Full Text Available ENGLISH: In light of the reforms undertaken for the sake of the Euro, the article revisits the concept authoritarian liberalism that was introduced in 1933 by the German public law scholar Hermann Heller. This notion seeks to capture the liaison between the “strong state” and economic liberalism. The article suggests that this notion can be fruitfully used to designate the new governance of economic and monetary union. It argues, particularly, that it makes sense to speak of an authoritarian style of governance even if the latter does not wear vestiges of outright repression. Two different faces of authoritarian liberalism can be distinguished: one that looks more towards authoritarianism and another one that views authoritarian rule as a managerial strategy that is good for the economy. The article then speculates whether the European Union has been, indeed, successful because it shifts between the two. Disturbingly, there may be something deeply as well as more accidentally authoritarian about European integration. DEUTSCH: Angesichts der Reformen in der Eurozone greift dieser Beitrag den Begriff des „Autoritären Liberalismus“ wieder auf. Er wurde von Hermann Heller im Jahre 1933 verwendet, um die internen Zusammenhang zwischen dem ökonomischen Liberalismus und einem „starken Staat“ zu beschreiben. Dieser Begriff ist zur Erlangung eines angemessenen Verständnisses des neuen Regierens in der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion heuristisch fruchtbar. Es ist sinnvoll von autoritärem Regieren auch dann zu sprechen, wenn diese nicht die äußeren Anzeichen staatlicher Repression trägt. Zwei Seiten des autoritären Liberalismus lassen sich unterscheiden. Während die eine Seite viel von Autorität an sich hält, sieht die andere Seite das autoritäre Regieren als etwas an, das gut für die Wirtschaft ist. Der Beitrag spekuliert abschließend darüber, ob die europäische Integration deswegen erfolgreich gewesen sein mag, weil sie
The author considered the small part of the population whose members score highly on both the Social Dominance Orientation scale and the Right-Wing Authoritarianism scale. Studies of these High SDO-High RWAs, culled from samples of nearly 4000 Canadian university students and over 2600 of their parents and reported in the present article, reveal that these dominating authoritarians are among the most prejudiced persons in society. Furthermore, they seem to combine the worst elements of each kind of personality, being power-hungry, unsupportive of equality, manipulative, and amoral, as social dominators are in general, while also being religiously ethnocentric and dogmatic, as right-wing authoritarians tend to be. The author suggested that, although they are small in number, such persons can have considerable impact on society because they are well-positioned to become the leaders of prejudiced right-wing political movements. PMID:15279331
This research investigated the relationship between the personality construct of right-wing authoritarianism and Baumrind's 1971 proposed parenting styles of authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive parenting. 68 youth ages 12-18 along with one of their parents participated. The children rated both parents on Buri's 1991 Parental Authority Questionnaire. One of the parents responded to Altemeyer's Right-Wing Authoritarian Scale. People with higher scores on Altemeyer's scale were more likely to prefer the authoritarian parenting style as their offspring reported (r = .33). Permissive parenting correlated negatively with the measure of authoritarianism as a personality variable (r = -.56). PMID:16673976
Hofman, Peter S.; Moon, Jeremy; Wu, Bin
This article introduces the concept of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the seemingly oxymoronic context of Chinese “authoritarian capitalism.” Following an introduction to the emergence of authoritarian capitalism, the article considers the emergence of CSR in China using Matten and Moon’s...
Henderson Hurley, Martha; Hurley, David
This article focuses on assignments designed to enhance critical thinking skills for authoritarian personality types. This paper seeks to add to the literature by exploring instructional methods to overcome authoritarian traits that could inhibit the development of critical thinking skills. The article presents a strategy which can be employed…
Greitens, Sheena E
Why do we observe such widely differing patterns of repression and state violence under authoritarian rule? Despite a wave of recent interest in authoritarian politics, the origins, design and behavior of the coercive institutions that embody the state's monopoly on violence remain relatively unexamined. This project draws on new statistical and geographic data, elite interviews, and archival evidence from the U.S. and Asia to chronicle the origins and operation of the internal security appa...
Full Text Available The Authoritarian Personality is one of the most influential studies in social psychology, yet it has been subjected to different, often contradictory interpretations. This paper argues that the most important element of the authoritarian personality theory is the analysis of the psychological functionality of prejudice. Using psychoanalytic conceptual tools, the authors described the psychological logic behind apparently contradictory prejudices, and the function of prejudice in personal psychological 'economy'. In this way, Adorno et al. 'psychoanalyzed' both prejudice and the prejudiced. The first part of the paper presents the original research, with the particular focus on the less familiar aspects. The second part reviews the reactions to the Authoritarian Personality, and analyzes some of the better known criticisms and objections. The paper ends with the review of recent research trends inspired by Adorno et al.’s theory.
In a dyad interaction, respecting and obeying those with high status (authority) is highly valued in Chinese societies. Regarding explicit behaviors, Chinese people usually show respect to and obey authority, which we call authoritarian orientation. Previous literature has indicated that Chinese people have a high degree of authoritarian personality, which was considered a national character. However, under Confucian relationalism (Hwang, 2012a), authoritarian orientation is basically an ethical issue, and thus, should not be reduced to the contention of authoritarian personality. Based on Yang's (1993) indigenous conceptualization, Chien (2013) took an emic bottom-up approach to construct an indigenous model of Chinese authoritarian orientation; it represents a "culture-inclusive theory." However, Chien's model lacks the role of agency or intentionality. To resolve this issue and to achieve the epistemological goal of indigenous psychology (that is, "one mind, many mentalities"), this paper took the "cultural system approach" (Hwang, 2015b) to construct a culture-inclusive theory of authoritarian orientation in order to represent the universal mind of human beings as well as the mentalities of people in a particular culture. Two theories that reflect the universal mind, the "Face and Favor model" (Hwang, 1987) and the "Mandala Model of Self" (Hwang, 2011a,c), were used as analytical frameworks for interpreting Chien's original model. The process of constructing the culture-inclusive theory of authoritarian orientation may represent a paradigm for the construction of indigenous culture-inclusive theories while inspiring further development. Some future research directions are proposed herein. PMID:27445894
has embarked upon a technocratic ‘developmental state’ trajectory ostensibly aimed at ‘depoliticizing’ national policy and delegitimizing alternative courses. The contributors analyze the dynamics of authoritarian state-building, political ethnicity, electoral politics and state-society relations...
Meadow, Mary Jo
One hundred unmarried female students, 18 to 21 years old, took the California F Scale and the Hewer-Neubeck Marriage and Employment Questionnaire. Authoritarianism was found significantly related to acceptance or rejection of many specific reasons offered for a woman's working or not working after marriage for subjects themselves, their perceived…
In a dyad interaction, respecting and obeying those with high status (authority) is highly valued in Chinese societies. Regarding explicit behaviors, Chinese people usually show respect to and obey authority, which we call authoritarian orientation. Previous literature has indicated that Chinese people have a high degree of authoritarian personality, which was considered a national character. However, under Confucian relationalism (Hwang, 2012a), authoritarian orientation is basically an ethical issue, and thus, should not be reduced to the contention of authoritarian personality. Based on Yang's (1993) indigenous conceptualization, Chien (2013) took an emic bottom-up approach to construct an indigenous model of Chinese authoritarian orientation; it represents a “culture-inclusive theory.” However, Chien's model lacks the role of agency or intentionality. To resolve this issue and to achieve the epistemological goal of indigenous psychology (that is, “one mind, many mentalities”), this paper took the “cultural system approach” (Hwang, 2015b) to construct a culture-inclusive theory of authoritarian orientation in order to represent the universal mind of human beings as well as the mentalities of people in a particular culture. Two theories that reflect the universal mind, the “Face and Favor model” (Hwang, 1987) and the “Mandala Model of Self” (Hwang, 2011a,c), were used as analytical frameworks for interpreting Chien's original model. The process of constructing the culture-inclusive theory of authoritarian orientation may represent a paradigm for the construction of indigenous culture-inclusive theories while inspiring further development. Some future research directions are proposed herein. PMID:27445894
Larsen, K S; Elder, R; Bader, M; Dougard, C
This study investigated the relationship of authoritarianism and attitudes toward AIDS victims in three samples. One hundred fifty-eight students at Oregon State University participated, including 101 students from the United States, 25 from Japan, and 32 from other Asian societies. The survey instrument included the 20-item Attitudes Toward AIDS Victims (ATAV) Scale, the 18-item F Scale, the Form A, and 14-item Formal Content of Dogmatism Scale. Results showed slight but significant correlations between the ATAV and F (r = .17, p less than .044) and Formal Content of Dogmatism (r = .20, p less than .023) Scales for the United States sample. Highly significant differences were found in the predicted direction among the three samples on authoritarianism, F = 43.94, p less than .001. PMID:2325403
Ching Kwan Lee
Full Text Available Two recent publications, one by Waikeung Tam (Lingnan University and the other by Rachel Stern (UC Berkeley School of Law, offer refreshing views on law and social change under Chinese authoritarianism, a topic that has been marginalized by both the law and society and China studies literatures. After all, rule of law and state authoritarianism seem like oxymorons, especially in the People’s Republic of China, where the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party is enshrined in the Constitution, the country’s highest law. Yet in recent years, a number of studies have spotlighted how ordinary Chinese citizens take the Chinese legal system more seriously than scholars, and these citizens’ collective mobilization of the law has compelled us to rethink the relationship among law, society, and politics. The two newly published monographs discussed here, both of which grew out of doctoral dissertations written around the same time and addressing the same phenomenon—the rise of public interest litigation—reinforce the need for such a perspectival shift. Together they show that the law has become a contested terrain with varying potential for enabling rights activism under different types of state authoritarianism in a single country: in Tam’s case, postcolonial Hong Kong, and in Stern’s case, postsocialist China...
This dissertation studies causes of civil war from a game theoretic perspective. It aims to understand not only how authoritarian leaders can strategically mitigate prospects for civil war, but also why authoritarian rulers may pursue activities that increase conflict propensity—despite the large adverse welfare consequences of civil wars. Each essay focuses primarily on one particular authoritarian survival strategy: building military capacity, extracting resources from society, and excludin...
Full Text Available Abstract The main questions to answer in this article are that “What are the possible explanations of the formation of the authoritarian personality? How is an authoritarian personality born and where are its roots?” We used from F. scale. The original F. scale was to contain 38 items and 9 key dimensions of authoritarian personality: Conventionalism, Authoritarian Submission, Authoritarian Aggression, Anti- interception, Superstition and Stereotype, Power and ‘toughness’, Destructiveness and Cynicism, Projective, heightened concerns about sex. This scale defined by Adorno at al. in 1950. The purpose of this research is to find out the level of tendency toward authoritarianism and to study the impact of variables like age, group membership, socialization of power (family structure, education system and mass media, level of education, income and occupation on authoritarianism. In this survey study a sample of 368 citizens of Isfahan (18years old and over have been interviewed. The results indicate that a significant and reserve relationship has been found between age, group membership, education system and mass media and tendency toward authoritarianism. A significant and direct relationship exists between family structure, level of education, income and occupation and tendency toward authoritarianism.
McCann, S. J. H.; Fisher, R. J.
The interactions of teacher directiveness and student authoritarianism, teacher directiveness and student dogmatism, teacher authoritarianism and student authoritarianism, and teacher dogmatism and student dogmatism were examined in terms of variance in grades and satisfaction. (JC)
Levy, Daniel C.
The relationship between the authoritarian state and higher education in Mexico is examined in this case study. Focus is on the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) since it receives 40 percent of the federal budget for higher education, which makes it a prime example of autonomy within an authoritarian political system. Using three…
Nasrollah Pour Afkari; Behzad Hakiminya; Arash Heydari; Shahrooz Foroutankia
Introduction Scientific review of the authoritarian personality began in 1950 with the pioneering work of Adorno and his colleagues. Following their attempt, extensive studies were carried out in social psychology, political science, and sociology in this field. Despite the extensive amount of research on authoritarianism in Western societies, few have been conducted in developing countries. The dimensions of this phenomenon in Third World countries can be extensive. The importance of the ...
Wilkinson, Michael A.
The historical conjuncture reached in the European Union recalls the spectre of authoritarian liberalism, with politically authoritarian forms of government emerging in defence of practices and ideas associated with economic liberalism. Offering a long view of this formation, the paper traces its relation to the project of European integration from the interwar breakdown of liberal democracy to the ongoing Euro-crisis, by way of its postwar and post-Maastricht reconstitution. Postwar Europe w...
The article approaches the Romanian social-democratic collaboration during 1938-1940 with the authoritarian monarch regime. Even though the party leaders had diverging political views, regards to the acceptance or the non-acceptance of the authoritarian regime, the influential PSDR members held leading positions within the single party and the corporate parliament and within the union structures. The positions were offered by the regime, so that the union leaders would stop instigating worker...
Cheliotis, Leonidas K.
This article offers a sympathetic appraisal of Erich Fromm’s concept of narcissism as it relates to the emergence, sustenance, and resolution of authoritarian violence. The discussion is first placed within the methodological debate over the analytic operations that are required for an adequate understanding of authoritarian violence, explaining why a psychoanalytic perspective is necessary.The focus then shifts to Fromm’s take on the Freudian concept of narcissism,before proceeding to explor...
Rippl, Susanne; Boehnke, Klaus
Examined whether the former East Germany has produced authoritarian personalities and whether there is age and gender variation on authoritarianism regardless of culture. Subjects were 552 West German, 320 East German, and 619 American adolescents. Found that all three cultures have similar proclivities to exhibit an authoritarian character…
Nasrollah Pour Afkari
Scodel, A. & Freedman, M. L. , (1956 ”Additional Observation on the Social Perceptions of Authoritarians and Nonauthoritarians ”. Journal of Abnormal Social Psychology, Vol. 52(1, PP. 92-95. Scodel, A. & Mussen, P. (1953 “Social perceptions of authoritarians and nonauthoritarians. ” Journal of Abnormal Social Psychology, vol. 48(2, PP. 181-184. Shek,D. T. L (2006. Assessment of perceived parental psychological control in chinese adolescents in hongkong. ” Research on social work practice, V. 16, N. 383. Simons, H. W. (1966”Authoritarianism and social Perceptiveness. Journal of Social Psychology. ” vol. 68, PP (2. 291-297. Sonnak, Carina; Towell, Tony (2000. "the impostor phenomenon in british university students: relationship between self esteem, mental health, parental rearing style and socioeconomic status. Personality and individual difference, 31, 863-874. Srole, L. (1956. Social integration and certain corollaries: an exploratory study. American Sociological Review, 21(6, 709- 716. Teevan Jr, J. J. (1975. On measuring anomia: Suggested modification of the Srole scale. The Pacific Sociological Review, 18(2, 159-170. Wright, James D. (1972” The Working Class, Authoritarianism, and the War in Vietnam. ” Social Problems, Vol. 20, No. 2 , pp. 133-150. Xiao, Hong. 2000. "Class, Gender, and Parental Values in the 1990s". Gender & Society 14(6:785-803
Full Text Available The article approaches the Romanian social-democratic collaboration during 1938-1940 with the authoritarian monarch regime. Even though the party leaders had diverging political views, regards to the acceptance or the non-acceptance of the authoritarian regime, the influential PSDR members held leading positions within the single party and the corporate parliament and within the union structures. The positions were offered by the regime, so that the union leaders would stop instigating workers to go on strike, and to accept the governmental policies. The freedom of speech and the political actions were ceded to the monarch, who governed at the place of the political parties and he controlled the unions, by using the guilds.
