households equalizes in the long run. This implies that the optimal tax rate is the same for all households and equals the growth maximizing tax rate. Hence, there is no d...
Das, Satya Prasanna; Ghate, Chetan
If we are interested in questions about how we ought to organize our political lives, what kind of weight, if any, should we give to evidence about what people actually think? The thesis explores this question about the role of public opinion in normative political theory. First, I disentangle a number of distinct justifications for taking account of public opinion. Specifically, the thesis evaluates four views of the status of public opinion: as an epistemic resource; a feasibility constrain...
Baderin, Alice; Swift, Adam
Test your factoring skills Factors and Multiples Jeopardy How much do you know about factoring and multiples? Play Jeopardy and find out! Prime Factoring Turkey Shoot Blast these turkeys using your factoring skills. Help the Professor Super save the planet by "cooking" the Giant Frozen Turkeys of Destruction. Math Lines 12 X-Factor Shoot the ball at the other factors to get a product of 12. You can also ...
Full Text Available This essay is intentionally one-sided. Almost all other essays by either defenders of capitalism (libertarians or defenders of government (statists are oppositely one-sided. They claim that capitalism’s voluntariness or government’s coerciveness mean that capitalism or government better fosters such things as art, happiness, education, jobs and world peace, and never much emphasise factors that may undermine their commentary. This essay emphasises the mitigating factors that others gloss over.Arguments about the advantages or disadvantages of capitalism or government dominate political debate. This essay contends that these arguments, when they are not just about their author’s feelings, are usually incorrect or misleading. They often use value-judgments on behalf of others, disguised by false measures of happiness invented from economic data or surveys, and then applied across demographics and time. Another common error is to talk only of the positive side of something and ignore the negative. Libertarians spot these errors in statists, yet often do not hold themselves to the same standard.
...rally, fund-raising function, or other political gathering...active part in political management or in a political campaign...these positions; (2) Organizing or reorganizing a political...activity in political management or in a political...
Full Text Available This paper analyzes metaphors usage within political discourse, i.e rhetoric of political public speech. The analysis is based on public speech held at Vukovi sabori manifestations from 1987-2005, by active politicians or cultural elite at a given time period. Manifestations such as Vukovi sabori or Saborski dani were created primarily as purely cultural and artistic; however, they have also proven to be a good medium for messages with clear political agenda, hidden in metaphors of the speakers. These metaphors, in a political rhetoric, are thus seen as an instrument used to channel desired aims and win over potential voters. On the other hand, they also could be taken as one of the indicators of ideological-political paradigm change after 2000. In both cases, these metaphors are analyzed as a potential for promoting certain interests carrying heavy influence on key values and attitudes within the political discourse.
This article provides an explanation of major civil upheaval and violent political turmoil – hereinafter referred to as “active political factionalism” – that take place in the Mexican state of Oaxaca. More specifically, this work identifies the main causes of extra-institutional protest politics or uncivil modes of political action that seriously affect political stability and undermine democratic advancement. The analysis focuses on the effects of two groups of explanatory factors: ...
Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera; Departamento de Gobierno de la Universidad de Texas en Brownsville
This paper discusses women's participation in politics and governance in Nigeria, in order to unravel the dynamics and factors that limit their visibility in the political system. Women's participation in politics in Nigeria has remained a contentious issue, despite many decades of struggle to improve their lot politically. Following an analysis of the ways in which gender relations shapes the lives of Nigerian women, and an extensive review of the trajectories of women's political participat...
Nelson, E. E.
Politicians’ capability to direct market access puts them at the heart of a struggle between entrepreneurs for preferential access to a protected market. Using a single political economy framework we study how interest groups are formed to jointly offer political contributions in exchange for such preferential access. The effectiveness of these offers depends on the political influence of consumers who suffer from reduced production. In three chapters we closely examine differences in group...
Vorage, M. W.
'Clandestine Political Violence' compares four types of clandestine political violence: left-wing (in Italy and Germany), right-wing (in Italy), ethnonationalist (in Spain) and religious fundamentalist (in Islamist clandestine organizations). Oriented toward theory building, Della Porta develops her own definition of clandestine political violence. Building on the most recent developments in social movement studies, Della Porta proposes an original interpretative model. Using a unique researc...
Della Porta, Donatella
Recently published by Kathi Fountain, a reference librarian at Creighton University, Political Advocacy Groups is an online directory of US political pressure groups, special interest groups, and lobbyists. Currently, this orderly directory compiles complete contact information for and provides brief organizational descriptions of more than 200 groups, spanning the political spectrum. Users may browse the directory by way of 35 subject categories or via an alphabetical list of all organizations.
In the last 5 years, the phrase “politics of envy” has appeared more than 621 times in English-language newspapers, generally in opinion essays contending that political liberalism reflects and exploits feelings of envy. Oddly, this assertion has not been tested empirically. We did so with a large adult sample (n = 357). Participants completed a Dispositional Envy Scale and questions about political ideology, socioeconomic status, and age. Envy and age were moderately correlated; youn...
Full Text Available On 16 February 2003, more than half a million people gathered in Sydney, Australia, as part of a global anti-war protest aimed at stopping the impending invasion of Iraq by the then US Administration. It is difficult to estimate how many millions marched on the coordinated protest, but it was by far the largest mobilization of a generation. Walking and chanting on the streets of Sydney that day, it seemed that a political moment was upon us. In a culture that rarely embraces large scale activism, millions around Australian demanded to be heard. The message was clear: if you do not hear us, we would be willing to bring down a government. The invasion went ahead, however, with the then Australian government, under the leadership of John Howard, being one of the loudest and staunchest supporters of the Bush Administrations drive to war. Within 18 months, anti-war activists struggled to have a few hundred participants take part in anti-Iraq war rallies, and the Howard Government was comfortably re-elected for another term. The political moment had come and gone, with both social commentators and many members of the public looking for a reason. While the conservative media was often the focus of analysis, this paper argues that in a time of late capitalism, the political moment is hollowed out by ‘Politics’ itself. That is to say, that formal political processes (or ‘Politics’ undermine the political practices that people participate in everyday (or ‘politics’. Drawing on an ongoing research project focusing on democracy and young people, I discuss how the concept of ’politics‘ has been destabilised and subsequently, the political moment has been displaced. This displacement has led to a re-definition of ‘political action’ and, I argue, the emergence of a different type of everyday politics.
This article develops a conceptual framework and measurement model of political market orientation that consists of attitudinal and behavioural constructs. The article reports on perceived relationships among different behavioral aspects of political market orientation and the attitudinal influences of such behavior. The study includes structural equation modeling to investigate several propositions. While the results show that political parties need to focus on several different aspects of m...
Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C.
For those Internauts interested on where the money that flows to U.S. political campaigns (Congressional and Presidential) comes from, the Political Money Line (formerly FECInfo) site is an excellent places to start. Political Money Line, provided by Tony Raymond, a former employee of the FEC, is a site that allows users to query FEC data for individual contributors (by name and zip code), which candidates have the most cash, detailed information about PACs (Political Action Committees), and which candidates have contributed the most money to their own campaigns, among other data. Raymond claims simply to make FEC data easier to use; his site is in no way affiliated with FEC.
Full Text Available Se analizaron las prevalencias de exceso de peso, según índice de masa corporal (IMC, en adultos y su asociación con algunas variables demográficas, socioeconómicas e índice de democracia. Se realizó un diseño ecológico que consideró un total de 105 países, con datos de IMC de 2000 a 2006. Las demás variables se obtuvieron en correspondencia con el año del dato de estado nutricional, o su referente más cercano. Se utilizaron los puntos de corte de la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS para IMC. Se calcularon correlaciones de Spearman y modelos de regresión múltiple. El sobrepeso y la obesidad se correlacionaron en ambos sexos con la disponibilidad energética y con el Índice de Desarrollo Humano (IDH y sus variables constitutivas. En cuanto a las variables relacionadas con democracia, la correlación fue inversa y más fuerte con el nivel ponderal de los hombres. En conclusión, indicadores de condiciones de vida más favorables en los países se asociaron de forma directa con mayores prevalencias de exceso de peso poblacional, con comportamientos diferentes en función del género.This study analyzed prevalence rates for excess weight in adults based on body mass index (BMI and the association with various demographic, socioeconomic, and political variables (democracy index. An ecological design was used, including a total of 105 countries, with BMI data from 2000 to 2006. Other variables were obtained by proximity to the year of nutritional status. The study used the World Health Organization (WHO classification for BMI. Spearman correlation coefficients and multiple logistic regression models were used. In both genders, overweight and obesity were correlated with calorie availability and the human development index (HDI and its component variables. As for the variables related to democracy, there was an inverse correlation with weight, stronger in men than women. In conclusion, better living conditions in countries were directly associated with higher rates of excess weight in the population, with different patterns according to gender.
Laura Inés González-Zapata
In the United States, 103 nuclear power reactors generate approximately 20% of the country's electrical power. An additional 28 reactors have been shut down. Most of the waste is in the form of SNF, most of which is stored in pools and dry casks at reactor sites. A small amount of SNF is stored at a privately-owned centralized facility located in Morris, Illinois. Minor amounts of HLW from reprocessing commercial fuel are also being stored in West Valley, New York. The United States developed the legal and institutional framework for disposing of HLW and SNF over a period of more than 50 years. Legislative framework, history, technical factor, structural factor, and process factor are discussed.The behavioural factor, as used in this report, generally refers to how those responsible for developing a repository, i.e., implementers, government officials, regulators, etc., interacting with members of the general public or with interested and affected parties, such as members of a community being considered as a site for a waste management facility. As noted above, neither the general public nor citizens living at potential sites were at that time much involved in the passage of the NWPA (Nuclear Waste Policy Act). Thus, this factor is largely irrelevant in this particular case
The primary assumption within the recent personality and political orientations literature is that personality traits cause people to develop political attitudes. In contrast, research relying on traditional psychological and developmental theories suggests the relationship between most personality dimensions and political orientations are either not significant or weak. Research from behavioral genetics suggests the covariance between personality and political preferences is not causal, but due to a common, latent genetic factor that mutually influences both. The contradictory assumptions and findings from these research streams have yet to be resolved. This is in part due to the reliance on cross-sectional data and the lack of longitudinal genetically informative data. Here, using two independent longitudinal genetically informative samples, we examine the joint development of personality traits and attitude dimensions to explore the underlying causal mechanisms that drive the relationship between these features and provide a first step in resolving the causal question. We find change in personality over a ten-year period does not predict change in political attitudes, which does not support a causal relationship between personality traits and political attitudes as is frequently assumed. Rather, political attitudes are often more stable than the key personality traits assumed to be predicting them. Finally, the results from our genetic models find that no additional variance is accounted for by the causal pathway from personality traits to political attitudes. Our findings remain consistent with the original construction of the five-factor model of personality and developmental theories on attitude formation, but challenge recent work in this area. PMID:25734580
Hatemi, Peter K.; Verhulst, Brad
This study is an effort to examine principals' perceptions of workplace politics and its influence on their productivity and efficacy. A survey was used to explore the perceptions of current school administrators with regard to workplace politics. The instrument was disseminated to principals serving public schools in one Midwestern state in the…
Tooms, Autumn K.; Kretovics, Mark A.; Smialek, Charles A.
Over the last thirty years, happiness research in psychology, economics and philosophy has been discussing the proper meaning of happiness and its main determinants. Moreover, the idea has spread within academic and political circles that it may be legitimate for institutions to engage in “politics of happiness”. This article presents a critique of the project of promoting happiness through public policies.
The study seeks to unveil the operational forces surrounding and compelling gangsterism and sycophancy in Nigerian politics by examining the level of influence economics has on politics as the two concepts are very highly dependent. Political decisions tend to be overwhelmingly influenced by economic benefits. The primary cause of restiveness, communal and ethnic clashes, tension and class antagonism is believed to be largely defined by economic factors. This state of affairs has impacted neg...
Ekong, Christopher N.; Essien, Ettah B.
By the creation of the unique currency, the European construction advanced, in the late twenty years, more in economic terms than in political ones. Still, at a closer look there can be found interesting arguments to sustain the idea of a political background for this surprising economic acceleration. Creating the common market and a new currency are things which have been possible only because of favourable factors in economy and of strong political will. This paper analyses the market as a ...
Florina Pînzaru; Iulian Brasoveanu
Full Text Available Political parties have made themselves noticed in history by competing for power and over time they have emerged as undeniable and indispensable realities in a political system regardless of its form. The Constitution of Romania recognised the role and historical importance of pluralism and political parties and dedicated them a place of honour in the general principles that establish our state as a democratic and social state of law. This article analyses the constitutional provisions on political parties, depicting the evolution of statutory regulations thereon over more than 100 years, during various political regimes. Last but not least, it also analyses concepts and points of view of the doctrine with respect to the subject matter, while also making references to the relevant constitutional jurisprudence. Finally, as a result of the analysis conducted, we will reveal any weaknesses of the legislation and we will make our conclusions.
Full Text Available Political parties have made themselves noticed in history by competing for power and over time they have emerged as undeniable and indispensable realities in a political system regardless of its form. The Constitution of Romania recognised the role and historical importance of pluralism and political parties and dedicated them a place of honour in the general principles that establish our state as a democratic and social state of law. This article analyses the constitutional provisions on political parties, depicting the evolution of statutory regulations thereon over more than 100 years, during various political regimes. Last but not least, it also analyses concepts and points of view of the doctrine with respect to the subject matter, while also making references to the relevant constitutional jurisprudence. Finally, as a result of the analysis conducted, we will reveal any weaknesses of the legislation and we will make our conclusions.
Part of the DC Orbit Network, a group providing Web-based information tailored to the needs of the Washington DC political community, Political Information.com is a targeted search engine covering over 2,000 political and policy sites. Help is provided at the site on how to structure your search to retrieve exactly the items you want. I tried a general search on Wisconsin which retrieved over 4,000 items, but a structured search including Tammy Baldwin (Rep.) and excluding Thompson (Gov.) got a more manageable six. Although Political Information.com touts the sites it indexes as the best sources of political information, a list of what's covered is not provided. My first few searches primarily returned material from the e-zine Salon, but subsequent searches found other sources.
The American Political Science Association, founded in 1903, is the leading professional organization for the study of political science and serves more than 15,000 members in over 80 countries. A key component of APSA's mission is to support political science education and professional development of its practitioners. In a variety of ways, the Association seeks to generate a greater understanding of cutting-edge approaches, techniques, and methodologies that can be effectively applied in the political science classroom. The website provides a wealth of resources for teachers teaching political science. By clicking on the ï¿½Teachingï¿½ heading, users can find resources that include published papers at conferences, various example syllabi, listservs, and links to journals. Furthermore, the site has online job listings as well as a listing of upcoming conferences.
Full Text Available This essay articulates the differences and suggests the similarities between the practices of Socratic political speaking and those of Platonic political writing. The essay delineates Socratic speaking and Platonic writing as both erotically oriented toward ideals capable of transforming the lives of individuals and their relationships with one another. Besides it shows that in the Protagoras the practices of Socratic political speaking are concerned less with Protagoras than with the individual young man, Hippocrates. In the Phaedo, this ideal of a Socrates is amplified in such a way that Platonic writing itself emerges as capable of doing with readers what Socratic speaking did with those he encountered. Socrates is the Platonic political ideal. The result is a picture of the transformative political power of Socratic speaking and Platonic writing both.
Christopher P. Long
Full Text Available People’s electoral behavior is understood as political predispositions and attitudes in specific institutional contexts. Recent scholarly work has included personality as a key explanatory factor in individual-level models of political participation. In this paper we build upon these recent efforts. We utilize the Big Five approach to assess the effects of different personality traits on people’s likelihood of political engagement during the 2012 presidential election in Mexico. We focus on the effects of personality on voting in the election and on individual views about the integrity of the electoral process. We use post election survey data collected for the Comparative National Elections Project in the 2012 Mexican presidential election. Our findings show that extraversion is a critical individual-level factor accounting for the propensity to turnout in this election as well as to encourage political discussion with family members, friends, neighbors, and co-workers.
The impact of the Internet on political participation has been a debated issue in recent decades. Internet activities have been criticized for being slacktivism, where the real life impact of the activities is limited; the main effect is to enhance the feel-good factor for the participants. This article examines whether this accusation is valid. It does so by examining two aspects of Internet campaigns: Whether they are effective in affecting real life political decisions, and whether Interne...
Christensen, Henrik Serup ?bo Akademi University
The end of the Cold War has seen the resurgence of old patterns of internal and external armed conflicts. War and civil war as factors in the process of the dissolution and formation of political structures have reappeared even within Europe. In the post-Cold War world politics appears less to be ordered by clear principles. Instead, it is insecure and undermined by violence and instability) It would, however, be misleading to assume that the contemporary experience of eruptive violence simpl...
This paper tries to explain the use of different online communication tools by political interest groups in Switzerland. Theoretically, the different online instruments employed are conceptualized as a group’s (online) communication repertoire. This theoretical framework helps to highlight the fact that the instruments a political interest group is using are dependent on characteristic factors either inside or outside of a given organization. The adoption of different online communication t...
Full Text Available Esta comunicación se propone analizar las implicancias de los postulados de El Príncipe, de Nicolás Maquiavelo y cómo se mantiene vigente hoy en día. El autor parte de la pregunta por la necesidad de la violencia para la supervivencia de un régimen político. El presente artículo analiza también la i [...] mportancia de la violencia como medio específico del Estado. Se presta especial atención a las características de la relación soberano-súbdito y a partir de allí se explica la importancia del monopolio de la violencia por parte del soberano. Se explica también cuáles son las consecuencias esperables de la no aplicación de la violencia por parte de los regímenes políticos. El autor busca detectar la persistencia de la represión como elemento decisivo de la política. Asimismo, se otorga especial atención a las condiciones que deben regular el uso de la violencia estatal para que sirva a los propósitos del gobernante. Finalmente, se aborda la tensión entre Estado y democratización. Abstract in english This communication attempts to analyse the implications of Niccoló Machiavelli's thoughts as pictured in The Prince and how these remain valid nowadays. The author's starting point is the question about why violence is necessary for the survival of a political regime. The article also analyses the i [...] mportance that violence has as States' specific means. Special attention is paid to the attributes of the sovereign-subject relation and therefore, the importance of the monopoly of violence by the ruler is explained. The author attempts to expose the persistence of repression as politics' decisive element. Also, special attention is paid to the conditions that should regulate violence usage by States for it to serve governments' purposes. Finally, the tension between States and democratization is explored.
Jorge Federico, Jaef.
Published by Dr. William J. Ball, an Assistant Professor of Political Science at The College of New Jersey, Teaching Politics: Techniques & Technologies commits itself to "increasing the quality of teaching and learning about politics in higher education settings." This site functions as a pedagogical information center for political science instructors. Teaching Politics' nine content sections provide educators with a variety of resources for and about instruction, including sections devoted to Conference Papers, Book Reviews, video tours and descriptions of Multimedia Classrooms, The Guide to Teaching, The Web Crawler (a local area search engine that indexes over 5000 political science Web pages), and the H-Teachpol Discussion List--a listserv for post-secondary political science instructors (discussed in the February 28, 1997 issue of the Scout Report). Users should note that most conference papers posted at the site are in Adobe Portable Document Format (.pdf) and many of the papers are accompanied by audio and video presentations which require RealPlayer. The video tours of the multimedia classrooms require RealPlayer as well.
Ball, William J.
This interactive applet allows a student to visually explore the concept of factors by creating different rectangular arrays for a number. The user constructs the array by clicking and dragging on a grid. The length and width of the array are factors of the number. A student can elect an option of a randomly selected number or the student selects his own number between 2 and 50. Exploration questions are included to promote student discovery of mathematical concepts with factors.
This article develops a conceptual framework and measurement model of political market orientation that consists of attitudinal and behavioural constructs. The article reports on perceived relationships among different behavioral aspects of political market orientation and the attitudinal influences of such behavior. The study includes structural equation modeling to investigate several propositions. While the results show that political parties need to focus on several different aspects of market-oriented behavior, especially using an internal and external orientation as cultural antecedents, a more surprising result is the inconclusive effect of a voter orientation on market-oriented behaviours. The article discusses the findings in the context of the existing literature in political marketing and commercial market orientation.
Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C.
This paper discuss the rebirth of trust studies in recent years, especially in the field of political attitudes and opinions. The case study presented try to explore the relationship between electoral behaviour and political orientations, regarding the people's views about the role of state, market and 'third sector' and application of law or social self-regulation. We found prevailing statists and liberal orientations, but also a 'concealed' group of Portuguese voters.
Freire, Joa?o; Marques, Rafael
We show that political booms, measured by the rise in governments’ popularity, predict financial crises above and beyond other better-known early warning indicators, such as credit booms. This predictive power, however, only holds in emerging economies. We show that governments in emerging economies are more concerned about their reputation and tend to ride the short-term popularity benefits of weak credit booms rather than implementing politically costly corrective policies that would help...
Herrera, Helios; Ordon?ez, Guillermo; Trebesch, Christoph
A common complaint from political scientists involved in the study of religion is that religious issues have been largely overlooked by political science. Through a content analysis of leading political science and sociology journals from 2000 to 2010, this article considers the extent of this claim. The results show that political science…
Full Text Available The Author asks himself if the peculiar mode of application of the nexus doctrine/discipline represented by ideology constitutes the only possibility for reproducing and maintaining consensus in a political community. The constitutionalism’s curve shows the contrary: in the beginning constitutionalism developed as a common field between different ideologies, still it survived their crisis, and has opened a new mode of social and political collective behaviour, defined by the author as «political discourse». In order to overcome the risk of political neutralization produced by the growing importance of technique in the contemporary governance processes, political discourse – considered in its function of language mediator and translator –, might work as an instrument able to link the broken threads of obligation. In order not to reproduce a straight and unilateral political discourse, a radical revision of the concept of measure would be necessary. Measure should be taken as an instrument for the allocation/distribution of differences and, therefore, as a useful element for the creation of consensus in a mass society.
Objectives This study examines political marketing and how political organizations are creating value to their customers, ie. the voter-citizens, through the means of political and relationship marketing. The focus is from a managerial perspective to help determine how political organizations could better create value to their customers and build long-term beneficial relationships with them in order to become more successful. The empirical research will be based in the Finnish political f...
Full Text Available This paper deals with political attitudes of voters in the Vojvodina region and some correlates of these attitudes. Sample was 302 people, all voters of either six of the parties currently in the Serbian parliament (DSS, SRS, SPS, G17+, DS or SPO, or three of the other major parties in Vojvodina (LSV, PSS or SVM. Instruments used were: political attitude scale, social dominance orientation scale (SDO, and a questionnaire dealing with several important issues, such as support for the integration of Serbia into European Union. Factor analysis extracted six factors at the political attitudes scale-antimilitarism, support for the better minority status in the society, support for the different social issues, openness to the world, liberalism and conservativism. All differences concerning the voters’ preferences were statistically significant (p < .01. Also, differences at the SDO scale also proved to be significant, as well as correlations between SDO scale and all of the political attitudes factors (correlation varied from .17 to .39. All of these correlations were negative, except for the SDO-conservativism scale. Another difference has been found at the perceived importance of different group identification. Groups were- person's ethnic group, Vojvodina, Serbia and Europe. Most important identification was with the Europe and the least one with the Serbia. Finally, more than 77% of the people in the sample said that they would vote “yes” at the Serbia joining the EU referendum.
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Nonverbal communication as being a fundamental aspect of communication, meaning “nonverbal symbolic codes applied in relations in daily life”, is used mostly unconsciously but continuously. It is revealed in the researches that 38% of communication is comprised of audio codes, %55 body language and 7% words. As can be seen, importance of nonverbal communication is undeniable. General opinion in society is that nonverbal communication is comprised of just gestures and mimics. But voice, word accent, silence, colors, body posture and angle, touching, smell, use of objects, sense of place and time, dressing, accessories used, walking style etc. are included in nonverbal communication. As can be seen, nonverbal communication covers items which are non-verbal and cannot be expressed with words.
In addition to rhetoric, when a community is evaluating political leaders they resorts to some other information. This information is usually obtained from nonverbal communication. Voters in the society and other national societies take into account when communicating face to face with politicians the tone of voice, rhetoric, dominance of the mother tongue language, as well as the dress style, jewelry, accessories, body posture, gestures and facial expressions as non-verbal communication and persuasion factors. In the presentations and international relation conferences the non-verbal elements, as stated before, are much more effective, easier to recall, cogent and persuasive than elements of written communication of the political leaders messages.
“How are the non-verbal communication items used by political leaders” is the starting point and the question for this article. Because today nonverbal communication items are effective to create political image and has an important dimension in the international politics. In this article, these items are reviewed with examples in communication literature.
Key words: Nonverbal communication; Politics; Political leader
La communication non verbale comme étant un aspect fondamental de la communication, qui signifie «non verbale codes symboliques appliquée dans les relations dans la vie quotidienne", est utilisé plus souvent inconsciemment mais continuellement. Il est révélé dans les recherches que 38% de la communication est composé de codes audio, le langage corporel de 55% et les mots de 7%. Comme on peut le voir, l'importance de la communication non verbale est indéniable. L'opinion générale dans la société, c'est que la communication non verbale est composée de gestes et mimiques simplement. Mais la voix, l'accent parole, le silence, les couleurs, la posture du corps et de l'angle, le toucher, l'odorat, l'utilisation d'objets, le sens du lieu et de temps, l'habillage, les accessoires utilisés, la marche de style etc sont inclus dans la communication non verbale. Comme on peut le constater, la communication non verbale couvre les éléments qui sont non-verbale et ne peut pas être exprimé avec des mots.
En plus de la rhétorique, quand une communauté est d'évaluer les dirigeants politiques qu'ils recourt à certaines autres informations. Cette information est généralement obtenu à partir de la communication non verbale. Les électeurs de la société et d'autres sociétés nationales de prendre en compte lors de la communication face à face avec les politiciens du ton de la voix, la rhétorique, la dominance de la langue maternelle, ainsi que le style vestimentaire, des bijoux, des accessoires, la posture, les gestes et les expressions faciales que la communication non verbale et les facteurs de la persuasion. Dans les présentations et les conférences internationales concernant les éléments non-verbaux, comme indiqué précédemment, sont beaucoup plus efficaces, plus faciles à rappeler, forte et persuasive que les éléments de la communication écrite des messages des dirigeants poli
Political cultures have usually been studied as static and perhaps monolithic. If any attention has been dedicated to how political cultures change it has been devoted to exogenous factors. In recent years, however, some authors have advocated exploring the role of endogenous factors. In this article, we reflect on the advantages of a comprehensive approach to explaining how political cultures change, embracing endogenous and exogenous factors. We look at peace mobilizations in Italy as a cas...
Tosi, Simone; Vitale, Tommaso
Based on the socioanalytic perspective of performance prediction [Hogan, R. (1991). Personality and personality assessment. In M. D. Dunnette, L. Hough, (Eds.), Handbook of industrial and organizational psychology (2nd ed., pp. 873-919). Chicago: Rand McNally; Hogan, R., & Shelton, D. (1998). A socioanalytic perspective on job performance. Human Performance, 11, 129-144.], the present study tests whether motives to get along and to get ahead produce greater performance when interactively combined with social effectiveness. Specifically, we investigated whether interactions of the Five-Factor Model constructs of agreeableness and conscientiousness with political skill predict job performance. Our results supported our hypothesis for the agreeableness-political skill interaction. Additionally, after correcting for the unreliability and restricted range of conscientiousness, we found that its interaction with political skill also significantly predicted job performance, although not precisely as hypothesized. Implications of the results and directions for future research are provided. © 2007 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Blickle, G.; Meurs, J.A.
The political factors shaping IMF lending to developing countries have attracted attention in recent empirical work. This goes in particular for the role and influence of the US. However, scant formal modelling makes interpretation of empirical results difficult. In this paper, we propose a model in which the US acts as principal within the IMF and seeks to maximize its impact on the policy stance of debtor countries. We derive an optimal loan allocation mechanism, which leads to the testable hypothesis that the probability of an IMF loan is increasing in the amount of political concessions countries make. A political concession is defined as the distance between a country's bliss point and its actual policy stance measured relative to the US. We introduce a bliss-point proxy and demonstrate that our hypothesis is strongly supported in the data. Moreover, we show that not accounting for bliss points may lead to endogeneity bias in empirical work
Andersen, Thomas Barnebeck; Harr, Thomas
Education has been considered by political economy and political science literature one of the most important factors explaining political participation: voter turnout, civic engagement, political knowledge, and democratic attitudes. However, only few papers have explored the causal link with contradictory findings. In this paper, I use the eligibility criteria for two loan programs in Chile, that produce an exogenous variation on higher education enrollment, to test the causal effects o...