King, Keith A; Vidourek, Rebecca A; Merianos, Ashley L
Depression is a prevalent illness affecting youth across the nation. The study purpose was to examine depression and authoritarian parenting among youth from 12 to 17 years of age. A secondary data analysis of the National Survey on Drug Use and Health was performed in the present study. All participants in the present study were youth (N = 17,399) nationwide. The results revealed that 80.6% of youth participants reported having five or more depressive symptoms. Parenting styles based on depression significantly differed among males, females, 12-13-year-olds, 14-15-year-olds, and 16-17-year-olds. Specifically, those who reported experiencing authoritarian parenting practices were more likely to report depressive symptoms compared to their counterparts who experienced authoritative parenting practices. Emphasizing the role of the parents and teaching positive parenting practices and authoritative parenting styles may increase success of prevention programs. PMID:26939843
The relationship between oil wealth and the probability of democratization has been widely investigated through the last decades. The negative effect that oil seems to have on the probability of democratization is named the oil curse. Even though the subject has been investigated by many researchers for several years, the effect of oil on the probability of democratization in different authoritarian regime types has not yet been studied statistically. This thesis investigates how oil rents af...
Farah, Abdulkadir Osman
disempowered youth, intense media-tech application and sustained international pressure as crucial to ousting authoritarian regimes in North Africa. Delineating the role of TNGOs complements such findings. TNGO activities and responses to the Egyptian uprising in 2011 and to the ensuing coup in 2013 reveal the......Scholars differentiate the concepts of internationalism and transnationalism. While the first refers to the connectivity between macro institutions such as states, multinational corporations and other institutionalized actors within and beyond national boundaries, the second term emphasizes public...
Asbrock, Frank; Fritsche, Immo
Endorsement of authoritarian attitudes has been observed to increase under conditions of terrorist threat. However, it is not clear whether this effect is a genuine response to perceptions of personal or collective threat. We investigated this question in two experiments using German samples. In the first experiment (N = 144), both general and specific authoritarian tendencies increased after asking people to imagine that they were personally affected by terrorism. No such effect occurred when they were made to think about Germany as a whole being affected by terrorism. This finding was replicated and extended in a second experiment (N = 99), in which personal and collective threat were manipulated orthogonally. Authoritarian and ethnocentric (ingroup bias) reactions occurred only for people highly identified with their national ingroup under personal threat, indicating that authoritarian responses may operate as a group-level coping strategy for a threat to the personal self. Again, we found no effects for collective threat. In both studies, authoritarianism mediated the effects of personal threat on more specific authoritarian and ethnocentric reactions. These results suggest that the effects of terrorist threat on authoritarianism can, at least in part, be attributed to a sense of personal insecurity, raised under conditions of terrorist threat. We discuss the present findings with regard to basic sociomotivational processes (e.g., group-based control restoration, terror management) and how these may relate to recent models of authoritarianism. PMID:23390971
Riddel, Frank S.
An assessment of civic education during the authoritarian regime of Francisco Franco in Spain (1939-1975) is presented along with a comparison of the regime's efforts with those of the United States. Franco's dictatorship was characterized by authoritarian values of subordination, obedience, perpetuation of power, and maintenance of the status…
Schuler, Randall S.
Tested the hypothesis that participation would be satisfying to low-authoritarian subordinates regardless of the degree of task repetitiveness but would be satisfying to high-authoritarian subordinates only on tasks with low repetitiveness and that highly repetitive tasks would be less conducive to ego involvement than low-repetitive tasks.…
This paper will analyse the way in which recent Conservative policy, like New Labour policy before it, is being pulled in two directions at once – towards both authoritarianism and libertarianism. Analysing policy on crime and civil liberties, it will be argued that authoritarianism is once again likely to win out over libertarianism.
Dwairy, Marwan Adeeb
While in western countries, such as the US and Europe, authoritarian parenting is associated with negative psycho-social outcomes. Studies have indicated that this is not the case in collective/authoritarian cultures. It has been hypothesized that inconsistency in parenting style and culture contributes to these negative outcomes. In this study a…
Gunnoe, Marjorie Lindner; Hetherington, E Mavis; Reiss, David
The purpose of the study was to determine whether well-established associations between authoritarian parenting and adolescent adjustment pertain to conservative Protestant (CP) families. Structural equation modeling was used to test paths from biological fathers' authoritarian parenting to adolescent adjustment in 65 CP versus 170 comparison families in the Nonshared Environment and Adolescent Development Study (NEAD; D. Reiss et al., 1994). The hypothesis that adolescents in CP families would be less harmed by authoritarian parenting than would adolescents in control families was partially supported: Authoritarian parenting directly predicted greater externalizing and internalizing for adolescents in control families but not for adolescents in CP families. In contrast, parents' religious affiliation failed to moderate the negative associations between authoritarian parenting and positive adjustment. Understanding family processes specific to the CP subculture is important for helping these families raise competent children. PMID:17176193
Investigated the attitudes of child care institution staff members on dimensions of authoritarianism, dogmatism, and coercion, and related attitudes to type of institution in which subject was employed and position held in the institution. (DP)
Caregiver feeding styles (CFS) represent approaches to maintaining or modifying children's eating behaviors. Authoritarian feeding involves attempts to control children's eating with little regard for their choices and preferences. In contrast, authoritative feeding involves a balance whereby parent...
Egyptian and Tunisian unions have played radically different roles in their countries’ transition from authoritarian rule since the ouster of longstanding Presidents Hosni Mubarak and Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali in early 2011. The legacy of different variations of authoritarian rule as well as the history of the respective labor movements has had significant consequences for their ability to shape post-transition politics. Whereas the Egyptian labor movement is fragmented, and control over labor ...
Edward L. Gibson
The article is an introduction to the topic featured in JPLA 2/2010 "Subnational Authoritarianism and Democratization in Latin America." It discusses the papers by Carlos Gervasoni, Agustina Giraudy, Julián Durazo Herrmann, Alfred P. Montero, and Tracy Beck Fenwick that follow in this issue. Why feature the topic "subnational authoritarianism and democratization" in the Journal of Politics in Latin America? Because despite widespread agreement that subnational jurisdictions in Latin America ...
While numerous countries in post-authoritarian South America have annulled Amnesty Laws issued under authoritarian rule and punished officials involved in repressive organs, Brazil continues to favour impunity. This attitude has recently been confirmed by the Brazilian Supreme Court’s decision to maintain the 1979 Amnesty Law granting de-facto impunity to violators of human rights during the military regime. The article considers this verdict within its historical context, and raises two ques...
Support for authoritarian approaches to parenting, including corporal punishment, is known to be elevated among individuals with low current levels of socioeconomic attainment. The objectives of this study are: (1) to determine whether authoritarian parenting dispositions are related to disadvantages in one's social background, in addition to one's present socioeconomic standing; and (2) to distinguish, in this regard, between support for spanking and other authoritarian parenting dispositions. Ordered logit models, applied to General Social Survey data concerning a nationally representative sample of US adults, are used to examine relationships of authoritarian parenting dispositions to the socioeconomic positions that respondents currently occupy and in which they were raised. It is found that support for spanking (N=10,725) and valuing of obedience (N=10,043) are inversely related to the socioeconomic status (SES) of one's family of origin, and that these associations are robust to controls for one's current SES. A disadvantaged family background is found to increase support for spanking most among those with high current SES. Strong associations (robust to controls for SES indicators) are additionally found between African-American racial identity and support for authoritarian parenting. Prior research indicates that authoritarian parenting practices such as spanking may be harmful to children. Thus, if the parenting attitudes analyzed here translate into parenting practices, then this study's findings may point to a mechanism for the intergenerational transmission of disadvantages. PMID:26585215
Full Text Available The immediacy of daily encounters with gender roles, as well as the specific features of authoritarian mediation in their social shaping, make an analysis of gendered social interaction indispensable. In this paper the analysis is centered on the concept of social character, with special emphasis on authoritarianism as a continuous determinant of the transformation of natural sex into social construct of gender. It is precisely the authoritarian personality type that is the basis for alienated gender, dominated by sexism, a “natural” belonging to the private or the public sphere of social life, suppression of individual human capacities, and reduction of choice. After a review of the theoretical conceptions of social character and authoritarianism, a historical-comparative analysis of authoritarianism is offered, where the latter is seen as an element of the social character within the perspective of the typology traditional - modern - postmodern society. It is argued in conclusion that, in spite of certain emancipatory achievements, men and women still tend to escape into the security of authoritarian alienation. Feminist theory remains a basic source for reflecting on these processes; therefore the author pleads for a wider acceptance of feminist insights as contributions to establishing a postmodern, interpretive “sociology in a new key”.
Georgiou, Stelios N; Fousiani, Kyriaki; Michaelides, Michalis; Stavrinides, Panayiotis
The purpose of the present study was to examine the existing association between cultural value orientation, authoritarian parenting, and bullying and victimization at school. The participants (N = 231) were early adolescents, randomly selected from 11 different schools in urban and rural areas of Cyprus. Participants completed self reports measuring cultural value orientation, authoritarian parenting, bullying, and victimization. These instruments were the following: the cultural value scale (CVS), the parental authority questionnaire (PAQ), and the revised bullying and victimization questionnaire (BVQ-R). Structural equation modeling (SEM) was used to examine mediation effects. It was found that vertical individualism acted as a mediator between authoritarian parenting and bullying. Statistically significant positive correlations were found between authoritarian parenting and the vertical dimensions of both cultural value orientations (individualism and collectivism), but not with the horizontal dimensions of either cultural orientation. Further, authoritarian parenting was also positively associated with bullying and victimization at school. The main contribution of the present study is the finding that vertical individualism significantly mediates the relationship between authoritarian parental style and bullying propensity. PMID:23390974
Full Text Available A humorous, an environmentally oriented and an authoritarian poster against littering were tested in a field experiment on their behavioural effectiveness. Corresponding slogans were placed on anti-littering posters designed for this study and used experimentally at four railway stations. The experimental design entailed 4 communication conditions including a control condition where no poster was presented. In each experimental run (N = 96, flyers were distributed for 30 minutes. The number of distributed flyers was counted, and the proportion of littered flyers was determined for each experimental run. It was found that the humorous and environmentally oriented posters achieved a reduction of 58% and 64%, respectively, in littering as compared with the control condition. The authoritarian poster was significantly less effective, but achieved a significant reduction of 25%. Considered together with some previous findings and theories, the results indicate that environmentally oriented and humorous anti-littering posters are more effective than authoritarian ones
Ignacio Álvarez-Ossorio Alvariño
Full Text Available Instead of hastening political change, the Syrian uprising has led to greater authoritarianism. At first, president Bashar al-Assad adopted various cosmetic reforms (a party law and constitutional referendum, which were designed more as a survival strategy than a genuine process of political liberalisation. In its first four years, the Syrian crisis has gone from being an anti-authoritarian popular uprising to a proxy war with the active presence of Saudi Arabia, Iran, Qatar and Turkey. Control of the state apparatus on the part of the Alawite minority has been instrumentalised by the Salafist and jihadist groups to intensify sectarianism and claim the establishment of an Islamic State.
Rudy, Duane; Grusec, Joan E.
Administered measures of authoritarianism, collectivism, warmth, anger, attributions for children's misbehavior, and parental feelings of control over failure to Egyptian- and Anglo-Canadians. Egyptians were higher on authoritarianism, collectivism, and anger. Men were higher on perceived control over failure. The best predictors of authoritarian…
Janssens, Jan M. A. M.
Examined relationships among childrearing, parental locus of control about childrearing, and child's behavior style. Found that parents who perceived their child's behavior as either externalizing or internalizing had a weak internal locus of control and were more authoritarian. Perceived externalizing child behavior was positively related to…
Chao, Ruth K.
This study investigated whether certain broad cultural notions, such as "chiao shun" (training children in appropriate behavior or morals) and "guan" (a positive notion expressing parental concern, caring, or involvement) better distinguish the Chinese parent from the European-American than do the concepts of "authoritarian" and "restrictive."…
Falk, Richard A.
This paper discusses five main patterns of authoritarian government rule that are currently prominent in international society. The first pattern is "Brazilianization" which has evolved as a model for rightist, capitalist elites in the more industrialized countries of the Third World (e.g. Iran, Indonesia, and Argentina). A common feature of these…
Lamborn, Susie D.; And Others
To test Maccoby and Martin's (1983) revision of Baumrind's conceptual framework, the families of approximately 4,100 14- to 18-year-olds were classified into one of 4 groups (authoritative, authoritarian, indulgent, or neglectful) on the basis of the adolescents' ratings of their parents on 2 dimensions: acceptance/involvement and firm control.…
The concept of complexity in decision-making can be found in several lines of conceptualization in the area of national and international decision-making. One derives from the classic works on authoritarianism and dogmatism (Adorno, et al., 1950; Rokeach, 1960). Another approach relies on the variables that pertain to group dynamics and to…
Veurink, Reginald Lee
Extensive interest in the authoritarian personality syndrome was piqued by the experience of World War II Nazi domination, and a proliferation of scientific inquiry ensued thereafter. Following an introduction providing a psychoanalytic perspective, this paper attempts to integrate the findings of original thinkers in this area with relevant…
Christopher, Andrew N.; Wojda, Mark R.
This study examined how social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) were related to two different forms of prejudice against working women: employment skepticism and traditional role preference. Three hundred forty-nine American adults completed measures of SDO, RWA, employment skepticism, traditional role preference,…
Chao, Ruth K.
Examined the child-rearing practices of immigrant Chinese and European American mothers of preschool children through questionnaires that measured parental control, authoritative-authoritarian parenting style, and the Chinese concept of child training. Chinese mothers scored significantly higher than European American mothers on the training…
Lamborn, Susie D.; And Others
Of 4,100 adolescents, those who characterized their parents as authoritative scored highest on psychosocial competence and lowest on behavioral dysfunction. The reverse was true for neglected adolescents. Adolescents from authoritarian homes scored high on obedience but low on self-perception. Adolescents from indulgent homes evidenced…
Sultan, Sarwat; Hussain, Irshad
This prospective study using self-determination theory was conducted to predict the students' motivation and academic performance based on their perceived teachers' humanistic vs. authoritarian orientations in the classrooms. The sample consisted of 300 students aged 14-18 years taken from different schools of Multan. The Pupil Control Behavior…
Full Text Available The collapse of the authoritarian regime in 1998 has made Indonesia as one of the most democratic country in Southeast Asia. To ensure the quality of democracy, in particular electoral democracy, supervision and monitoring of elections has a veryimportant role. Although the Badan Pengawas Pemilu (Bawaslu or Election Supervisory Body of Indonesiahas experienced institutional strengthening, this institution has not yet become effective in supervisingand monitoring the elections. Therefore, electionmonitoring conducted by non-state agencies, particularly the citizens become important to complement the performance of Bawaslu. This article aimsto explore how the election monitoring conducted by citizens in the aftermath of post authoritarian era,affect the quality of Indonesian democracy. This article argues that although the citizen participation in monitoring the elections is likely to decline, but thecrowd sourced method that appeared in the 2014election has succeeded in improving the quality of the electoral process as well as defending the democratic regime in Indonesia.
Pettigrew, Thomas F
Throughout my career, I have pursued three theories related to intergroup prejudice--each with a different mentor. Each theory and its supporting research help us to understand prejudice and ways to ameliorate the problem. This autobiographical review article summarizes some of the advances in these three areas during the past six decades. For authoritarianism, the article advocates removing political content from its measurement, linking it with threat and dismissive-avoidant attachment, and studying how authoritarians avoid intergroup contact. Increased work on relative deprivation made possible an extensive meta-analysis that shows the theory, when appropriately measured, has far broader effects than previously thought. Increased research attention to intergroup contact similarly made possible a meta-analysis that established the pervasive effectiveness of intergroup contact to reduce prejudice under a wide range of conditions. The article closes by demonstrating how the three theories relate to each other and contribute to our understanding of prejudice and its reduction. PMID:26361053
Su, Zheng; Meng, Tianguang
The widespread use of information and communication technology (ICT) has reshaped the public sphere in the digital era, making online forums a new channel for political participation. Using big data analytics of full records of citizen-government interactions from 2008 to early 2014 on a nationwide political forum, we find that authoritarian China is considerably responsive to citizens' demands with a rapid growth of response rate; however, government responsiveness is highly selective, conditioning on actors' social identities and the policy domains of their online demands. Results from logistic and duration models suggest that requests which made by local citizens, expressed collectively, focused on the single task issue, and are closely related to economic growth are more likely to be responded to. These strategies adopted by Chinese provincial leaders reveal the scope and selectivity of authoritarian responsiveness. PMID:27480371
Jocson, Rosanne M.; Alampay, Liane Peña; Lansford, Jennifer E.
The relations of education, authoritarian childrearing attitudes, and endorsement of corporal punishment to Filipino parents' reported use of corporal punishment were examined using two waves of data. Structured interviews using self-report questionnaires were conducted with 117 mothers and 98 fathers from 120 families when their children were 8 years old, and when their children were 9 years old. Path analyses showed that, among mothers, higher education predicted lower authoritarian attitud...
Cheung, Chau-Kiu; Cheung, Hoi Yan; Wu, Joseph
Career unreadiness, covering career indecision and career myth, is an issue for universities to address. Supposedly, career unreadiness is responsible for the university student's anxiety and partly results from authoritarian parenting during the student's childhood. This is an uncharted concern for this study to clarify. The study surveyed 229 undergraduates in two universities in Hong Kong, China. It employed structural equation modelling to clarify nexuses among career unreadiness, authori...
This thesis investigates the role of political funding in two electoral authoritarian regimes in Sub-Saharan Africa. The issue of political funding has been investigated thoroughly in developed democracies in the West, but only relatively recently have scholars tried to investigate the importance of political funding in Sub-Saharan Africa and in non-democratic regimes who still hold elections. The aim of this thesis is thus to investigate what types of political funding exists in electoral au...
Weiler, Jonathan; MacWilliams, Matthew
In the nine months since New York billionaire Donald Trump launched his presidential campaign, many pundits and commentators have attributed his snowballing success to his popularity with white working class voters who also lacked a college education. Using new survey data, Jonathan Weiler and Matthew MacWilliams find that this characterization of Trump voter isn’t accurate; rather than class or education, authoritarianism is the biggest driver of support for Trump.
MacWilliams, Matthew C.
With the first primaries of the 2016 presidential election cycle looming, many in the Republican Party are becoming increasingly concerned that billionaire Donald Trump will actually be able to gain the party’s nomination, leading the party to an electoral disaster in November. Using a new national survey of American voters, Matthew C. MacWilliams finds that these fears are well-founded. Trump’s strongman rhetoric has activated and energized American authoritarians to his candidac...
Copyright © 2016 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved. Throughout my career, I have pursued three theories related to intergroup prejudice-each with a different mentor. Each theory and its supporting research help us to understand prejudice and ways to ameliorate the problem. This autobiographical review article summarizes some of the advances in these three areas during the past six decades. For authoritarianism, the article advocates removing political content from its measurement, linkin...
Full Text Available A casi una década de la apertura del régimen político posterior al gobierno de Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000, se hace evidente la fortaleza de los legados autoritarios que no han sido desmontados en su totalidad por los últimos dos gobiernos elegidos democráticamente. Los problemas de gobernabilidad que enfrenta el Perú, que se expresan a través de conflictos sociales (El Baguazo y casos de corrupción estatal de alto nivel (Petroaudios, se originan precisamente en la herencia autoritaria del régimen anterior. Sin embargo, el actual gobierno ha logrado entrar en una lógica de convivencia con dichos legados autoritarios, aprovechando la ausencia de una oposición cohesionada y la fragmentación de las demandas sociales movilizadas.Almost a decade from the opening of the political regime after Alberto Fujimori's administration (1990-2000, the strength of the authoritarian legacies, which have not been completely dismounted by the last two democratic governments, is evident. The challenges to governability that Peru faces are expressed by social conflicts (El Baguazo and by high-profile officials' corruption scandals (Petroaudios, originated in the authoritarian legacies of the former political regime. However, the current administration has managed to create logic of political coexistence with those authoritarian legacies, considering the opposition's lack of cohesion and the fragmentation of the mobilized social demands.
Wahler, Robert G; Cerezo, M Angeles
Ninety-two clinic-referred and nonclinical mother-child dyads in Spain and the USA were observed in their home settings under naturalistic conditions for a total of 477 hours. Children in the clinic-referred dyads were considered troubled because of conduct problems. The observations were aimed at assessing two forms of mother-child asynchrony, either of which was expected to differentiate clinic referred from nonclinical dyads. Authoritarian asynchrony was defined as a mother's indiscriminate use of aversive reactions to her child, whereas the permissive form entailed indiscriminate positive reactions. Results showed the American mothers to generate more permissive asynchrony, whereas the Spanish mothers were inclined in the authoritarian direction. Only authoritarian asynchrony differentiated the clinical versus nonclinical dyads in each country. Discussion was centered on the greater salience of aversive as opposed to positive maternal attention, and cultural differences between countries that might have accounted for the different parenting styles. PMID:16255387
Emmanuel, Nikolas G.
In this article, Nik Emmanuel explores theories of donor self-interest and failure of political conditionality in the context of France, in its relationship with Cameroon under Biya.......In this article, Nik Emmanuel explores theories of donor self-interest and failure of political conditionality in the context of France, in its relationship with Cameroon under Biya....
Heaven, Patrick C. L.; Ciarrochi, Joseph; Leeson, Peter
We report longitudinal data in which we assessed the relationships between intelligence and support for two constructs that shape ideological frameworks, namely, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO). Participants (N = 375) were assessed in Grade 7 and again in Grade 12. Verbal and numerical ability were assessed…
Robinson, Clyde C.; And Others
This study examined the psychometric characteristics of a 62-item parenting questionnaire completed by parents from the United States, Australia, China, and Russia. Factor analyses yielded three global parenting dimensions for each culture which were consistent with D. Baumrind's (1971) authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive typologies. The…
Jocson, Rosanne M.; Alampay, Liane Pena; Lansford, Jennifer E.
The relations of education, authoritarian child-rearing attitudes, and endorsement of corporal punishment to Filipino parents' reported use of corporal punishment were examined using two waves of data. Structured interviews using self-report questionnaires were conducted with 117 mothers and 98 fathers from 120 families when their children were 8…
Martinez, Isabel; Garcia, Jose Fernando
The relation between parenting styles and adolescent outcomes was analyzed in a sample of 1,198 15-18-year-old Brazilians. The adolescents were classified into 1 of 4 groups (Authoritative, Authoritarian, Indulgent, and Neglectful) on the basis of their own ratings of their parents on two dimensions: Acceptance/Involvement and…
Chan, Siu Mui
This study examined whether authoritarian parenting, children's negative emotionality and negative coping strategies independently or jointly predict children's aggressive behaviour at school. Participants included the teachers and mothers of 185 Hong Kong resident Chinese children (90 girls and 95 boys), aged 6-8. Teachers rated the children's…
O'Reilly, Jessica; Peterson, Candida C.
Building on Vinden's pioneering research [(2001). Parenting attitudes and children's understanding of mind: A comparison of Korean American and Anglo-American families. "Cognitive Development", 16, 793-809], we examined how parents' use of authoritative versus authoritarian styles of discipline related to their…
Kemmelmeier, Markus; Wieczorkowska, Grazyna; Erb, Hans-Peter; Burnstein, Eugene
We hypothesized that in individualistic cultures, individualism predicts positive attitudes toward assisted death, whereas authoritarianism is negatively associated with favorable views of this issue. Study 1 confirmed this hypothesis in a Polish sample (n=100). Study 2, using a German sample (n=102), found the predicted relationships for forms of assisted death that involved the individual self-determination of a terminally ill patient. In Study 3 (n=72), we found experimental evidence that priming individualistic aspects of the self-concept results in more favorable views of physician-assisted suicide. Using a representative sample (n=1158), Study 4 found that across the United States, regional levels of individualism are reflected in corresponding patterns of support for assisted suicide. The discussion focuses on assisted suicide as a cultural phenomenon and explores the implications of growing levels of individualism for public opinion and policy on assisted suicide. PMID:12680373
Balčytienė, Auksė; Bajomi-Lázár, Péter; Štětka, Václav;
What are the major trends of media change in contemporary Central and Eastern Europe (CEE)? How do these media transformations relate to economic, political, social and cultural currents in the region? After a decade of democratic optimism from the early 1990s to the 2000s, why did democratic media...... Eastern Europe", held at the Department of Media, Cognition and Communication at the University of Copenhagen on April 24, 2015. Participants included Auksė Balčytienė (Professor of Journalism, and Vice Rector for Public Communication and International Relations, Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania...... influence of Russia, and the war in Ukraine? What could comparative post-communist media studies add to our analysis and understanding of the new CEE realities? These were some of the questions tackled by a recent public roundtable discussion entitled "Media, Democracy and Authoritarianism in Central and...
Angraini, Yenni; Toharudin, Toni; Folmer, Henk; Oud, Johan H L
This article analyzes the relationships among nationalism (N), individualism (I), ethnocentrism (E), and authoritarianism (A) in continuous time (CT), estimated as a structural equation model. The analysis is based on the General Election Study for Flanders, Belgium, for 1991, 1995, and 1999. We find reciprocal effects between A and E and between E and I as well as a unidirectional effect from A on I. We furthermore find relatively small, but significant, effects from both I and E on N but no effect from A on N or from N on any of the other variables. Because of its central role in the N-I-E-A complex, mitigation of authoritarianism has the largest potential to reduce the spread of nationalism, ethnocentrism, and racism in Flanders. PMID:26745672
Tan, Xuyun; Liu, Li; Zheng, Wenwen; Huang, Zhenwei
Previous research suggested that dominance orientation and authoritarianism may be associated with corruption, but little research has verified this assumption or uncovered its psychological processes. In this article, we examined empirically the relationships between social dominance orientation (SDO), right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and corrupt intention and explored the mediating role of moral outrage on these relationships. A total of 677 college students participated in the study and completed measures of SDO, RWA, moral outrage and corrupt intention. Our findings demonstrated that both SDO and RWA were positively associated with corrupt intention. Additionally, moral outrage partially mediated the relation between SDO and corrupt intention and fully mediated the relation between RWA and corrupt intention. Specifically, the results indicated that higher SDO or RWA was associated with reduced moral outrage and increased corrupt intention. This implies that the enhancement of morality and moral outrage may inhibit corrupt intention. PMID:25683842
MacWilliams, Matthew C.
Up to now, many political scientists and commentators have argued that support for Donald Trump is ‘capped’, given that he and Senator Ted Cruz (TX) are competing for the same pool of antiestablishment voters. Using new survey data from South Carolina Republican voters, Matthew C. MacWilliams finds that, along with concerns about terrorism, authoritarianism is a major predictor of people’s support for Donald Trump, and not a predictor of support for Ted Cruz. With these finding...
The thesis focuses on the role of youth members in political opposition parties in the Arab Republic of Egypt. The parties, as well as the state, are authoritarian in structure. The thesis discusses possibilities for youth participation in the upper-levels of political parties, and their subjective opinions of being included or excluded in internal debates and decision-making processes. In particular, the thesis discusses the parties’ use of internet and whether the internet arena is a space ...
Van Damme, Anjuli; Pauwels, Lieven
The purpose of this study is to investigate the interrelationships among ethnocentrism, authoritarianism, anomia, the lack of confidence in the criminal justice system, punitiveness and support for vigilantism in a cross-sectional sample of 1,078 Belgian university students enrolled at Ghent University during the academic year 2009-2010. The emphasis lies on confidence in procedural justice or perceived procedural fairness, a specific type of organisational justice perception that reflects ho...
Arne Roets; Alain Van Hiel
Previous research has shown that Right-Wing Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation mediate the relationship between need for closure (NFC) and conservative beliefs and racism. These results did not apply to the NFC facet scale Decisiveness. However, the Decisiveness scale has been reported to have a questionable validity, and the recent development of a new scale inspired a reassessment of these previous studies. The present results obtained in two Flemish undergraduate samples (N ...
Torleif Halkjelsvik; Jostein Rise
We investigated how Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) were related to motivation to personally help addicted individuals and approval of public spending on addiction treatment. The study employs an attributional analysis based on Weiner’s theory of social motivation. SDO was associated with less approval of public spending on treatment and lower motivation to personally help. RWA was associated with less approval of public spending but exerted a direct p...