Why are some countries more prone to social violence than others? Drawing on theoretical and empirical insights from the fields of political economy, sociology and criminology we develop and empirically test a holistic theory of social violence that accounts for political-institutional, socio-economic and socio-demographic factors. We find that hybrid political regimes, political-institutional volatility, poverty, inequality and ethnic diversity are associated with higher rates of social viol...
Fox, Sean; Hoelscher, Kristian
Full Text Available Since the initial resettlement of the Hmong in the United States in the mid-1970s, they have maintained strong political and military relationships with the Lao People‘s Democratic Republic (LPDR. Yet, there is little research on that relationship and the involvement of the Hmong in the United States in political developments in Laos. Most works on Hmong political activism have focused on the electoral participation and representation of Hmong Americans in relation to American domestic politics. In this article, using archival, ethnographic, and interview data that I have collected between 2006 and 2009 in Laos, Thailand, and the United States, I describe and analyze the non-domestic or transnational form of Hmong American political expression and participation. I argue that Hmong political activism in America not only was transnational from the outset, but that their transnational involvement in political developments in Laos and their relations with the Lao PDR government also had a significant impact on their ethnic politics. Many Hmong political activists made their entry into ethnic politics through the door of transnational politics, and many were motivated by transnational political issues to participate in domestic American politics. By exploring their transnational involvement in political developments in Laos and their relations with the Lao PDR government, we get a more complete and dynamic understanding of Hmong political activism in the United States than is possible by focusing exclusively on domestic and electoral participation. Examining their transnational politics also allows us to see the transnationality of not only their culture, identity, and community but also that of their political activities and aspirations.
Nengher N. Vang, Ph.D
Full Text Available Politeness is a common phenomenon in any society. Thus conventions of politeness vary from culture to culture. How people value politeness or show politeness is influenced by many factors such as age, gender, knowledge level, or social status or power. In this research, we deal with politeness in China EFL classrooms. Based on Brown and Levinson’s Face Theory and applying a series of research methods like class observation, survey questionnaires and semi-structured interviews in a case study, the researcher tries to find out: how students’ gender and level of English proficiency influence their understanding of teachers’ politeness strategies, what attitudes they have towards the application of teachers’ PS, and how students value politeness strategies in EFL classrooms. In conclusion, on one hand, teachers should increase their own politeness awareness as well as students’; on the other hand, it is very important to improve students’ English proficiency, which can help them understand situational contexts in English and interpret teachers’ well meaning in the term of politeness.
There is much concern about the capacity of the health system of Pakistan to meet its goals and obligations. Historically, the political thrust has been absent from the health policy formulation and this is reflected in the low and stagnant public allocations to health. Successive political leaderships have averred from considering healthcare is a common good rather than a market commodity and health has not been recognized as a constitutional right. Over 120 of world’s nation states have accepted health as a constitutional right but the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan does not mandate health or education as a fundamental right and the recently adopted 18th constitutional amendment missed the opportunity to extend access to primary health care as an obligation of the State. It is argued in this communication that missing from the calculations of policy formulation and agenda setting is the political benefits of providing health and other social services to underserved populations. Across the developing world, many examples are presented of governments undertaking progressive health reforms that bring services where none existed and subsequently reaping electoral benefit. The political determinant of healthcare will be realized when the political leaders of poorly performing countries can be convinced that embracing distributive policies and successfully bringing healthcare to the poor can be major factors in their re-elections. PMID:24948958
Jooma, Rashid; Sabatinelli, Guido
Full Text Available Political science has long been concerned with how to make frameworks permitting us "to be free from craving and restraint." Political improvement infers that a few legislatures are preferred at finishing these objectives over others are. Despite the fact that we ought to be mindful so as not to romanticize vote based system with all its defects and surely Samuel Huntington would advise us that political request matters more—numerous concur that majority rule government in some structure is desirable over the wide cluster of nondemocratic frameworks of government. Modernization alludes to monetary advancement and the change from rural to modern social orders, alongside comparing social and social movements (in spite of the fact that the utilization of terms, for example, cutting edge and primitive has been censured as improperly stereotyping certain societies from a Western point of view.
For almost 20 years, gay rights advocates and defenders of military anti-gay discrimination engaged in a phony debate about whether allowing open service would undermine unit cohesion. To be sure, a preponderance of evidence showed that open service would not undermine cohesion, and the repeal of don't ask, don't tell (DADT) required advocates to prevail on that point in the court of public opinion. But concerns about cohesion were never the basis of opposition to open service. Rather, opposition was a modern incarnation of the politics of paranoia, a dangerous tradition in American history. Acknowledging that DADT had nothing to do with cohesion and that military leaders allowed the armed forces to be implicated in the politics of paranoia could facilitate disabling paranoia as the basis for other political projects such as anti-immigrant xenophobia. For a video on DADT and paranoia, search for "Donnelly Belkin DADT" on YoutTube. PMID:23414269
This paper will argue that astronomical models have long been applied to political theory, from the use of the Sun as a symbol of the emperor in Rome to the application of Copernican theory to the needs of absolute monarchy. We will begin with consideration of astral divination (the use of astronomy to ascertain divine intentions) in the ancient Near East. Particular attention will be paid to the use of Newton's discovery that the universe operates according to a single set of laws in order to support concepts of political quality and eighteenth century Natural Rights theory. We will conclude with consideration of arguments that the discovery of the expanding, multi-galaxy universe, stimulated political uncertainty in the 1930s, and that photographs of the Earth from Apollo spacecraft encouraged concepts of the `global village'.
Published by the Sameeksha Trust since 1966, Economic and Political Weekly is a social science journal that features research articles in economics, sociology, political science, and other disciplines; book reviews; commentary; columns by social scientists; statistical updates; and other content. The full text of the journal is available online dating back to January 1999, and article summaries are available for 1998. Issues appear to be placed online one month after print publication, as the November 11-17 issue was featured at the time of review.
The suggestion that teaching is a political act has been a divisive issue among educators. However, there has been little analysis of the ways that teachers draw on their political experiences as pedagogical resources. Using a case study of seven teachers in Porto Alegre, Brazil who were involved in politics, this article explores the relationship…
Myers, John P.
Developed and maintained by Alfred Perez, a PhD student at the New School for Social Research in New York City, this site is designed to be "a central space on the Web for the study of philosophy and politics." The homepage is laid out in three columns of text, separated into three sections: Newsroom, Town Square, and Ivory Tower. The Newsroom area contains a host of hyperlinks to recent developments around the world, including pieces of how blogs are transforming presidential politics and agricultural reform in Venezuela. The Town Square area includes links to germane newspaper and periodical articles, and on a recent visit included links to articles dealing with student activism on college campuses and a review of Paul Krugman's new book, The Great Unraveling. Not surprisingly, the Ivory Tower area contains links to recent academic pieces on political theory, and includes reflections on the recent passing of Edward Said and a work on the "military-entertainment complex." The site is rounded out by a page devoted to links dealing with political think-tanks and related organizations.
A state representative from Oregon uses his state as example for political action regarding critical sociobiological issues having great bearing on world ecosystems: pollution, energy-resource allocation, and population density. Discusses ozone depletion, use of fluorocarbons, and the Oregon Energy Policy. Suggests methods of involving educators.…
The meaning and understanding of conscience in political thought are examined. The problem of distinguishing apparent and real conscience and private and public judgment is illustrated by contrasting the acts of conscience of Socrates and Thomas More with the rejection of private judgment against the state in Hobbes and Locke. (RM)
Stevens, Richard G.
In this paper we discussing about the potential threats to the investments safety evaluation system, creating the model of the system analysis methods when a new political concept is raised in the country. Traditionally, as we already know that politic and economic are inextricably linked. We can easily assure in it using the historical overview of the political and economic interactions. So the question: how the investment safeties are depending from political environment when a new politica...
Full Text Available Are political regimes drivers of economic growth? While political institutions are influenced by economic development, they are in turn a key determinant of the development process. This study builds in the Neoclassical Growth theory to identify the influence of political regimes on economic development through a panel data sample of 170 countries from 1960 to 2000. Results suggest that once fixed effects are considered, the positive relationship between income per capita and political regimes measured by different democracy variables disappears.
Ecological restoration has taken on a new significance in the face of climate change and biodiversity loss. Despite its growing policy salience, however, the social and political sciences have paid limited attention to the study of ecological restoration policy and practice. By drawing upon the political science study of multilevel governance, institutions, power elations, and place-based politics, a flavour is given of what a political science engagement might contribute to the rich tapestry...
Baker, Susan; Eckerberg, Katarina; Zachrisson, Anna
Full Text Available The rise of party-based Islamic charities has had a profound impact on the nature of philanthropic activities in contemporary Indonesia, and stimulated a new debate over the issue of the politics of benevolent acts. Over the past few years, in line with the increase of the influence of the Islamic factor in Indonesian politics, there have been a number of political parties which actively engaged with social welfare activities through the newly-established Islamic charitable organizations. The close ties between charitable organizations and political parties may lead to the new patterns of Muslim social and political activism, and to the new forms of political clientelism. This article analyzes the vibrant effort of political parties in sponsoring the inception and operation of Islamic charitable organizations in the post New Order era, and investigates how political clientelism has been established through charity practices. This paper compares the roles of charitable organizations set up by the nationalist and Islamist parties in formulating strategies to promote their political interest. Based on three political parties studied in this article, which are the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS, Golkar Party, and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P, this paper argues that the practice of charity has become a popular way used by politicians to patronize their constituents, but at the same time, this practice has weakened the Muslim perspective of development and social change.[Munculnya lembaga-lembaga amal yang dikelola oleh partai politik berpengaruh luas terhadap aktifitas filantropi di Indonesia dan memicu perdebatan seputar politik-kedermawanan. Dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, selaras dengan semakin meningkatnya pengaruh Islam dalam lanskap politik Indonesia, partai-partai politik juga berlomba-lomba untuk terlibat aktif dalam aktifitas filantropi dengan mendirikan lembaga amal. Ikatan kuat antara partai politik dan lembaga amal tersebut tentu berpotensi melahirkan pola aktivisme sosial-politik Islam dan bentuk baru clientisme-politik. Artikel ini akan mengulas upaya keras partai politik dalam mendirikan dan mengendalikan lembaga-lembaga amal pasca Orde Baru dan menjelaskan bagaimana clientisme dapat terbentuk melalui aktifitas amal. Artikel ini akan membandingkan peran lembaga-lembaga amal yang didirikan oleh partai politik nasionalis dan Islam dalam menyusun strategi untuk menyukseskan agenda politik mereka. Dengan menganalisis tiga partai politik, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/PKS, Partai Demokrasi Indonesia-Perjuangan/PDI-P, dan Golongan Karya/Golkar, penulis berargumen bahwa aktifitas amal semakin populer di kalangan politisi sebagai cara menarik simpati konstituen, tetapi pada saat yang sama, praktik tersebut semakin memperlemah cara pandang umat Islam mengenai pembangunan dan perubahan sosial]Keywords: political parties, patronage, clientelism, charities, and development
In the paper I address the empirical puzzle arising from different responses by political authorities in Spain and the UK to the existence of political parties integrated in the terrorist groups Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Basque Homeland and Freedom) and the Irish Republican Army (IRA). More specifically I address the question of why the radical Basque nationalist political party Herri Batasuna and its successors, and the republican parties Sinn Féin and the Republican Clubs, enjoyed periods of legality and illegality during periods in which they all were involved in (separate) violent campaigns against established authorities. I adopt a ‘discursive institutionalist’ approach and argue that decisions to ban the political parties linked to the IRA and ETA can be explained at least in part by the dominance of a ‘discourse of intolerance’ in which proscription is seen predominantly as a problem of law and order; the banned party is deemed ‘abnormal’ and thus unworthy of usual privileges and entitlements; and where proscription is seen to positively contribute to ending violent conflict. In contrast, parties were legalized when a ‘discourse of tolerance’ predominated, where the role of parties for realization of free speech rights and representation is also emphasized, and where proscription is seen as inimical to resolution of conflict underpinning violence. In the context of party competition, a winning coalition is required for one discourse to predominate. However, I also argued that both ideas and institutions matter; varying institutional structures and norms empower different actors in the two countries with the result that unlike the UK, the judiciary are veto players in Spain and are able to overturn preferences of political parties on matters of proscription if they have not been in agreement.
...2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Political activity. 592.80 Section 592...Performance of Services § 592.80 Political activity. All inspection program...appointments, to take an active part in political management or in political...
...2010-10-01 2010-10-01 false Political activity. 260.88 Section 260...Consumption Miscellaneous § 260.88 Political activity. All inspectors and licensed...licenses, to take an active part in political management or in political...
The tasks of socialization (especially political) and modernization have placed the political and educational systems in India in close interrelationship. One result of this close relationship has been politicization which forces the educational system to resort to the use of political influence. (Author/MS)
Recent discussions surrounding the conceptualising of disability has resulted in a stalemate between British sociologists and philosophers. The stagnation of theorizing that has occurred threatens not only academic pursuits and the advancement of theoretical interpretations within the Disability Studies community, but also how we educate and advocate politically, legally, and socially. More pointedly, many activists and theorists in the UK appear to believe the British social model is the only effective means of understanding and advocating on behalf of people with disabilities. This model, largely reliant upon materialist research traditions, contends that disability is a form of social oppression and hence, is a phenomenon that should be conceptualised in social terms. Individual properties such as impairments are disregarded as they are viewed to be unimportant in the analysis of the social causes of disability. Concurrently, many bioethicists and philosophers have embraced what Tom Shakespeare has classified as an 'Interactional Approach' to disability--that "the experience of a disabled person results from the relationship between factors intrinsic to the individual, and the extrinsic factors arising from the wider context in which she finds herself". I intend to demonstrate that the benefits of the British social model are now outweighed by its burdens. I suggest, as Jerome Bickenbach has, that while it may be somewhat churlish to critique the social model in light of its political success, taken literally, it implies that people with disabilities require no additional health resources by virtue of their impairments. Despite the eloquent arguments that have preceded me by interactional theorists, none have been accepted as evidence of fallacious reasoning by British social model theorists. This article is an attempt to clarify why it is that the types of arguments British social model theorists have been offering are misguided. I suggest that the British social model, unlike an interactional approach, is unable to provide a realistic account of the experience of disability, and subsequently, unable to be properly utilized to ensure justice for people with disabilities. PMID:22481609
Riddle, Christopher A
We study the determinants of trade policy decisions focusing specifically on antidumping and countervailing duty statutes administered by the International Trade Commission (ITC). Using detailed industry, import, and political pressure data we model ITC decision making, weighing the relative impact of economic and political factors in predicting policy outcomes. We find the ITC's decision making is significantly influenced by both economic and political factors. However, because an industry h...
Hansen, Wendy L.; Prusa, Thomas J.
Full Text Available Socioeconomic factors play a crucial role in determining physiological and psychological health levels of the population. The level of unemployment, income inequality and poverty levels are largely affected by economic policies and the economic cycles. Economic policies can also influence the occurrence of economic cycles which in turn influence socioeconomic factors and therefore health inequalities. Economic policies are influenced by political considerations as the historical record of many countries indicates. The paper discusses the conduct and the effects of economic policy on health inequalities. It starts with a discussion of the need and of the instruments of economic policy and also its effectiveness in smoothing the economic cycle. It also examines the interplay between main policy targets such as unemployment and inflation with political considerations. Finally, it concentrates on the effects of economic policies for health inequalities in view of economic recessions.
Stavros A. Drakopoulos
Full Text Available The fall 2014 Romanian presidential elections have shown the involvement in the electoral campaign of all influential factors, parties, the church, intelligence agencies and citizens, thus the result of the vote was unpredictable till the moment it was presented, on the evening of November 16. The study analyses the mechanism of majority voting and also the ways that political parties are financed , the debts they have acquired and offers a few solutions, instead of conclusions, regards to the electoral system reform, the law concerning the political parties funding and the way the president gets elected, for revising the current constitution, republished in 2003.
This paper studies the effects of political factors, mainly partisanship, on corporate taxes in the past 30 years – a period of intensifying competitive pressure in Europe. Extending the Zodrow-Mieszkowski model by decision-makers who have ideological preferences yields the hypothesis that left-wing leaders set higher corporate tax rates. In the empirical analysis, we introduce a sophisticated measure of ideology derived from content analysis of party manifestos into the literature dealing ...
Osterloh, Steffen; Debus, Marc
Full Text Available Political exile is a mechanism of institutional exclusion geared at revoking citizenship rights and removing individuals from full participation in the political and public arenas of a country. Due to its exclusionary character, the literature tends to assume a correlation between authoritarianism and exile, on the one hand, and democracy and asylum, on the other. This work challenges this view and discusses the more complex interactions between exile and democracy. Relying on qualitative case analysis of individual and massive exile and on a quantitative database of presidential exile in the nineteenth and twentieth century, it shows that also democracies generate exile and that also authoritarian countries have provided sites of exile and asylum for those fleeing from their home countries.
While scientists have been talking about global warming for several decades, attempting to get politicians of different political stripes to act on these pressing matters has been frustrating for many people. This provocative and thoughtful documentary from Frontline takes a look at the "political decisions that have prevented the United States government from confronting one of the most serious problems facing humanity today." As with other Frontline sites, visitors can view the program in its entirety here, and then take advantage of the numerous extras offered on the site. A section of the site that should not be missed is that offered by the Center for Investigative Reporting, which features scientific reports that were suppressed by different government agencies and profiles of five prominent global warming skeptics, among other excellent items. Also, visitors can read special interview with various policy-makers and politicians, such as Senator Chuck Nagel, Newt Gingrich, and Christine Todd Whitman.
This paper postulates that a country’s integration into the world economy may lower citizens’ political trust. I argue that economic globalization constrains government’s choice set of feasible policies, impeding responsiveness to the median voter. Matching individual-level survey data from 1981 to 2007, repeated cross-sections of altogether 260’000 persons from 80 countries, with a measure of a country’s degree of economic globalization for the same time period, I find that there i...
Fischer, Justina Av
The paper introduces the possibility of coalition government into the theoretical study of political accountability and analyzes the accountability of coalitions as a problem of team production. It is shown that coalition governments can be held accountable in the presence of an electoral alternative. Accountability becomes problematic if it is certain that at least one of the coalition parties stays in power after the elections. Such a coalition (sometimes called a ‘unity government’) ca...
Die Abschlussarbeit „Die Linke: A Political Discourse Analysis“ versucht zu verstehen a) wie und mit welchen Mitteln Sprache in der Politik strategisch genutzt wird, um Wähler zu beeinflussen b) welcher sozialer und politischer Kontext sich auf die Bildung von politischen Diskursen auswirkt c) welche Art von Effekten politische Diskurse auf aktuelle ‚policy making‘ Prozesse haben. Analysiert wird die Partei Die Linke. Das Ziel der Studie ist nicht, der schon existierenden Literatur ?...
College students are often faced with academic and personal stressors that threaten their well-being. Added to that may be political and environmental stressors such as acts of violence on the streets, interruptions in schooling, car bombings, targeted religious intimidations, financial hardship, and uncertainty of obtaining a job after graduation. Research on how college students adapt to the latter stressors is limited. The aims of this study were (1) to investigate the associations between stress, uncertainty, resilience, social support, withdrawal coping, and well-being for Lebanese youth during their first year of college and (2) to determine whether these variables predicted well-being. A sample of 293 first-year students enrolled in a private university in Lebanon completed a self-reported questionnaire in the classroom setting. The mean age of sample participants was 18.1 years, with nearly an equal percentage of males and females (53.2% vs 46.8%), who lived with their family (92.5%), and whose family reported high income levels (68.4%). Multiple regression analyses revealed that best determinants of well-being are resilience, uncertainty, social support, and gender that accounted for 54.1% of the variance. Despite living in an environment of frequent violence and political uncertainty, Lebanese youth in this study have a strong sense of well-being and are able to go on with their lives. This research adds to our understanding on how adolescents can adapt to stressors of frequent violence and political uncertainty. Further research is recommended to understand the mechanisms through which young people cope with political uncertainty and violence. PMID:25658930
Doumit, Rita; Afifi, Rema A; Devon, Holli A
Throughout the expenses scandal, the lobbying scandal and other storms which have buffeted Parliament, many regard Tony Wright as one MP who provided a measured, sane and sensible reaction to events. His recent book considers the wider implications of the various political ructions and the public reaction to them. Dave O’Brien is impressed with the publication, but is also hopeful that Wright might be tempted to publish a more extensive memoir soon.
O Brien, Dave
With a dynamic syllabus linked to a Web page of readings and assignments, such a course lets instructors relish the roles of facilitator and learner. Combining lectures and discussions with experiential work in the computer lab, the course covered topics ranging from the history and ontology of the Internet to the governmental presence and political activity now found on the World Wide Web. Students found the course exciting because it let them directly experience the unique aspects of cyberc...
Google has developed this helpful web-based tool to help citizens, journalists, and others stay abreast of various political campaigns throughout the United States. Visitors can view and interact with a clickable map of the United States to find out information about each candidate and his (or potentially her) activities. Additionally, visitors can use the Issues area to track news items on topics like the economy, immigration, healthcare, and others. This version is compatible with all operating systems.
How do polls of public opinion and political behavior work exactly? Well, it's definitely a complex answer, and when you add the mix of how exactly these polls work when done in a less "traditional" fashion, such as with the Internet, things get even more complicated. Part of the mission of the Political Communication Lab at Stanford University is "to develop and administer experimental studies of public opinion and political behavior through the use of both on-line and traditional methods". The site is a rather fascinating one, as it contains a number of informative areas on work at the Lab and on the current presidential election campaign. One of the group's projects that is worth a look is the Voter Attention Share project, in which the Lab is tracking the total number of daily references to key election issues across national TV newscasts and the 80 most widely read daily newspapers from June 1 to Election Day. Visitors can also read about the group's other projects and listen to a talk on online polling by Professors James Fishkin and Shanto Iyengar.
This paper was first presented at the annual meeting of the HPS in New Orleans in 1984. Twelve years later, the basic lessons learned are still found to be valid. In 1984, the following things were found to be true: A government agency is preferred by the public over a private company to manage radioactive waste. Semantics are important--How you say it is important, but how it is heard is more important. Public information and public relations are very important, but they are the last thing of concern to a scientist. Political constituency is important. Don't overlook the need for someone to be on your side. Don't forget that the media is part of the political process-they can make you or break you. Peer technical review is important, but so is citizen review. Sociology is an important issue that scientists and technical people often overlook. In summary, despite the political nature of radioactive waste disposal, it is as true today as it was in 1984 that technical facts must be used to reach sound technical conclusions. Only then, separately and openly, should political factors be considered. So, what can be said today that wasn't said in 1984? Nothing. open-quotes It's deja vu all over again.close quotes
Full Text Available In the Third World, the function of political leadership is more pivotal than in western countries. The subjective factor of Qadhafi has vital bearing on developments in Libya. There was no historical neccessity for Libya to have developed along the revolutionary path that it has. The formation of the Arab Socialist Union, the Popular Revolution, the creation of the Jamahiriya, the inauguration of the Revolutionary Committee movement and the programme of militarisation - all these issues are a result of Qadhafi's wish to "revolutionarize" Libyan society. His ultimate aim was to eliminate all intermediaries between the people and the political power. In practice, real power remained in the hands of Qadhafi and the Revolutionary Committees . A drastic fall in oil revenues and the arrogance and arbitrariness of Qadhafi1s revolutionary zealots led to growing discontent among the Libyan population. The American raid on Tripoli and Benghazi in April 1986 was meant to precipitate Qadhafi1s downfall. But his regime was not overthrown and the Libyan leader proved to be a master of political survival. A (temporary political and economic liberalisation has boosted his popularity. On the eve of the twentieth anniversary of the Libyan revolution, his position still seems to be secure.
In this paper, we examine the relationship between political risk as an international environmental determinant of capital structure as well as other factors that contribute to capital structure including leverage, foreign exchange risk, agency costs of debt, and collateral value of assets. We conducted this research on a sample of 200 Singaporean, non-financial, listed domiciled multinational firms over the period of 2005 to 2009. The results suggest that political risk is irrelevant to the ...
Rasaei, Janet; Nguyen, Kim
We examine the relationship between different dimensions of the political regime in place and human capital using a two-step structural equation model. In the first step, we employ factor analysis on 16 human capital indicators to construct two new human capital measures (basic and advanced human capital). In the second step, we estimate the impact of our political variables on human capital, using a cross-sectional structural model for some 100 countries. We conclude that democracy is positi...
Klomp, J. G.; Haan, J.
Appellation plays a very important role in people’s daily communication and it is necessary to abide by certain principles of politeness in the choice of address forms. This paper mainly studies the reflection of politeness principle in the appellations, the influence factors about using those address forms appropriately, as well as cultural difference between English and Chinese, which can provide some guiding points for people to perform interpersonal and intercultural communication smoot...
Jin, Pengsun; Li, Yanda
Political identity is always a vital topic for scholars to discuss, especially within the globalization context. Anderson has given a famous notion of identity, however, due to the globalization process, the sense of limitation and sovereign has been eroded, and Anderson’s notion has been challenged. This essay has explored the changing of political identities, with the cases of Canada and Turkey. Owing to the influence of globalization on many significant factors, such as language, culture...
Hao(?, Yan, ?)
This thesis investigates the impact of political and institutional factors on international stock market dynamics. The first part analyzes the behavior of stock market returns across political cycles. Systematic return patterns induced by partisan effects or election cycles are shown to be incidental rather than globally pervasive phenomena. The second part examines stock market volatility around national elections and finds that investors are exposed to substantial el...
Skripsi yang berjudul Politeness in Kyoko Mori’s Polite Lies ini ditulis untuk mengkaji bagaimana tuturan linguistik yang digunakan oleh para karakter dalam novel Polite Lies terbuka untuk dinilai sebagai tuturan yang sopan dan bagamana pula tuturan yang sopan tersebut dinilai negatif oleh karakter utama dalam novel, Kyoko Mori. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kepustakaan dengan analisis kualitatif. Adapun teori yang digunakan untuk analisis adalah teori yang dikemukakan oleh Richard Wa...
Considering the conditions, maintenance, and interpretation of political violence, the authors contributing to Gender, Agency and Political Violence analyse the multiple ways in which acts of violence, strategies of resistance, and efforts at conflict resolution are gendered. Featuring chapters on emotion and masculinity alongside The Troubles, and the political rationality of female suicide bombers, Megan O’Branski finds an intriguing and thoughtful contribution to critical theory scholars...
O Branski, Megan
We consider an economy where competing political parties alternate in office. Due to rent-seeking motives, incumbents have an incentive to set public expenditures above the socially optimum level. Parties cannot commit to future policies, but they can forge a political compromise where each party curbs excessive spending when in office if it expects future governments to do the same. We find that if the government cannot manipulate state variables, more intense political competition fosters a...
Cunha, Alexandre B.; Ornelas, Emanuel
Videogames have dominated popular culture for some time, but only in 2004 did they make a significant break into the world of politics, advocacy, and activism. This paper provides an overview of a variety of types of games used for political speech, from endorsed party messages to activist dissent. After explaining the state of the field, I discuss approaches to design and measure success for such artifacts. While some political opinion is black and white, most issues occupy grey areas, heavi...
The chapter engages in a survey of what political psychology and European integration have to say to each other in the understanding of the European Union. The chapter draws on five strands of political psychology as part of this engagement – conventional psychology, social psychology, social construction, psychoanalysis, and critical political psychology. Within each strand a number of examples of scholarship at the interface of political psychology and European integration are examined. The chapter argues that the study of the EU has much to benefit from political psychology in terms of theories and methods of European identity and integration, but it also argues that political psychology can benefit from the insights of European integration by rethinking the processes that drive the marking of inside and outside, interior and exterior, belonging and otherness.
Manners, Ian James
This article provides an explanation of major civil upheaval and violent political turmoil – hereinafter referred to as “active political factionalism” – that take place in the Mexican state of Oaxaca. More specifically, this work identifies the main causes of extra-institutional protest politics or uncivil modes of political action that seriously affect political stability and undermine democratic advancement. The analysis focuses on the effects of two groups of explanatory factors: ...
This article analyzes policing political protest in post-independent Lithuania. It argues that since the early 2000s, policing of political protest as an issue has increased in importance as Lithuania has experienced political mobilization and radicalization among groups disadvantaged by post-socialist reforms. It is suggested that police responses reveal precursor tendencies towards growing authoritarianism which has become more visible in the most recent period. In 2008, the onset of deep e...
Juska, Arunas; Woolfson, Charles
The Supreme Court spoke clearly this Term on the issue of corporate political speech, concluding in Citizens United v. FEC that the First Amendment protects corporations’ freedom to spend corporate funds on indirect support of political candidates. Constitutional law scholars will long debate the wisdom of that holding, as do the authors of the two other Comments in this issue. In contrast, this Comment accepts as given that corporations may not be limited from spending money on politics sh...
Bebchuk, Lucian Arye; Jackson Jr, Robert
Why are some financial crises associated with political crises and some are not? Does political instability cause financial fragility or the other way around? What are the implications of political distortions for policy in countries experiencing financial turmoil? This paper studies these and other questions in a formal model of debt, default, and financial crisis. A key assumption is that the default decision is made by a government that has superior information than the public about the so...
The paper explores Latour’s conception of political ecology and its theoretical and political implications. The first part of the paper shows Latour’s critique of theoretical frameworks of scientific and political practices, which, in his opinion, constrain a true discussion on ecological crises by simplifying them and putting them into readymade interpretative models. The second part of the paper examines the notions - the collective, representation, propositions, articulation, and...
The purpose of this article is to provide an economic analysis of the relationship between economic integration and political fragmentation. This follows previous contributions from Alesina et al (2000), Casella (2001, Casella and Feinstein (2002), or Leite-Monteiro and Sato (2003). We go a step further than these authors by assuming that economic integration and political fragmentation are both decided by a majority vote. As them, we observe that economic integration involves political fragm...
On 16 February 2003, more than half a million people gathered in Sydney, Australia, as part of a global anti-war protest aimed at stopping the impending invasion of Iraq by the then US Administration. It is difficult to estimate how many millions marched on the coordinated protest, but it was by far the largest mobilization of a generation. Walking and chanting on the streets of Sydney that day, it seemed that a political moment was upon us. In a culture that rarely embraces large scale activ...
Full Text Available With the ongoing making of a European polity the character of political representation and the role of national parliaments is changing. Europe is more and more facing a situation where input legitimacy is produced at the national level whereas binding political decisions are taken at the supranational level. This is why there is an ongoing debate about the democratic deficit. The paper takes up this discussion from a particular perspective: how do the members of national parliaments of eleven member states and the members of the European Parliament perceive the future of European integration, to which degree do they support further competence shift, and which kind of future political order of the EU do they prefer? The impact of several factors on support for further integration are explored including policy character, exposure to economic globalization, and national institutional settings. Results show that the ideas about institutional reform and future political order do differ considerably between MPs of different nations, ideologies as well as the national and European level partly due to the mentioned factors. The necessary consensus about the future order seems to be far from feasible.
Recently, the areas of strategic political marketing and political market orientation have been the subject of several conceptual articles which have provided the theoretical foundations for further empirical work. However, despite the close conceptual relatedness of the proposed concepts, these have yet to be integrated to provide a more nuanced framework which both researchers and political marketing practitioners can utilise in the development of strategies and offerings with which to achieve their organizational goals. The aim of this conceptual paper is to address this deficit by developing an integrated concept of political marketing strategy using two complementary frameworks, namely Strategic Political Postures (SPP) and Political Market Orientation (PMO). We introduce the two main concepts and derive for each of the strategic posture-specific PMO profiles as well as inter-construct relationships.
Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C.
China's birth planning program has its own separate administrative hierarchy. The political commitment to population planning which originates with the top leadership extends to peer pressure exerted on couples at the brigade and neighborhood level. While family planning services are primarily delivered in health structures, responsibility for the population program falls to the Leading Group on Birth Planning. Not only health officials but also officials responsible for economic planning, political propaganda, scientific research, trade unions, women's affairs, and all those whose participation is considered necessary to the program's success attend meeting. The Leading Group on Birth Planning is chaired by a Vice-Premier. At each administrative level, provincial to work brigade, the same pattern is repeated: centralized responsibility combined with broad representation and high-level potitical leadership. With a tight, working structure, China has been able to enact its birth control program with remarkable speed and effectiveness. Each production brigade has its own planned birth leading group headed by the captain of the brigade or the captain of the women's team. The leading group supervises the barefoot doctors, midwives, and team level health aides who deliver contraceptives to households or accompany people to the community health center to obtain surgical services. PMID:12261795
Schima, M E; Viel, B; Chen, P C; Gille, H; Epstein, S G
The author sees politics describing towards its end under the impact of the development science, technology and the economy have undergone. One of the signposts on this road of change has been the discovery of nuclear fission, leading to a revolution in the field of science, and developments such as the atomic bomb and, later on, the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, with technological development contributing the safe and economically operating reactors for power generation. In the eyes of the author, politics has little to contribute to solving the biggest problems of the future, which are the population explosion, and the global climate change caused by man-made emissions of trace gases. In order to tackle the climate problem, there is urgent need for a drastic outback in the consumption of fossil fuels, although renewable energy sources have not yet become reality to count on, the hydrogen economy still being just a hope, - so that nuclear power may be gaining second wind. (HP)
Full Text Available This is basically an attempt at an original conceptual reconstruction of Hobbes’ philosophy as set in Lehiathan, namely one in the view of which Hobbes was neither an atheist nor an absolutist, as the standard interpretation holds, but rather what we could call an agnostical pragmatist (fact which, quite surprisingly, places Hobbes in the company of Burke. More to the point, my basic claim within this paper is that Hobbes was not such an ‘enemy of individual freedom’ as we traditionally hold him to be and that his thought was just as attached to the notion of individual freedom as the later contractualist views. The difference however, arises from the fact that Hobbes, unlike Locke, Rousseau or Kant, was what we could call a voluntaristic determinist and consequently viewed human freedom not so much as ‘unhindered action derived from reflective choice’, but rather as what we could call ‘reasonable fulfillment of the basic human inclinations’ (self-interest. As such, I will analyze the three main focal points of Hobbes’ thought, namely (i human nature, (ii the principle of association and (iii the principle of authority. More specifically I will try to offer a perspective on the link between his voluntaristic determinism, his notion of legitimate absolute coercion (sovereignity and his political theology (the view that any form of political authority rests on a religious legitimacy in trying to demonstrate how all these were Hobbes’ specific way of seeking to find individual freedom a place under the sun.
Political indicators are widely used in academic writing and decision making, but remain controversial. This paper discusses the problems related to the aggregation functions they use. Almost always, political indicators are aggregated by weighted averages or summations. The use of such functions is based on untenable assumptions (existence of…
Sanin, Francisco Gutierrez; Buitrago, Diana; Gonzalez, Andrea
In 1993, The Charles F. Kettering Foundation published "College Students Talk Politics," a national study conducted by the Harwood Group and based on focus groups on ten American campuses. The study found, among other things, that students considered politics "irrelevant" to their lives and saw little purpose in ever actively participating in the…
Kiesa, Abby; Orlowski, Alexander P.; Levine, Peter; Both, Deborah; Kirby, Emily Hoban; Lopez, Mark Hugo; Marcelo, Karlo Barrios
Full Text Available Theories and strategies of politeness and impoliteness are drawn upon to investigate underlying factors that might contribute to an understanding of differences among students and teachers towards politeness strategies. Classroom politeness in the present study is operationally defined according to various strategies or behaviors that the students in question draw upon in reacting to different situations. The study explores through a survey and a discourse completion test the degree of politeness the genders in an L1 Arabic context indicate to certain situations. Results show that the possible causes for the 'misunderstandings' and any perceived differences in 'impoliteness' between the genders are more 'cultural' rather than that of 'impoliteness' on the part of the students. Recommendations are made for program coordinators and teachers to deal with this issue in EFL classrooms along with future needed research.
Nahla Nola Bacha
In this dissertation I aim to advance political narrative theory by exploring the use of political narrative on Facebook and the possibility for Facebook to be used among Palestinian youth for political change. To examine the concepts of political narrative and political change, I developed a model for political change based on the changing…
Kenderes, Amanda M.
The connection between liberal political philosophy and political education is discussed with particular emphasis on the philosophy of Thomas Hobbes. The purpose of the essay is to explain how liberal citizens become committed to a distinctively liberal conception of the common good. Part 1 discusses Hobbes' theory that rationally determining…
Esquith, Stephen L.
An attempt is made to document some of the developments which affected the political role of German librarianship as seen through the involvements, activities, and correspondence of one of its leaders, George Leyh, during and after the Hitler era. The interconnections of Leyh's behavior, inner conflicts, and actions and the political and…
Dosa, Marta L.
SETUPS (Empirical Teaching Unites in Political Science) data, published by the American Political Science Association, will be employed in group data analysis projects in an American Government class. Students then use results from these reports in composing an essay question on the course's final exam.
In a 2010 catalog introduction for my exhibition titled: POLITICS OF SNOW, Eileen Claussen, President of the Pew Center on Global Climate Change wrote the following: "Climate change has been taken over by politics…We are awash in talking points, briefing papers, scientific studies, and communiqués from national governments… Diane Burko's paintings remind us that all these words can often obscure or even obstruct our view of what is truly happening …..There is only so much you can do with words. People need to see that the world is changing before our eyes. When we look at Diane's images of the effects of climate change, we connect to something much deeper and more profound (and more moving) than the latest political pitch from one side or another in this debate…These paintings also connect us to something else. Even as Diane documents how things are changing, she also reminds us of the stunning beauty of nature - and, in turn, the urgency of doing everything in our power to protect it." The creation of this body of work was made possible because of the collaboration of many glacial geologists and scientists who continually share their visual data with me. Since 2006 I've been gathering repeats from people like Bruce Molnia (USGS) and Tad Pfeffer of Alaskan glaciers, from Daniel Fagre (USGS) of Glacier National Park and Lonnie Thompson and Jason Box (Ohio University's Byrd Polar Center) about Kilimanjaro, Qori Kalis and Petermann glaciers as well as from photographer David Breashears on the disappearing Himalayan glaciers. In my practice, I acknowledge the photographers, or archive agencies, such as USGS, NASA or Snow and Ice Center, in the title and all printed material. As a landscape painter and photographer my intent is to not reproduce those images but rather use them as inspiration. At first I used the documentary evidence in sets of diptychs or triptychs. Since 2010 I have incorporated geological charts of recessional lines, graphs, symbols and Landsat maps into my practice. I am continually exploring new visual strategies to deliver information in a visual codification which provides a linear foil for my painterly vistas. My presentation will speak to the ongoing collaboration I have developed with glacial geologists. I will also speak on the evolution from my earlier painting practice to my current focus on visual interpretations of climate change. Repeat imagery from recent 2010-2012 exhibitions will be included, concluding with the most current images of Petermann Glacier whose ice shelf first calved dramatically in 2010 and then most recently in July 2012. This year my focus has pivoted from Alaska to the Arctic because I have been selected to participate in the expedition ARCTIC CIRLCE: 2013.
This paper tries to shed light about the political dimension of workplace bullying through the quantitative analysis of work environment factors, like perceptions of organizational politics, work overload and internal competition, and the qualitative analysis of accounts of respondents to a questionnaire launched in the Portuguese banking sector. Our sample is made up of 561 valid responses containing 64 stories of bullying episodes and, in the qualitative data, political behaviours occur ass...
Verdasca, Ana Teresa
Discusses using popular detective and espionage fiction in courses related to area politics, international relations, political terrorism, socialization, and bureaucratic politics. Suggests several novels and ways in which they may be integrated into courses. (KC)
Neuse, Steven M.
...2010-04-01 2010-04-01 false Political patronage. 632.119 Section 632...Fraud and Program Abuse § 632.119 Political patronage. (a) No Native American...participant based on that individual's political affiliation or beliefs. The...
It is becoming difficult to maintain consensus in a period of economic austerity, and this possibly challenges the ability of democratic institutions to take decisions on tough economic questions. In order to find out how political consensus influences fiscal outcomes, this article sets out to analyse the association between political consensus and public expenditure growth. The results show that political consensus is positively associated with both budgeted and actual expenditure growth, but also negatively associated with budget overruns. This indicates that political consensus comes at a cost, while at the same time politicians may be better at sticking to budgets if political consensus exists. The analysis is based on a pooled regression analysis of the local governments in Denmark in the years 2008 and 2009 using a data set combining survey data with administrative data on the local governments.
Houlberg, Kurt; Holm Pedersen, Lene
Developed by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), Women in Politics: Beyond Numbers is an initiative devoted to researching, evaluating, and promoting the role and impact of women in the advancement of sustainable democracy and electoral processes worldwide. This Website functions as an international resource providing information about IDEA's research projects and publications related to women's political involvement. The site features an extensive report, "Women in Parliament: Beyond Numbers," that examines such issues as obstacles to women's political participation and the impact of women in international politics, as well as compares the involvement of women within various electoral systems. The site also includes links to relevant resources and maintains several interactive forums for discussing IDEA's projects to enhance women's political participation.
The political and socio-economic aspects of oil and gas exploration in Canada's Arctic and the Beaufort Sea were reviewed. The federal government was very interested in developing the North because they saw oil and gas development in the North as a means of strengthening sovereignty claims. The projected profits from Northern oil and gas development were also very attractive, and after dealing with environmental and social concerns, the government granted the necessary drilling permits. The federal government also made allowances for huge tax incentives for the oil and gas companies to encourage exploration. Although oil has been found, large-scale production in the Beaufort Sea never materialized. During the period from 1984 to 1988, world prices for oil fell and it was no longer economical to undertake frontier production. Beaufort Sea operation were shut down as the oil industry changed its focus to more cost-effective reservoirs in southern Canada. 1 fig
Brought to you by the folks at Adcritic.com, this Website features sixteen 30-second spots from the Presidential primary and general elections campaign. Political Ad Critic lists a "top ten," with Ralph Nader's hip parody ("The Truth: Priceless") of the popular MasterCard commercials awarded number one, and posts new ads from the campaign each week. Currently, there are four commercials from the Gore campaign posted here -- one of which has Gore speaking Spanish -- and six from Bush's camp, including the now-infamous "bureaucRATS" spot. (The QuickTime control bar allows users to advance frame by frame so they can judge for themselves the commercial's disputed subliminal content.) Commercials from the Libertarian party candidate Harry Browne, and primary contenders John McCain and Bill Bradley round out the Website. May the best commercial win.
Much has been studied about political corruption and its implications for political development. Two perspectives, namely political and political economy, seem to dominate these studies. Both perspectives have provided useful analysis on the causes and impacts of political corruption, but they seem to have neglected the complex institutional contexts of the rise of political corruption in democratising societies. By employing the perspective of organisational institutionalism, this paper expl...
In Denmark political commentary is still a relatively new phenomenon. This paper analyzes the metadiscourse in relation to political commentary to identify the different understandings that have coalesced around political commentary as a genre. I argue that people in different positions (e.g. citizens, politicians, journalists, political editors, chief editors and political commentators themselves) emphasize different explanations for the rise of the genre and thereby functions of political commentary as part of an argumentative strategy favouring their own interests
Full Text Available The recent empirical literature on corruption has identified a long list of variables that correlate significantly with corruption but only five were distinguished by Leamer’s Extreme Bounds Analysis as robust to various samples, measures of corruption, and regression specifications. Among these five factors that were found to reduce corruption are decades-long tradition of democracy and political stability. In today’s world, however, there are many countries that combine one of these two robust determinants of corruption with the opposite of the other: politically stable autocracies or newly formed and unstable democracies. The central question raised in this paper is: Is it worth, in terms of corruption, for a country to trade stability with autocratic rule for political freedoms but with transitional instability? We find that the answer to this question is in the affirmative - the level of corruption is indeed lower in unstable democracies than in stable dictatorships. Our results are robust to various measures of corruption, alternative regressor indices, and regression specifications.
Many of the world's most influential policy-makers and analysts view arms control as a scientific and technological problem. They measure a nation's nuclear power exclusively by megatonnage and throw-weights leaving the intangible elements of military and political power to philosophers and historians. They tend to ignore the human and qualitative aspects of power. This is a book that shift the emphasis to aspects of the nuclear problem which are sometimes overlooked. Basically, these elements are bound up in the moral, political, and historical lessons of the nuclear age. Nonquantitative factors have been central to studies of national defense and military power since the rise of the modern nation state system. However, most students of present-day nuclear weapons tend to stress their revolutionary character. Because they are considered wholly unique, analysts tend to write about them in a historical and apolitical terms. One purpose of the collection of papers in this little volume is to redirect attention to the moral, political, and historical lessons that the nuclear age presents. What most distinguishes the writings of contributors to this volume is their use of certain well-established principles and concepts long acknowledged in military and foreign policy analysis. Thus Father Hehir asks many of the same questions that students of ethics and foreign policy have asked for four hundred years
This article examines the major political challenges associated with the adoption of health reform proposals, through the experience of one country, the Dominican Republic. The article briefly presents the problems of the health sector in the Dominican Republic, and the health reform efforts that were initiated in 1995. The PolicyMaker method of applied political analysis is described, and the results of its application in the Dominican Republic are presented, including analysis of the policy content of the health reform, and assessment of five key groups of players (public sector, private sector, unions, political parties, and other non-governmental organizations). The PolicyMaker exercise was conducted in collaboration with the national Office of Technical Coordination (OCT) for health reform, and produced a set of 11 political strategies to promote the health reform effort in the Dominican Republic. These strategies were partially implemented by the OCT, but were insufficient to overcome political obstacles to the reform by late 1997. The conclusion presents six factors that affect the pace and political feasibility of health reform proposals, with examples from the case of the Dominican Republic. PMID:10538715
Glassman, A; Reich, M R; Laserson, K; Rojas, F
Full Text Available The study seeks to unveil the operational forces surrounding and compelling gangsterism and sycophancy in Nigerian politics by examining the level of influence economics has on politics as the two concepts are very highly dependent. Political decisions tend to be overwhelmingly influenced by economic benefits. The primary cause of restiveness, communal and ethnic clashes, tension and class antagonism is believed to be largely defined by economic factors. This state of affairs has impacted negatively on the ideological foundations of political parties in Nigeria and has given vent to the formation of gangs and sycophantic groups within the political parties with the principal aim, though latent, of looting the national treasury. The activities of the gangs and the sycophantic groups in Nigeria currently appear to be uncontrollable and seem to steer the wheel of governance in the Nigerian polity. This is detrimental to democratic and economic institutional development in Nigeria. The country’s electoral system, therefore, needs an overhaul. The Electoral Commission should encourage and bring to bear strategies that will engender ideological principles in Nigerian political parties. The media, as the vanguard and watchdog of the society, should re-evaluate its role and in the circumstance, elect to be independent and astutely critical in its holistic delivery of the needs and demands of democracy.
Christopher N. Ekong
Substantial differences exist in the cognitive styles of liberals and conservatives on psychological measures. Variability in political attitudes reflects genetic influences and their interaction with environmental factors. Recent work has shown a correlation between liberalism and conflict-related activity measured by event-related potentials originating in the anterior cingulate cortex. Here we show that this functional correlate of political attitudes has a counterpart in brain structure. In a large sample of young adults, we related self-reported political attitudes to gray matter volume using structural MRI. We found that greater liberalism was associated with increased gray matter volume in the anterior cingulate cortex, whereas greater conservatism was associated with increased volume of the right amygdala. These results were replicated in an independent sample of additional participants. Our findings extend previous observations that political attitudes reflect differences in self-regulatory conflict monitoring and recognition of emotional faces by showing that such attitudes are reflected in human brain structure. Although our data do not determine whether these regions play a causal role in the formation of political attitudes, they converge with previous work to suggest a possible link between brain structure and psychological mechanisms that mediate political attitudes. PMID:21474316
Kanai, Ryota; Feilden, Tom; Firth, Colin; Rees, Geraint
Full Text Available The text aims to analyze the contribution and limits to the use of the concept of ""political parallelism"" for comparative studies in political communication. To the present, the concept has been used in a binary opposition to the ""independent"" or ""objective"" model of journalism, so that every situation that does not fit the later would be covered by the former. Alternatively, it suggests that this type of opposition makes sense only in the context of Western societies, and that both categories only apply in contexts in which political systems can coexist with a competitive environment of reasonable institutional stability.
ALBUQUERQUE, Afonso de
Discusses the need for data on political risk or country risk among business library patrons and describes some of the factors and methods used in foreign country risk analysis. Also provides an annotated list of political risk sources, including paper and electronic resources. (LRW)
Scholarship has isolated internal economic conditions and political institutions as essential factors in political development and democracy-building, this research suggests that external influences are at play. During times of civil war and post-conflict reconstruction, governmental and socioeconomic structures are likely weak or nonexistent, and…
Pagen, Christine Mary
This presentation discusses the factors contributing to the cost of the Uranium Mill Tailings Remediation Action Project and the political process involved in the funding. Topics covered include the following: Funding estimate and growth of estimate; Management actions during process; how the political process worked; cost of completed sites; economic benefit analysis of the project to Colorado; cost reduction program for the UMTRA project
Understanding Policy Change aims to provide readers with the full range of political economy tools and concepts necessary to understand, analyse and integrate how political and social factors may influence the success or failure of policy goals. Case studies and practical exercises for students and practioners are of great value, finds Emily St.Denny.
St Denny, Emily
This paper considers George A. Reisch’s account of the role of Cold War political forces in shaping the apolitical stance that came to dominate philosophy of science in the late 1940s and 1950s. It argues that at least as early as the 1930s, Logical Empiricists such as Rudolf Carnap already held that philosophy of science could not properly have political aims, and further suggests that political forces alone cannot explain this view’s rise to dominance during the Cold War, since political forces cannot explain why a philosophy of science with liberal democratic, anti-communist aims did not flourish. The paper then argues that if professionalization is understood in the right way, it might point toward an explanation of the apolitical stance of Cold War philosophy of science.
Full Text Available This paper aims to analyze the interactions between home country governments and Developing Country Multinational Companies (DMNCs. Drawing on evidence from the Brazilian political environment and Brazilian multinationals we investigate the mechanisms governments use to influence the internationalization process of domestic companies and firms’ political strategic responses to shape the political institutional environment in which they operate. We argue that foreign direct investment (FDI outflows from developing economies need to be explored given specific country level contextual factors, such as high levels of government involvement. Our main findings support this idea and indicate that home country governments use a series of formal and informal mechanisms in order to drive the international expansion of DMNCs in both the entry and consolidation phases. Moreover, DMNCs political behavior in the home country political environment accounts for an important part of their strategy to develop political resources and obtain above average returns from governmental benefits.
Karina Regina Vieira Bazuchi
The thesis explores the role and impact of the internet on Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora political activism, focusing on both the experiences of political activists and on an analysis of web content related to diaspora activism. The central argument of the thesis is based around the relationship between political agents and cyberspace. The thesis argues that the political strategies and tactics adopted in the Tamil diasporan political sphere have changed with an increased dependenc...
Vidanage, Harinda Ranura
The present research aimed to promote understanding of political tactics in organizations. Political behavior in nowadays-complex conditions is a process that the conflicts, contrasts and differences among interested groups are resolved. It means dialogue, attention to different goals in organizations, regarding the interest of different groups, attraction of staff cooperation, and acquisition of the worker’s support in management decisions, therefore technical and organizational wisdom are...
Bahareh Azizi Nejad; Mir Mohammad Seiied Abbaszadeh; MR Mohammad Hassani
The global revival of Islam that began in the early 1970s has been widely discussed. The resurgence of Islam has predominantly been a political phenomenon that emerged when the existing social and political agenda of established institutions and their protagonists were perceived to have failed. Although Islamic revivalism has been global in nature, with many of the issues it brought forth being transnational in character, national boundaries remain the frame of reference within which Muslim c...
This thesis explores a new way to conceptualise political community in the contemporary European context. Its point of departure is the normative debate concerning the type of collective bond feasible and desirable as an underpinning for the European Union, a debate centred on the older political-philosophical question of what must be common to a set of people such that they may be ruled through the same institutions. The thesis argues that many of the existing approaches, which conceive a bo...
This article introduces a specially commissioned issue of West European Politics marking the journal's 30th anniversary. It highlights profound changes in the European political landscape over the last three decades, including the fall of Communism; progressive European integration; territorial restructuring; public sector reforms at European, national, regional and local levels; changes in democratic participation, protest, elections, political communication, political parties and party comp...
Goetz, Klaus H.; Mair, Peter; Smith, Gordon
Full Text Available By gaining political power, individuals and political par¬ties at the same time gain the power to shape not only political but also public life. An accelerated growth of mass media communication has led to the development of various means and techniques of political marketing. This in turn requires certain adjustments to political campaigns and programs, out of which only those adapted to the new communication environment may succeed. Marketing in terms of politics and especially negative comparative advertising, which is becoming increasingly more present and intense in political campaigning, opens a series of ethical questions. Among others, these include whether such advertising in politics is effective, to what extent and what its consequences are. The goal of this paper is to present the main characteristics of political marketing, the effectiveness of the methods and techniques used in the course of elect¬ion campaigning, their consequences and basic differences between political marketing and products and services marketing. A special emphasis will be placed on the presentation of political marketing of Great Britain, which has a long tradition in utilizing marketing methods and techniques in the political arena. Moreover, political moves made by politicians and political parties in Great Britain certainly make a good starting point for shaping an optimal political strategy in other countries, while at the same time taking into account the particulars of a specific political and social environment. Content analysis methodology was used in the preparation of this paper and all the data were gathered from secondary sources.
...2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Political activity. 52.55 Section 52.55...Certification Miscellaneous § 52.55 Political activity. All inspectors and licensed...or licenses, to take an active part in political management or in political...
...2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Political activity. 590.119 Section 590...Performance of Service § 590.119 Political activity. Inspectors are forbidden...or licenses, to take an active part in political management or in political...
...2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Political activity. 354.25 Section 354...Performance of Services § 354.25 Political activity. All inspectors are forbidden...or licenses, to take an active part in political management or in political...
...2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Political activity. 58.61 Section 58.61...Products Miscellaneous § 58.61 Political activity. All inspectors or graders...or licenses to take an active part in political management or in political...
This essay is intentionally one-sided. Almost all other essays by either defenders of capitalism (libertarians) or defenders of government (statists) are oppositely one-sided. They claim that capitalism’s voluntariness or government’s coerciveness mean that capitalism or government better fosters such things as art, happiness, education, jobs and world peace, and never much emphasise factors that may undermine their commentary. This essay emphasises the mitigating factors that others glos...
We examine the relationship between different dimensions of the political regime in place and human capital using a two-step structural equation model. In the first step, we employ factor analysis on 16 human capital indicators to construct two new human capital measures (basic and advanced human capital). In the second step, we estimate the…
Klomp, Jeroen; de Haan, Jakob
Stating that U.S. national political conventions have become media events which lack real decision-making significance, Alpert examines how ratifying conventions strategically define themselves and communicate their messages. Discusses factors such as: timing, host cities, convention facilities, media services, convention officers, speakers,…
Alpert, Eugene J.
This article identifies factors inspiring greater political participation among undergraduate social work students (N=125). When separating students into self-identified liberals and conservatives, the study uses resource, mobilizing, and framing variables to explain greater levels of activism. After several multivariate regressions, this article…
Swank, Eric W.
Performance measurements are meant to improve public decision making and organizational performance. But performance measurements are far from always rational tools for problem solving, they are also political instruments. The central question addressed in this article is how performance measurement affects public policy. The aim is to conceptualize the political consequences of performance measurements and of special concern is how performance systems influence how political decisions are made, what kind of political decisions are conceivable, and how they are implemented. The literature on the utilization of evaluation and performance measurements is applied to analyse how performance measurements affect the political process of goal-setting, implementation and learning. The article concludes that performance measurements may have intended and unintended effects and they seem to have a retroactive impact on the political decision making process, as the focus on performance goals entails a kind of reductionism (complex problems are simplified), sequential decision making processes (with a division in separate policy issues) and short-sighted decisions (based on the need for making operational goals).