Full Text Available The paper discusses a particular ‘isomorphy’ between two forms of social criticism: the ‘holistic’ theoretical social critique represented by such authors as Jürgen Habermas and Axel Honneth and ‘collective social engagement’ represented by such civic movements as the ‘We Won’t Let Belgrade D(rown’ initiative in contemporary Serbia, which the paper tries to distinguish from more conventional forms of popular protest. This ‘isomorphy’, the paper argues, consists in a tension between three distinct imperatives of the justification of critique - those of normative universalism, epistemological anti-authoritarianism, and diagnosis of social domination - produced by the attempts of both the ‘holistic’ social critics and the collectively engaged actors to simultaneously respond to all three imperatives. After presenting the three types of theoretical critique that crystallize around each imperative, the paper discusses the internal tension that arises in the works of ‘holistic’ theoretical critics and then identifies the same kind of tension in the ‘We Won’t Let Belgrade D(rown’ initiative. The tension in the movement’s critique is outlined through a brief analysis of the activists’ discourse as articulated in the bulletin We Won’t Let Belgrade D(rown issued in March 2015. Since the examples also suggest that collective engagement is better than theoretical critique at keeping this tension ‘productive’, the paper finally offers some tentative thoughts on the possible reasons for this difference.
Full Text Available This examination of the mobilization-repression nexus in high-capacity authoritarian regimes draws on examples from China, Russia, Iran, and several Middle Eastern states to develop a framework for analyzing state violence and how political oppositions are organized. The study examines middle and low levels of state violence, the provincial and municipal organization of party and regime, and the police, private militias, and thugs as low-level enforcers, and focuses on: (1 the complexity of the state’s apparatus of repression and control and how different levels exercise different forms of violence against activists; (2 the creativity of the opposition’s actions to voice its demands and avoid repression and surveillance; and (3 the recursive relationship between the two, a dark dance between state and opposition with high stakes for both. Hierarchical analysis at national, provincial, and local levels, and lateral analysis across these levels, where elite interests frequently diverge, show that intersections and gaps on both axes can create lapses in social control and openings the opposition. These free spaces of speech and innovative action give rise to novel ways to keep oppositional sentiments in the public forum. The article offers several propositions for analyzing repression and state violence at various levels, and, similarly, the various ways that these free spaces occur.
Crawford, Jarret T; Brandt, Mark J; Inbar, Yoel; Mallinas, Stephanie R
Two recent experiments found evidence for what we term the social category label (SCL) effect-that the relationship between right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and prejudice against gay men and lesbians can be reduced or even eliminated when the target group is labeled "gay men and lesbians" rather than "homosexuals" (Rios, 2013). Although this appears a promising approach to reduce self-reported sexual prejudice, with both theoretical implications for the meaning of RWA itself and practical implications for question wording for assessing these attitudes, there are several reasons to further examine these findings, including (a) inconsistencies with extant evidence, (b) small sample sizes in the original 2 experiments, and (c) concerns with the RWA measures used in the 2 experiments. We tested the SCL hypothesis with a nationally representative sample (Study 1) and close and conceptual replications of Rios' (2013) 2 studies (Studies 2-5) using multiple measures of RWA and prejudice. Across 23 tests of the SCL hypothesis, we obtained 1 statistically significant and 1 marginally significant effect consistent with the hypothesis, 2 significant effects opposite the hypothesis, and 19 nonsignificant effects. A meta-analysis of evidence reported here and in Rios (2013) indicates that RWA strongly predicts antigay prejudice, with no significant variation by label. This confirms the typically robust association between RWA and antigay prejudice and confirms that the SCL effect is not robust. We discuss potential limitations of these studies, theoretical, methodological, and practical implications for our failures to replicate the original SCL studies, and future directions for examining social category label effects. (PsycINFO Database Record PMID:26524000
Full Text Available The paper discusses a role of the remembrance policy in the reconstruction of national identity during the democratization. It includes unique theoretical consideration of this phenomenon and two case studies: post-authoritarian Spain and post-apartheid South Africa. Presented conclusions are a result of qualitative study of transitional politics of memory which focused on the use of remembrance narratives and interpretations of the past to support an establishment of new, democratic and inclusive identity. Considering these two cases, the paper offers an observation of the domination of future-oriented politics over the remembrance and dealing with the past during the transition.
Rady, Mohamed Y; Verheijde, Joseph L
The Royal College of Physicians of London published the 2013 national clinical guidelines on prolonged disorders of consciousness (PDOC) in vegetative and minimally conscious states. The guidelines acknowledge the rapidly advancing neuroscientific research and evolving therapeutic modalities in PDOC. However, the guidelines state that end-of-life decisions should be made for patients who do not improve with neurorehabilitation within a finite period, and they recommend withdrawal of clinically assisted nutrition and hydration (CANH). This withdrawal is deemed necessary because patients in PDOC can survive for years with continuation of CANH, even when a ceiling on medical care has been imposed, i.e., withholding new treatment such as cardiopulmonary resuscitation for acute life-threatening illness. The end-of-life care pathway is centered on a staged escalation of medications, including sedatives, opioids, barbiturates, and general anesthesia, concurrent with withdrawal of CANH. Agitation and distress may last from several days to weeks because of the slow dying process from starvation and dehydration. The potential problems of this end-of-life care pathway are similar to those of the Liverpool Care Pathway. After an independent review in 2013, the Department of Health discontinued the Liverpool Care pathway in England. The guidelines assert that clinicians, supported by court decisions, have become the final authority in nonconsensual withdrawal of CANH on the basis of "best interests" rationale. We posit that these guidelines lack high-quality evidence supporting: 1) treatment futility of CANH, 2) reliability of distress assessment from starvation and dehydration, 3) efficacy of pharmacologic control of this distress, and 4) proximate causation of death. Finally, we express concerns about the utilitarian-based assessment of what constitutes a person's best interests. We are disturbed by the level and the role of medical authoritarianism institutionalized by these
Steinberg, Laurence; Blatt-Eisengart, Ilana; Cauffman, Elizabeth
The correlates of authoritative, authoritarian, indulgent, and neglectful parenting were examined within a sample of 1,355 14- to 18-year-olds adjudicated of serious criminal offenses. The sample is composed primarily of poor, ethnic-minority youth living in impoverished urban neighborhoods. As has been found in community samples, juvenile…
Sim, Tick N.; Chin, Jeffery E. H.
Our study sought mainly to examine interactions between mothers' and fathers' authoritative and authoritarian parenting. A total of 284 adolescents (mean age 13.5) from 2 Singapore schools contributed self-report data on their parents' parenting and various schooling aspects. Prior to testing for interactions, adolescents with two…
Julián Durazo Herrmann
Full Text Available How do subnational authoritarian enclaves emerge (or survive ina democratic transition at the federal level? How can they endure large-scalesocial protests, like the one that shook Oaxaca in 2006? While federal tolerancefor subnational authoritarian practices is a necessary condition, it isinsufficient in itself to explain why subnational political systems sustain andeventually reproduce authoritarian practices in the first place. In this article,therefore, I focus on the internal dimension of subnational authoritarianism.I argue that, because of its reliance on two distinct sources of legitimacy,Oaxaca’s neo-patrimonial domination system was able to respond to theformal democratizing pressures emanating from the federal transition withoutlosing its authoritarian nature. This process of hybridization transformedOaxacan institutions, but left social structures and the political dynamics thatemerge from them – the sources of subnational authoritarianism – almostintact. By exploring the evolution of neo-patrimonialism and hybridizationin Oaxaca from a theoretical perspective, I address the issues of change andcontinuity in the emergence of subnational authoritarian enclaves, in Mexicoand elsewhere. ¿Cómo es que algunos enclaves autoritarios subnacionales emergen (o susbsisten tras las transiciones a la democracia de sus federaciones? ¿Cómo sobreviven a movilizaciones masivas como las que conoció Oaxaca en 2006? La tolerancia federal es una condición necesaria para el desarrollo de las prácticas autoritarias subnacionales, pero es insuficiente para explicar cómo dichas prácticas aparecen y se reproducen en algunos sistemas políticos subnacionales. Por ello, en este artículo estudio la dimensión interna del autoritarismo subnacional. Arguyo que, al basarse en dos fuentes distintas de legitimidad, el sistema oaxaqueño de dominación neopatrimonial fue capaz de responder a las presiones democráticas provenientes de la federaci
Full Text Available Previous research has shown that Right-Wing Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation mediate the relationship between need for closure (NFC and conservative beliefs and racism. These results did not apply to the NFC facet scale Decisiveness. However, the Decisiveness scale has been reported to have a questionable validity, and the recent development of a new scale inspired a reassessment of these previous studies. The present results obtained in two Flemish undergraduate samples (N = 164 and 162 show that both the new Decisiveness scale and the other NFC facet scales correlate with conservatism and racism, and that both these relationships are mediated by social attitudes (i.e., RWA and SDO. In the discussion it is argued that not only permanence needs, but also the urgency need reflected in Decisiveness, are important in order to understand right-wing ideology.
李小平; 杨晟宇; 李梦遥
In situations of moral dilemma - for example, when urban management officers meet street vendors -people have to decide what is fair and to choose between at least two conflicting options. They have to decide whether to apply rules or not, and their decisions may have different consequences for the people affected. Applying and not applying rules are two opposite types of moral thinking to resolve the dilemma. The former is rule-based moral thinking, and the latter is outcome-based moral thinking. In rule-based moral thinking, an act is inherently right or wrong, irrespective of specifics of the circumstances. In outcome-based moral thinking, the Tightness of an act is not determined by the degree to which it fits with principles, but by looking at the consequences of that act. Previous research has shown that people with high power are more likely to use rule-based moral thinking styles, whereas low-power individuals are more likely to rely on outcome-based moral thinking. Another concept that is potentially related to power is authoritarian personality. The hypothesis of the current research is that the effects of power priming on moral thinking style are moderated by authoritarian personality type. More specifically, we expected that when primed with high power, only individuals with high-authoritarian personality would show rule-based moral thinking. To test our hypothesis, 122 public servants from the Chinese Public Security System were recruited to participate in the present study. Participants were first divided into two groups of high and low authoritarians based on their scores on an authoritarian personality scale. They were then randomly assigned to conditions in which they were primed with either high or low power. After the power priming procedure, participants read about a classic trolley problem and indicated how they would deal with the moral dilemma. Their choices reflected either rule-based or outcome-based moral thinking style. The results showed
Full Text Available China’s rise is often interpreted as a harbinger of a new era in world politics and raises the question if such a power transition may impact upon patterns of democratic rule across the globe. There is growing interest in whether China acts as an outside stabilizer for other authoritarian regimes. This paper contributes to the emerging literature on the international dimension of autocratic rule by focusing on Chinese Latin American policy. Using the method of structured focused comparisons, we want to assess whether China’s relations towards the Latin American autocracies Cuba and Venezuela differ from those with structurally similar, but democratic cooperation partners in the region, namely Costa Rica and Chile. The guiding question is whether we can detect such a pattern of specific bilateral relationships between China and other autocracies, leading to an ‘authoritarian nexus’ in Chinese foreign policy. Resumen: ¿Un ‘nexo autoritario’? Supuesta relación especial de China con Estados autocráticos de América Latina El ascenso de China se suele interpretar como un presagio de una nueva era en la política mundial y plantea la cuestión de si dicha transición de poder podría repercutir en los patrones de la democracia en el mundo entero. La cuestión de si China actúa como estabilizador externo para otros regímenes autoritarios suscita cada vez más interés. Este artículo es una contribución a la bibliografía emergente sobre la dimensión internacional de los sistemas autocráticos enfocándose en la política chino-latinoamericana. Mediante el método de las comparaciones estructuradas y focalizadas, queremos evaluar si las relaciones de China con las autocracias latinoamericanas de Cuba y Venezuela difieren de las relaciones con otros aliados estructuralmente similares, pero democráticos en la región, como Costa Rica y Chile. La pregunta clave es si podemos detectar este patrón de relaciones bilaterales espec
Politics of the Periphery: An Introduction to Subnational Authoritarianism and Democratization in Latin America Política de la periferia. Una introducción a autoritarismo y democratización subnacional en América Latina
Edward L. Gibson
The article is an introduction to the topic featured in JPLA 2/2010 "Subnational Authoritarianism and Democratization in Latin America." It discusses the papers by Carlos Gervasoni, Agustina Giraudy, Julián Durazo Herrmann, Alfred P. Montero, and Tracy Beck Fenwick that follow in this issue. Why feature the topic “subnational authoritarianism and democratization” in the Journal of Politics in Latin America? Because despite widespread agreement that subnational jurisdictions in Latin America ...
Mavor, Kenneth I.; Louis, Winnifred R.; Sibley, Chris G.
The factor structure of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) remains a contentious issue. Although designed to measure three underlying attitude clusters, aggression, submission and conventionalism, many items are deliberately double-or triple-barrelled, to capture the covariation of the three clusters in a unidimensional scale. Additionally, although the scale is balanced, there is an item wording direction bias in the clusters; aggression items are pro-trait, and conventionalism items are con-...
Steinberg, Laurence; Blatt-Eisengart, Ilana; Cauffman, Elizabeth
The correlates of authoritative, authoritarian, indulgent, and neglectful parenting were examined within a sample of 1,355 14- to 18-year-olds adjudicated of serious criminal offenses. The sample is composed primarily of poor, ethnic-minority youth living in impoverished urban neighborhoods. As has been found in community samples, juvenile offenders who describe their parents as authoritative are more psychosocially mature, more academically competent, less prone to internalized distress, and...
Full Text Available We investigated how Social Dominance Orientation (SDO and Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA were related to motivation to personally help addicted individuals and approval of public spending on addiction treatment. The study employs an attributional analysis based on Weiner’s theory of social motivation. SDO was associated with less approval of public spending on treatment and lower motivation to personally help. RWA was associated with less approval of public spending but exerted a direct positive effect on motivation to personally help. However, the latter effect was cancelled out by an indirect negative effect from an attributional process where addicted individuals were perceived as more responsible for their condition. An association between RWA and judgments of responsibility was further indicated in an investigation of positive vs. negative outcomes of addictions. RWA correlated with ratings of personal responsibility across the valence of outcomes, whereas SDO did not. In conclusion, the relation between RWA and (lack of motivation to help is partly explained by a greater emphasis on personal responsibility, and the relation between SDO and (lack of motivation to help is independent of responsibility judgments.
Full Text Available An expanded analysis of the origin of the correlation with economic deprivation found in the authors’ representative surveys of right-wing extremist attitudes (such as racism, anti-Semitism, and chauvinism, focusing on the underlying dynamics in Germany and the historical aspect of National Socialism. The growing prosperity of the West German “economic miracle” of the 1950s served a psychosocial “filling function” to block the narcissistic damage caused by confrontation with past crimes and the sense of the nation’s loss of greatness. As this prosperity vanishes for many people during the current economic crisis, the filling comes out and the narcissistic wound opens up. What emerges is both what lies underneath and what has been serving as a defense against it, which involve authoritarian dynamics. Initially, the metaphor of “narcissistic filling” will be developed through our analysis of group discussions conducted as part of our qualitative study (of 2008. The developed hypotheses will thereafter be introduced to our following representative survey (of 2010 and confirmed by means of quantitative methods.
Full Text Available While numerous countries in post-authoritarian South America have annulled Amnesty Laws issued under authoritarian rule and punished officials involved in repressive organs, Brazil continues to favour impunity. This attitude has recently been confirmed by the Brazilian Supreme Court’s decision to maintain the 1979 Amnesty Law granting de-facto impunity to violators of human rights during the military regime. The article considers this verdict within its historical context, and raises two questions which have previously attracted little attention: First, why has postauthoritarian Brazil processed the experience of the military regime so differently from its neighbouring countries, and what role did the Amnesty Law play in that difference? Second, what does this disinterest in punishment mean? This article concludes that one promising theory highlighted by political scientists – the low degree of participation in civil society in Brazil – cannot fully explain why the vast majority of Brazilians are not interested in punishment, as numerous citizens mobilized during the amnesty movement. It seems to imply that the heterogeneous antiauthoritarian alliance vanished once the Amnesty Law had been achieved. Another key finding is that the disinterest in punishment cannot be interpreted as moral support for the military regime or a sanctioning of its human rights violations, as the amnesty debate in Brazil is more complex. Resumen: Impunidad en el Brasil post-autoritario: fallo de la Corte Suprema sobre la ley de amnistíaMientras numerosos países sudamericanos han derogado las leyes de amnistía, aprobadas por pasados regímenes militares, y castigado a los oficiales de los órganos represivos, Brasil continúa favoreciendo la impunidad. Esta actitud ha sido recientemente ratificada por la Corte Suprema de Brasil, que ha mantenido la ley de amnistía de 1979, garantizando impunidad a los violadores de los derechos humanos durante el r
Haugbølle, Rikke Hostrup; Cavatorta, Francesco
one of those liberal reforms implemented to give domestic and international constituencies the sentiment that genuine liberalisation is under way in the country and it has therefore been dismissed as a façade reform. While this interpretation contains a degree of validity, this paper challenges the...... notion that the reform is exclusively about authoritarian upgrading. Perhaps unwittingly, the reform has permitted the arrival on the media scene of new social voices and actors that never had the opportunity to discuss taboo topics and this transforms public debate. While political discussions were...
Kossowska, Małgorzata; Trejtowicz, Mariusz; de Lemus, Soledad; Bukowski, Marcin; Van Hiel, Alain; Goodwin, Robin
The present study tested the role of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), terrorist threat, and sociopolitical 'climate' as predictors of support for governmental anti-terrorism policies and actions. Two dimensions of analysis were defined: the presence versus absence of al-Qaeda attacks, and adherence to surveillance versus anti-surveillance mainstream politics. In order to study the influence of these two contextual dimensions on the expression of attitudes, we selected four European countries that fall into these two dimensions--Poland, Belgium, Spain, and the UK. Results from our study provide support for the contention that attitudes towards restrictions of civil rights are related to RWA independently of the cultural context. Moreover, in the UK sample, we found that the threat of terrorism increases acceptance of limitations of civil liberties, but only among people who hold authoritarian beliefs. However, in Spain, the other country that experienced terrorist attacks, this moderation effect was not found which is interpreted in terms of differences in the sociopolitical climate in both countries. As predicted, we did not find such moderation effect in countries in which threat is relatively low (Poland and Belgium). The results are discussed with reference to the conceptual framework based on the importance of fear experiences, security-focused policies, as well as the specific cultural context in the study of reaction to terrorist threat. PMID:21492144
Full Text Available Even though prejudice toward male homosexuality is one of the main reasons for discrimination in Argentina, there is no valid measure to assess it. The aim of this study was to analyze the psychometric properties of the Attitudes Toward Gay Men Scale (ATG and to examine the influence of sex, right wing authoritarianism, and social dominance orientation on anti-gay attitudes. Data were collected with a convenience sample of 436 undergraduate students from University of Buenos Aires. Analysis of the data showed adequate psychometric properties for the ATG Scale and the moderating effect of sex, right wing uthoritarianism and social dominance orientation on anti-gay attitudes. Implications of these findings were discussed.
Full Text Available L’article aborde la nature des liens entre l’homogène et l’hétérogène dans les relations juridiques et politiques du Pérou actuel. L’auteur analyse la manière dont deux tendances, l’une de sensibilité démocratique et l’autre d’essence autoritariste, se disputent le pouvoir politique. Tout d’abord, est analysée la façon dont le projet démocratique réclame, au niveau du droit, une homogénéisation, apte à assurer le pluralisme juridique et sociétal où tous les citoyens se reconnaissent dans le système juridique. Puis, est abordée la manière par laquelle l’autoritarisme impose un système juridique qui exige l’élimination de l’hétérogène au sein de la société. Du fait d’une longue tradition autoritaire dans l’histoire péruvienne, l’auteur explicite les arrangements au travers desquels celui-ci s’est aujourd’hui immiscé dans l’enceinte universitaire pour susciter le débat académique et accroître son influence politique.This article considers the nature of the ties between homogeneity and heterogeneity in juridical and political relations in contemporary Peru. The author analyzes the way in which two tendencies – one involving democratic sensibility and the other essentially authoritarian – vie over political power. First, we look to the way in which the democratic project claims – at the level of law – a homogeneity capable of supporting a legal and social pluralism in which all citizens might recognize themselves in the legal system. Next, we turn to the way in which authoritarianism imposes a legal system that demands the elimination of heterogeneity from within the society. Given a long authoritarian tradition in Peruvian history, the author clarifies the ways that vision is embedded within the contemporary academy, channeling debate and gain political influence.El artículo aborda las relaciones que se dan entre lo homogéneo y lo heterogéneo en las relaciones jur
Jarret T. Crawford
Full Text Available Employing a dual process motivational (DPM model perspective, we found that how political messages are framed influences the differential effects of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA and social dominance orientation (SDO on political candidate support in the United States. Study 1 (N = 85 found that RWA and SDO differentially predicted support for right-wing candidates who used cohesion and group status threats to frame same-sex marriage, respectively. Study 2 (N = 89 largely replicated those findings on immigration policy. In Study 3 (N = 128, the hypothesis that RWA and SDO negatively predicted support for left-wing candidates who framed same-sex marriage in terms of individual liberty and social equality, respectively, received partial support. Additional analyses indicated that the effects of RWA on candidate support in these studies were driven by specific theoretically-relevant dimensions of RWA. Together, these results indicate that candidates can enhance their appeal by strategically employing value-based political messages targeting different subsets of their constituency.
María Aidé Hernández
Full Text Available A pesar de las transformaciones políticas que han ocurrido en México durante los últimos 20 años, la cultura política del mexicano ha dejado ver pocos avances. Actualmente siguen predominando características que no fomentan una participación autónoma y propositiva que ayude al éxito de la democracia. Entre ellas destacan el conocimiento e interés por la política; la confianza interpersonal, en las instituciones y en la democracia; la tolerancia; y la competencia subjetiva. Este panorama propicia que sigan prevaleciendo rasgos autoritarios como el clientelismo y el corporativismo, los cuales no fortalecen la democracia. Los pequeños cambios culturales se han dado en el ámbito electoral, donde no sólo hay una gran aceptación a la pluralidad y competencia entre los partidos políticos: ahora los ciudadanos consideran el voto ya no como un derecho sino como un arma política.In spite of the political transformations occurred in Mexico during the last 20 years, the Mexican citizen's political culture has shown few improvements, since certain characteristics keep on prevailing and do not encourage an autonomous participation contribuing to the success of the democratic process. Some of the most relevant advances for such process are knowledge and interest in politics; confidence in the interpersonal relationships, in institutions and in democracy; tolerance; and subjective competence. Their absence favours the prevalence of authoritarian features as clientelism and corporativism. Small cultural changes have taken place in the electoral domain though, where there is a great acceptance of plurality and competition among the political parties and citizens consider suffrage not as a right but as a political weapon.
马贵梅; 樊耘; 门一; 张克勤
本文探讨中国本土情境的权威领导影响下属建言行为的影响过程，揭示“想不想”建言和“能不能”建言双元心理机制各自的作用和差异。通过267对主管和下属的配对样本，运用多层回归分析，实证结果表明，权威领导对下属的抑制型建言和促进型建言均具有消极的影响且对前者的影响程度更强；权威领导通过建设性变革责任感和组织支持感双元心理机制影响下属的建言行为；两种心理机制的作用存在差异，组织支持感代表的“能不能”建言的中介作用强于建设性变革责任感代表的“想不想”建言的中介作用。%This study investigates the mediating effect of felt responsibility for constructive change and perceived organi-zational support on the relationship between supervisor ’ s authoritarian leadership and subordinates ’ voice behavior in Chinese context, and explores the unique and different effect of dual psychological mechanisms that are “would” voice and “could” voice. Using 267 dyads survey data of subordinates and their direct supervisors, the results of multiple lin-ear regression show that authoritarian leadership hinders subordinates’ promotive and prohibitive voice behavior, and the negative relationship between authoritarian leadership and prohibitive voice is stronger;felt responsibility for constructive change and perceived organizational support mediate the relationship between authoritarian leadership and subordinates’ voice behavior;two psychological mechanisms have different effect, “could” voice mechanism which is represented by perceived organizational support has more stronger mediating effect than the “would” voice mechanism which is repre-sented by felt responsibility for constructive change.
and Angola, the book exposes shifting donor interests and rhetoric as well as the impact of foreign aid on military assistance, rural development, electoral processes and domestic politics. In the process, it raises an urgent and too often neglected question: to what extent are foreign aid programmes...
Brødsgaard, Kjeld Erik
proved their influence by obstructing the creation of new ministries and regulatory commissions that would limit their powers. The heads of these business groups often outrank their counterparts in state administrative organs and bureaus that are supposed to regulate their activities. The increased role......-owned company or from a position as business leader to a position in the state apparatus or in the Party and vice versa. To conceptualize the coexistence of the contradicting forces for further enterprise autonomy and continued central control that characterizes the evolving relationship between business groups...
In December 2013, Russian President Vladimir Putin marked the 20th anniversary of the Constitution by signing an amnesty which allowed for both the liberation of nu- merous common-law prisoners serving short sentences and the early release of the two Pussy Riot members sentenced to two years in a labor camp for staging an anti- Putin performance in Moscow's Cathedral of Christ the Savior. At the same time, the Russian president granted a reprieve for Mikhail Khodorkovsky, former head of Yukos...
This time it's different. An inevitable decline in world petroleum production will keep oil product prices high, causing military conflicts and shifting wealth and power from democracies to authoritarian regimes
There is virtual agreement among geologists that world production of conventional oil will peak at some point in the future. Oil, after all, is a finite resource, while demand will only grow over time. Geologists disagree, however, exactly when the peak will occur. Using data from the International Energy Agency, the US Department of Energy, the Association for the Study of Peak Oil and Gas, and petroleum industry sources, we argue that conventional oil production will reach a worldwide maximum within the next 5-10 years, earlier than generally estimated, thus leaving a very short time frame within which to plan for conversion to alternative sources of energy. Unless planning is initiated immediately, the United States and other Western democracies will see their positions in the global economy undercut as military conflicts over limited energy resources increase, and wealth and power are shifted to authoritarian regimes in Russia, Venezuela, Africa and the Middle East. (author)
Santos, Lincoln de Araújo
Full Text Available O presente artigo propõe uma discussão sobre as matrizes do pensamento social e autoritário e suas características marcantes na educação brasileira, identificando cronologicamente o início da República, acentuando-se o regime estabelecido a partir de 1930. O estudo das ideias sociais e de seus intelectuais, as influências ideológicas e doutrinárias que darão base aos fundamentos do pensamento autoritário social e educacional no Brasil. O regime político a partir de 1930, o Estado Novo e o projeto educacional do governo de Getúlio Vargas e seus princípios da ordem, da moral, da política e o desejo de unidade nacional. A conjunção de um elenco de intelectuais que formularam um ideal nacional a partir da função política do Estado como o condutor da modernização do país e na atuação pedagógica desta instituição. A caracterização de intelectuais que estiveram a serviço do Estado Novo e de sua ideologia, elaborando o seu projeto e tendo a educação como estratégia de propaganda. O pensamento social de Oliveira Vianna, Francisco Campos, Gustavo Capanema e as justificativas para a governabilidade e presença do regime varguista no país. O principal objetivo deste artigo é o de analisar o pensamento autoritário brasileiro e sua presença na educação brasileira.REFLECTIONS ON THE SOCIAL AND EDUCATIONAL THOUGHT IN BRAZIL ANDITS AUTHORITARIAN MATRICES. This article proposes a discussion about the matrices of the social and authoritarian thought and its defining characteristics in Brazilian education,identifying chronologically the beginning of the Republic, emphasizing the regime that was established in 1930. The study of social ideas and theirauthors, the ideological and doctrinal influences that will be the basis for the authoritarian, social and educational thought in Brazil. The political regime that started in 1930, the New State and the educational project of Getulio Vargas’s government including its
Politics of the Periphery: An Introduction to Subnational Authoritarianism and Democratization in Latin America Política de la periferia. Una introducción a autoritarismo y democratización subnacional en América Latina
Edward L. Gibson
Full Text Available The article is an introduction to the topic featured in JPLA 2/2010 "Subnational Authoritarianism and Democratization in Latin America." It discusses the papers by Carlos Gervasoni, Agustina Giraudy, Julián Durazo Herrmann, Alfred P. Montero, and Tracy Beck Fenwick that follow in this issue. Why feature the topic “subnational authoritarianism and democratization” in the Journal of Politics in Latin America? Because despite widespread agreement that subnational jurisdictions in Latin America vary considerably in the democratic character of their politics, political scientists are still largely in the dark about how to conceptualize and measure this situation, and have scant knowledge about mechanisms that sustain and undermine it. This collection of articles makes major headway toward clearing our methodological and theoretical ignorance of these topics. El artículo es una introducción al tema especial de JPLA 2/2010 "autoritarismo y democratización subnacional en América Latina". Discute las contribuciones de Carlos Gervasoni, Agustina Giraudy, Julián Durazo Herrmann, Alfred P. Montero y Tracy Beck Fenwick que estan unidas en esta edición. ¿Porqué presentar el tema “autoritarismo y democratización subnacional” en el Journal of Politics in Latin America? Porque a pesar del acuerdo general que en América Latina las jurisdicciones subnacionales varian considerablementes en el carácter democrático de su política, la mayoría de politólogos todavía esta insegura como conceptualizar y medir ésta situación, y tiene poco conocimiento de los mecanismos que la mantienen o subvierten. Esta colección de artículos ofrece aproximaciones metodológicas y teóricas al tema.