Larsen, Flemming; BjØrnholt, Bente
The carbon quota sale scandal remains at the center of media and public attention mostly thanks to various documents that have started to leak out and are generally hard to verify. One such document was behind the Interblue Group's project manager Rastislav Bilas introduction to the scene. And gradually more and more traces are showing that the story is no longer just about the government's bad deal but the whole case might be turning into a feud among the shadowy figures behind political parties. It is even possible to detect internal tension within Premier Minister Robert Fico's Smer-SD, the strongest ruling party. TREND has documents showing cash transfers from the Interblue Group's account. According to them, former Interblue executive Jana Luetken ordered several transfers totaling 10.65 million euros into the account of a company Ossian Establishment, based in St. Vincent. A person named Jozef Brhel was shown as the final receiver of the money. This is the name of a big unofficial sponsor of Smer. Mr. Bilas refused to confirm Mr. Brhel's involvement in the transaction. Instead, he showed TREND a confirmation of the receipt of transfer that has his name on it rather than Mr. Brhel's. This document cannot be verified either. The group around the Czech entrepreneur Milan Ruzicka seems to be part of the story too. He claims to have acquired Interblue Group Europe. The Czech group is convinced they are the legal successor to Interblue Group and therefore have a validInterblue Group and therefore have a valid contract with Slovakia. The Ministry of Environment says the opposite, saying the contract expired once the U.S.A.-based Interblue was closed down. According to Mr. Bilas, Mr. Ruzicka took over Interblue with more than 10 million euros in bank accounts, but they still need to deal with the Japanese buyers of the carbon credits. That cannot be realized without Slovak green investment scheme projects. (author)
Full Text Available Hailed as a revolutionary new transmission technology in 2005, podcasting has to date received relatively little scholarly attention. This essay sets out some basic points of departure for critical analysis of the phenomenon by considering some key aspects of podcasting’s short history. We first analyse the origins and emergence of the word podcasting among the press and the digerati. We dispute the standard argument that podcasting’s main innovation is a marriage of RSS and Apple’s iPod by presenting podcasting as a practice that arose from a network of actors, technologies and behaviours. In the second section, we discuss how podcasting works and why we need to look beyond distribution to understand its historical emergence. In the third section of the essay, we connect podcasting with the development of affordable and easy-to-use consumer audio production software and hardware, technologies that are necessary (though not sufficient preconditions for podcasting to offer greater access for audiences and producers than traditional models of broadcasting. We conclude by examining the implicit contrast between “podcasting” and “broadcasting” in order to trouble the commonsensical definition of broadcasting and thereby reopen some basic questions about who is entitled to communicate and by which techniques. While podcasting is neither a complete break from broadcasting nor part of any kind of revolution, it is the realisation of an alternate cultural model of broadcasting. The practice of podcasting thus offers us an opportunity to rethink the connections between broadcasting and other kinds of media practices and to re-examine the political and cultural questions broadcasting presents.
Ariana Moscote Freire
Water scarcity in some regions is a leading source of economic and political instability. Upstream countries have a clear advantage over downstream countries. Almost 40% of the world's population relies on river systems used by at least 2 countries. Water conflicts are most evident in the Middle East where population growth rates are among the world's highest and agricultural productivity depends almost exclusively on irrigation. Water scarcity is most critical in the Jordan River basin which Israel, Jordan, the occupied West Bank, and part of Syria share. Israel exceeds its renewable water supply by 15%. Even though Jordanians use less than 50% of the water/capita Israel uses, its population grows 3.4%/year of Israel's water supply is the Yarqon-Taninim aquifer whose recharge area is on the West Bank. Israel draws water from this aquifer for its own use, but does not let West Bank Arabs draw from it. Another water supply lies in the Golan Heights with Israel seized from Syria. Its other source is an overpumped coastal aquifer. 9 nations claim the Nile with Egypt being the last country to receive its waters. Egypt has very few of its own water sources plus is has rapid population growth. Turkey plans on constructing 22 dams, 19 hydropower stations, and 25 irrigation systems on the Euphrates river, resulting in a 35% reduction in water flow to Syria in normal years and even more in dry years. This project would also pollute the river with irrigation runoff. International cooperation is needed to address wait crisis. Israel could share its drip irrigation technology with others, such as it has done with the Islamic Central Asian republics. Ethiopia could store Nile water in its highlands which have a lower evaporation rate than that at Egypt's Aswan Dam, resulting in more available water. Perhaps the mutual gains possible from cooperation will unite long standing enemies toward peace. PMID:12286578
Full Text Available Abstract Background Researchers have long recognized the importance of a central government’s political “commitment” in order to mount an effective response to HIV. The concept of political commitment remains ill-defined, however, and little guidance has been given on how to measure this construct and its relationship with HIV-related outcomes. Several countries have experienced declines in HIV infection rates, but conceptual difficulties arise in linking these declines to political commitment as opposed to underlying social and behavioural factors. Methods This paper first presents a critical review of the literature on existing efforts to conceptualize and measure political commitment to respond to HIV and the linkages between political commitment and HIV-related outcomes. Based on the elements identified in this review, the paper then develops and presents a framework to assist researchers in making choices about how to assess a government's level of political commitment to respond to HIV and how to link political commitment to HIV-related outcomes. Results The review of existing studies identifies three components of commitment (expressed, institutional and budgetary commitment as different dimensions along which commitment can be measured. The review also identifies normative and ideological aspects of commitment and a set of variables that mediate and moderate political commitment that need to be accounted for in order to draw valid inferences about the relationship between political commitment and HIV-related outcomes. The framework summarizes a set of steps that researchers can follow in order to assess a government's level of commitment to respond to HIV and suggests ways to apply the framework to country cases. Conclusions Whereas existing studies have adopted a limited and often ambiguous conception of political commitment, we argue that conceiving of political commitment along a greater number of dimensions will allow researchers to draw a more complete picture of political commitment to respond to HIV that avoids making invalid inferences about the relationship between political commitment and HIV outcomes.
Fox Ashley M
Political risk arises from unstable governments, commercial establishments and infrastructure as well as labor unrest. All these factors vary from country to country and from time to time. Banks and insurance companies quantify these risks, but they are reluctant to divulge their opinions for fear of alienating possible customers that have been assigned a high risk. An investment in a fixed property such as an oil and gas lease, concession or other mineral interest is subject to political risk. No one will deny that money to be received several years in the future has a greater value today in a country with a stable government, stable tax regime, a sound economy and reliable labor force than in a Third World country where a revolution is brewing. Even in stable countries, the risk of tax law changes, exorbitant environmental production regulations and cleanup costs may vary. How do these factors affect fair market value and how are these calculations made? An important consideration discussed in this paper is the treatment of capital investments
Full Text Available This article examines political participation among older adults in Österbotten, Finland, and Västerbotten, Sweden. Two specific hypotheses are tested. First, we anticipate that older adults are loyal voters but less avid in engaging in politics between elections. Second, we expect individuallevel resources to explain why older people participate in politics. The article offers two contributions to the literature on political participation of older adults. First, it corroborates earlier findings by showing that older adults indeed have a higher inclination to vote than to engage in political activities between elections, but it also shows that the latter engagement is more diversified than one could expect. Second, although the findings largely support the resource model, they suggest that we need to consider also other factors such as the overall attitude towards older people.
Full Text Available SciELO Chile | Language: Spanish Abstract in spanish Uno aspecto central de la gobernabilidad en el ámbito local es el relacionado con el estilo de liderazgo político. Éste, en buena medida, refleja la cultura política característica de las sociedades políticas locales en las que se ejerce como reglas-en-uso de los procesos y dinámicas socio-políticos [...] que tienen lugar en ellas. En este marco, cabe señalar la aparición de una 'Nueva Cultura Política' como estilo de liderazgo diferente al clásico de 'Política de Clases', tanto por las preferencias de actuación como por las pautas de interacción con la sociedad civil. Esta nueva orientación surge ligada a patrones de cambio social y cultural, así como determinados diseños institucionales. Mediante el uso de la información que proporciona el proyecto internacional Fiscal Austerity and Urban Innovation se operacionalizará la Nueva Cultura Política, tratando de dar cuenta de los factores que puedan dar cuenta de su extensión entre alcaldes (municipios) de varios países de Europa, Norteamérica y Latinoamérica. Abstract in english Political leadership style is one of the most important traits of local governance. This used to show the character of local political societies as rules-in-use of socio-political processes and dynamics. In this framework, the 'New Political Culture' (NPC) is a new leadership style against the class [...] ical 'Class Politics' showing different policy preferences and different interaction patters with civil society. Socio-economic and cultural change, as well as institutional factors, are driving the growing and spread of the NPC among local political actors. Using surveys from the Fiscal Austerity and Urban Innovation Project, this article tries to show the presence of the NPC among mayors in European, North American and Latin American countries. The comparison among them could show the importance of socio-economic, cultural and institutional factors explaining the spread of the NPC.
CLEMENTE J, NAVARRO; TERRY N, CLARK.
Full Text Available Les relations économiques entre les États?Unis et la France étaient un enjeu majeur dans le « rêve atlantique » des Lumières et des révolutionnaires français pendant les années 1780. L’espoir était d’approfondir les relations économiques entre les deux nations « régénérées » par le républicanisme d’outre?atlantique d’une part, et par les réformes menées par la monarchie (pré et post révolutionnaire en France, d’autre part.Cet article examine un facteur négligé dans le récit classique des historiens, celui de l’effondrement des liens idéologiques entre les deux nations à partir de 1787 en raison de la dette américaine envers la France dans le contexte de la prise de conscience du déficit de l’Etat français. De l’annonce de Calonne de l’état catastrophique des finances de l’Etat français jusqu’à « la guerre larvée » de 1798, la dette américaine a joué un rôle croissant dans les déceptions des révolutionnaires français envers la « révolution atlantique ».The economic relations between the United States and France were at the heart of the « Atlantic Dream » of the Enlightenment and of many French Revolutionaries in the 1780s. On both sides of the Atlantic, a desire to deepen economic ties between the two « regenerated » nations was kindled by the ideological potentials of republicanism in the United States and of the « reform monarchy » at the end of the ancien régime and opening years of the Revolution.This article examines an overlooked element in the « master narrative » of historians who have focused on the degradation of the political and economic ties between the two nations after 1787 : the American financial debt toward France grew in significance with the awareness of the proportions of the deficit of the French state. From the announcement by Calonne of the catastrophic state of the French state’s finances until the « Quasi?War » of 1798, the American debt played a growing role in the disillusionment of the French revolutionaries toward the « Atlantic Revolution. »
We investigate the effects of fiscal transparency and political polarization on the prevalence of electoral cycles in fiscal balance. While some recent political economy literature on electoral cycles identifies such cycles mainly in weak and recent democracies, in contrast we show, conditioning on a new index of institutional fiscal transparency, that electoral cycles in fiscal balance are a feature of many advanced industrialized economies. Using a sample of 19 OECD countries in the 1990s, we identify a persistent pattern of electoral cycles in low(er) transparency countries, while no such cycles can be observed in high(er) transparency countries. Furthermore, we find, in accordance with recent theory, that electoral cycles are larger in politically more polarized countries
Alt, James E.; Lassen, David Dreyer
Full Text Available Na entrevista publicada em francês sob o título de Politique et Amitié, Derrida diz: "O próprio 'político' é um filosofema - e finalmente muito obscuro." Esta obscuridade não se dissipa certamente facilmente, e talvez nada mesmo, porque é a síntese das três obscuridades temíveis do "comum", do "pode [...] r" e do "sentido". Mas é possível, pelo menos, introduzir uma distinção entre a política compreendida como assunção d'"o ser do homem na sua relação ao ente" e a política compreendida como a esfera particular encarregada de manter aberto o acesso a uma tal relação. Isto faz uma enorme diferença e, no entanto, nós empregamos a palavra com os dois valores alternados, ou então confundidos. Se uma diferença vem à luz, não é senão entre uma "política" restrita, governamental, "politiqueira" mesmo, e a grande "Política". O que se encetou com a democracia. Abstract in english In the interview published in French under the title Politique et Amitié, Derrida says: "The 'political' itself is a philosopheme - and ultimately quite an obscure one." This obscurity is not easily dissipated, for sure, and perhaps not at all, because it is the synthesis of the three fearful obscur [...] ities: the "common", "power" and "sense". Yet it is at least possible to introduce a distinction between politics understood as assumption of the 'being of man in his relation to the being' and politics understood as the particular sphere responsible for holding open the access to such a relation. This makes a huge difference, and nonetheless we use the word with the two values alternating or even confused. If a difference comes to light, it is just between a restricted "politics", governmental, even derogatorily "political", and the great 'Politics'. A difference that arose with democracy.
Mass-digitization of cultural-heritage archives has become increasingly pervasive. From Google Books to Europeana, bounded material is converted into ephemeral data on an unprecedented scale, promising to provide mankind with readily accessible and enduring reservoirs of knowledge. Interrogating this phenomenon, this dissertation asks how mass digitization affects the politics of cultural heritage. Its central argument is that mass digitization of cultural heritage is neither a neutral technical process, nor a transposition of the politics of analog cultural heritage to the digital realm on a 1:1 scale. Rather, it should be understood as distinct subpolitical processes that bring together a multiplicity of interests and actors hitherto foreign to the field of cultural heritage archives. Mass digitization is thus upheaving the disciplinary enclosures of cultural heritage and gives rise to new territorial constellations of knowledge circulation and regulation. Through the theoretical notions of “assemblage”, “subpolitics” and “network power” the dissertation discusses the political implications of these transformations focusing on three levels, or aspects, of mass-digitized archives: macro-political orderings, cultural political configurations and modes of subjectification. Doing so, it further links these processes to issues of globalization, commercialization, cultural memory, the public sphere, privacy and freedom.
Thylstrup, Nanna Bonde
Full Text Available The article refers to the theoretical aspects of the study of the political traditions phenomenon. The influence of traditional components of the political culture on the current political process is recognized in contemporary literature, but political traditions rarely become the original subject of a scientific research, which explains the vagueness of their interpretation and the need of their system understanding.The author analyzes existing interpretations of the concept "tradition", on which formulates the definition of "political traditions" as (1 a form of fixation for meaningful content of the nation’s socio-political experience and as (2 a mechanism of political-cultural continuity.The author identifies mental, behavioral and institutional levels in the structure of political traditions. Mental level consists of political symbols, myths and stereotypes, which form the image of political reality and authority, and values and norms, which affect the motivation of political behavior. Behavioral level includes models of behavior and patterns of action, such as political habits and rituals. Institutional level reflects historical features of interaction between branches of power and relations between the state and society.The author pays attention to the influence of structural elements of political traditions on the political consciousness and behavior of individuals and social groups. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2218-7405-2013-4-25
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Environmental protection: present state, background factors, environmental protection legislation, environmental technologies, and the political, economic and social environment; Umweltschutz: Stand, Hintergruende, Umweltschutzgesetzgebung, Umwelttechnologien sowie das politische, wirtschaftliche und gesellschaftliche Umfeld
The history of environmental policy in Japan at the regional and national level shows that the dynamic forces of society, inhabitants and municipal administrations, have been able to push through reforms at the beginning of the seventies by a bottom-up process. During the eighties, these forces have been boosted in the form of the nature conservancy and green movements. In the field of measures to fight environmental pollution, social and political movements as well as administrative regulations and court rulings have led to a substantial part of the cost involved being integrated into the economic system. In matters of nature conservancy, this stage has not yet been attained. (orig./HSCH) [Deutsch] Der Werdegang der japanischen Umweltpolitik auf regionaler wie nationaler Ebene zeigt, dass in einem Prozess von unten nach oben die gesellschaftlich dynamischen Kraefte, die Einwohner und Kommunalverwaltungen, Anfang der 70er Reformen durchsetzen konnten. In den 80er Jahren entfalteten sich diese Kraefte in Form der Naturschutz- und der Gruenen-Bewegung weiter. Im Bereich der Massnahmen gegen die Umweltverschmutzung bewirkten gesellschaftliche und politische Bewegungen sowie administrative Regelungen und Gerichtsurteile, dass ein erheblicher Teil der erforderlichen Kosten in das Wirtschaftssystem integriert wurde, auf dem Gebiet des Naturschutzes jedoch ist diese Stufe noch nicht erreicht. (orig./HSCH)
In 2012, roughly 23 million people in sub-Saharan Africa were infected with HIV, the virus that causes AIDS. Religious responses to the disease have ranged from condemnation of people with HIV to the development of innovative AIDS-related services. This article utilises insights from the social movement literature about collective identity, framing, resources, and opportunity structures to interrogate religious mobilisation against HIV/AIDS. It demonstrates that mobilisation cannot be divorced from factors such as state–civil society relations, Africa's dependence on foreign aid, or the continent's poverty. Religious HIV/AIDS activities must be analysed in a conceptual space between a civil society/politics approach and a service-provider/anti-politics framework. That is, religious mobilisation may at times seek to engage the public realm to shape policies, while at other times it may shun politics in its provision of services. Case studies that illustrate these themes and demonstrate the multi-faceted interactions between religion and HIV/AIDS are included.
Burchardt, Marian; Patterson, Amy S.
Full Text Available This paper presents preliminary research findings on the use of conceptual metaphors in political interviews in Croatian newspapers and magazines. The language of a successful politician is thelanguage of persuasion that convinces an audience of what is right or wrong. Political leaders mobilize their followers by using highly effective rhetorical strategies, such as conceptual metaphors. Our opinion is that the choice of metaphor is often essential to its rhetorical persuasiveness. Based on these theoretical considerations, we have analyzed the use of metaphors, combining both quantitative and qualitative text analysis with a focus on identifi cation and interpretation of source domains. Our corpus encompasses 49266 words from 40 political interviews given by Croatian politicians Jadranka Kosor, Vesna Pusi?, Ivo Sanader and Stjepan Mesi?. Our research findings reveal that metaphors used by Croatian politicians are based either on personification or on the use of source domains of journey and conflict/war.
Purpose - Political skill is measured with the political skill inventory (PSI), and the construct is composed of four distinct dimensions. Previous validation studies of the PSI found evidence in support of the four-factor structure, but only using self-reports. Furthermore, no efforts have been made to also identify a single, higher-order factor solution through second-order factor analysis. The present research aims to expand on prior work and report on a two-study investigation of both the construct validity and antecedents and consequences of the political skill construct. Design/methodology/approach - To test construct validity, Study 1 combined self- and other reports of political skill from 467 employees in a confirmatory factor analysis. Study 2 used longitudinal data from 202 employees to constructively replicate Study 1 results and to test hypotheses regarding the antecedents and consequences of political skill. Findings - The results of Study 1 confirmed both a four-factor and a single higher-orderfactor solution of the political skill construct, thus supporting our hypothesis. Study 2 constructively replicated the Study 1 factorial validity results, and supported hypotheses regarding the dispositional and developmental experience antecedents, career-related consequences, and mediation of these antecedents and outcomes by political skill. Originality/value - These two studies test the construct validity of political skill using both self- and other-reports. Further, this is the first research to test the Ferris et al. conceptualization of political skill, by examining its antecedents, consequences, and mediation of the antecedents-consequences relationships.
Ferris, G.R.; Blickle, G.
Full Text Available The following article establishes a critique to the prevalent conception of political communication by focusing on the concept of collective democracy, which is drawn from English political theory. This approach, proposed by David Mena PhD., a researcher from Universidad de las Americas, Puebla, in Mexico, is applied here to contrast the concept of political marketing with the notion of communication as a model for political participation through collective decision-making. Finally, in the conclusive section, the author emphasizes two ideas pointed out by Mena: first, the design of political campaigns as education promotion, and second, the notion of the political debate as a public good.
Dr. José Cisneros Espinosa
Full Text Available In this article I revisit and expand upon George Smith’s (1990 landmark article, “Political Activist as Ethnographer.” Political activist ethnography (PAE is a specialized form of institutional ethnography (IE that has not received nearly enough attention in the twenty years since the original publication of Smith’s article. In an effort to revisit and bolster this research approach, I provide an overview of IE/PAE, critically engage with three recent commentaries on PAE, and offer a new interpretation of this approach as well as an example of its application from my ongoing research on fair trade.
Full Text Available With the intensification of neoliberalism, it is useful to examine how some individuals might cope with the irrationality of the system. Neoliberalism cloaks the execution of the corporate agenda behind rhetorical manipulation that advocates for limited government. The corollary absence of government involvement on behalf of the citizenry writ large disarms the means of social redress for the individual. Democracy funded and fueled by corporate power thereby disenfranchises the individual, provoking some to search for empowerment through identity politics. The argument set forth suggests that individuals construct, reinforce, or escalate allegiance to identities as a coping mechanism, some of which manifest in violent identity politics.
On April 26, 1986, the most serious accident in the history of the peaceful use of nuclear energy happened in Chernobyl. The impact of the accident on the political discussion about nuclear energy was probably nowhere as great as in the Federal Republic of Germany. This contribution is an attempt to shed some light on these changes in the political landscape. It is as yet too early, however, to fully explain the reasons why the reaction to the accident was so strong in Germany. (orig.)
Impact de la violence politique sur la santé mentale des jeunes adolescents en Colombie. Analyse des facteurs de risque et de protection / Impact of the political violence on mental health of young adolescents in Colombia. Analysis of risk and protective factors
Full Text Available El objetivo de esta investigación es examinar desde una perspectiva ecológica la salud mental de los adolescentes desplazados por la violencia política en Colombia. Se tomó como base el modelo ecológico integrado del impacto del trauma de Elbedour, ten Bensel y Bastien (1993), que estipula la influe [...] ncia combinada de diferentes niveles de factores unidos a la experiencia traumática, factores individuales y factores proximales que vienen de la familia, y de los factores sociales de la red social familiar. El estudio se realizó con 98 jóvenes en edades entre los 9 a 16 años (M= 12.5 años, dt= 2.18), habitantes de las afueras de Barranquilla, de los cuales 48 son desplazados por la violencia (26 de sexo masculino, 22 de sexo femenino) y 50 son sedentarios pobres (26 de sexo masculino, 24 de sexo femenino). Los cuestionarios se escogieron en función de su utilización en contextos de pobreza y/o violencia (Macksoud, 1992; Macksoud & Aber, 1996; Macksoud, Aber, Dyregrov & Raundalen, 1990). Los resultados muestran que los adolescentes desplazados son más deprimidos y ansiosos que sus pares sedentarios. La ansiedad está unida al número total de eventos traumáticos, mientras que la depresión se explica más bien por la separación de los padres. Las competencias sociales y el ambiente social actúan como factores protectores. Entre los factores del ambiente social se observa el hecho de vivir en una familia extensa y de inscribirse en una red social que incluye a los amigos de la familia. En su conjunto, la familia y la preservación de su unidad aparecen como elementos cruciales. Abstract in english The aim of this research is to examine the mental health of young adolescents who have been displaced by political violence of Colombia within the integrated ecological model of trauma impact presented by Elbedour, ten Bensel and Bastien (1993). This framework stipulates the combined influence of se [...] veral levels of factors linked to family affiliation and social aspects of family network. Two groups of young adolescents participated in this study, 48 were displaced by political violence (26 boys and 22 girls), 50 sedentary adolescents lived in extremely poor suburb of Barranquilla (26 boys and 24 girls). The mean age is 12.5 years old (sd= 2.18; min = 9; max = 16). Questionnaires have been chosen with regards to their use in a context of poverty and/or violence (Macksoud, 1992; Macksoud& Aber, 1996; Macksoud, Aber, Dyregrov, & Raundalen, 1990). Results show that displaced adolescents are more depressed and anxious than their sedentary peers. Anxiety is explained by the total indices of trauma events while depression is rather explained by the separation from parents. Social competencies and social environment appear as protective factors. Among the social factors, one finds the extended family unit and the inclusion of friends within the social network of the family. Overall, the family and the preservation of the family unit appear as crucial factors of mental health.
Clette, Sabatier; Jorge Enrique, Palacio Sañudo; Michel, Tousignant.
Full Text Available This paper interrogates the negative parallels between Ndebele folktales and the contemporary Zimbabwean politics. There is an acceptable belief that folktales contributed positively to the conduct of politics. However, there are reflections of Machiavellianism in the folktales which are not emphasized especially in the domain of African and Zimbabwean politics. Certain villainous animal characters in Ndebele folktales incarnate themselves in Zimbabwean political spheres where some politicians survive politically by assuming Machiavellian tactics as reflected in the folktale characters. Folktales, which were in most cases the first form of schooling for Africans, bear both positive and negative influences on the people as well as how they are governed. Thus folktales, like other forms of orature, have contributed a lot to the contemporary ideas of despotism, violence, patronage and corruption which are characteristic of Zimbabwean politics. There are some folktales which openly violate democratic principles drawing parallels with the Zimbabwean political conduct since independence. This paper will use selected Ndebele folktales to draw the Machiavellian parallels between the folktales and the Zimbabwean political systems. It will draw parallels between animal characters in Zimbabwean politics, governance systems juxtaposed with undemocratic political conduct in Zimbabwe. The tendency in both (folktales and Zimbabwean politics is that good political governance is consciously eliminated and deliberately superseded by bad political tendencies.
The Kenyan general election of 2002, which put an end to Daniel Arap Moi's 24-year rule, has been subjected to much political analysis. The article takes as its point of departure the politico-religious movement Mungiki and the movement's own narratives of its role in the elections. Mungiki's narratives tell a story of alliances and behind-the-scenes political play that differs from the public version of events. It is argued that the movement's retrospective narratives provide a useful tool for exploring future possibilities for Mungiki's engagement in Kenyan politics. The narratives are primarily internal narratives, in that they are intended for the movement's own members. As such, they invite a discussion of Mungiki's perception of truth and, more broadly, of the relationship between narratives and truth.
The aim of this paper is to create a more complex and holistic understanding of the value system of the political consumer. A case study was undertaken were the unit of analysis constituted 12 high users of organic food products. The empirical data was analysed by utilizing Reynolds and Gutman’s laddering technique. The results revealed that the purposive selected informants activate different cognitive structures when buycotting organic food. In other words, the informants activate different values for similar attributes and consequences. This means that consumption of organic food is related to different value sets. That is, value sets where the political aspects are represented to different degrees. This means that some informants primarily buycott organic food for personal or family related reasons. For this group of informants, the focus is mainly on health related issues. Preservation of nature or environmental concern is important in the sense that it in the end relates to promoting personal security and health. This means that the environmental aspect cannot automatically be assumed to be a political motive when buycotting organic food, because it can be linked to personal motives. Understanding environmental issues solely as political motives thus reflects a rather mundane understanding. Further and more problematic it also leads to wrong results when trying to investigate the extent of political consumption from a positivistic paradigmatic posture. More specifically, survey studies will have a tendency to conclude that the phenomenon i.e. political consumption is much more prevalent than it actually is. The novel findings yield theoretical as well as practical implications. For practitioners a more comprehensive understanding of consumer values related to “politicized” products or services will enable companies to better understand consumers need and expectations. The latter being a necessity if confirmation of expectations, satisfaction, retention of customers and customer loyalty are goals of importance for the selling company.
Grünbaum, Niels NolsØe; Stenger, Marianne
Previous research on political orientations, which can be understood as one's left- versus right-wing attitude, has shown that some personality factors yield explanatory power. In the current work, we consider the role of altruism - a personality construct which does not exclusively map onto one of the broad personality dimensions typically studied. Altruism was predicted to relate to left-wing attitudes due to an overlap regarding concerns for social equality, and a discrepancy between well-known attributes of right-wingers and altruistic individuals, respectively. Moreover, altruism was expected to explain unique variance in political orientation beyond the 'Big Six' broad dimensions as it relates to aspects not covered by the latter. Both hypotheses were tested in a web-based questionnaire study (N = 137). Besides replicating findings of previous research, results corroborated a strong positive association between altruism and left-wing attitudes, and altruism was found to account for substantial variance in political orientation after controlling for the HEXACO factors of personality. We conclude that altruism is an important construct which deserves attention whenever political attitudes or other topics relating to social equality are at stake. © 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Zettler, Ingo; Hilbig, B.E.
The author examines the consequences of women's participation in politics. Sex differences in participation and social attitudes are compared, and the political impact of the views of women Democrats and Republicans are discussed. (Author/RM)
Hansen, Susan B.; And Others
A framework using concepts from systems theory, theories of power, and the garbage can model of decision-making was developed for the purpose of teaching aspiring school administrators to analyze situations using a political lens. The framework is demonstrated in an analysis of the process that led to Ohio's establishing a school facilities…
The implications for American politics, public affairs broadcasting, and new reporting under different sorts of cable television (CATV) systems are considered in detail by this report. The authors believe that a contract carrier system is the most desirable, since it makes broadcast time most freely available and prevents the cable franchise owner…
Pool, Ithiel de Sola; Alexander, Herbert E.
A brief overview of the political and economical situation and nuclear energy problems in Europe is given. The author presented his opinion on topic such as need of nuclear power, Kozloduy NPP units 1-4 shutdown, climate change , energy security, environmental problems
Located within the Kennedy School of Government, the Harvard University Institute of Politics emerged out of the desire to create an organization that would reflect the late President John F. Kennedy's commitment to public service. As such, the Institute of Politics was created in the fall of 1966, and placed under the able direction of Professor Richard E. Neustadt. The Institute of Politics strives to engage young people in politics and public service, and does so by providing a number of internship opportunities, study groups, conferences, and excellent speakers. While some of these programs are limited to Harvard undergraduates, there is a good deal of information for the general public on the site. The research and publications area is a good place to start, as it contains the results of recent polls of the voting tendencies of America's college students, along with previous survey results. This same section also contains an interesting policy paper on youth civic engagement efforts across 11 cities in the U.S. The real highlight of the site is the video archive that presents recent Forum events in streaming video format. Visitors can peruse events from 2001 to the present day, and the topics covered in these erudite forums are quite wide-ranging. Recent forum topics have included "Gays and God: Being LGBT and a Person of Faith" and "The Challenge of Resolving Conflicts & Developing Africa".