Though a controversial topic,competitive authoritarian regime is very popular in contemporary develo-ping countries. Mainly based on the information concerning the 13th general election of Malaysia in 2013,this paper aims to analyze how the changing Malaysian voter structure,which is driven by urbanization and generation change, affects the competitive strategy of political parties in this country and what is the future of the Malaysian competitive authoritarian regime when it meets a changing voter structure. This paper argues that the main trends of voter struc-ture will gradually undermine the long-standing Malaysian competitive authoritarian regime,but this is still a long and tough work because of the heavy historic inertia of authoritarianism.%竞争型威权体制是当今发展中国家的一种普遍政治现象，也是一个极具争议的课题。本文将主要围绕2013年马来西亚第13届大选来采取论据，分析城市化与世代更替所造成的马来西亚选民结构变迁，以及这种变迁是如何影响竞争型威权体制下的政党竞争策略，并进一步探讨这种体制本身的演化路向。本文认为当今马来西亚选民结构中的主要潮流正在推动竞争型威权体制的消解，当然由于威权体制强大的历史惯性的存在，这种消解仍将要经历一个较漫长的过程。
Estilos parentais autoritário e democrático-recíproco intergeracionais, conflito conjugal e comportamentos de externalização e internalização Intergenerational authoritarian and authoritative parenting styles, marital conflict, and externalizing and internalizing behaviors
Ebenézer A. de Oliveira
Full Text Available Modelos mediativos de risco e proteção foram testados, para prever longitudinalmente comportamentos de externalização e internalização infantis, a partir de uma atitude conjugal conflituosa e de estilos parentais intergeracionais autoritário vs. democrático-recíproco. Proveniente de duas escolas particulares e uma pública, a amostra contou com 25 meninas e 25 meninos de 4 e 5 anos, e suas respectivas mães. Correlações bivariadas de Pearson e regressões múltiplas indicaram a presença de transmissão intergeracional do estilo autoritário, mas não do democrático-recíproco, mediada por uma atitude conjugal conflituosa. O estilo autoritário materno previu tanto externalização como internalização, enquanto a atitude conjugal conflituosa previu apenas externalização. Embora significativo, o modelo aditivo não gerou efeitos longitudinais significativos de cada fator sobre externalização. Mas, ao se levar em conta a relação entre o estilo autoritário e a atitude conjugal conflituosa, efeitos principais foram encontrados para ambos os fatores. A obtenção de resultados significativos apenas no modelo de risco é considerada sob os pontos de vista teórico e metodológico.Mediational models of risk and protection were tested to predict longitudinally both externalizing and internalizing behaviors in young children, with conflicted marital attitude and transgenerational, authoritarian vs. authoritative parenting as predictors. Drawn from two private and one public schools, the sample consisted of 25 boys and 25 girls with 4 and 5 years of age, and their respective mothers. Bivariate Pearson correlations and multiple regressions showed intergenerational transmission for the authoritarian style, but not for the authoritative style, mediated by a conflicted attitude toward marriage. The maternal authoritarian style predicted both externalizing and internalizing behaviors, whereas the conflicted marital attitude predicted only
"Once regarded as mere pawns of their regimes, courts in authoraitarian states are now the subject of considerable attention within the field of comparative judicial politics. New research examines the ways in which law and courts are deployed as instruments of governance, how they structure state-society contention, and the circumstances in which courts are transformed into sites of active resistance. This new body of research constitutes an emergent field of inquiry, while simul...
Full Text Available In the absence of any kind of hegemonic aura, neoliberal practices have proved increasingly unable to garner the consent, or even the reluctant acquiescence, necessary for more ‘normal’ modes of governance. Of particular importance in the post-2007 crisis has been the growing frequency with which constitutional and legal changes, in the name of economic ‘necessity’, are seeking to reshape the purpose of the state and associated institutions. This attempted reconfiguration is three-fold: (1 the more immediate appeal to material circumstances as a reason for the state being unable, despite ‘the best will in the world’, to reverse processes such as greater socioeconomic inequality and dislocation;(2 the deeper and longer-term recalibration of what kind of activity is feasible and appropriate for ‘non-market’ institutions to engage in, diminishing expectations in the process; and (3 the reconceptualisation of the state as increasingly non-democratic through its subordination to constitutional and legal rules that are ‘necessary’ for prosperity to be achieved.
Georgiou, Stelios N.; Stavrinides, Panayiotis; Fousiani, Kyriaki
This study aimed at examining the existing relation among parenting, cultural value orientation, and bullying propensity at school. The participants (N = 231) were early adolescents randomly selected from 11 different schools in urban and rural areas of Cyprus. The results showed that a statistically significant relation exists between parental…
Belknap, Jason M.
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited What role has social media played in Bahraini political movements since 2011? Does it facilitate and encourage a space for free expressions of ideas, or do the dominant groups utilize social media to promote their agendas and shape social unrest outcomes? This thesis examines how the use of social media altered the course of protests in Bahrain on the heels of the regional Arab Spring movement. Historical protest activities incorporate...
Dafydd J. Fell
Full Text Available This paper examines how Taiwan moved from being viewed as a model Asian democracy to one allegedly suffering from democratic reversal. The reasons for the declining domestic and international reputation of Taiwan’s democracy are discussed. Lastly, some key political challenges facing Taiwan’s democracy are outlined.
Chao, Ruth K.
A study was conducted to determine Asian American conceptualizations of parenting, focusing on socialization goals, parenting style, and parenting practices related to schooling, aspects of parental influences discussed by D. Darling and L. Steinberg (1993). It was suggested that the standard conceptualizations of parenting style, those of D.…
There is international consensus among scholars that democratic transitions are multicausal processes in which both internal and international variables are involved (Pridham 1991, 1995; Whitehead 1996; Schmitter 1996; Linz and Stepan 1996; Carothers 1999; Morlino and Magen 2008; Grilli di Cortona 2009). This chapter is limited, on the one hand, to the dependent variable consisting solely of the crisis/breakdown/transformation of non-democratic regimes in the Third Wave o...
Estrella Trincado Aznar
This paper shows that utilitarianism and libertarianism have a determining influence on moulding monetary theories. It compares Jeremy Bentham’s utilitarian theory with that of David Hume – a theory somehow based on the idea of usefulness – and that of Adam Smith – a libertarian theory critical of utilitarianism. Smith intended to demonstrate that, with regard to monetary issues, we could not cut free transaction costs through a hierarchy who addresses a fictional image. Conversely, Bentham a...
Apple, Michael W.
This article examines equality in education within the context of two larger conflicts--the breakdown of the largely liberal consensus that guided much educational and social policy since World War II and the growth of the new right and conservative movements. (IAH)
MATRICES SOCIOPOLÍTICAS Y PATRONES DE REFORMA EN EL CONO SUR: ENTRE LA RUTA POPULISTA Y AUTORITARIA: EL CASO URUGUAYO EN PERSPECTIVA COMPARADA Socio-political Matrices and Patterns of Reform in the South Cone: Between Populist and Authoritarian Paths: The Uruguayan Case in Comparative Perspective
Full Text Available El siguiente artículo plantea un análisis de los patrones de reforma del MSI en los países tempranamente modernizados de la región : Argentina, Chile y Uruguay. El trabajo argumenta sobre la vinculación entre las matrices sociopolíticas y los patrones de reforma, estableciendo tres rutas de reforma: la populista, la autoritaria y la democrática -institucionalizada. Estos tres países procesaron transformaciones distintas en sus modelos de desarrollo, lo que es explicado por factores socioestructurales (bases sociales de apoyo, legados de incorporación de los sectores populares, institucionales (tipo de competencia política, características organizacionales de los partidos y el cruce de las mismas (patrones de representación política. El artículo sostiene que existen ciertas configuraciones nacionales capaces de neutralizar los efectos inerciales de condiciones sociopolíticas que, inicialmente, favorecerían la reproducción del MSI o su reforma gradual: sociedades altamente modernizadas, regímenes de bienestar extendidos y sectores populares organizados. La transformación de sus bases sociales, la adaptación organizacional de los partidos de izquierdaño populistas, así como la transformación de los vínculos de representación política (secuenciadas de forma específica en cada caso explican la diferencia en los patrones de reforma seguidos. El argumento causal está basado en una narración histórico-comparada de los casos analizadosThis article analyzes the reform patterns of the ISI model in the earliestá modernized countries in Latin America: Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay. I argue that the intertwining of countries's ocio-political matrices and their patterns of reform yield three reformist routes: a populist route, an authoritarian route, and an institutionalized-democratic path. The three selected countries experienced different patterns of reform which could be explained by the effects of socio-structural factors
Full Text Available This article inserts itself into larger discussions regarding post-dictatorship memory politics in Portugal and comparative studies of similar histories of violence in Europe, particularly examinations of National-Socialism, Nazism and the Holocaust, as well as comparative studies of twentieth-century fascist dictatorships in the Iberian peninsula. In spite of the revolutionary, radical nature of the Portuguese democratisation process, studies conducted during the last four decades on the social and political (reconstructions of memory regarding the Portuguese dictatorship (1926-1974 have demonstrated that state policies regarding the past have depicted the dictatorship as one that is very similar to events in countries where the process of democratic transition was actually quite different from that of Portugal. Right-wing groups and those who self-describe as “victims” of processes of decolonisation that occurred between 1974 and 1975 have established a pattern of public debate that leaves no room for discussing the dictatorship without also referring to the 1974-1975 Revolution. This mode of debate seems to suggest that these two periods of history are indicative of a global regime phenomenon and that both the processes of decolonisation and revolution affected Portuguese society in similar ways. This paper attempts to complicate these narratives in order to question the democratic forms that emerged after the Revolution and to compare it to Salazar’s dictatorial regime.Este artículo se encuadra en una discusión más amplia sobre las políticas de la memoria de la posdictadura salazarista en Portugal, y en estudios comparados sobre historias semejantes de violencia en Europa, especialmente las relativas al nacional-socialismo, el nazismo y el Holocausto. También se refiere a los estudios comparados sobre las dictaduras fascistas en la Península Ibérica. A pesar de la naturaleza revolucionaria y radical del proceso de democratización portugués, los estudios llevados a cabo durante las últimas cuatro décadas sobre las (reconstrucciones sociales y políticas de la memoria de la dictadura portuguesa (1926-1974 demuestran que las políticas de estado han elaborado un relato de la dictadura en relación con procesos de transición a la democracia que son muy diferentes del portugués. Grupos de extrema derecha y aquéllos que se describen a sí mismos como “víctimas” del proceso de descolonización que tuvo lugar entre 1974 y 1975 han conseguido consolidar en el debate público unos argumentos que no deja espacio para discutir la dictadura sin relacionarla con la revolución de 1974-1975. Los términos de este debate sugieren que estos dos procesos históricos – descolonización y revolución – afectaron a la sociedad de manera semejante. Este texto trata de descifrar la complejidad de estos relatos para poder cuestionar las formas democráticas que emergieron tras la revolución, y compararlas con el régimen dictatorial de Salazar.
Wallace, Carolyn S.
This is a critical time for the science education community as we embark on the creation and implementation of new national science standards. The purpose of this essay is to offer insight into how the language of curriculum standards, including that found in state science standards in the United States over the past 15 years, has posed barriers…
Edson Luis de Almeida Teles
Full Text Available the objective of this article, making use of the theory of Hannah
Arendt, is to show as the disruption with regimes of exception if it effected by means of transistions, of a vision of the politics as confrontation and violence for a model of the consensus and its counterpart was to occult the divergent ways with that the social subjetividades breach with the rational model, overshadowing the interpretations of the memory in the democratic normalizationo objetivo deste artigo, fazendo uso da teoria de Hannah Arendt,
é mostrar como o rompimento com os regimes de exceção efetuou-se, por meio de transições, de uma visão da política como enfrentamento e violência, para um modelo do consenso, e sua contrapartida foi ocultar os modos divergentes com que as subjetividades sociais rompem com o modelo racional, obscurecendo as interpretações da memória na normalização democrática.
A. van Riel; A.J.H.C. Schram
A politicoeconomic model of the relationship between economic and structural variables and government popularity is developed and applied to the Weimar Republic. We obtained data from decentralized election results in the 1924 to 1933 period, using a weighted panel estimation method. Parameter estim
CARLOS MELÉNDEZ; CARLOS LEÓN
A casi una década de la apertura del régimen político posterior al gobierno de Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), se hace evidente la fortaleza de los legados autoritarios que no han sido desmontados en su totalidad por los últimos dos gobiernos elegidos democráticamente. Los problemas de gobernabilidad que enfrenta el Perú, que se expresan a través de conflictos sociales (El Baguazo) y casos de corrupción estatal de alto nivel (Petroaudios), se originan precisamente en la herencia autoritaria del...
Canetti, Daphna; Halperin, Eran; HOBFOLL, STEVAN E.; Shapira, Oren; Hirsch-Hoefler, Sivan
Major political events such as terrorist attacks and forced relocation of citizens may have an immediate effect on attitudes towards ethnic minorities associated with these events. The psychological process that leads to political exclusionism of minority groups was examined using a field study among Israeli settlers in Gaza days prior to the Disengagement Plan adopted by the Israeli government on June 6, 2004 and enacted in August 2005. Lending credence to integrated threat theory and to the...
Chaffee, Kathryn E.; Noels, Kimberly A.; McEown, Maya Sugita
Positive psychology encompasses the study of positive outcomes, optimal functioning, and resilience in difficult circumstances. In the context of language learning, positive outcomes include academic engagement, self-determined motivation, persistence in language learning, and eventually becoming a proficient user of the language. These questionnaire studies extend previous research by addressing how these positive outcomes can be achieved even in adverse circumstances. In Study 1, the primar...
Full Text Available This paper examines the prevalent notion that that the production of knowledge, academic research and teaching can and ought to be audited and assessed in the same manner as the production of other goods and services. The emphasis on similarities between industry and the academy leads to a neglect of fundamental differences in their aims and, as a consequence, a tendency to evaluate scientific research in terms of patents and product development and colleges and universities in terms of the labour market. The article examines the idea of the free academy, on the one hand, and compares and contrasts it to the idea of free enterprise, on the other. It is argued that the view of the university as a supplier of specific solutions for pre-determined, non-scientific needs (a workforce with skills currently in demand, innovations for commercial partners, justifications for political decisions, etc undermines the public legitimacy of university science and weakens the fabric of scientific training and practice. The article proposes that the university’s main purpose must be to provide a recognized neutral, autonomous agency of rigorous, disinterested investigation and scientific education, which constitutes a necessary condition for an enlightened liberal democracy: an informed, capable and critical citizenry.
Lucileide Costa Cardoso
Full Text Available The purpose of the article is to demonstrate through analysis of documents of repressive nature, the elements highlighted by the Military Justice to establish the trace of persecution of the intellectuals among other social sectors which dared to challenge the Dictatorship. The complete mapping, involving the combat strategies against the “communism”, including the knowledge of the political parties and their military staff, was accumulated by police and military sectors along the 20th century. We intended to follow, through these records, the political trajectory of the intellectual Jacob Gorender. As a journalist, he got involved in the discussion about the Brazilian participation in the World War II, joined the FEB in 1943. Before that, however, Gorender became a communist, recruited by Mario Alves in 1942. In the early 60’s, he acted as a militant and coordinator of PCB, when he decided to join PCBR, founded in 1968. The historian, in the beginning of the 1964 Strike, with his life already devastated by the Information and Security Community, experienced marginalization, imprisonment, torture and censorship of his writings among other abuses that also reached his closest friends, political companions and family members. The crossing of this amount of information with the memorial documents helps to understand the political repression tricks and the different Revolutionary projects in course.
Turan, Sevgi Adak
The aim of this study, which was inspired by François Georgeon's study of Ramadans in the late Ottoman Empire, is to analyze Ramadans in the early Republican era. By decoding the official attitude towards Ramadans, this research tries to discover to what extent the Kemalist regime regulated and transformed Ramadan, with which purposes and mechanisms it did so, and whether or not this process entailed a significant change in the publicness and socialness of Ramadan. Based on these analyses, th...
Chao, Ruth K.
This study compared standard conceptualizations for parenting style, parental involvement in school, and parents' socialization goals with alternative conceptualizations, in relation to children's academic achievement. Specifically, the study asked: (1) whether ethnicity is predictive of achievement scores when included in analyses involving the…
Pong, Suet-ling; Johnston, Jamie; Chen, Vivien
Our study re-examines the relationship between parenting and school performance among Asian students. We use two sources of data: wave I of the Adolescent Health Longitudinal Survey (Add Health), and waves I and II of the Taiwan Educational Panel Survey (TEPS). Analysis using Add Health reveals that the Asian-American/European-American difference in the parenting–school performance relationship is due largely to differential sample sizes. When we select a random sample of European-American st...
Delaney Michael Skerrett
Full Text Available The 20th century saw the Soviet and Francoist regimes enforce their respective ideologies in Estonia and the Catalan-speaking territories in Spain. In both cases, the autochthonous language suffered under the stringent control of the mechanisms of censorship and repression. In fact, Soviet and Spanish leaders—representing both extremes of the political spectrum—tried to replace the use of the autochthonous language in many sociolinguistic domains with their own—Russian and (Castilian Spanish—as these languages embodied the ideologies and the new orders that they wished to establish. This paper compares and contrasts the diverse methods of control over language carried out in Estonia and the Catalan-speaking areas of Spain in order to demonstrate that highly centralised multilingual states—whatever their political ideology—can make use of surprisingly similar means of control, ultimately depriving local linguistic communities of the ability to use and develop their own language.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5128/ERYa6.16
Bernard, Michael Lewis [Sandia National Lab. (SNL-NM), Albuquerque, NM (United States)
The purpose of this work is to create a generalizable data- and theory-supported capability to better understand and anticipate (with quantifiable uncertainty): 1) how the dynamics of allegiance formations between various groups and society are impacted by active conflict and by third-party interventions and 2) how/why extremist allegiances co-evolve over time due to changing geopolitical, sociocultural, and military conditions.
What we see in Russia today is a dual media system, with independent and critical newspapers on one side vs. controlled and censored television channels on the other. The independent media are facing severe difficulties, and the accountability of the elected are nearly non-existing. The weaknesses of the judicial system allowing arbitrary exercising of the legislation against journalists, the increased control of media outlets both regional and federal, among television channels, newspapers a...
Williams, Keith L.; Wahler, Robert G.
Forty clinic-referred mothers completed questionnaires describing their children's problems, the mothers' parenting styles, and their everyday mindfulness. Psychometric analyses of the questionnaires showed mother reports to be internally consistent, except for one of the parenting style scales (i.e., permissive style). We dropped the scale and…
Pong, Suet-ling; Johnston, Jamie; Chen, Vivien
Our study re-examines the relationship between parenting and school performance among Asian students. We use two sources of data: wave I of the Adolescent Health Longitudinal Survey (Add Health), and waves I and II of the Taiwan Educational Panel Survey (TEPS). Analysis using Add Health reveals that the Asian-American/European-American difference…
This paper examines how Taiwan moved from being viewed as a model Asian democracy to one allegedly suffering from democratic reversal. The reasons for the declining domestic and international reputation of Taiwanâ€™s democracy are discussed. Lastly, some key political challenges facing Taiwanâ€™s democracy are outlined.
Ramos, Marco A
From 1966 to 1983, Argentina underwent a period of political radicalization as fascist regimes used terror to control its citizens and leftist guerrillas resorted to violence to spark revolution. During this politically volatile period, psychiatry transformed from an apolitical clinical specialty into an ideological tool used for both leftist resistance and military oppression. The largest psychiatric organization at the time, the Federación Argentina de Psiquiatras (FAP), became the center for a new politically committed brand of psychiatry in Argentina that united psychoanalysis and community psychiatry with Marxist theory. Though the military targeted and eventually dismantled the FAP and its leftist brand of psychoanalysis and community psychiatry, sectors of the government also paradoxically appropriated and reframed community-based psychiatric perspectives to pathologize leftist subversion and advance their own conservative ideology. PMID:23811712
Full Text Available The essay provides with some insights around the topic of sexual violence to women involved in politics during general Augusto Pinochet military rule (1973-1990. Not only it is meant to describe the phenomenon in quantitative and qualitative terms, but also to delve into the realm of the social actors who, in several moments and contexts, identify rape as a specific type of torture, different from other human rights violations. This practice finds its roots well before the coup, in long duration processes and especially in domestic violence, but reaches its climax after 1973, extending into politics and blurring the boundaries between public and private sphere. Elaborating this theme today, either for individuals and in the collective debate, seems to be extremely difficult and controversial: maybe it constitutes one of the most thorny issues of the ‘history of present time’ in contemporary Chile.
Fardzadeh, Haghish Ebad
For over a century, jokes have been considered serious narratives indicating shared attitudes, beliefs, or conflicts that are ripped from the community’s mind. Notably, people’s ethical attitude toward ethnic jokes has been ignored in humor studies. The purpose of the current thesis is twofold: a) developing a scale for measuring people’s ethical attitude toward ethnic humor and b) exploring sociological and psychological factors that relate to ethical attitude toward ethnic humor. In brief, ...
This article evaluates China's model of development, especially its main component, i.e. its model of governance. It suggests that China's model of development is marked by an imbalance between fast opening of the economy and the society and sluggish opening of the political system. The Chinese society has become much more open, reflected in the Chinese growing awareness of their legal rights. The Chinese economy has become highly internationalized and open, but much of Chinese politics is cl...
Seelman, Kristie L.; Walls, N. Eugene
Using a sample of 124 incoming social work graduate students, we examined whether levels of perceived incongruence with social work values and the perceived culture of a graduate social work program significantly correlate with social psychological constructs. The social psychological constructs are associated with maintenance and support for…
Since the mid-1990s more and more Argentines have been taking to the streets to express their dissatisfaction with the growing levels of poverty, social exclusion and violence. As part of this growing trend, the Movimiento del Dolor (a social movement consisting of the family members of victims of police violence) emerged as a protest against unaccountable law enforcement practices. Contrary to the expectation that, after the 1983 democratic transition, state violence against citizens would c...
Full Text Available What does democracy do or fail to do about the welfare ofNigerians? Does it matter for the performance of democracy? This paper seeks to determine the mutual impact of democracy and welfare of citizens in Nigeria. Given the state of democracy and available data, it seems that politicians at the state and local government levels are more concerned about their personal interests than those of citizens. We then problematise theoretical western democracy, sold to Nigeria, as with many other third world formerly colonized territories, after independence, but refused during colonialism, at the least for lacking in development and failing to take local conditions into consideration. Implied here are both the institutional and behavioural deficiencies that run democracy dry. The question is, is democracy affecting welfare of citizens positively? To respond in the negative as we do, means more than just a simple answer. Why is it so? With a focus on 1999 to date, a major assumption in this paper is that both the performance and stability of democracy consist in its responsiveness to the welfare citizens. Without any allusion or references to any saintly model of democracy somewhere to be copied, it is argued that the lack of involvement of citizens in election of leaders has created in political elites the loss of all sense of accountability to citizens.Besides, having found oil revenue as the sustaining power for the state, the individual tax paying citizen has been relegated, as against traditions of respect for the tax payer in more established democracies, where the running of the state is dependent on the tax payer’s money. The gap between the volume of resource allocation and development projects at the state and local government levels, as well as the ostentatiousness of politicians seem to have led us to conclude that politicians are only feeding fat on citizens’ welfare.
Full Text Available More than a regime that stormed to Argentina in the 1940s, Peronism is configured as a system of complex ideas and exceptional, a identification (as defined by Beatriz SARLO. This article focuses on the brightest stage og the Justicialism (another name for the period that was Juan Domingo Perón as its greatest exponent, the First Peronism (1946-1955 - and the construction of a policy of spreading the so-called Social Tourism, while one arm of a larger project carried forward by the powerful Central Office of Information (SI, in Spanish. This strategy was fundamentally based on the production and dissemination of posters. On the other hand, the study shows similarities and differences in this field to other regimes of the first half of the 20th century (Salazarism, Francoism, Fascism, Nazism, Stalinism and New Deal. And it shows how the vision of Michel FOUCAULT about the Disciplinary Power was largely present in the peronist Social Tourism.
In the first decade of the 21st century Indonesian television underwent drastic transformations as part of the broader socio-political changes following the fall of the New Order regime of President Suharto in 1998. As part of the reforms, Indonesia implemented regional autonomy, devolving powers fr
The study attempts to contribute to an understanding of the political economy of contemporary Southeast Asia in analytical, conceptual, empirical, and theoretical terms. It offers a critical explanation of the historical specificities of capitalist development in the region through a comparative examination of the evolution of two diverse domestic socioeconomic formations of the Philippines and Malaysia against the background of neoliberal globalization. It argues that an understanding of the...
Robben, Antonius C G M
This article uses the dual process model (DPM) in an analysis of the national mourning of tens of thousands of disappeared in Chile and Argentina by adapting the model from the individual to the collective level where society as a whole is bereaved. Perpetrators are also involved in the national mou
Developing adaptive capacity for responding to environmental change in the Arab Gulf States: Uncertainties to linking ecosystem conservation, sustainable development and society in authoritarian rentier economies
The recent assessment by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has emphasized that understanding the institutional context in which policies are made and implemented is critical to define sustainable development paths from a climate change perspective. Nevertheless, while the importance of social, political and cultural factors is getting more recognition in some parts of the world, little is known about the human dimensions or the contexts in which they operate in the affluent oil economies of the Arabian Peninsula. Policies that implicitly subsidize or support a wasteful and environmentally destructive use of resources are still pervasive, while noteworthy environmental improvements still face formidable political and institutional constraints to the adaptation of the necessary far reaching and multisectoral approach. The principal aim of this paper is to identify some of the major shortcomings within the special context of the Arab Gulf states' socio-cultural environment in support of appropriate development pathways. Conclusions highlight that past and current policy recommendations for mitigating environmental threats are likely to be ineffective. This is because they are based on the unverified assumption that Western-derived standards of conduct, specifically the normative concept of "good governance" and "democracy", will be adopted in non-Western politico-cultural contexts.
Describimos en este artículo el contexto cooperativo y su importancia en el desarrollo del niño. Siguiendo la teoria de Piaget, estos contextos facilitan el desarrollo intelectual y moral de los niños. Trasladado a la escuela esto implica un cambio importante en la función del profesor que es la de formar individuos críticos, cooperativos y creativos.The cooperative context and its importance for the child's development are described in this article. Following the Piagetian theory, these cont...
This thesis reviews the origin and development of âInternet anti-corruptionâ, a new Chinese online phenomenon. I examine newspaper discourse covering this phenomenon, aiming to show it is discursively constructed in the press based on three typical cases occurring in 2012. The construction of legitimacy on this new phenomenon is the focus of the study. Drawing from the sociological and political perspective of power, this study uses discourse analysis theory combined with media disco...
Full Text Available Describimos en este artículo el contexto cooperativo y su importancia en el desarrollo del niño. Siguiendo la teoria de Piaget, estos contextos facilitan el desarrollo intelectual y moral de los niños. Trasladado a la escuela esto implica un cambio importante en la función del profesor que es la de formar individuos críticos, cooperativos y creativos.The cooperative context and its importance for the child's development are described in this article. Following the Piagetian theory, these contexts facilitate children's intellectual and moral development. This taken to the school environment implies an important change in the teacher's role that is the one of forming critical, cooperative and creative individuals.
Pastana, Debora Regina
Full Text Available O tema central deste artigo é o crescente investimento no combate ao crime pelos atuais governos democráticos brasileiros, o que contribui para consolidar, também entre nós, a figura do “estado punitivo”. O atual arranjo capitalista generaliza-se quase que instantaneamente em todo o globo, atrelando o sucesso dos empreendimentos econômicos à nova face da política criminal. Nesse sentido, o estado punitivo passa a caracterizar uma ambiguidade que simbolicamente é o retrato do momento político contemporâneo. Dito de outra forma, em torno desse modelo de controle misturam-se conceitos absolutamente contraditórios como democracia e autoritarismo. Inserido nas recentes reflexões sociológicas de Loïc Wacquant, David Garland, Nils Christie, Zygmunt Bauman e Giorgio Agamben, entre outros, esse tema começa a ser discutido também pela comunidade acadêmica nacional. O artigo, portanto, tem como objetivo abordar o que se convencionou chamar de “estado punitivo”, figura política que se ajusta às transformações econômicas, sociais e culturais já em curso nos últimos trinta anos e que desponta no Brasil como forma cada vez mais hegemônica de controle social
Baader, Meike S.
The subject of this paper is the construction of childhood as a time of happiness in different historical periods. It first analyses the construction of childhood as a time of happiness in the German romantic period in the eighteenth century. Secondly, the paper discusses the construction of happy mothers and children in "The Century of Childhood"…
The theoretical field of crisis management has just been established and developed since 1970s and in the past three decades, most of such theories were western-oriented and US-dominated. Inspired by Huang, Lin and Su (Taiwan) and Lee (Hong Kong)‘s explorations of cultural context in crisis communication, this thesis applied crisis communication theories to governmental practices in the mainland China examining the relevancy between theory and practice in a non-western context. The thesis spe...
Dornbusch, Sanford M.; And Others
Uses a reformation of Baumrind's typology of authoritarian, permissive, and authoritative parenting styles in the context of adolescent school performance. Authoritarian and permissive parenting were negatively associated with grades; authoritative parenting was positively associated with grades. (PCB)
Buri, John R.; Gunty, Amy L.
Authoritarian parenting is often shown to be associated with negative outcomes for children, including the development of maladaptive schemas. However, this is not the case for all children who experience Authoritarian parenting. Optimism is examined as a moderator in the relationship between Authoritarian parenting and maladaptive schemas that…
This thesis investigates the electoral resilience of dominant parties in electoral authoritarian regimes under conditions of economic crises. In the field of comparative politics, it is widely assumed that poor economic performance has negative effects on regime-stability - whether authoritarian or democratic. Although this finding is fairly robust across regime types and institutional varieties within regime types, empirical evidence has shown that electoral authoritarian regimes have remain...