This study focuses on a contested area of shared governance, intercollegiate athletics. The researchers consider how faculty perceptions of organizational politics shape their orientations toward collaborative decision-making in this domain. The results provide insights into ways social cognitions about campus-level decision-making affect faculty…
Lawrence, Janet; Ott, Molly
The social sciences have traditionally assumed that education is a major determinant of citizens' political orientations and behavior. Several studies have also shown that intelligence has an impact. According to a theory that conceptualizes intelligence as a "burgher" (middle-class, civil) phenomenon--intelligence should promote civil attitudes,…
Rindermann, Heiner; Flores-Mendoza, Carmen; Woodley, Michael A.
The Internet gives individuals more choice in political news and information sources and more tools to filter out disagreeable information. Citing the preference described by selective exposure theory--that people see and attend to information that supports their beliefs and avoid counter-attitudinal information--observers warn that people may use…
Munson, Sean A.
Standards-based reform of education is a dominant political discourse in many nations. In this paper we argue that the type of standards-based reform that is enacted has important implications for teacher agency and teacher professional development. Teacher professional development and identity is explored through theories of the teacher's role in…
Bodman, Sue; Taylor, Susan; Morris, Helen
Traditional teaching methods often do not motivate students to take an active part in learning. Gives examples of how concepts of creativity can be realized in schools. Writing poetry, meditation, fantasy/Utopian thinking, telling stories, can all be utilized in high school political education. (Author/CS)
George, Siegfried; Hughes, Ann Farrell
Through an analysis of two representative media--romance fiction and television news--the author argues for production of a media-literate citizenry. Suggestions governed by the Freirean objective of co-intentional education are offered to support media literacy as a form of cultural politics and to advocate its adoption. (Author/CH)
Graham, Robert J.
This student published, quarterly journal is a forum for student thought on contemporary issues in rhetoric and communication. This issue focuses on the "Political Rhetoric of Our Times." The articles in this issue focus on the following topics: application of fantasy themes to individual role identification in the small group setting; an analysis…
Chesebro, James W., Ed.; Cragan, John F., Ed.
This book recognizes the political nature of management knowledge, as a discourse produced from, and reproducing, power processes within and between organizations. Critical examinations of certain current management theories--lean production, excellence, entrepreneurship--are examples of relations of power that intermingle with relations of…
Clegg, Stewart R., Ed.; Palmer, Gill, Ed.
Prior research suggests that people with Parkinson’s disease (PD) display certain deficiencies in their use of language. In this research, the authors used a role-playing technique to examine their ability to say things politely and to vary their level of politeness as a function of the social context. PD participants, relative to control participants, produced less polite strategies and failed to vary their politeness as a function of the size of the request. In addition, PD participants w...
Holtgraves, Thomas; Mcnamara, Patrick
The development level of a society is closely related to the development state of its individuals. Ensuring a high level of welfare for individuals is done through public politics. In this work, the definition of public politics is presented through the synthesis of several authors` points of view. Starting from these visions, we have presented at a national level the public politics of public expenditures and those of public debt respectively. In regard to public debt politics, we have prese...
ANA-PETRINA P?UN; PETRE BREZEANU
Analysis how to use Internet influence to the process of political communication, marketing and the management of public relations, what kind of online communication methods are used by political parties, and to assess satisfaction, means of communication and the services they provide to their partys voters (people) and other interest groups and whether social networks can affect the political and economic changes in the state, and the political power of one party.
Sali Emruli; Miroslav Baca
Analysis how to use Internet influence to the process of political communication, marketing and the management of public relations, what kind of online communication methods are used by political parties, and to assess satisfaction, means of communication and the services they provide to their partyand#039;s voters (people) and other interest groups and whether social networks can affect the political and economic changes in the state, and the political power of one party.
Sali Emruli; Tahir Zejneli; Florin Agai
Political Science has tended not to problematize human domination over nonhuman animals. Political scientists have been engaged intellectually and politically with other struggles for justice and citizenship leading one to question the apparent indifference to the issue of ‘animal rights’. This paper accounts for the absence of animals in political science research and suggests that recent scholarship has begun to take animal liberation seriously. The paper then looks at the options for t...
Full Text Available Analysis how to use Internet influence to the process of political communication, marketing and the management of public relations, what kind of online communication methods are used by political parties, and to assess satisfaction, means of communication and the services they provide to their partyand#039;s voters (people and other interest groups and whether social networks can affect the political and economic changes in the state, and the political power of one party.
Full Text Available Analysis how to use Internet influence to the process of political communication, marketing and the management of public relations, what kind of online communication methods are used by political parties, and to assess satisfaction, means of communication and the services they provide to their partys voters (people and other interest groups and whether social networks can affect the political and economic changes in the state, and the political power of one party.
Analysis how to use Internet influence to the process of political communication, marketing and the management of public relations, what kind of online communication methods are used by political parties, and to assess satisfaction, means of communication and the services they provide to their partys voters (people) and other interest groups and whether social networks can affect the political and economic changes in the state, and the political power of one party.
Emruli, Sali; Agai, Florin
The Internet is increasingly becoming a political place in the World whose governance is therefore changed. In fact, classical political governance mechanisms appears to be overwhelmed by the emergence of this new space and its growing impact on the redefinition of global politics. For instance, numerous conflicts of intellectual property have lead States to the proposal of national laws that triggered strong controversies. These events substantiate the idea that the traditional political gov...
Beaude, Boris; Guillemot, Luc
Political organizations often want to win election contests. This consequently makes them to work out means through which this can be done. In the process they are faced with the problem of choosing the correct and best means to achieve this result. This paper aims at examining if there is best political marketing strategy political organizations can rely on in winning elections. The study also wishes to examine whether differences exist in the methods through which political organizations ma...
Gbadeyan, R. A.
In an attempt to reimagine the concept of resistance in media studies this article argues for a reconsideration of the concept of political hope in non-mainstream mediated political mobilization that will take us beyond a focus on resistance to one of political project(s). The critical first step in such an endeavour is to reach beyond the confines of media and communication studies. This article draws on political science, sociology, social movement studies and cultural geography, among othe...
In recent years, politeness theory has increasingly focused on speakers' own conceptualizations of polite behavior, viewing politeness concepts as a type of language ideology. This article examines the construction of Japanese politeness concepts in the business etiquette training provided for new employees in Japanese companies. Drawing on…
Dunn, Cynthia Dickel
The development of political parties in Albania has passed in two stages in the communist system where only one party was known and in the democratic system where was recognized political pluralism. Highlighting the role of political parties, as an important promoter of the functioning of state and of the coverage of the political rights of individuals, makes this study important.
This bibliography is a classified list of published research material on the contemporary Indian political system. The research references assembled have been organized under three broad categories: Indian political institutions, Indian political behavior, and public policy issues. The political institutions section focuses on the presidency,…
The parallel political marketplace conceptualization is used to analyze the political environment in which colleges and universities operate, including the effect of citizen/consumer groups on institutional marketing decisions, advocacy organizations, flow of favors and threats in political systems, political roles served by marketing, and…
...2010-01-01 false Prohibition against political activity. 4.1 Section 4.1 ...IV) § 4.1 Prohibition against political activity. No person employed...service shall take any active part in political management or in political...
This article discusses the importance of politics in the lives of physical educators. Politics affects many decisions that are made about physical education programs (PEPs). In public schools, politics can affect the number of certified physical education teachers, available facilities, class sizes, and number of days per week that students go to…
Claxton, David; Kopp, Rachael; Skidmore, Lauren; Williams, Kimberly
The document examines the influence of political television commercials on voting behavior. In addition, the paper reports new data concerning the role of voter-oriented ads in socializing children to the political environment. Part I characterizes political ads and presents findings and conclusions of three voter surveys recently published in…
Atkin, Charles K.
...2010-10-01 2010-10-01 false Political file. 76.1701 Section 76.1701...Maintained for Inspection § 76.1701 Political file. (a) Every cable television...inspection of a complete and orderly record (political file) of all requests for...
...2010-10-01 2010-10-01 false Political file. 73.1943 Section 73.1943...All Broadcast Stations § 73.1943 Political file. (a) Every licensee shall...inspection of a complete and orderly record (political file) of all requests for...
...2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Political activity. 51.47 Section 51.47...Regulations 1 Miscellaneous § 51.47 Political activity. All inspectors are forbidden...inspectors' license to take an active part in political campaigns and a violation by a...
The increased demographic presence of Latino individuals has gradually resulted in growing political influence and representation. This growing presence and influence has altered the American political landscape, drawing sudden attention among scholars, the media, and political pundits. This article investigates four aspects of the growing…
Casellas, Jason P.; Ibarra, Joanne D.
The article examines the associations between political ideology and level of psychological symptoms in youth exposed to terror attacks. The study included 2,999 7th to 10th graders from various parts of Israel. Political ideology was examined in two ways: (a) as a content dimension: "political stand"--holding right, centrist, or left wing views…
Laufer, Avital; Solomon, Zahava
This research applies a transaction-focused institutional analysis to compare the value of political capital in different institutional domains of China's market economy. Our results show that the value of political capital is associated with institutional domains of the economy in which agents can use political connections to secure advantages.…
Nee, Victor; Opper, Sonja
Nothing frustrates the average drought planner more than politics. Yet, droughts cannot be prepared for realistically without reliable political partners, smoothly cooperating government agencies, and strong public support. This paper suggests six rules for linking technical drought planning processes to the political processes and institutions that can implement drought plans
Purpose: The aim of the paper is to argue that principal preparation programs should help candidates: recognize the political role of the school principal; develop political skills (including the ability to strategically appropriate policy); and understand that the political approach of the principal influences teaching, learning, relationships,…
Winton, Sue; Pollock, Katina
One way to understand the context of evaluation is in terms of its interaction with political culture. That culture includes citizens' views of the role of government and of evaluation and the history of the polity. This chapter illustrates the relationship of political culture and evaluation by means of two accounts of Danish political culture.…
Dahler-Larsen, Peter; Schwandt, Thomas A.
Full Text Available Politics is in difficulties. It is constantly blamed by people, who also require it to respond. The world is increasingly complex and diverse, and politics is needed to facilitate the continuity of a civilized community. The article defines the conceptual and operative bases of deliberative democracy, which is interpreted as the way to restore faith in politics.
Full Text Available The said paper proposes to seak some answers regarding the long term sustainability of the pension system. Romania’s pension system originates from the invalidity insurances and pension system designed by the German cancellor Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismark in 1889. From a European perspective, Romania has to fill an obvious gap regarding the reformation of the national public pension system. International experience, particularly of the last 130 years, indicates that, in actuality, multiple pension systems have been put into function in most of the world’s countries and which are diferenciated by some elements (organizing and managing the system, defyning pension rights, method of forming the resources, the pension’s level rapported to the average income etc. and after the eficacity degree dependent on internal influences, social, economic and demographic environment, and last but not least by the political factor.
The findings of a comparative study of the following six regional airports were presented: Dallas/Fort Worth, Kansas City, Washington, D.C., Montreal, Tampa, and St. Louis. Each case was approached as a unique historical entity, in order to investigate common elements such as: the use of predictive models in planning, the role of symbolism to heighten dramatic effects, the roles of community and professional elites, and design flexibility. Some of the factors considered were: site selection, consolidation of airline service, accessibility, land availability and cost, safety, nuisance, and pollution constraints, economic growth, expectation of regional growth, the demand forecasting conundrum, and design decisions. The hypotheses developed include the following: the effect of political, social, and economic conflicts, the stress on large capacity and dramatic, high-technology design, projections of rapid growth to explain the need for large capital outlays.
Starling, J. D.; Brown, J.; Gerhardt, J. M.; Dominus, M. I.
Full Text Available Jamaica is not atypical in its high levels of corruption, nor is it surprising that there is a low degreeof public trusts in government – only 8 out of 100 people trust the government. One of the measures that canbe used as an approximation for the public’s distrust in government is the increasing decline in voting behaviourin elections, and the increase in unconventional political participation over the last half a decade. Within thecontext of the aforementioned issues, we w ill be examining the factors that account for this reality, as well asthe extent of trust (or distrust in the government and in interpersonal relationships in Jamaica from aneconometric perspective. And so we will seek to build a model that explains the people’s trust in government.This study utilizes prim ary observational data collected by the Centre of Leadership and Governance,Department of Government, the University of the West Indies at Mona, Kingston, Jamaica between July andAugust, 2006. The observational data was collected by way of a 166-item questionnaire. It was a stratifiednationally representative sample of some 1,338 Jam aicans from all 14 parishes. The observational data werecollected and stored using the Statistical Packages for the Social Sciences (SPSS for Windows version 16.0.Descriptive statistics were done to provide background information on the sample, and tests were done forCronbach alpha to examine the validity of the construct – i.e. w ellbeing and political participation. Then,logistic regression was used to build a model. A goodness of fit statistics test was carried out on the model.Of a sampled population of 1,338 respondents, 37% (approximately 4 out of 10 persons reported that they trustother persons compared to 8% (8 out of 100 people who indicated that they trust the government. Theobservational data were used to test the general hypothesis [trust in government is a function of some 14 factors,and estimate the parameters of the final function. We found that of the 14 predisposed variables that wereidentified by the literature, only 6 were statistically significant influencers. The 6 factors explain 27.3% of thevariance in trust in government. Those factors in regard to degree of importance in descending order are:confidence in socio-political institutions, governance of the country, interpersonal trust, political participation,administration of justice and sex of respondents. Governments in Jam aica have been suffering from a deficitin trust, just like the nation’s budget And any building of trust in government must first begin by accepting thefactors that affect trust, and secondly by being aware that their actions (or inactions coupled with that of theirrelated institutions affect public confidence, cooperation from the citizenry and civic engagement. Given thelimitations of this study, we recommend that a longitudinal study be conducted with the same set of variables,as well as the others that were identified in the literature but were not used. And instead of using perceivedcorruption as a proxy for corruption, we utilized the operational definition of Transparency International, ascorruption appears to be a primate variable in trust in government, but were unable to verify this with the useof perceived corruption.
Paul Andrew Bourne
Full Text Available This study discusses how various politeness strategies are implemented linguistically and how linguistic usage is related to social and contextual factors in the Indic language Odia. The study extends the validity of politeness theory (Brown & Levinson, 1978 with reference to Odia speech-patterns and shows that Odia usage of politeness would be more differentiated according to the social relationship and gender than the content of the message. In Brown and Levinson’s model, individual speech acts are considered to be inherently polite or impolite. However, in Odia, it is found that communities of practice, rather than individuals, determine whether speech acts are considered polite or impolite. Thus, politeness should be considered as a set of strategies or practices set by particular groups or communities of practice as a socially constructed norm for themselves.-----Razprava predstavi, kako se razli?ne strategije vljudnosti izražajo skozi jezik in kako je izbira jezikovnih sredstev povezana z družbenimi in kontekstualnimi dejavniki v indijskem jeziku orija. Študija pokaže, da teorija vljudnosti (Brown & Levinson, 1978 velja tudi za govorne vzorce v oriji, saj so razlike v izražanju vljudnosti tesneje povezane s spolom in družbenimi razlikami, kot pa s samo vsebino sporo?ila. V okviru Brownovega in Levinsonovega modela so posamezna govorna dejanja inherentno ljudna ali nevljudna. Na primeru odije se je izkazalo, da je dojemanje govornega dejanja kot vljudnega ali nevljudnega, v ve?ji meri odvisno od jezikovne skupnosti, in ne toliko od posameznega govorca. Na podlagi tega bi morali vljudnost obravnavati kot nabor strategij in dejanj, ki jih zase dolo?ijo posamezne skupine ali skupnosti kot dužbena pravila.
Full Text Available SciELO Social Sciences | Language: English Abstract in english Research on Brazilian federalism and state politics has focused mainly on the impact of federal arrangements on national political systems, whereas comparative analyses of the workings of state political institutions and patterns of political competition and decision-making have often been neglected [...] . The article contributes to an emerging comparative literature on state politics by developing a typology that systematizes the variation in political competitiveness and the extent of state elites’ control over the electoral arena across Brazilian states. It relies on factor analysis to create an index of " electoral dominance" , comprised of a set of indicators of party and electoral competitiveness at the state level, which measures state elites’ capacity to control the state electoral arena over time. Based on this composite index and on available case-study evidence, the article applies the typological classificatory scheme to all 27 Brazilian states. Further, the article relies on the typological classification to assess the recent evolution of state-level political competitiveness. The empirical analysis demonstrates that state politics is becoming more competitive and fragmented, including in those states that have been characterized as bastions of oligarchism and political bossism. In view of these findings, the article argues that the power of state political machines rests on fragile foundations: in Brazil’s multiparty federalism, vertical competition between the federal and state governments in the provision of social policies works as a constraint on state bosses’ machine-building strategies. It is concluded that our previous views on state political dynamics are in serious need of re-evaluation.
In 1959, Reinhardt Koselleck published Critique and Crisis, in which he argued that the dominant tendency of political theory since the Enlightenment has been to subsume the political under the moral. Since then, other thinkers have echoed Koselleck’s contention, and have described recent liberal political theory in particular as a ‘flight from the political’ (Freeden, 2005, 2008). In this situation, one of the main challenges confronting contemporary Western political theory is to en...
O’sullivan, Noe?l K.
The Foundations of Political Theory Organized Section of the APSA "exists to advance the linkage of political theory and philosophy with political science as a discipline." This site contains numerous resources for the study of political theory, including a Newsletter, a listing of recent books in political theory, and links to related journals, research institutions, conference announcements, fellowships and grants, and professional announcements. Interested users can also find a collection of links to online syllabi, texts, and other sites.
As in politics, we find in planning an inherent confusion of means and ends. As an ideologically based endeavour, politics clearly has goals for society but comprises, just as importantly, also means to achieve these goals. Planning is a critical method for achieving political goals, which of course makes urban planning, and adherent practices, such as urban governance and urban design, inherently political instruments. As such planning is clearly part of the means of politics. But does that ...
This chapter discusses language and national aspirations through a case study of language politics in Croatia. Not only is language crucially influenced by national politics, but language politics has played a significant role in national politics in which the status accorded to regional variations in language has paralleled political aspirations. Claims to a distinct Croatian language and rejection of a shared Serbo-Croatian language have been a key part in the Croatian nation-building proce...
Full Text Available As we all know, different people hold different views about politeness. To be polite, Leech thinks you should follow “Politeness Principle” while Levinson suggests paying attention to others’ “Face Wants”. Sometimes what the Chinese people considered to be polite may not be true according to western culture. In order to adequately provide an educated answer to this heartfelt question, this paper attempts to shed light on some of the important differences on politeness between Chinese and western culture and their values.
The Online Data Archive of the Data and Program Library Service (DPLS) at the University of Wisconsin recently posted this demographic data report detailing the backgrounds of major political office holders in Mexico. "The data file contains information on the political office holder's sex, birthplace, profession/occupations, military service, data and place of birth and death, father's occupation, education, travel abroad, intellectual activities, political affiliation, political offices held and length of stay, activity during the revolution of 1910-1020, geographical entity represented, and memberships in political and other organizations."
The contribution is based on a topical panel set especially adjusted to the requirements of political culture research, electoral research, and movement research. The book is centered around empirically verified findings of political-cultural modernization and differentiation processes, and the development of German political culture. It was possible to empirically confirm the main thesis in particular: The new social movements call for rigid and quick social changes in emancipatory, equalitary, ecological and fundamental-democratic orientation. Apart from the Greens, an independent political subculture has formed itself, which is, even in the present phase with little movement-specific mobilization, politically effective and empirically ascertainable. (orig.)
Human languages show a remarkable degree of variation in the area they cover. However, the factors governing the distribution of human cultural groups such as languages are not well understood. While previous studies have examined the role of a number of environmental variables the importance of cultural factors has not been systematically addressed. Here we use a geographical information system (GIS) to integrate information about languages with environmental, ecological, and ethnographic data to test a number of hypotheses that have been proposed to explain the global distribution of languages. We show that the degree of political complexity and type of subsistence strategy exhibited by societies are important predictors of the area covered by a language. Political complexity is also strongly associated with the latitudinal gradient in language area, whereas subsistence strategy is not. We argue that a process of cultural group selection favoring more complex societies may have been important in shaping the present-day global distribution of language diversity. PMID:19380740
Currie, Thomas E; Mace, Ruth
Full Text Available Translation of polite expressions is an arduous task of the translator. Every culture presents its own system of polite expression in the source language. Therefore, the translator should prepare the mutual situation in source and target language in order to convey the near sense of polite expressions. Politeness Principles (PP and Positive-Negative Politeness were proposed by Geoffrey Leech (1983 and Brown-Levinson (1987 respectively. The present paper seeks to find some translation strategies in dealing with polite expressions across cultures. And finally, this study is based on the English-Italian instances to test the workability of the defined politeness translation strategies to see the similarities and difference between the intended languages.
Full Text Available Electoral marketing refers to the relationship between politician and voter, while institutional marketing refers to the relationship between political and national official. Political marketing can be defined as a set of techniques aimed at creating and promoting the image of a man or a political institution, depending on the audience at which it is desired to vote or public trust. In this assembly to take account of the needs of that audience, the vectors of transmission of information and the interaction of that politician (or political institution and other political actors in the market. Marketingului entry into politics means the ability to manage a number of accurate data to coordinate and schedule the political action.
Ioana Valeria Alexe
This article explores the international dimensions of multinationals' corporate political activities, focusing on an international issue - climate change - being implemented differently in a range of countries. Analyzing data from Financial Times Global 500 firms, it examines the influence on types and process of multinationals' political strategies, reckoning with institutional contexts and issue saliency. Findings show that the type of political activities can be characterized as an information strategy to influence policy makers toward market-based solutions, not so much withholding action on emission reduction. Moreover, multinationals pursue self-regulation, targeting a broad range of political actors. The process of political strategy is mostly one of collective action. International differences particularly surface in the type of political actors aimed at, with U.S. and Australian firms focusing more on non-government actors (voluntary programs) than European and Japanese firms. Influencing home-country (not host-country) governments is the main component of international political strategy on climate change
This article examines the role of the father in the transferral of ideological beliefs to the son within the Afrikaans-speaking family as represented in the fiction of contemporary male authors, specifically Alexander Strachan, Mark Behr and S.P. Benjamin. The research is guided by the central question of ideological factors regulating the relation between gender and politics. Kaja Silverman's interpretation of Jacques Lacan's work and her psychoanalytical distinction between the penis and th...
Full Text Available This paper seeks to clarify conceptual and practical differences between the empire and imperial structures and the state and its determinants. The empire is historically and geographically differentiated and then interlinked with the concept of hegemony. Finally, a possible analytical framework for the research of empire is given. This framework consists of a brief description of fundamental factors and traits that constitute the empire as a distinct subject of political science research.
In the last decade, East Asia has engaged in constructing numerous mechanisms to enhance regional cooperation in the areas of trade and finance. However, the region's economic architecture exhibits certain idiosyncrasies such as an eclectic institutional structure and a limited level of commitment shown by its members. These idiosyncrasies seem to prevent regional cooperation from becoming deeper and more coherent. This paper focuses on the political factors that have thus far shaped the inst...
Katada, Saori N.
The dissertation contributes to the literature on the political economy of foreign aid and foreign direct investments to developing countries. Chapter I focus on the changing ideology of the German government over the 1973 – 2010 period and analyses whether this affects the importance of the factors that determine German bilateral aid allocation. In Chapter II the focus changes from aid allocation in general to the specific design of conditionality that is attached to the World Bank’s dev...
This paper seeks to clarify conceptual and practical differences between the empire and imperial structures and the state and its determinants. The empire is historically and geographically differentiated and then interlinked with the concept of hegemony. Finally, a possible analytical framework for the research of empire is given. This framework consists of a brief description of fundamental factors and traits that constitute the empire as a distinct subject of political science research.
This study attempted to analyze the effect of regulation and political stability in allocation of mobile telecommunication investments in the African continent between year 2001 and 2011. In order to better understand the dynamics of investment in telecommunications, a framework was developed to understand the factors that determine investments in telecom industry at country and industry level, particularly: institutions, market size/demand level, market structure and investing cost. The resu...
Moshi, Goodiel; Mitomo, Hitoshi
Economic, politic and organizational factors that govern the developments on the french electric power market are investigated. Three scenarios are then outlined for the french market and the electricity export from France, in the light of EC policies. Two questions are of special importance for the french power market: Will EDFs monopoly be broken, and will the nuclear program be continued? (56 refs., 5 figs., 6 tabs.)
Full Text Available In order for democracy to result from freedom, the citizens’ participation in the creation and exercise of democratic power must be structured in a pluralist way. Art. 8(1 of the Romanian Constitution firstly imposes the organization of the company in parallel with the State’s organic structure as an indispensable requisite for the existence of democracy. In other words, there is no democracy without a civil society, distinct from the State. The organization of the civil society is necessary because the individual alone cannot determine a certain attitude of the political power: structuring gives weight to the action; the organization of citizens contributes to rendering their political participation more efficient. But the organization, structuring limits the freedom of people adhering to the structure.
Partisan voters are optimistic about electoral outcomes: their estimates of the probability of electoral success for their party or candidate are substantially higher than the average among the electorate. This has large potential implications for political bargaining. Optimism about future electoral outcomes can make costly bargaining delay look more favorable, which may induce partisans to punish their party for agreeing to a compromise rather than waiting, for example by not turning out to vote. Therefore, party decision makers should take optimism among partisans into account when bargaining. In this paper we use game theoretic modeling to explore the implications of partisan optimism for political bargaining. We show that increased optimism among a partisan group leads to a stronger bargaining position for their party, but may hurt its electoral prospects. Another main finding is that even high levels of partisan optimism do not necessarily cause inefficient bargaining delay
Jensen, Thomas; Madum, Andreas
Full Text Available Mohandas K. Gandhi was the father of modern nonviolence. He called the forms of struggle without use of firearms as satyagraha. Gandhi distinguished between passive resistance and satyagraha. The basic postulate of satyagraha rested on the belief in the inherent goodness of man, moral power and the capacity to suffer for the opponent. He tried, in difficult times, offering an alternative to war and social policy. On the roots of forms of struggle and popular peasant ancestral (disobedience, non-cooperation, insubordination, he developed the ethical and political union, beyond N. Machiavelli and M. Weber. But his ethical-political struggle could not be understood without other elements of his “constructive program” such as ahimsa (not kill, Sarvodaya (welfare of all, swaraj (self-determination and self-government and swadeshi (self-sufficiency.
Mario López Martínez
From Teddy Roosevelt to "We Like Ike," the Cornell University Political Americana Collection offers up a cornucopia of presidential promotional and commemorative items dating from 1789 to 1980. All told, there are approximately 5,500 items here, including cartoons, prints, posters, lapel buttons, and leaflets. The majority of this prodigious collection was donated to Cornell by the private collector Susan H. Douglas between 1957 and 1961. Visitors can use the Categories listing to look around via over 150 sections, including Mourning; Monroe, James; and New York. The When category breaks items into presidential election years and it's a great way to get a sense of the changing political fortunes and key issues surrounding each four year contest. Finally, visitors can zoom in and out on each object and also use a variety of embedded tools to look at the rich details of each item.
Full Text Available This paper will discuss the existence of a Canadian Political Business Cycle (PBC during the period 1946-1989. Logit analysis was used to determine if changes in the unemployment rate, growth of real GNE and the rate of inflation are significantly different in the period before an election than during the rest of the electoral term. It was found that the rate of growth in the unemployment rate declines and the rate of growth of real GNP increases in the four quarters before an election. The behavior of these variables reverses in the period after an election. These findings are consistent with a political business cycle. Policy variables, under a majority government, also behave in a manner associated with a PBC, with the government stimulating the economy approximately two years into its term so that good economic news will occur before it has to call an election. Minority governments tend to simulate the economy immediately after taking office.
How much do people use social media as a way to be politically engaged? This question has been posed by a team of researchers at the Pew Internet & American Life Project, resulting in this 13-page report. The report was authored by a team of scholars including Lee Rainie and Aaron Smith and found that 60% of adults use social networking sites like Facebook or Twitter and that approximately 39% of all adults have done at least one of eight civic or political activities with social media. The findings here are based on a nationally representative survey of 2,253 adults conducted in the summer of 2012. Visitors can view the report in its entirety online or download the file. Additionally, persons with an interest in psychometrics and survey design can explore all of the survey questions here.
This paper studies whether the dynamic behaviour of GNP growth, unemployment and inflation is systematically affected by the timing of elections and of changes of governments. The sample includes the last three decades in 18 OECD economies. We explicitly test the implication of several models of political cycles, both of the "opportunistic" and of the "partisan" type. Also, we confront the implication of recent "rational" models with more traditional approaches. Our results can be summarized ...
Roubini, Nouriel; Alesina, Alberto
Prevention in public policy is much discussed but rarely theorized. This article begins with a theoretical framework for reflecting on the political economy of prevention in advanced capitalist economies that integrates the analysis of preventive policies across the social, environmental and economic domains. The next two sections survey prevention initiatives in social policy and climate change policy, respectively. These mainly focus on the last three decades and are based mainly on UK evid...
We consider information aggregation in national and local elections when voters are mobile and might sort themselves into local districts. Using a standard model of private information for voters in elections in combination with a New Economic Geography model, agglomeration occurs for economic reasons whereas voter stratification occurs due to political preferences. We compare a national election, where full information equivalence is attained, with local elections in a three district model....
Berliant, Marcus; Tabuchi, Takatoshi
Our paper analyzes the relation between social media and political movements in contemporary world. Many authors consider that social media, especially social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter are responsible for triggering the revolutions in the Arab world. Is the “Arab Spring” the result of modern technologies or its origins are more profound and mundane, deeply rooted in the society? Our response is that social media played an important, but only instrumental role.
SORIN SUCIU; DALIA PETCU
In this paper, we empirically investigate a channel through which social capital may improve economic wellbeing and the functioning of institutions: political accountability. The main idea is that voters who share norms of generalized morality demand higher standards of behavior on their elected representavtives, are more willing to bear the cost of acquiring information, and are more likely to base their vote on criteria of social welfare rather than (narrow) personal interest. We take this ...
Nannicini, Tommaso; Stella, Andrea; Tabellini, Guido; Troiano, Ugo
Full Text Available Our paper analyzes the relation between social media and political movements in contemporary world. Many authors consider that social media, especially social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter are responsible for triggering the revolutions in the Arab world. Is the “Arab Spring” the result of modern technologies or its origins are more profound and mundane, deeply rooted in the society? Our response is that social media played an important, but only instrumental role.
Full Text Available To understand recent transformations of “Dutchness” it is crucial to look again to the development of Dutch liberalism. Both tolerance and liberalism are seen as Dutch accomplishments: from Holland as a free-haven for the religiously persecuted in the 17th century – of which Descartes and Spinoza are the most famous – to the image of progressive politics on sexuality, drugs, prostitution, and euthanasia.
Marc de Leeuw
d Empowerment of women is essentially the process of upliftment of economic, social and political status of women, the traditionally underprivileged ones, in the society. It involves the building up of a society wherein in women can breathe without the fear of oppression, exploitation, apprehension, discrimination and the general feeling of persecution which goes with being a woman in a traditionally male dominated structure. The present paper major therapy prescribed by woman empowerment adv...
Pujari, Dr Venkatesh G.
This paper examines the concept of ecological citizenship by looking at two sets of arguments. Those justifying the concept itself, and those criticizing the need to devise a new concept of citizenship and political community in relation to ecological problems. The paper argues for a shift in focus: instead of searching for (or readily dismissing) a new concept of citizenship, we should adopt a different perspective capable of capturing the explanatory potentials of citizenship-related ...
This paper formalizes in a fully-rational model the popular idea that politicians perceive an electoral cost in adopting costly reforms with future benefits and reconciles it with the evidence that reformist governments are not punished by voters. To do so, it proposes a model of elections where political ability is ex-ante unknown and investment in reforms is unobservable. On the one hand, elections improve accountability and allow to keep well-performing incumbents. On the other, politician...
Bonfiglioli, Alessandra; Gancia, Gino
This thesis consists of three papers in dynamic political economy: "Ideology and the Determination of Public Policy Over Time" investigates how public policy responds to persistent ideological shocks in dynamic politico-economic equilibrium. We develop a tractable model to analyse the dynamic interactions among ideology, public policy and individuals' intertemporal choice. Analytical solutions are obtained to characterize the Markov perfect equilibrium. Our main finding is that the relationsh...
Full Text Available This paper empirically examines the effects of political risks on the Japanese outward Foreign Direct Investment (FDI with a panel data of 30 countries for the period of 1995-2004. The estimation model is constructed on the basis of the OLI (ownership, location and internalization advantages and Knowledge-Capital Models. Political risk variables are included as additional explanatory variables with market potential, wages, skilled workforce endowments, investment cost, trade cost and distance. We found that the model with interaction terms of these political risk factors with some traditional explanatory variables reasonably explains Japanese outward FDI flows.
Americans are in the midst of a food-consciousness revival: on television, in the mouth of the First Lady, in endless articles celebrating urban agriculture can be found a sudden enthusiasm for the politically and, perhaps, spiritually curated dinner table. In this special section, writers explore the perilous state of food and food politics in America and a wide range of responses on the Left. Marion Nestle, in her essay on the farm bill, describes how the existing policy disaster came to be, along with the relationship between Reagan-era deregulation and the obesity epidemic. Mark Engler describes both the successes and coopting of the strands of left-wing responses—buying organic, eating local, and agitating for fair trade—and asks, "What's a radical to eat?" Laurie Woolever uncovers the kind of labor exploitation endemic to the elite dining experience. Karen Bakker Le Billon compares American to French school lunches, unpacking the relationship between food and citizenship. Juliana DeVries explores vegetarianism and the politics of everyday life. PMID:22834043
Politically exposed persons have become a specific risk factor in money laundering. The Financial Action Task Force has formulated clear and specific requirements for dealing with these individuals. Internationally, various jurisdictions such as the United Kingdom and the European Union have adopted effective legislation encompassing the 2003 Financial Action Task Force Recommendations. In South Africa the requirement to apply appropriate, risk based procedures to politically exposed persons ...
This paper examines the role of cultural factors in driving the politics and shape of migration policy. We show that there exists a broad political failure that results in inefficiently high barriers restricting the import of temporary foreign workers and also admitting an inefficiently large number of permanent migrants, but not enough to fill any labor shortage in the economy. We show that countries that are poor at cultural assimilation are better positioned to take advantage of short-term...
Jain, Sanjay; Majumdar, Sumon; Mukand, Sharun
Health is a dual notion. It is individual, singular and intimate. It is also collective, statistical and political. The modern problematic of health relies upon a balance of complex relations between individual and collective acceptances of the notion. You can try to outline the evolutions and the main concepts through a quadruple approach: health and politics, health and its professionals, health and society and in the end, health and the State. The relationships between health and politics in France are affected by the historical delay of France in public health, namely because of a structural weakness of the administrative organization of public health. Nevertheless France developed a dense and well organized care system and a universal social protection against the disease. The creation of the health professions in France was marked by a historical opposition between the doctors and the state which led to a failure of hygienist medicine and a fundamental misunderstanding on health insurance. Medical domination led to the organization of a system based on professional dichotomy and the delegation of the regulation skills to the health care professionals. The role of health issues in the French society was deeply renewed by the development of the medical and epidemiological knowledge. This resulted in a new political responsibility in the management of health risks but also in the confirmation of the patients' rights and the role of their associations in the health systems operations and the piloting of public policies. In this environment, the state has recently and progressively confirmed its dominating role in the health sector. A public hospital service was created In the 60's and 70's, then in the 80's there were recurrent interventions in order to control health spendings and eventually in the 90's health safety devices were set up. More recently, a process of health policies institutionalization confirmed this evolution. In the future, health issues should be regarded as priorities for public actions because of social and humanitarian challenges they represent, but also the new political and bioethical questions they give rise to. PMID:22880494
Twitter is one of the most popular micro-blogging services in the world, often studied in the context of political opinion mining for its peculiar nature of online public discussion platform. In our work we analyse the phenomenon of political disaffection defined as the “lack of confidence in the political process, politicians, and democratic institutions, but with no questioning of the political regime”. Disaffection for organised political parties and institutions has been object of studies and media attention in several Western countries. Especially the Italian case has shown a wide diffusion of this attitude. For this reason, we collect a massive database of Italian Twitter data (about 35 millions of tweets from April 2012 to October 2012) and we exploit scalable state-of-the-art machine learning techniques to generate time-series concerning the political disaffection discourse. In order to validate the quality of the time-series generated, we compare them with indicators of political disaffection from public opinion surveys. We find political disaffection on Twitter to be highly correlated with the indicators of political disaffection in the public opinion surveys. Moreover, we show the peaks in the timeseries are often generated by external political events reported on the main newspapers.
Monti, Corrado; Rozza, Alessandro
Full Text Available Gender equality in political participation is a fundamental aspect of modern democratic governance wherein both men and women should have equal rights and opportunities to participate fully in all endeavors and especially at political process. Politics in India should be democratic, participatory, accountable & transparent so that it creates civilized and equitable society. Political system should incorporate the interests of & be accessible to all sections of society, of which women constitute half of the population. The 21st century can be said as an era of women because they are having greater opportunities in social, political, commercial, constitutional and legal provisions endeavors. Empowerment is the only key factor in determining their success in all these activities and to achieve this it must be a united approach, a genuine cause that require continued attention and recognition by all. The situation created by the Constitutional Act was so drastic that it brought out women straight from the kitchen into the fray of politics & administration with no training or experience whatsoever in public life. In recent decades we find that there is a growing demand for increasing presence of women in political decision making because her participation in main stream of political activity has important implications for the broader arena of governance in any country. Women have been given power but they are not seen as political entities. They are seen as a source of status enhancement. Often she is encountered by high cost of electioneering, improper & illegal practices, violence & corruption which gives hindrances and prevents women from participating in politics
ASHWINI B JANE
ABSTRACT This research consists in the analysis of one of Ashley Mote’s political speeches, from the point of view of the speaker’s use of the modal verbs that contribute to the mitigation or the aggravation of the illocutionary forces released by the speech acts they belong to. The analysis focuses on the two main semantic values of modal verbs in English, the epistemic and the deontic. Mote’s discursive strategies are mainly underlain by directive speech acts, due to their ”comp...
Full Text Available The language of politics is commonly studied within discourse analysis, whereby its linguistic features relating to vocabulary, grammar structures, textual and intertextual aspects are investigated using various methodologies. This paper presents an analysis of political discourse from a syntactic-semantic point of view. The corpus studied has been extracted from five. Montenegrin dailies and the analysis attempts to describe the genre as effectuated in the Montenegrin political discourse. As a result, the functions of political language are extrapolated and illustrated and its style is described in terms of intertextuality and other linguistic strategies commonly employed in political discourse. The paper aims to give a contribution to the understanding and linguistic profiling of political language.
We examine partisan differences in the behavior, communication patterns and social interactions of more than 18,000 politically-active Twitter users to produce evidence that points to changing levels of partisan engagement with the American online political landscape. Analysis of a network defined by the communication activity of these users in proximity to the 2010 midterm congressional elections reveals a highly segregated, well clustered partisan community structure. Using cluster membership as a high-fidelity (87% accuracy) proxy for political affiliation, we characterize a wide range of differences in the behavior, communication and social connectivity of left- and right-leaning Twitter users. We find that in contrast to the online political dynamics of the 2008 campaign, right-leaning Twitter users exhibit greater levels of political activity, a more tightly interconnected social structure, and a communication network topology that facilitates the rapid and broad dissemination of political information.
Conover, Michael D; Flammini, Alessandro; Menczer, Filippo
Many African countries experienced severe political crises after independence, and in a number of cases the crises had significant demographic consequences, especially for child mortality. Data based on maternity histories allowed the reconstruction of child mortality trends over the past 20-30 years in Uganda, Ghana, Rwanda, Madagascar, and Mozambique. The indicator used was the child mortality quotient (number of deaths of under-5 children per 1000 births). Uganda's child mortality declined from 227/1000 in 1960 to 154/1000 in 1970, but the trend was reversed in 1971, when Idi Amin Dada came to power, and the rate reached 204/1000 in 1982 before beginning to decline again. The level of mortality remained high, however, and was still 160/1000 in 1988. Ghana suffered a political and economic crisis during 1979-84. Child mortality rose from 130/1000 in 1978 to 175/1000 in 1983. Mortality rates began a rapid decline after structural adjustment programs were begun, possibly due to improved management of health services. The child mortality rate in Rwanda increased from around 220/1000 in 1960 to 240/1000 in 1975, before beginning a decline in the late 1970s that reached 140/1000 by 1990. The period of political stability and relative prosperity during the 15-year reign of Juvenal Habyarimana was associated with the decline. Political crises marked by student and peasant uprisings were associated with Madagascar's child mortality rate increase from about 145/1000 in 1960 to 185/1000 in 1985. Mozambique was beset by civil war after independence, in which destruction of the health infrastructure was a strategy. The child mortality rate increased from 270/1000 to 470/1000 between 1975 and 1986, a peak war year. The factors by which political crises affect mortality so profoundly remain to be explained, but particular attention should be given to studying the health sector. PMID:12178214
I would like to try to outline some explanations on why the Danish parliamentary system survived the extremist and totalitarian challenge of the interwar years and thereby did not end up shearing fate with the neighboring Weimar Republic. In choosing this approach, I willingly risk some degree of generalization, but since the research-subject of political violence, in a Danish context, is largely absent and at best minimal, I have concluded that for the sake of the wider perspective, it is imperative to focus on the framework as a prerequisite for a more detailed study of political violence in Denmark. Regarding the interwar years, the Danish political parties and conditions had many structural and ideological similarities with the neighboring German Weimar Republic. But more important, the situation also differed significantly in terms of particular historical and actor-based conditions– e.g. in terms of democratic resolve, maneuverability and stability. Unlike the Weimar republic, the Danish Social Democratic government, which was in power from 1928 to 1943, managed to isolate and contain the extremist threat and thereby overcame the challenges from both the extreme right and left of the interwar years. Therefore, a crucial question is why did the political extremism and violence of the interwar years not manage to scuttle the Danish democracy? And second, why were both fascist and communist protagonists unsuccessful in subverting parliamentarism through a strategy of political violence? To gain an understanding of the decisive factors, we need to turn the attention to both macro-structural and particular historical and actor-based conditions.
Larsen, Chris Holmsted
India is on the road towards the third stage as envisioned by Homi Bhabha. Only when the 500 MWe FBR becomes commercial can one really feel secure about energy security from nuclear power. The FBR is to pave the way for the thermal breeder that will convert thorium 232 to uranium 233 (233U) which is also fissionable. To recover 233U from other radioactive isotopes will be the key. Enrichment and reprocessing technology will come into play. India is concerned that the politics of non-proliferation, which is the cornerstone of President Obama's foreign policy, could pose several hurdles to India's attempts to attain nuclear autonomy. This autonomy was the basis of the four-stage process: (1) CANDU reactors were to produce plutonium; (2) fast breeder reactors would be used to multiply plutonium; (3) plutonium in turn would convert fertile thorium 232 into fissionable uranium 233 (233U); and (4) the 233U would then multiply in a thermal breeder. However, this is easier said than done. India is still some 30 years away from achieving this, and in that time the international politics in the nuclear field may lead to the internationalisation of the fuel cycle. In 1978, the International Fuel Cycle Exercise (INFCE) did take place under the aegis of the IAEA. Save for the fact that eight excellent volumes were produced, nothing actually happened. Nuclear technology awaits in the twenty-first century the arrival of fusion energy. Fusicentury the arrival of fusion energy. Fusion is the opposite of fission and is some years away. At Cadarache in France, several European nations, the US, Russia, as well as China and India, are participating together to harness nuclear energy. Energy security would certainly be enhanced if India were to gain from access to fusion energy. Again, that would depend on how the politics of nuclear energy shapes itself in the twenty-first century
Full Text Available This essay argues for two complementary theses, one pertaining to epistemology and the other to politics. First, unless philosophy adopts a radical empiricist standpoint and seeks the uttermost generalities, it cannot differentiate itself from yet another form of limited expertise and becomes useless. Second, both radical empiricism and imaginative pragmatism lead the philosopher towards the left end of the political spectrum, i.e., to a radically progressive politics.
In recent years Mexico has been the headlines of the news of drug-related violence. The power of the gangs challenges the army and the police, killing and torture political leaders, policemen, soldiers and civilians. They seem to be unbeatable. However, they could not have prospered, without the conditions of the political corruption of the country. This article analyses the development of political corruption and drug trafficking in Mexico. Firstly, it analyzes the role of the corruption dur...
This Article puts forward the case for Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) rules requiring public companies to disclose their political spending. We present empirical evidence indicating that a substantial amount of corporate spending on politics occurs under investors’ radar screens, and that share- holders have significant interest in receiving information about such spending. We argue that disclosure of corporate political spending is necessary to ensure that such spending is consis...
Bebchuk, Lucian Arye; Jackson Jr, Robert
In a democracy, a political majority can influence both the corporategovernance structure and the return to human and financial capital.We argue that when financial wealth is sufficiently diffused, thereis political support for a strong governance role for dispersed equitymarket investors, and low labor rents. When financial wealth is concentrated,a political majority prefers high labor rents and a strongergovernance role for banks or large investors, even at the cost of profits.The intuition...
Perotti, Enrico; Von Thadden, Ernst-ludwig
Political Sociology is the study of power in a social setting. Political sociology explores the everyday experiences of people and the shaping of their economic position in a particular society, and the world economy that molds most political issues. Anthropology gives this analysis a historical and cross-cultural reference point, supplementing sociology. We professors must engage in seditious sabotage within the ranks of the university and call everything into question, including higher educ...
Michael Joseph Francisconi
Existing case studies of control of political corruption often lack a theoretical framework that can provide for systematic empirical research and comparisons between cases and countries. To remedy this, we apply principal-agent theory qualitatively to study the United Kingdom, with a particular emphasis given to an in-depth study of control measures employed to Parliament, the Executive and political parties. We give a detailed account of the approach undertaken to control political corru...
Andersson, Staffan; Marti?nez Cousinou, Gloria
Dworkin`s political theory is characterized by the interpretative integrity of morality, law, and politics, the so-called “hedgehog’s approach”. The interpretative integrity approach functions on multiple levels. Firstly, philosophical foundations of his theory of justice are linked to his conception of just liberal society and state. Secondly, from the perspective of political morality, interpretative concepts of law and morality are internally connected, in addition to interpretative ...
The aim of this analysis is to account for the differences in and changes of political attitudes among university students of different subjects. Employing theories of political economy and science studies an ordered probit analysis is performed on data provided by the student survey of the Konstanz Reseach Group on Higher Education. The findings suggest that the differences in political attitudes among different groups of students primarily stem from self-selection. However, part of the diff...
The role of women in modern politics is a subject that needs further insight, considering the growthin number of women that nowadays have relevant political positions on the international stage.There are studies today that emphasize the equality issue and all that is gender role related, but ourinterest is to analyze the women representation in power related positions. Due to the fastmodernization of the political environment and the rapid spreading of the feminist way of thought,several auth...
The thesis consists of three essays in development and political economics. Political Connection, Government Patronage and Firm Performance: Evidence from Chinese Manufacturing Firms The paper tests whether politically connected firms receive preferential favor from the government, as measured by state capital investment from the central government and subsidies. My results suggest that firms connected with one more top leader from the State Council receive 9.4 percent more subsidies, firms c...
Political economy views economic issues through the lens of political organisation. In today's world, it must focus on the roles of markets and of democracy, two concepts which are driving revolutionary changes in the political organisation of both Europe and Asia. There are two main paradigms for the analysis of markets and democracy, both of which have been mathematically advanced over a number of years: the general equilibrium theory of markets, and social choice theory, which examines pra...
In this essay, we explore the epistemological and ontological assumptions that have been made to make political science scientific. We show how political science has generally adopted an ontologically reductionist philosophy of science derived from Newtonian physics and mechanics. This mechanical framework has encountered problems and constraints on its explanatory power, because an emphasis on equilibrium analysis is ill-suited for the study of political change. We outline the primary differ...
Lewis, Orion; Steinmo, Sven
This study examines the effect of performance appraisal politics on employee turnover intention. Past research shows that there is evidence that ratings of performance appraisal had often been manipulated for political purposes and motives. This research focuses on two elements or political motives influencing employee turnover intention: motivational and punishment motive. The study used survey research to gather 60 questionnaires from a private company. The findings show that there is a pos...
Rusli Ahmad; Camelia Lemba; Wan Khairuzzaman Wan Ismail
This paper offers an approach to analyzing political rhetoric in videogames, and on designing videogames intended to carry ideological bias, based cognitive linguist George Lakoff’s notion of metaphor and frame in political discourse. I argue for two important ways games function in relation to ideological frames, reinforcement and exposition, through examples of art games, political games, and commercial games. Finally, I argue that an explicit design of ideological frames in games is cruc...
Attention to extreme forms of political violence in the social sciences has been episodic, and studies of different forms of political violence have followed different approaches, with breakdown theories mostly used for the analysis of right-wing radicalism, social movement theories sometimes adapted to research on left-wing radical groups, and area study specialists focusing on ethnic and religious forms. Some of the studies on extreme forms of political violence that have emerged within the...
Della Porta, Donatella
More than expected before its beginning, the Persepolis conference became a forum for the countries on the threshold to the nuclear age, who articulated their plans for cooperation in an unequivocal way. Interesting technical-scientific and economic contributions were overshaded by nuclear politics which received special momentum by the proclamation of the new American nuclear policy immediately before the conference. All participants were in accord with regard to the necessity of realizing non-proliferation and appropriate safety controls, but without discrimination. (orig.)
Full Text Available This essay aims to understand how refugees present a problem for liberal nation-states. The point of departure is Arendt’s The Origins of Totalitarianism where she argues that the continual existence of refugees within liberal nation-states threatens to break down the principle of equality before the law thereby enabling the rise of police-states and totalitarianism. In light of this diagnosis, three of Arendt’s philosophical heirs—Giorgio Agamben, Seyla Benhabib and Peg Birmingham—argue that it is necessary to think political membership in different and broader terms than national citizenship if we are to avoid a new rise of totalitarianism.
Kautilya was the minister in the Kingdom of Chandragupta Maurya during 317 – 293 B.C. He has been considered as one of the shrewdest ministers of the times and has explained his views on State, War, Social Structures, Diplomacy, Ethics, Politics and Statecraft very clearly in his book called Arthashastra . The Mauryan Empire was larger than the later British India which expanded from the Indian Ocean to Himalayas and upto to Iran in the West. After Alexander left India, this was the most po...
The land dumping of nuclear waste has again come to the attention of anti-nuclear groups, environmentalists and the media, following the announcement of the proposed sites for intermediate-level nuclear waste at Billingham and Bedford. Opposition has already surfaced on a large scale, with public meetings in both areas and a revitalisation of the waste dumping network. This article explains some of the political realities in the nuclear debate, and suggests how we can tackle the issue of waste dumping, remembering that, even if the industry closes tomorrow, there are vast quantities of waste which must be safely and democratically dealt with. (author)
This paper surveys the growth and various phases of and influences on the concept of democracy in the Islamic political thought of the last two centuries. Among the thinkers covered in the survey are Rifa'a Tahtawi (1801-73), Khairuddin at-Tunis (1810-99), Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani (1838-97), Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905), Abdurrahman al-Kawakibi (1849-1903), Rashid Rida (1865-1935), Hasan al-Banna (1904-49), Ali Abd Ar-Raziq (1888-1966), Sayyid Qutb (1906-66), Sa'id Hawwa, and Malik Bennabi (1905...
Tamimi, Azzam S.
This paper will discuss the existence of a Canadian Political Business Cycle (PBC) during the period 1946-1989. Logit analysis was used to determine if changes in the unemployment rate, growth of real GNE and the rate of inflation are significantly different in the period before an election than during the rest of the electoral term. It was found that the rate of growth in the unemployment rate declines and the rate of growth of real GNP increases in the four quarters before an election. The ...
Full Text Available There has been a growing academic interest in the role of new communication technology in the political process in Asia. The increasing influence of the Internet to diffuse political information may have facilitated high voter involvement in the political process in this region. This study examines patterns of on-line and traditional news media use among people who have access to the Internet in Malaysia. The results show an association between the use of the Internet and traditional media -- newspapers, television, and radio -- for political information among the respondents interviewed. This study suggests that the Internet is widely used to gather political information, but its use for this purpose is not replacing the newspapers and television. There is also an indication that the Internet users participate online in a limited number of political activities. However, the political knowledge gained from the Internet does not seem to influence the respondents’ choice of political candidate in elections.
Mohamad Zaini Abu Bakar
In this lesson, students analyze primary sources in an effort to answer the central historical question: Were political bosses corrupt? The teacher begins by explaining progressives’ complaints about political machines and graft and then shows a political cartoon criticizing Tammany Hall. Students then read and analyze 2 documents: 1) a book excerpt by muckraker Lincoln Steffens, and 2) a ‘talk’ by political boss George Plunkitt. For each, they answer guiding questions on a graphic organizer (the teacher models this extensively with the first document in the lesson). For HW, students write a dialogue between the 2 writers in which Steffens tries to convince Plunkitt to practice honest government.
Stanford History Education Group
Full Text Available As a liberal democratic system and with a parliamentary form of government, Indian political system has been living with several political parties, national as well as regional, which are actively engaged in the struggle for power . It was in the second half of the 19th century that several politically active groups began emerging in India. This process got substantiated in 1885 when the Indian National Congress was formed. In 1906, Muslim League, in 1916, the Hindu Mahasabha and in 1924, the Communist Party were formed. After independence, the adoption of a full-fledged democratic constitutional system set the stage for the emergence of several political parties.
Full Text Available This article explores the similarities and differences concerning the extent to which electoral politics addresses the concerns of Basque and Moro nationalism. These demands mainly focus on the factors that have brought about their political, cultural and, for the Moros, also economic marginalization. In terms of similarities, electoral politics in the form of plebiscites and referendums are used to gauge the sentiments of the Basques and the Moros with regards to approving a national constitution with provisions affecting them as well as the establishment of an autonomous region for the Moros and the strengthening of a federal form of government in the case of the Basques. Elections are also used to choose their leaders at the local, provincial, regional and national levels. As for the differences, among the major ones are the following: One is that electoral politics in the Basque region mirrors the class divide in society and reflects the interests of the constituencies. This is not the case in Muslim Mindanao whereby patronage politics rules and electoral results are generally dictated by the Muslim elites who have close ties with the national elites. And secondly, the ideological bias of the elected leader and his political power in Spain has a direct impact on Basque nationalism. In the case of the Philippines, it is the personality of the elected leader that determines whether peace negotiations will be pursued or not. But this does not impact on national or local electoral politics as in the case of Spain.
Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem
The application and design of public-private partnerships between the extremes of purely public or purely private task fulfilment in public services is, in practice, subject to political processes. Decisions about PPPs (realisation, arrangement) are taken in the political arena and are therefore not theoretical optimisation exercises. The interests and resources of the actors who participate in the political decision-making process as well as the rules of the political process have a powerful...
This paper considers the epistemological value of the concept of political theology in thanatopolitics. The concept can be useful if one wants to interpret political usage of death. In addition to blurred boundaries between politics and theology, there is a more general and deeper socially integrative affinity between the two. In addition, there have been various politicizations of salvation in the past and in the present. Every political theology accentuat...
Full Text Available Globalization has led to the fact that corruption in one country can affect the situation in other states. A number of top managers worldwide who are willing to pay bribes to keep or expand their business is increasing. However, the most common and dangerous corruption is in the government structures and corruption that associated with the use of administrative resources. The level of corruption in Ukraine is very high and remained stable for the past ten years. One of the factors of increasing corruption in Ukraine is considered the problem of political leadership. Using the Y.Engvalya theory of corruption allows re-evaluating mass and rationality of what is happening, indicates the fallacy of traditionally definition of corruption as unacceptable for majority. Existing corruption model today can be recognized as a widespread one, which significantly increases the role of political leadership. Implementation of new management standards is an important task for many states.
The paper is limited to the first phase of conflict up to 1977. The various forms of controversy on the issue of nuclear energy are examined. The conflict is explained as being the result of relevant research and (energy) infrastructure policies. The first task of such an investigation is to analyse the depoliticization of nuclear energy policy which took place over a period of nearly 20 years (1955-1973/4). This depoliticization and non-decisionmaking on the social consequences of nuclear energy have laid the foundations for the development of the conflict which occured in the first cycle of the nuclear energy conflict. The second task is to highlight the social structure of the opposition movement, its forms of struggle, and the response of the state apparatus, The crisis of the nuclear power policy has led to a more or less distinct paralysis of the state apparatus because the political and industrial decisionmaking processes in this area were not designed to cope with social conflicts. In fact, their very structure had excluded the possibility of political opposition to a specific technology. (orig./HP)
The revival of Gabriel Tarde during the last two decades has led to a re-evaluation of disciplinary traditions in sociology. Via the work of Bruno Latour and Lépinay (2010), Tarde has recently been championed as a pioneer of economic anthropology. This article argues further that Gabriel Tarde can and must be considered a foundational thinker for political anthropology. The argument starts by revisiting the famous Tarde/Durkheim debate in 1903. Recognizing the validity of Tarde’s critique of Durkheim, and stressing his very different methodological starting point that clearly comes closer to an “anthropological view”, the article proceeds to discuss the crucial notion of imitation, and how it comes to constitute sociality. Via the work of Tarde (especially The Laws of Imitation), the article then briefly explores the role of imitation within core themes of political anthropology, including crowd behavior, the emergence of the “public”, and – taking cue from some of Tarde’s own suggestions - the ongoing process of globalization.
Thomassen, BjØrn; Szakolczai, Arpad
In Norway, according to this article, shifting fair wind and head wind for wind power have changed to unpredictable political whirlwinds. That is, there is great uncertainty with respect to further development of wind power in Norway as well as in nearby markets such as Sweden, Denmark and the Netherlands. The government, represented by Enova, has announced reduced investment grants, and so the realization of a ''green'' market, at home or across the frontiers, becomes very important. The political goal of producing 3 TWh of wind power per year by 2010 apparently is still valid, but it is difficult to see any robust and convincing clarity when it comes to policy instruments and economical frames that will make it possible to reach that goal. In its directive on renewable energy sources in the energy generation, the EU has quoted a total increase in capacity from 14 percent in 1997 to 22 percent in 2010. This has been shared among the member countries as indicative targets and there is great freedom in the selection of policy instruments. At the end of 2002, the wind power production in Norway is 0.3 TWh/year
Describes two projects which involve college students in political science courses on American politics in doing research and giving class reports on proposals for reforming the electoral college and the electoral process. Findings indicate that students participating in the projects become more aware of political realities and learn how to use…
Alper, Donald K.; Hogan, Eugene
Starting from a political socialization perspective, this study examined the development of political participation during adolescence and early adulthood. We explore the effect of parents, peers, school media, and voluntary associations on political participation. Self-reported data were collected from 3,025 Belgian adolescents at three points in…
The purpose of this study was to determine if a correlation exists between politically-oriented experiences and teacher candidates' sense of efficacy for political advocacy. Pre-service teacher candidates in a Texas university completed the Political Advocacy Scale of Efficacy for Teachers (PASET), a survey instrument designed to measure one's…
Estes, L. Karen; Owens, Carolyn; Zipperlen, Marlene
Analyzes differences among high school political activists with conservative, liberal, and left perspectives. Discusses gender differences in the Bem Sex Role Inventory and other politically associated behaviors. No gender differences were found on extent of political activity. Females more often presented future family life as a limitation on…
Full Text Available Development of a civil society and social systems for protection of different groups is directly related to well functioning political and economic systems. If the level of economic development or political stability is not continuous the implementation of antidiscrimination laws would most likely be at a very low level. In this case development of social rights along with implementation of antidiscrimination rights may be marginalized due to three factors: lack of cooperation among political and economic spheres, lack of knowledge about antidiscrimination laws and absence of political will for adoption and implementation of antidiscrimination laws. Therefore, we focus on the examination of specific issues concerning the three aforementioned factors primarily focusing on EU and divergence in the level of political and economic development among the member states.We will argue that antidiscrimination laws are not welcome in new member states, especially since they increase political and economic costs for the governments of respective countries. Level of political development has much to do with the acceptance and inclusion of AD laws in the decision making process. Economic development has much to do with social and living standards within a country which is directly related to the general perception of the population on AD laws. Therefore, one could say that implementation of AD laws heavily depends on the preparedness of people, economic and political system and their will to cope with costs and benefits of implementing those laws.
The political scientist has become increasingly interested in the problems posed by air pollution. His specialized approach to these problems has developed in several directions. Until recently, the principal interests of the political scientist were those of the metropolitan area-governmental unit complex, federal-state-local relationships, and the clash of actions and pressure groups in a pluralistic society. While these are still of importance and of interest, there is now emerging a viewpoint of air pollution as a problem associated with current political emphasis on improving the quality of American life. There is also emerging an increased interest in application of economic yardsticks, such as cost-benefits ratio analyses, and in developing the economic motivation factor as elements in guiding political and administrative directions in control activity.
Political marketing is a subdiscipline of both marketing and political science but possesses unique characteristics that sets it apart from its parent disciplines; paradigmatically grounded in marketing theory, political marketing research contributes to (or impinges on) the traditional research field of political science. However, it is our opinion that the theoretical and conceptual foundations of political marketing have yet to be explored and mapped in sufficient depth. Motivated by this deficiency and building on the work in Ormrod, Henneberg and O’Shaughnessy (2013), this paper aims to highlight three issues that we argue need further development. These issues concern the scope of political marketing as an academic discipline, the paradigmatic foundations of political marketing and the link between political marketing and democracy. The origins of political marketing are arguably grounded in the rhetoric that characterised political discourse in ancient Greece and Rome; however, the modern use of political marketing began with the widespread adoption of the mass media as a vehicle for political communication to voters, first using election posters and radio, and then, in the 1950’s, television. This can be described as a narrow interpretation of the scope of political marketing – voter-focused activities using tools and concepts transferred from commercial marketing practice. An alternative to this is a wide intepretation of political marketing, an approach that emphasises building and managing relationships with a wide range of stakeholders using tools and concepts that exhibit a context-specific development to suit the assumed unique political context. The key difference between these approaches is whether political marketing manifests itself as a dedicated organisational function or as a wider organisational philosophy. The narrow and wide interpretations of political marketing are grounded in alternative paradigms, the managerial/instrumental and relationship paradigms, respectively. Many authors use the managerial/instrumental paradigm as the implicit foundation for their research, whilst more recent work has argued that the relationship marketing paradigm shows the most promise as a framework for understanding political behaviour. This divergence reflects discussions that have occurred in the marketing literature about the most appropriate research lens in the commercial context; unfortunately, these discussions have yet to occur in sufficient depth in the political marketing literature. Finally, paradigmatic considerations also have an impact on how political marketing relates to alternative forms of democracy. Setting aside normative considerations regarding the appropriateness of applying a marketing mindset to the art of the possible, the managerial/instrumental approach, despite its widespread use in empirical research, arguably sits uneasily with democratic ideals as it emphasises poll-driven policies and polished candidates. On the other hand, the relationship approach demonstrates an affinity with deliberative democracy; this is especially visible in current experiments in online citizen participation that have the aim of increasing transparency in the parliamentary interaction of the political marketing exchange.
Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C.
Political theory of European union, through an engagement between political concepts and theoretical understandings, provides a means of identifying the EU as a political object. It is argued that understanding the projects, processes and products of European union, based on ‘sharing’ or ‘communion’, provides a better means of perceiving the EU as a political object rather than terms such as ‘integration’ or ‘co-operation’. The concept of ‘European communion’ is defined as the ‘subjective sharing of relationships’, understood as the extent to which individuals or groups believe themselves to be sharing relations (or not), and the consequences of these beliefs for European political projects, processes and products. By exploring European communion through an engagement with contemporary political theory, using very brief illustrations from the Treaty of Lisbon, the article also suggests that European communion embraces three different readings of the EU as a political object – the EU as a constellation of communities; as a cosmopolitan space; and as an example of cosmopolitical co-existence. In other words, the political object of European union may be identified as sharing ‘European communion’.
Manners, Ian James
Political theory of European union, through an engagement between political concepts and theoretical understandings, provides a means of identifying the EU as a political object. It is argued that understanding the projects, processes and products of European union, based on sharing' or communion', provides a better means of perceiving the EU as a political object rather than terms such as integration' or co-operation'. The concept of European communion' is defined as the subjective sharing of relationships', understood as the extent to which individuals or groups believe themselves to be sharing relations (or not), and the consequences of these beliefs for European political projects, processes and products. By exploring European communion through an engagement with contemporary political theory, using very brief illustrations from the Treaty of Lisbon, the article also suggests that European communion embraces three different readings of the EU as a political object the EU as a constellation of communities;as a cosmopolitan space; and as an example of cosmopolitical co-existence. In other words, the political object of European union may be identified as sharing European communion'.
Explores theoretical concerns of political economy approaches in agriculture and links these to farm pluriactivity. Focuses on relevance of debates concerning labor commoditization and uneven development, suggesting recognition of pluriactivity for broader understanding of political economy. Recommends broader approach for understanding economic…
Full Text Available This article examines some important trends in American political discourse. In tracing the problems present in contemporary debates back to their rhetorical roots, it argues that our political discourse is harried not only by party schisms, but also by inefficient modes of speech and debate.
Political processes that shaped the introduction of Mutual Welfare Leagues in New York prisons at the turn of the century demonstrate politicians' indifference to reforms, conflicts between reformers, and the blurring of distinctions between reformers and politicians when reformers engage in political activities in order to initiate reform. (SK)
Davidson, Howard S.
Linguistically, political discourses have generally been discussed within qualitative approaches (e.g., Blackledge, 2005; Chilton, 2004; Chomsky, 2004; van Dijk, 2005; Wodak, 2002). This paper presents tools to design a quantitative research relating political speech with sociolinguistic variables. Notions such as Accommodation Theory (Giles &…
This article is an overview of a comprehensive film-based course that covers basic topics appropriate for an introduction to international relations (or world politics) course. Film provides a new and novel perspective by which to view international interactions. I explore how various aspects of international politics are covered by movies with…
As teachers of political theory, our goal is not merely to help students understand the abstract reasoning behind key ideas and texts of our discipline. We also wish to convey the historical contexts that informed these ideas and texts, including the political aims of their authors. But the traditional lecture-and-discussion approach tends to…
Gorton, William; Havercroft, Jonathan
This essay provides a brief account of selected performances of Australian refugee policy in the domains of politics and theatre. In the domain of politics, it considers rhetorical performances by government ministers and military personnel in relation to the so-called "children overboard" scandal of 2001, and the scandal's parliamentary…
Explains the goals and assumptions of the Political Education Project of the University of Manitoba in Winnipeg, Canada. Gives an example of the stories developed by the project teams as a means by which students are introduced to political realities in interesting ways. Reports two studies supporting the approach. (KO)
Osborne, Kenneth; Seymour, John
Full Text Available In the late 1990s Indonesia, the world’s most populous Muslim nation, transitioned to democracy amidst concerns over Islamist ascendancy. Yet, a decade later and Indonesia accommodates a diversity of Islamic political expression. The following article considers the clues to this accommodation. It examines the relationship between political Islam and democratisation and its possible future trajectory in Indonesia.
Paul J. Carnegie
In the late 1990s Indonesia, the world’s most populous Muslim nation, transitioned to democracy amidst concerns over Islamist ascendancy. Yet, a decade later and Indonesia accommodates a diversity of Islamic political expression. The following article considers the clues to this accommodation. It examines the relationship between political Islam and democratisation and its possible future trajectory in Indonesia.
Carnegie, Paul J.
The author discusses the enquete report 1980. He makes an inventory for a political and sociological interpretation of the interim report between meaningful innovation and political insignificance as well as intellectual stagnation. The report is considered as an indicator for the transformation of the energy-political arena in the Federal Republic of Germany over the last years. ''Stagnation'' or ''innovation'' of the argumentation patterns in the report of the enquete commission relate to the question whether the analyses in that document are rather a brake or a motor to a shift of political perspectives in energy policy. A progress can be seen in the report regarding political debate about energy-options in the semi-official political spectrum of the Federal Republic of Germany, in as far as differring options of energy-political development are being acknowledged for the first time. At the same time, debate inside the commission directs the attention to issues of institutional policy in the energy sector. Considering the fights within the commission before the report was agreed on, it seems doubtful if its proposals for compromise will prove a sound political basis. The tensions inside the commission are just a first sign of the power conflicts due above all if the recommendations for energy conservation are intransigently carried out. (orig./HSCH)
How rabbinic Judaism interprets the following laws and doctrines from the Bible is examined: the seven mitzvot of the Sons of Noah, laws of war, doctrines concerning the administration of justice, and political organization according to Abravenel. Spinoza's contribution to modern political thought is described. (RM)
Leiser, Burton M.
Against a perspective of shame that would see it as something paralyzing, negative and destructive, I draw out a different account of the politics of shame in intercultural education. I explore the openings that are created for a productive politics of shame in the context of discussions surrounding intercultural education via tracing how…
Full Text Available SciELO Colombia | Language: Spanish Abstract in spanish El presente artículo se concentra en el estudio de la corrupción como uno de los elementos que influye y facilita la socialización de las élites políticas mexicanas en el marco de relaciones políticas fundadas en compadrazgo, amiguismo, padrinazgo, familiarismo y clientelismo. Asimismo, se analiza e [...] l fenómeno de la corrupción como un factor que interviene en el proceso de reclutamiento político, movilidad de las élites y proporciona un referente en el ejercicio del poder político en México. Abstract in english This article focuses on the study of corruption as one of the factors influencing and facilitating the socialization of Mexican political elites in the context of political relations based on close friendship, family relations, caciquism or bossism, and patronage. It also analyzes the phenomenon of [...] corruption as a factor in the process of political recruitment, mobility of elites and provides a scheme in the exercise of political power in Mexico.
...2010-01-01 false Restriction of political activity. 734.104 Section 734...CIVIL SERVICE REGULATIONS (CONTINUED) POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF FEDERAL EMPLOYEES General...Provisions § 734.104 Restriction of political activity. No further...
...2010-01-01 false Participation in political campaigns. 734.205 Section 734...CIVIL SERVICE REGULATIONS (CONTINUED) POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF FEDERAL EMPLOYEES Permitted...Activities § 734.205 Participation in political campaigns. Subject to the...
...2010-01-01 2010-01-01 false Political and organization activity. 7.11...Employees or Commissioners § 7.11 Political and organization activity. (a...Federal Election Commission's role in the political process, the following...
...2010-04-01 2010-04-01 true Political organizations; generally. 1.527-1...Farmers' Cooperatives § 1.527-1 Political organizations; generally. Section 527 provides that a political organization is considered an...
...2010-04-01 false What policies govern political patronage? 641.833 Section 641... § 641.833 What policies govern political patronage? (a) A recipient or...or terminate an individual based on political services provided by the individual...
...IA-3403; File No. S7-36-10] Political Contributions by Certain Investment Advisers...1\\ Political Contributions by Certain Investment Advisers...as follows: Sec. 275.206(4)-5 Political contributions by certain investment...
Discusses how to use art in introductory political theory courses. Provides examples of incorporating art to teach political theory, such as examining Machiavelli's "The Prince" and Michelangelo's "David" to understand Florentine (Florence, Italy) political theory. (CMK)
Miller, Char R.
The aim of the paper is presentation of the main tenets of political thought of Solidarno?? Walcz?ca and attempt of answer why political and social proposals of this organization were marginalized in Polish political discourse after 1989.
Full Text Available In recent years Mexico has been the headlines of the news of drug-related violence. The power of the gangs challenges the army and the police, killing and torture political leaders, policemen, soldiers and civilians. They seem to be unbeatable. However, they could not have prospered, without the conditions of the political corruption of the country. This article analyses the development of political corruption and drug trafficking in Mexico. Firstly, it analyzes the role of the corruption during the post-revolutionary political system headed by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI. Secondly, it studies the arrival in power of the technocrats and their relationship with drug traffickers. Then, it evaluates briefly the political transition thought the defeat of the PRI in July 2000 by the National Action Party (PAN. Finally, it examines the flourishing of narcoindustry in Mexico, the militarization, the rise of the violence and its social consequences for the population.
Full Text Available Based on the politeness theories proposed by Brown and Levinson, by Leech, and by Gu, this article tries to explore how environment affects waiters/waitresses and their language and behavior. A qualitative approach is taken in the research to analyze the data collected by the author. After a careful comparison of the language and behavior of waiters/waitresses, a conclusion can be drawn that environment plays a crucial role in the using of different strategies in the restaurants of different grades—middle-grade restaurants tend to use negative politeness strategies, whereas low- grade ones positive politeness strategies. Furthermore, the author wants to emphasize the importance of using different politeness strategies to explain the politeness phenomena in different environments.
Full Text Available The author suggests twelve hypothesis to revive enthusiasm as a political category and, finally, to restate the possibility of political action. The enthusiasm of the masses was in this perspective the essential political element of ''The Glorious Thirties'' following the Second War World, characterized by this tension to realize a greater social justice. It would have been also at the base of the ''Long Sixty- eight'' and of the processes of decolonization. Enthusiasm is thus thought in opposition both to the monopolistic pretension of political innovation forwarded by communist parties in the past and to the exclusive competence on political-economical decisions claimed today by democratic élite. Rethinking the enthusiasm that animated these historic sequences of the Twentieth century should offer the possibility to respond to «the sad passions» that dominate the era of neoliberal administration of global democracy.
Full Text Available The role of women in modern politics is a subject that needs further insight, considering the growthin number of women that nowadays have relevant political positions on the international stage.There are studies today that emphasize the equality issue and all that is gender role related, but ourinterest is to analyze the women representation in power related positions. Due to the fastmodernization of the political environment and the rapid spreading of the feminist way of thought,several authors took interest in the gender differences in politics. The article follows some keydimensions in understanding the gender-role in politics: the glass ceiling, the role of the media indrawing the image of the woman politician, the gender affinity effect. In the end we would like topoint out the differences for men and women in exploiting the opportunities and securing the positions of power.
The theme of this paper is political identity and participation among Muslim migrant young people in Denmark. Political identity is analysed by examining students’ political interests and perception of themselves as participants in politics, as well as their rationalities for politics. In order to address the research question ‘What characterizes political identities among Muslim immigrant young people in schools?’ we interviewed eight Muslim students from a Danish upper secondary school and from different national origins. The students’ political orientations seemed quite contradictory, even among those who might readily have been identified as a-political. Despite moderate political interest, all students showed some inclinations to participate in elections or in particular issues. However, they emphasized that their social studies classes primarily provided them with factual knowledge experience, and some students found this knowledge useful. None of the students seemed to experience school asan arena for participation. Consequently, there is first a need to emphasize the significance of a dynamic perspective on the phenomenon of political identity, and second, we need to know how students in school should be regarded as citizens in ‘the making’ or as equal citizens in a participatory arena. Keywords: politics, identity, citizenship, participation, democracy.
Kristensen, Niels NØrgaard; Solhaug, Trond
Full Text Available Political conversation is a prerequisite for social cohesion in society. Due to digital media, a new educational situation has been shaped that creates different conversational possibilities in which the political conversation can take place. The analysis of two cases, the international students’ questionnaire used in the ICCS 2009 and findings from research in a Swedish net community, represents two spaces – school and social media – containing specific educational conditions for political conversation. These two spaces are used to problematize and discuss, in terms of political socialisation, educational conditions for political conversation in school. The Political Voice of Young Citizens is shown to be framed by different conditions depending on where, when, and how the political conversation is institutionally arranged and directed.
This paper draws upon sociological theory to demonstrate that the manufacture and deployment of trust is an integral part of the function of complex systems such as health care. The discussion begins by identifying the error within the nursing literature which arises from a rather technical conceptualization of trust. This tends to limit the dimensions to trust which is established, and fails to recognize that trust may be subject to competition and conflict. The paper continues by drawing upon the work of two theorists, Niklas Luhmann and Susan P. Shapiro, to demonstrate how trust functions within systems such as health care and the mechanisms through which it is controlled. The title of this paper, 'Towards a politics of trust', identifies that this is merely the first stage in the analysis. Further stages are necessary which analyse the ways in which power is exercised in the conflict for control within discrete elements of the system. PMID:9637328
Full Text Available With the 1996-7 IGC and signing of the Amsterdam Treaty, immigration has moved towards the top of the EU policy agenda. This paper offers an overview of developments on immigration, asylum and citizenship. It goes on to develop a sociological approach to Europeanisation, which identifies the principle actors and organisations which constitute the emerging ?political field? of immigration at the EU level. In particular, it discusses in detail the growing presence of NGOs in Brussels, and their strategies for influencing EU policy making. It also relates the success of these ?transnational? organisations to other forms of transnational cooperation between networks of European police and security experts, and between region and city networks. To understand in sociological terms the specific forms of empowerment enabled to certain groups by European integration, it is necessary to show how successful actors in the European circles have created new forms of social and cultural ?capital? beyond the nation state.
Energy is going to play a major role in politics in the next two decades. This is due to four basic facts. In the first place, energy is a vital element in economic development, international trade and communications. Secondly secure energy is one of the elementary requirements of any credible defense and security strategy. Thirdly, the degradation of the global environment is directly linked with energy production, consumption and waste. Finally, the energy market and related markets such as the transport and communications sectors depend on a huge net of coordinated infrastructure. Basic changes in the energy sector require considerable time and massive investments. Energy solutions thus depend on long-term strategies. (author)
This research focuses on political culture with a special reference to political participation of the Malays and the non-Malays in district of Hulu Langat, Malaysia. Political landscape in Malaysia is normally being observed in term of ethnicity. This is why political observers in Malaysia claim that the goal of development and individual’s behavior towards politics are habitually govern by ethnicity. Therefore, this paper aims to scrutinize the significance of value and attitude in politic...
Suhana Saad; Ali Salman
Full Text Available The global context created by the First World War meant that Brazil was forced to accelerate its process of industrialization causing the numerical growth of the working class and the expansion of trade union activities in the country. Because of this, the Brazilian government increased its interest in controlling the different factors of industrial production process aimed at intensifying the process of capitalist accumulation in the country. At the same time, began the implementation of a series of welfare measures in the country as part of the conformation of the Brazilian system of social policies. If, initially, the system was linked primarily to the institutional apparatus of the state, in the mid-twentieth century, and more recently, we can see the growth of the bond between these social policies and the entities deprivation of neoliberal orientation. Thus, this article aims to observe the historical context and the relationship between the emergence and development of various forms of political participation in the construction of social policies in Brazil.
Daniella Guedes Rocha
Full Text Available Our class of models aims at explaining the dynamics of political attitude change by means of the dynamic changes in values, beliefs, norms and knowledge with which it is associated. The model constructs a political culture perspective over the relationship between macro and micro levels of a society and polity. The model defines the bonding mechanism as a basic mechanism of the political culture change by taking inspiration from the valence bonding theory in Chemistry, which has inspired the elaboration of the mechanisms and processes underlying the political culture emergence and the political culture control over the relationship between macro-level political entities and the micro-level individual agents. The model introduces operational definitions of the individual agent in political culture terms. The simulation model is used for the study of emergent political culture change phenomena based on individual interactions (emergent or upward causation as well as the ways in which the macro entities and emergent phenomena influence in turn the behaviors of individual agents (downward causation. The model is used in the ongoing research concerning the quality of democracy and political participation of the citizens in the Eastern European societies after the Fall of Berlin Wall. It is particularly aimed at explaining the long-term effect of the communist legacy and of the communist polity concept and organization onto the political mentalities and behaviors of the citizens with respect to democratic institutions and political power. The model has major implications in political socialization, political involvement, political behavior, corruption and polity modeling.
Camelia Florela Voinea
There are a great number of states in which different ethnic minorities coexist, each of them having their own culture, language and history. In some of these states, the ethnic minorities have been subjected to marginalization and acculturation, in other states the minority groups were recognized as being distinct parts of the nation and were granted equal rights of participation in the public arena. This paper attempts to explain why states opt for such different ways of integrating their m...
As humanity marches closer to entering a new millennium, it is crucial that we nuclear professionals take renewed stock in the importance of our role in public interactions. The lack of public support has been very influential in bringing the once robust nuclear power construction program in America, Europe and Russia to a grinding halt. In trying to understand the key forces that shape public opinion on technologies such as ours, it becomes clear that the major force is the media enterprise. If we compare the basic driving forces behind successful media with the basic drivers behind successful science, we quickly come to the realization that the media are fundamentally in the entertainment business. Capturing instant attention and holding it are the principal ingredients of success for newspapers, radio, and television. Recognizing that these success drivers are diametrically opposite of those governing good science, we can readily understand why the antinuclear movement has been so successful in orchestrating their message in a package ideally suited to a receptive media enterprise. However, before blaming all our woes on the media, we need to assess at least four technical areas where additional professional work could be of substantial value. These include determining the real health effects of low-level radiation, further developing intrinsic robustness to enhance reactor safety, refining and articulating the environmental ethic associated with the recycling of nuclear waste, and exposing the myth that burying plutonium solves our nuclear non-proliferation problems. We suggest six key ingredients as necessary steps that merit strong consideration in regaining public support for nuclear power. These include 1) seriously addressing the four technical issues summarized above; 2) expressing our key issues and results in language understandable at the high school (or lower) level; 3) continually striving for an open and honest management of the Industry; 4) articulating the BENEFITS of nuclear science and technology as a whole; 5) adopting Decision Analysis techniques wherever possible; and 6) recognizing and taking advantage of appropriate 'band-wagons' of public interest issues. (author)
Most research on efficacy and participation in collective action has focused on single country samples with little attention paid to the relationship between efficacy and country-level structural factors. Drawing on value expectancy theory, we theorize a link between macro-level political institutions and micro-level efficacy. To address the previous limitations in the efficacy and collective action literature, we use multi-level, cross-national data, and present results from a series of hierarchical models testing whether efficacy increases collective action cross-nationally, whether political institutions affect efficacy, and whether the effect of efficacy on collective action is conditional on political institutions. We find that efficacy increases collective action, that certain political institutions increase efficacy, and that the effect of efficacy on collective action is partly conditional on the inclusiveness of a country's political institutions. These findings suggest the insufficiency of purely structural as well as social psychological explanations of collective action. PMID:22122024
Corcoran, Katie E; Pettinicchio, David; Young, Jacob T N
Full Text Available The aim of the article. The aim of the article is consideration of political systems using marketing concept, which has recently received significant development in society live. The general laws of economic and social systems development are confirmed.The results of the analysis. It is known that systemic approaches to the solution of certain scientific problems make it possible to transfer properties of studied patterns on other systems. In the beginning of twenty-first century economy and politics intertwin with each other. So it is naturally to consider political events of recent years using marketing methodology, principles of market segmentation, research methods, properties of certain elements of the marketing mix: product life cycle graph, financial policy, instruments of marketing communications and more. Nowadays marketing approach moves from the market of goods and services to nonprofit sector. It happens because a lot of processes in this sphere are based on the use of market approaches and mechanisms. President, parliamentary and local government elections are the most felicitous objects to verify the effectiveness of marketing concept inpolitics.Political marketing is defined as a system of means and measures to create an image of party or its leaders. This image has to meet the expectations of their potential electorate and stress the differences between our party and competitors. The purpose of political marketing is to coordinate steps and program of the party or its leader with electoral expectations, to attract voter and to form assessment criterions. Such criterions can be: win or significant percentage of election results, the current rating of the party and so on.The subject of research in political marketing is election campaigns, mass political and educational events, propaganda work, lobbying process, preparation and implementation of various projects, work with political parties and public organizations. An applied sphere of political marketing is power relationships. It is a space in which parties, social movements, public organizations, state institutions and public interests exist and interact.Conclusions and directions of further researches. It is shown that political market is a place where the political product, problems, programs, analyzes, comments, concepts, events appear as a result of competition between involved agents. Ordinary citizens (consumers choose among them. Thus, marketing categories can be used to explaine, understand and research political systems. Also they confirm the common patterns of development of political and socio-economic systems.
Full Text Available The practice of democracy in Nigeria over a decade ago has not yielded much needed good governance. This is because democracy is practiced in such a way that responsible and competent people are scared away. Scholars and keen observers have attempted at unraveling the factors militating against translating democracy into good governance. The paper revealed that democratisation in Nigeria is pervaded by electoral violence, manipulation of election results and political participation constraints. These identified challenges have made it impossible to attain consolidated democracy that can, in turn, facilitate good governance. Democracy is a catalyst for accountability, transparency and responsive government which brings about good governance. The paper insisted that governance collapse in Nigeria is reflexive of the perfunctory role of the political actors and it adopted elite theory to reinforce this argument. The paper adopted content analysis as a means of data gathering. It dwelt extensively on the synergy between democracy, political participation and good governance but queried the artificial gulf between them in Nigeria. It concluded by putting forth viable and pragmatic way forward.
Dare E. Arowolo
Full Text Available This article will address the Muslim politics in Malaysia in the light of the broader shifts towards democratization and Islamization by focusing on politics among the majority ethnic Malay community, followed an overview of the ideological rivalry between UMNO and PAS, with special reference to the electoral performances of these parties in the past three general elections (November 1999, March 2004 and March 2008 . It then explores the underlying reason for the perceived importance of Islam in understanding the voting trend among the Malay-Muslim electorate which raised the question to what extent was the discourse on Islam instrumental in persuading the Malays to switch their support from PAS to the UMNO during the 2004 elections, and in the process of continued participation as an ‘Islamic Party’ in Malaysian mainstream politics what factors were that encouraged the PAS leaders to compromises and to play by the ‘rule of democracy’. In the concluding part of the article the writer also provide with an overview on reform agenda of Civilizational Islam (Islam Hadhari under premiership of Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and the current Malaysia’s Transformation Programme (GTP under the leadership of Dato’ Sri Mohd Najib Tun Abdul Razak.
The study was conceived as an inquiry into the effect of political education curriculum (PEC) and of political knowledge/literacy on the political socialization of students. Political education is taken to refer to any course studied in school which may have political content: history, current events, economics, social studies, geography, citizenship education, civics, environmental studies and similar subject matter. The function of such courses is to initiate individuals into "the skills an...
Johnson, Pandora; Hamalian, Arpi
Full Text Available The political ideas of the European Union take their roots in the writings of the founding fathers of the West European integration. However, the theoretical reflections are not profound, since the authors were in the first place pragmatists like Jean Monnet. The first political visions aimed, first of all, at convincing both political elites as well as European masses to undertake the work of the unification of Europe. The theoretical ideas related to the political dimension of the European integration awake emotions. Apart from reflections on international and regional integration, which can be found in the works on the theories of international relations, the political regime of the European Union did not await any profound study. Nevertheless, the theoretical discussion on the political shape of European Union was caused by the process of constitutionalisation of the European Union. In the course discussions on the Constitutional Treaty, the more influential authors of theoretical works presented their opinions. The most important debates turned to be questions concerning the sovereignty of the Community supranational structure as well as the democratic deficit of the European Union. This article focuses on the most important discussions led from the position of the theory of democracy as well as the international political theory.
Zbigniew B. Rudnicki
The structure of this paper consists in three parts. The first part aims to formulate the most basic conservative themes and ideas. The basic tenets conservatism is an understanding of human nature as morally and intellectually imperfect. This dual imperfection supports conservatisms veneration for traditionalism, organicism and political skepticism, which again concludes in an understanding of politics as an imperfect activity. The second part tries to delineate how conservatism narrates the relation between human nature and the purpose and function of political authority. This part will formulate three basic theses of conservatism regarding the relation between human nature and political authority. The third and last part unfolds Schmitt’s political theory in relation to his conception of human nature and how this relates to his understanding of political authority. It is especially Schmitt’s thoughts and comments on Thomas Hobbes which are the main focus of this part. Schmitt’s interpretation, inspiration and criticism of Hobbes reveal the more deep political commitments of Schmitt.
Pedersen, SØren Hviid
Full Text Available While historically populism has been tended to be an attribute of the right oriented political parties, since the ideological shifting of ideological orientation of the parties and its disrupted relevance in the last few decades across Europe, today at some segments populism is more and more present in the political discourse of parties attempting to achieve their goals regardless of their ideological orientation or heritage. Populism seems to be a new-old means for the conquest of hearts of the people by those political parties in government or opposition that may be left, right or central oriented. The transformed approach of the political actors has been transforming as well as the concept of the populism from an ideological label toward a mean for a massive winning of votes and support for candidates in the political campaigning. The latter more and more is conducted with uninterrupted rhetoric through the entire period of political activity and not only in front of elections. Especially with the enormous grow of the use of social networks in the political campaigning, populism is finding its way within the political discourse of political actors and programs transforming itself into a fast-track way to come to power via practicing the symbolic politics.
Full Text Available The theme of this paper is political identity and participation amongMuslim migrant young people in Denmark. Political identity is analysedby examining students’ political interests and perception of themselves as participants in politics, as well as their rationalities for politics. In order to address the research question ‘What characterizes political identities among Muslim immigrant young people in schools?’ we interviewed eight Muslim students from a Danish upper secondary school and from different national origins. The students’ political orientations seemed quite contradictory, even among those who might readily have been identified as a-political. Despite moderate political interest, all students showed some inclinations to participate in elections or in particular issues. However, they emphasized that their social studies classes primarily provided them with factual knowledge experience, and some students found this knowledge useful. None of the students seemed to experience school as an arena for participation. Consequently, there is first a need to emphasize the significance of a dynamic perspective on the phenomenon of political identity, and second, we need to know how students in school should be regarded as citizens in ‘the making’ or as equal citizens in a participatory arena.
Niels Nørgaard Kristensen
Long-term take-or-pay contracts regulating gas exports to the Continent are described and analyzed. We thereafter examine whether the German gas market is integrated. Time series of Norwegian, Dutch and Russian gas export prices to Germany in 1990-1998 are examined. Cointegration tests show that that the different border prices for gas to Germany move proportionally over time, indicating an integrated gas market. We find differences in mean prices, with Russian gas being sold at prices systematically lower than Dutch and Norwegian gas. Among the explanatory factors for price discrepancies are differences in volume flexibility (swing) and perceived political risk
For a long time now Algeria plays a prominent role in the supply of natural gas to European countries and LNG to other parts of the world. However, this country with its enormous petroleum and natural gas reserves does not yet have the place on the European natural gas market that it deserves. A brief overview is given of the rapidly changing institutional, economical and political factors in Algeria, which must guide them to a good position on the European gas market after the year 2000. 8 ills
Full Text Available SciELO Mexico | Language: Spanish Abstract in spanish ¿Qué factores explican la desconfianza de los ciudadanos en las instituciones representativas? La literatura especializada ha presentado dos tipos de respuestas a este problema. La "corriente culturalista" sostiene que las actitudes políticas son resultado del 227 proceso de socialización (Almond y [...] Verba, 1963; Eckstein, 1988; Inglehart, 1996; Torcal y Montero, 2006; Segatti, 2006) y, por lo tanto, difíciles de cambiar en el tiempo. Por su parte, el abordaje "racional" considera que las actitudes de los ciudadanos son consecuencia del desempeño que éstos le atribuyen al sistema (Miller y Listhaug, 1999, Camoes y Mendes, 2000; Mishler y Rose, 2001; Magalhaes, 2006). A partir de la Encuesta Nacional de Cultura Política (2008), este trabajo demuestra, para el caso mexicano, que la desconfianza se explica mayormente a partir del deficiente desempeño que los ciudadanos atribuyen a sus representantes. Abstract in english From a culturalist perspective, political attitudes are the result of early life socialization and are, therefore, unlikely to change across time. The rationalist approach suggests that political attitudes are influenced by citizens' evaluations of the political system and its actors. Based on data [...] from the National Political Culture Survey (2008), this article studies the conditions under which citizens distrust political institutions. The results suggest that political distrust in Mexico is related to the poor performance of representative institutions.
José del, Tronco.
Full Text Available Problem statement: This research proposal aims to analyze the economic, social and political foreseeable scenarios of Mexico by the year 2030. Approach: Starting from the analyzes of the recent economic, social and political developments, to searching the trends in specific economic issues such as international commerce, energy, employment, environmental constraints; social trends such as demographic transition, fertility, population growth, aging, migration, education, health, housing, human development and political trends such as democratization processes, social upheaval, human rights. Results: Finally, concluded described and discussed the scenarios at three levels: pessimistic, realistic and optimistic. The key findings will be analyzed in more details. The methodology used are time series analysis for historical data, correlation analysis for data series of the different variables, the Delphi technique, panel of experts, interviews to some clue economic, social and political actors. For the analysis, the prospective techniques are also used. Conclusion: At the end of the study the most important factors in shaping the economic, social and political landscape of Mexico in 2030 and beyond are identified. It is also examined how the Mexican society will cope with the broad range of challenges furthermore it is assessed what conditions may be key to transforming economic, social and political trends into security and social welfare issues.
Josè G. Jose
Full Text Available SciELO Brazil | Language: English Abstract in english This paper aims to analyze the interactions between home country governments and Developing Country Multinational Companies (DMNCs). Drawing on evidence from the Brazilian political environment and Brazilian multinationals we investigate the mechanisms governments use to influence the internationali [...] zation process of domestic companies and firms' political strategic responses to shape the political institutional environment in which they operate. We argue that foreign direct investment (FDI) outflows from developing economies need to be explored given specific country level contextual factors, such as high levels of government involvement. Our main findings support this idea and indicate that home country governments use a series of formal and informal mechanisms in order to drive the international expansion of DMNCs in both the entry and consolidation phases. Moreover, DMNCs political behavior in the home country political environment accounts for an important part of their strategy to develop political resources and obtain above average returns from governmental benefits.
Karina Regina Vieira, Bazuchi; Suelen Alice da Silva, Zacharias; Laurent Wiliam, Broering; Maria Fernanda, Arreola; Rodrigo, Bandeira-de-Mello.
Full Text Available The core focus of "Political Psychology: Critical Perspectives" is an interrelated set of European-based theories and perspectives that emphasize both the social context of the individual and the capacity of citizens to engage in strategic discursive and rhetorical agency. Through an explanation of social representations, social identity, self-categorization and other theories, Tileag? raises questions about mainstream methodologies in political psychology and offers alternatives. The core achievements of the book consist of the integrated presentation of a range of critical European-based political psychology approaches as well as a subtle exploration of the interplay between the individual and the social.
The concept of sustainability is of central importance in Arctic politics. However, for different actors (governments, indigenious peoples, NGOs) the concept implies different sets of precautions and opportunities. Sustainability, therefore, is much more a fundamental concept to be further elaborated than a definable term with a specific meaning. This is the core hypothesis in a collective research project, the POSUSA project (Politics of Sustainability in the Arctic) that aims to map and analyse the role of sustainability in various political and economic strategies in the Arctic.
Gad, Ulrik Pram; Jakobsen, Uffe
The paper gives an overview of EU's eastern enlargement and draws some theoretical conclusions. In particular, it stresses the point that the EU member states in the process of enlargement have entered a phase of "new politics", characterised by multilateralism, conditionality, help and binding agreements. They gained strong influence over their surroundings, and ,albeit they had to give up substantil parts of de-facto sovereingty, they are much better off than before, in particular in terms of security. EU's "new politics" are a successful alternative model to the "old politics", represented e.g. by US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld.
Taking the SNR-300 reactor in Kalkar as an example, the process of forming of political opinion and decision is reconstructed in order to get a picture of typical consensus- and conflict patterns in the discussion of safety problems. On this basis, it should be possible to derive a freedom of action for the political and administrative managing of safety matters by means of feed back with social groups. As a crucial point the aspects concerning the steps of the forming of political opinion and decision are examined. (DG)
This article examines the 2003 ban of radical Basque nationalist parties Herri Batasuna, Euskal Herritarrok and Batasuna for their integration in the terrorist group Euskadi Ta Askatasuna. It does so by examining the political context in which proscription took place and testing two hypotheses developed from the broader literature on party bans addressing the question: Why do democracies ban political parties? Case study analysis on Spain supports the two hypotheses - that democracies ban anti-system parties when alternative forms of marginalization are not effective and that ‘intolerant democracies’ are more likely to ban political parties than ‘tolerant democracies’.
Global Oral Health suffers from a lack of political attention, particularly in low- and middle-income countries. This paper analyses the reasons for this political neglect through the lens of four areas of political power: the power of the ideas, the power of the issue, the power of the actors, and the power of the political context (using a modified Political Power Framework by Shiffman and Smith. Lancet370  1370). The analysis reveals that political priority for global oral health is low, resulting from a set of complex issues deeply rooted in the current global oral health sector, its stakeholders and their remit, the lack of coherence and coalescence; as well as the lack of agreement on the problem, its portrayal and possible solutions. The shortcomings and weaknesses demonstrated in the analysis range from rather basic matters, such as defining the issue in an agreed way, to complex and multi-levelled issues concerning appropriate data collection and agreement on adequate solutions. The political priority of Global Oral Health can only be improved by addressing the underlying reasons that resulted in the wide disconnection between the international health discourse and the small sector of Global Oral Health. We hope that this analysis may serve as a starting point for a long overdue, broad and candid international analysis of political, social, cultural, communication, financial and other factors related to better prioritisation of oral health. Without such an analysis and the resulting concerted action the inequities in Global Oral Health will grow and increasingly impact on health systems, development and, most importantly, human lives. PMID:21692782
Benzian, Habib; Hobdell, Martin; Holmgren, Christopher; Yee, Robert; Monse, Bella; Barnard, Johannes T; van Palenstein Helderman, Wim
Full Text Available In today’s increasingly globalised yet disconnected world, especially in the contemporary context of a turbulent political landscape, there has been an increasing effort made by socio-political leaders at solidifying alliances and drawing support from different corners of the world in order to neutralize policies. Drawing on a multidimensional framework, in particular, critical discourse analysis and membership categorization analysis, this paper explores the various strategies employed by political leaders, attempting to reconcile disparate perspectives in the face of increasing socio-economic inter-connection and political dependence. More often than not, it was discovered, political leaders drew upon the somewhat “illusory” notion of “international community”, turning it into a tool of persuasion and membership category. In doing so, this paper aims to illustrate how the creation of illusive categories and perceptions are intended as a means of drawing support from diverse political leaders and projecting a united front before scrutinizing press and public.
This article develops a conceptual framework and measurement model of political market orientation. The relationships between different behavioural aspects of political market orientation and the attitudinal influences of such behaviour are analysed, and the study includes structural equation modelling to test several hypotheses. While the results show that political parties focus on several different aspects of market-oriented behaviour, especially using an internal and societal orientation as cultural antecedents, a more surprising result is the inconclusive effect of a voter orientation on political market orientation. This lends support to the argument of 'looking beyond the customer' in political marketing research and practice. The article discusses the findings in the context of the existing literature on political marketing and commercial market orientation.
Ormrod, Robert P.; Henneberg, Stephan C.
The present study examined the moderating effects of procedural and distributive justice on the relationships between political skill and task performance and organizational citizenship behavior (OCB) among 175 supervisor-subordinate dyads of a government organization. Using Mischel's (1968) situationist perspective, high justice conditions were considered "strong situations," whereas low justice conditions were construed as "weak situations." We found that when both procedural and distributive justice were low, political skill was positively related to performance. Under conditions of both high procedural and high distributive justice, political skill was negatively related to performance. Finally, under conditions of low distributive justice, political skill was positively related to OCB, whereas under conditions of high distributive justice, political skill had little effect on OCB. These results highlight the importance of possessing political skill in weak but not strong situations. PMID:19916653
Andrews, Martha C; Kacmar, K Michele; Harris, Kenneth J
Full Text Available This paper presents a outline for a new theory of politics, in terms of the offer of a new theoretical apparatus ie. new methodological pattern for a comparative analysis of political ideas and concepts. The paper presents the concept of the so-called Political Mechanics and explains its historical Dialectic due to which the different political ideas/ideologies can be classified by the place they occupied in the historical process. This allows new understanding of the political ideas/ideologies in a new way, no longer as an abstract ideas without any historical foundation but as a specific products of historical process, ie. only within a particular historical context in which they occurred. This context is determined by the Political Mechanics and its Dialectic, whose functioning is described in this paper. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. III 47010: Društvene transformacije u procesu evropskih integracija - multidisciplinarni pristup
Full Text Available SciELO Brazil | Language: English Abstract in portuguese Este trabalho tem como foco a política lingüística tal qual ela vem se processando no Brasil. Graças a uma tentativa empenhada por um deputado no sentido de coibir o uso descontrolado de inglês no país, grandes setores da população têm mostrado interesse repetino em assuntos relativos à questão ling [...] uística. Os lingüistas profissionais foram pegos de calças curtas e, de forma geral, foram reduzidos à condição de meros espectadores. Ao tentar compreender o desenrolar dos acontecimentos, argumento que há uma necesidade urgente de atender aos anseios do público e dialogar com ele. Abstract in english This paper focuses on language politics as it is currently unfolding in Brazil. Thanks to a legislative bid by a member of the House of Representatives to curb the wide-spread use of English in the country, large segments of the country's population have suddenly become interested in language-relate [...] d issues. Professional linguists were taken by surprise and have, by and large, been reduced to the status of mere spectators. In an attempt to address the issue, I argue that there is an urgent need to attend to the wider public and engage them in a fruitful dialogue.
Full Text Available The Balkans is currently going through its most profound period of change since Slobodan Miloševi?'s overthrow in October 2000. Montenegro has declared its independence from the state union of Serbia and Montenegro; the Kosovo future status talks are in their final stages and by all indications will suggest some form of independence for the Serbian province; new governments are in place in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia; while the results of Serbia’s January 2007 elections suggest that Serbian politics will be unstable for the foreseeable future. All of this is occurring at a time when two of the pillars promoting stability in the Balkans - a substantial U.S. military presence and the foreseeable prospect of EU accession for the countries of the region - are being withdrawn. Meanwhile, anew variable is being introduced into the strategic equation in The region - the return of Russia as a serious player. As a result of all of these new developments without a more serious commitment to the region from both Washington and Brussels over the next few years, there is a serious likelihood that the democratic and economic transitions in the region will suffer serious setbacks or delays.
Gordon Bardos N.
Full Text Available SciELO Mexico | Language: English Abstract in spanish A partir de un modelo oligopolistico de equilibrio parcial, modelamos los efectos de las fusiones y el cabildeo político doméstico para definir políticas nacionales de subsidio. Empresas locales y foráneas compiten en un mercado de bienes homogéneos en un pais huesped de inversión. La producción opt [...] ima de las empresas va a depender de la politica de subsidio. Las empresas locales ofrecen cabildear con contribuciones económicas al gobierno para afectar la decisión de política. El gobierno establece la política óptima maximizando el peso entre las contribuciones políticas y el bienestar social agregado, tomando en cuenta las fusiones que hacen las empresas locales como respuesta a la competencia foránea. Abstract in english We examine, in a oligopolistic partial equilibrium model, the effects of mergers and internal lobbies in shaping national subsidy policies. Domestic and foreign firms compete in the market for a homogeneous good in a host country, then the optimal output of the firms can be affected ambiguously by t [...] he government subsidy policy in the host country. Domestic firms offer political contributions to the government, that are tied to the government's policy decision. The government sets the optimal policy maximizing a weighted sum of total contributions and aggregate social welfare taking into account merger of domestic firms as a competitive response.
M. Ozgur, Kayalica; Rafael Salvador, Espinosa Ramírez.
Genetic knowledge applicable to crop improvement has erupted over the past 60 years, and the techniques of introducing genes from one organism to another have enabled new varieties of crops not achievable by previously available methodologies of crop breeding. Research and particularly development of these GMO-crops to a point where they are useful for growers and consumers in most countries is subject to complex national and international rules arising out of the UN's Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety to the Convention on Biological Diversity, with 167 country signatories. (The USA and Canada are not signatories.) The Protocol was developed based on concerns initially expressed in the 1970's that such technology presented unusual risks to man and the environment. Those ideas have comprehensively and authoritatively been proven to be wrong. The Protocol has nevertheless spawned significant regulatory obstacles to the development of GMO-crop technology at great cost to global society and in conflict with many other UN objectives. The suspicion induced by the Protocol is also widely used, overtly or covertly, for political purposes. These points are illustrated by reference to the not-for-profit Golden Rice project. PMID:25437240
Full Text Available The study was conceived as an inquiry into the effect of political education curriculum (PEC and of political knowledge/literacy on the political socialization of students. Political education is taken to refer to any course studied in school which may have political content: history, current events, economics, social studies, geography, citizenship education, civics, environmental studies and similar subject matter. The function of such courses is to initiate individuals into "the skills and concepts required for active participation in political affairs of citizenship" (Entwhistle, 1971, p. 1.Therefore to gain insight into the role of political education in socializing individuals to politics, this study examined the effects of PEC upon the political socialization of a group of Bahamian youth studying in Montreal.This paper was prepared for presentation in Session 8: "The Education of Elites in Montreal" of the Comparative and International Education Society of Canada, Learned Societies Conference, University of New Brunswick, Fredericton, June 7-9, 1977.
"Symbolic Power, Politics and Intellectuals: The Political Sociology of Pierre Bourdieu." David L. Swartz. University of Chicago Press. May 2013. --- Power is the central organizing principle of all social life, from culture and education to stratification and taste. And there is no more prominent name in the analysis of power than that of Pierre Bourdieu. In Symbolic Power, Politics, and Intellectuals, David L. Swartz delves into Bourdieu’s work to show how central – but often overlooked...
Mcdonagh, Luke T.
There has been a growing academic interest in the role of new communication technology in the political process in Asia. The increasing influence of the Internet to diffuse political information may have facilitated high voter involvement in the political process in this region. This study examines patterns of on-line and traditional news media use among people who have access to the Internet in Malaysia. The results show an association between the use of the Internet and traditional media --...
Mohamad Zaini Abu Bakar; Salfarina Abdul Gapor; Wan Asna Wan Mohd Nor; Zainon Harun
This bachelor paper is concerned with the use of modal auxiliary verbs to express negative politeness in British business communication. The main aim of this paper is to prove that modality and negative politeness are mutually connected. Another main objective is to identify which modal is used the most frequently to convey negative politeness. The practical part is focused on frequency analysis of selected modal verbs in samples of business communication. This paper should serve as contribut...
This thesis consists of three essays in Political Economy: “China’s Political Business Cycle” uncovers the fact that the timing of China’s business cycle correlates to the timing of the Communist Party’s Congress and constructs a theory to explain the mechanism of the political business cycle. An empirical test of the theory derives a result consistent with the predictions of the theory. “A Theory of Dynastic Cycle” provides a politico-economic theory to explain the mechanism of...
"New Dynamics in East Asian Politics: Security, Political Economy and Society." Edited by Zhiqun Zhu. Continuum. April 2012. --- This collection highlights new features and developments in East Asian politics today. Chapters examine how China, Japan, North and South Korea, and Taiwan are responding to challenges such as globalization, information technology, and the global recession as well as the impact of resulting domestic and foreign policies for the region and the world. Hansley A. J...
Juliano, Hansley A.
The article explores the relationship between media and politics in different periods of the Italian democracy. The first part of the analysis focuses on the unresolved deficit of autonomy that has affected the media's relationship with the political sphere—restraining journalistic scrutiny of politicians' public and private lives. Starting from this framework, the second part examines the more recent mediation of politics with reference to two correlated processes. On one hand the changes ...
We compare a recent Danish twin survey on political attitudes and behaviors to a nationally representative survey covering similar topics. We find very similar means and variances for most of our constructed scales of political attitudes and behaviors in the two surveys, although even small differences tend to be statistically significant due to sample size. This suggests that the twin study can be used to make inferences on the heritability of several political traits in the Danish population.
Klemmensen, Robert; Hobolt, Sara B
We compare a recent Danish twin survey on political attitudes and behaviors to a nationally representative survey covering similar topics. We find very similar means and variances for most of our constructed scales of political attitudes and behaviors in the two surveys, although even small differences tend to be statistically significant due to sample size. This suggests that the twin study can be used to make inferences on the heritability of several political traits in the Danish population. PMID:22784456
Klemmensen, Robert; Hobolt, Sara B; Dinesen, Peter T; Skytthe, Axel; Nørgaard, Asbjørn Sonne
The present text is based on a key note lecture (‘Civic Education, Democracy and Political Participation’) delivered at the symposium Globalization of School Subjects – Challenges for Civics, History, Geography and Religious Education, Karlstad University, 13–14 December, 2012. Drawing on recent developments in research on political participation and civic engagement, the text starts out with a discussion about different ways of understanding political passivity. Subsequently, the tex...
In the aftermath of the Attica prison riot, the shooting of George Jackson at San Quentin, and a major prison scandal in Arkansas, an assessment of public reaction to inmate grievances tests basic values in American politics. (Editor)
Tolley, Howard B., Jr.
Full Text Available The linguistic vaccinations of political discourse in terms originated by specialized science vocabularies do not always result to clarity. On the contrary, indeed, they create conditions which eventually threaten citizen’s freedom.
Full Text Available A tide of party foundation and activity appears in early Republic of China. During this period, party politics differs from that in western capitalism countries in its growth and decline, which is derived from China’s special economic and political features after the 1911 revolution. By studying the growth and decline history of parties in early Republic of China, we find that: the fundamental problem of party politics in early Republic of China is that parties can not satisfy the requirements of modern political civilization.
The conceptualisation of a political market orientation (PMO) draws on current marketing thought by focussing on the relationships that exist between the party2 and relevant internal and external stakeholders (Ormrod 2005, 2011a). However, the specific way in which the PMO model is linked to the political science literature has until now not been made explicit. The aim of this paper is therefore to demonstrate how Ormrod’s (2005, 2011a) conceptualisation of a PMO can contribute to understanding political science models of party organisation, specifically the ‘Network Party’ developed by Heidar and Saglie (2003). This is motivated by the growing need to integrate the current political science and marketing literature in order to provide a deeper understanding of the behaviour of political actors and their relationships with relevant stakeholder groups. Whilst the underlying conceptualisation draws on the management-based ‘relationship marketing’ approach (Bannon 2005; Henneberg and O’Shaughnessy 2009), by striving for contextual sensitivity it is hoped that the fears noted by political scientists that political marketing is solely concerned with applying standard management models to political parties with the resulting emphasis on communication tactics at election time (Henneberg 2004; Ormrod et al. 2013) and a more general ‘commodification’ of politics (Savigny 2008) can be assuaged.
Ormrod, Robert P.
This article focuses on students’ first political learning and explores the research question, what dynamic patterns of political learning can be explored among a selection of young, diverse Danish students’ first political interests? The authors use theories of learning in their analytical approach to students´ stories. A group of 10 young students who claim a certain political interest and attend a social studies course in Danish upper secondary school were selected to interview. A “life story approach” is used in the interviews and in the analytical approach. Findings: contrary to many “single agent studies in the tradition” of political socialization, the authors find that all students display a complex pattern of political influence. The influence from various agents like school, family, media and peers is also rather complex. Students are not passive recipients of influence, but are active constructors of their political life. Their emotions and social environment are highly important for their political orientation. It is recommended that further research focus on dynamic learning and on arenas for political learning rather than on “single agent studies.” Recommendations for teaching are made.
Kristensen, Niels NØrgaard
This study was designed to find general characteristics of Contemporary Turkish political Elites since 1995 up to date. Social background characteristics were employed to realise the purposes. Documentary and historical research techniques were used during the study. As a result of examining the Contemporary Turkish political elites (since 1995 up to 2005) these major findings were discovered: the large majority of the Turkish parliamentary elites were well educated, male, middle aged, marrie...
Ali Arslan, D.
It is argued that the process of globalisation undermines the nation-state. From the perspective of the rescaling theory, however, the argument would rather be that the spatial dimensions of the state are being reorganised, leading to an upscaling as well as a downscaling of political steering capacities. With global cities becoming more important as nodes of capital accumulation, this results in a greater significance of locational politics for these cities. Although it has been researched h...
Widmer, Ce?line; Heiden, Nico
All studies about globalization justly emphasize the unprecedented effects of this phenomenon at national and international level. In this respect ,it is common truth that politics, an essential element in the relationships between states, organizations and other establishments is greatly infl uenced by this complex process that defi nes contemporary society. Therefore, the aim of this article is to briefl y analyze some of the features of political developments in a globalized world.
Ion Gheorghe, Marin Ilie
Political connections between firms and autocratic regimes are not secret and often even publicly displayed in many developing economies. We argue that tying a firm's available rent to a regime’s survival acts as a credible commitment forcing entrepreneurs to support the government and to exert effort in its stabilization. In return, politically-connected firms get access to profitable markets and are exempted from the regime's extortion. We show that such a gift exchange between government...
Choi, Jay Pil; Thum, Marcel
Starting from the idea that democracy always binds together a practice of domination and a project of liberation, Tronti formulates the conditions for a critique of democracy that would permit a rebirth of political thought in the current conjuncture. Bringing the heterodox Marxist traditions of ‘workerism’ and the ‘autonomy of the political’ together with the feminist thinking of difference, Tronti underscores the identitarian tendencies of democracy and the difficulties of combining...
Amidst the pendulum of political and religious upheaval that pervaded England throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth century, William Byrd stands as one of the best loved and lauded composers. Byrd succeeded in the secular and sacred realms, contributing great works to the Anglican Church, popularizing the English madrigal and producing prolific amounts of sacred music. However, in a time where one’s religious beliefs were often linked with political loyalty, Byrd defied his monarch’s e...
Ariel Foshay Bacon
Reflections From Experience; A Memoir; The Perspective of the Author; Socialization of a Social Scientist; -- Chapter 1; The Roots of a Political Scientist; Growing Up in a Border City; Learning in Spite of School; Learning from the Library and from the Streets; -- Chapter 2; Discovering Learning; An Old-Fashioned University Education; Exploring Europe; My Education as a Reporter; -- Chapter 3; The Education of Amateur Political Scientists; Before the Transformation; Manchester Ma...
A utopian political theory (UPT) can emerge from the analysis of borders. The significant increase in human mobility between State-borders constitutes the empirical referent distinguishing our “Utopian Age” from others in the past, as historical examples of UPT have not dealt with either the issue of human mobility or the topic of “Migration without Borders”. We start with a brief introduction about utopia as a political discourse (section 1). We go then to the main characteristics of...