Rafat Ghotme; Nadia García Sicard
The aim of this article is to show how the authoritarianism was renewed in Egypt after the fall of Mubarak. Through the reconstructions of actions of the principal political Egyptian actors, it will be demonstrated that the demands of democratization that arose in the “spring” of 2011 meant only a change in the personification of the authoritarianism, rather than a change of the institutionalized authoritarianism of the militaries. Furthermore, it was established that this structure has been ...
Federico R. León
Full Text Available Eleven empirical studies were uncovered in a literature review of research findings, relevant to the proposition that Peruvian workers prefer authoritarian supervision. With a basic definition of authoritarian supervisión as criterion (centralization of decision power, intolerance toward subordinate´s disagreements, rejection of subordinate´s suggestions, no evidence whatsoever favorable to the proposition was found. The data suggested that Peruvian workers have a negative attitude towaró authoritarian suppervision. The empirical evidence conceming a secondary aspect of authoritarianism, closeness of supervísíon, was ambiguous.
Modernización y estructuración global en Chile: de la génesis autoritaria a la consolidación democrática Global modernization and restructuring in Chile: from authoritarian birth to democratic maturity
De Mattos Carlos A.
Full Text Available El esquema de modernización del gobierno militar chileno fue una reacción a la crisis del modelo populista-desarrollista que imperó en Chile desde 1929. Hacia 1973, éste había llegado a una situación terminal que, en lo político, se expresaba en una situación de ingobernabilidad y, en lo económico, se reflejaba en una continua caída del producto; un aumento del déficit de cuenta corriente de la balanza de pagos; una paulatina aceleración de las tasas de inflación y el sostenido aumento de los conflictos sociales. La nueva estrategia buscaba reducir el papel económico del Estado y restablecer el libre juego de las fuerzas del mercado, mediante la descentralización, la privatización, la liberación económica, la reforma del mercado laboral y la apertura a los mercados internacionales. Independientemente de los métodos utilizados por el gobierno militar, su gestión creó un país totalmente diferente y dio lugar a un nuevo modelo de regulación, donde hay una creciente dependencia estructural de la sociedad con respecto al capital. Oponiéndose a las evaluaciones más optimistas de este proceso, el autor concluye que aún persisten algunos problemas fundamentales: la concentración del poder económico, la intensificación de las desigualdades sociales y el grave deterioro ecológico. Problemas a los que es más sensible el nuevo gobierno democrático.The modernization imposed by the military regime in Chile was a reaction to the crisis of the populist view of development which had governed policy there since 1929. By 1973, the model was in i ts death-throes; in political terms, this meant that the country had become ungovernable. In economic terms, GDPwas steadily falling and the deficit in the balance of payments in current account was steadily rising. Inflation was also rising slowly, and with it, social conflicto The new strategy sought to reduce the State's role in the economy and to give free play to market forces by decentralization,
privatization, deregulation, labour reforms and the opening up of the economy to international markets. Whatever the
methods used by the military government, Chile became a new country, with a new model for regulation in which society as a whole became increasingly dependant on capi tal. The author rejects the most optimistic valuations of the process, but concludes that there are still some deep-seated problems: the concentration of power, the intensification of social disparities and serious ecological decay; and that the new Government is more sensitive to these problems.
王燕; 张雷; 张韫; 温忠麟
Estilos parentais autoritário e democrático-recíproco intergeracionais, conflito conjugal e comportamentos de externalização e internalização Intergenerational authoritarian and authoritative parenting styles, marital conflict, and externalizing and internalizing behaviors
Ebenézer A. de Oliveira; Angela H. Marin; Fábio B. Pires; Giana B. Frizzo; Tiago Ravanello; Caroline Rossato
Modelos mediativos de risco e proteção foram testados, para prever longitudinalmente comportamentos de externalização e internalização infantis, a partir de uma atitude conjugal conflituosa e de estilos parentais intergeracionais autoritário vs. democrático-recíproco. Proveniente de duas escolas particulares e uma pública, a amostra contou com 25 meninas e 25 meninos de 4 e 5 anos, e suas respectivas mães. Correlações bivariadas de Pearson e regressões múltiplas indicaram a presença de transm...
Fischer, Judith L.; Crawford, Duane W.
College students (n=175) reported the parenting style of their mother and father and completed a scale assessing their own level of codependency. Parenting style of the father (uninvolved, permissive, authoritarian, or democratic) was related to offspring codependency. Both sons and daughters of authoritarian fathers had higher levels of…
Major conclusion from this exploratory analysis was that if the black families were viewed by white norms they appeared authoritarian, but that, unlike their white counterparts, the most authoritarian of these families produced the most self-assertive and independent girls. (Author)
This article offers an alternative model, the model of shared authority, to the traditional, authoritarian model for authority and obedience for Religious Education. This model moves away from the authoritarian model of a teacher as the authority and the students as obedient listeners in the direction of a shared authority model in which teachers…
Leung, Kwok; Lau, Sing; Lam, Wai-Lim
Investigated relationships between parenting style and adolescents' academic achievement in Hong Kong, United States, and Australia. Found cultural differences in general and academic authoritarianism and general authoritativeness. Academic achievement was negatively related to academic authoritarianism and was positively related to general…
Williams, Dana M.
The use of Native American nicknames and symbols by US college athletics is a long-standing practice that embodies various forms of authoritarian oppression. One type of authoritarianism is that of patriarchy and it has been present in the struggle over the nickname at the University of North Dakota, the "Fighting Sioux". This article explores…
Lim, Vivien K. G.; Loo, Geok Leng
Structural equation modeling results from data on 178 undergraduates and their parents in Singapore indicated that paternal job insecurity was associated positively and maternal job insecurity negatively with authoritarian parenting. Mothers' authoritarian parenting was related to young adults' self-efficacy. Self-efficacy was positively…
Gazali, E.; d'Haenens, L.S.J.; Hollander, E.H.; Menayang, V.; Hidayat, D.N.
The Reform movement that ended Suharto's 32 years of authoritarian rule brought significant changes to Indonesia. It liberated the media, the market, and civil society from state repression. But at the same time, the end of authoritarian rule brought about a vast shift to a libertarian market orient
OBJECTIVE: The present study examined similarities and differences between mothers' and fathers' attributions regarding successes and failures in caregiving situations and progressive versus authoritarian attitudes as well as correlations between mothers' and fathers' attributions and attitudes. DESIGN: Interviews were conducted with both mothers and fathers in 88 Thai families. RESULTS: Mothers and fathers did not differ in mean levels of attributions regarding successes and failures in caregiving situations or in authoritarian or progressive attitudes. Mothers' and fathers' perceived control over failure, authoritarian attitudes, progressive attitudes, and modernity of attitudes were significantly correlated. CONCLUSIONS: This work suggests high similarities between Thai mothers and fathers in their attributions and attitudes related to parenting. PMID:21927590
Robbins, T; Anthony, D
While the presence of authoritarian "cults" in our midst raises a number of social control and "law and order" issues, current controversies over cults contain substantial elements of mystification. "Brainwashing" is an inherently subjective metaphor that is used as a rationale for persecuting unpopular movements and defining religious converts as nonautonomous zombies who can be coerced for therapeutic purposes. While "coercive persuasion" models do have some heuristic value for the analysis of indoctrination in some authoritarian groups, assumptions regarding the alleged destruction of the "free will" of converts and the status of authoritarian religiosity as a medical pathology are not warranted. PMID:24310790
El nuevo autoritarismo burocrático y el sindicalismo peronista. Análisis de la “participación” junto al gobierno militar de Onganía en la Argentina de los años sesenta: del “nuevo orden social” al “Cordobazo”
Full Text Available In the present work we reconstruct the relationship between the Peronist unionism and the new authoritarianism of 1966. We seek to analyze the general discussion concerning the union participation with authoritarian governments, and the debate within the Peronism around that relation with the military government. To do that, we focus on the development of the union group called “participacionista”, which answered positively the call of the military government. We aim to contribute to the study of the "new authoritarianism", based on his alliance with the “participacionista” union sector, and to understand its place in the Argentine union tradition.
Mertelsmann, Olaf, 1969-
Arvustus: Deniss Hanovs, Valdis Tēraudkalns: Ultimate Freedom - no choice. The culture of authoritarianism in Latvia, 1934-1940. (Central and Eastern Europe. Reginal perspectives in global context, Bd. 2.) Brill. Leiden-Boston 2013
Dornbusch, S M; Ritter, P L; Leiderman, P H; Roberts, D F; Fraleigh, M J
This article develops and tests a reformation of Baumrind's typology of authoritarian, permissive, and authoritative parenting styles in the context of adolescent school performance. Using a large and diverse sample of San Francisco Bay Area high school students (N = 7,836), we found that both authoritarian and permissive parenting styles were negatively associated with grades, and authoritative parenting was positively associated with grades. Parenting styles generally showed the expected relation to grades across gender, age, parental education, ethnic, and family structure categories. Authoritarian parenting tended to have a stronger association with grades than did the other 2 parenting styles, except among Hispanic males. The full typology best predicted grades among white students. Pure authoritative families (high on authoritative but not high on the other 2 indices) had the highest mean grades, while inconsistent families that combine authoritarian parenting with other parenting styles had the lowest grades. PMID:3665643
Full Text Available The paper analyzes socio-psychological sources of political divisions in post-communist Serbia. Following the argument that authoritarianism is intrinsically associated with the opposition to pro-democratic political change, it is hypothesized that authoritarianism is associated with the support for the former communists, and increasingly over time for radical nationalists. The data analysis utilizes three data sets, from 1990, 1996 and 2002, that is from periods that represent three crucial stages in the development of the Serbian post-communist politics. Discriminant analysis of party preferences showed that preferences for authoritarian political options and ideological orientations were tied to authoritarianism as an individual difference variable and specific socio-structural characteristics. The paper offers an interpretation of the Serbian politics throughout 1990s in terms of a cleavage of world views.
Discusses the author's development of teaching style from a permissive to an authoritarian to an authoritative teaching style. Uses research on parenting styles to understand the college classroom and argues that a teacher's view of students affects their teaching. (CMK)
von Baer, Ena
In a number of countries in the world since the nineteenth century transitions have taken place from authoritarian to liberal democratic systems. The transformation of authoritarian and totalitarian regimes has become a central topic of political science investigations. These studies aimed at analyzing the causes, elements and the course of such transformations. But the form of dealing with the past in the transformation process was only marginally considered.In Germany, after 1945 the conce...
Marlus Heriberto Arns de Oliveira; José Renato Gaziero Cella
The Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, enacted in 1988 during the democratization process of the country after the end of an authoritarian regime preceded by several others that show a non-democratic tradition in the Brazilian Republic, remained still remnants an authoritarian Patronizing and Paternalist state, the example of the final part of the Article 5, item IV, which claims to be the free expression of thought, but forbids anonymity, prohibition which deserves to be reth...
From the mid and late 1980s, the countries with fastest economic development in East Asia successively began their political transitions from authoritarian power to democracy. In Singapore, it began its transition with the government' s guidance and gradually adjusted the original structures so that the authoritarian structures were slowly shifted into a steady democratic system. As a result, it saved itself from paying both huge social and political cost , maintaining the concerted development in its society and economy.
Michael W. Apple
The secularity of the state is seen by 'authoritarian populist' religious conservatives as imposing a world-view that is out of touch with the deep religious commitments that guide their lives. In the process, authoritarian populists have taken on subaltern identities and claimed that they are the last truly dispossessed groups. To demonstrate their increasing power in educational and social policy, I situate a specific set of technologies-the Internet-within the social context of its use in ...
As an antithesis of “authoritarian enclave” which has been well-established in the comparative politics literature, “democratic enclave” points to the institution of a state or the unambiguous regulatory space in society “where the authoritarian regime’s writ is substantively limited and is replaced by an adherence to recognizably democratic norms and procedures” (Gilley 2010). In this sense, the Internet space, embodied by information and communication technologies, has great potential to pl...
中澤, 潤; 中道, 圭人; ナカザワ, ジュン; ナカミチ, ケイト; NAKAMIHCI, Keito; Nakazawa, Jun
This research examined the relationships between paternal/maternal authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive childrearing styles (based on the responsibility and control childrearing dimensions of Baumrind), and reactive and proactive aggressive behavior of their young children (N=59, aged 4-6 years). For reactive aggression, there were no differences among paternal/maternal childrearing types. For proactive aggression, authoritarian fathers have more aggressive young children than both au...
The paper contains a critical analysis o f various kinds o f anomy and oligarchic and authoritarian tendencies that have become visible within the Polish institutions of academic democracy. Oligarchy and authoritarianism in the world o f Polish sociology have their roots both in the formal socialist past and in the mechanical transferring principles of „competitive business enterprise” (Veblen) to academic and spiritual work. Anomic competition that presupposes and causes various ...
During the twentieth century, the countries of Central America were characterized by remarkably different political regimes: military-authoritarianism in Guatemala and El Salvador, progressive democracy in Costa Rica and traditional-authoritarianism in Honduras and Nicaragua. This article explains these contrasting regime outcomes by exploring the agrarian and state-building reforms pursued by political leaders during the nineteenth– and early twentieth century liberal reform period. Based on...
During the twentieth century, the countries of Central America were characterized by remarkably different political regimes: military-authoritarianism in Guatemala and El Salvador, progressive democracy in Costa Rica and traditional-authoritarianism in Honduras and Nicaragua. This article explains these contrasting regime outcomes by exploring the agrarian and state-building reforms pursued by political leaders during the nineteenth– and early twentieth century liberal reform period. Based on...
Why does a substantial portion of FDI flow into authoritarian regimes despite their weak political institutions? I argue that foreign investors invest in autocracies and democracies in pursuit of different institutional advantages. They invest in some authoritarian countries not despite the lack of credibility, but because of the availability of flexibility. Strong institutions create a credible investment environment that protects property rights better. Weak institutions create a flexible i...
The populist backlash in Central and Eastern Europe reveals the absence in the new democracies of checks and balances and of truly independent media to serve as a counterweight to creeping authoritarianism. It also shows the return of dormant strands in the region's political culture and thus its potential vulnerability to the authoritarian temptation. These developments are contributing to widespread estrangement from the postenlargement EU in the older member states. If current trends conti...
Sand, Trond Svela; Fasting, Kari; Chroni, Stilani; Knorre, Nada
Coaches can easily dominate athletes and this unbalanced power distribution may be strengthened by authoritarian behavior; i.e. negative feedback, directive communication, coach-led decision making, taskcentered role orientation, and goal orientation on performance. An unwanted risk emerges when the power is abused, which can lead to the occurrence of sexual harassment. This article examines whether authoritarian coaching behaviors may have any implications for female ath...
McCullaugh, Marcy Elisabeth
Why do some autocrats redistribute resource rents through high welfare spending, while others do not? Conventional wisdom suggests that authoritarian leaders unconstrained by institutions and with unlimited access to resource wealth would siphon off these funds for themselves and rent-seeking elites at the expense of delivering goods to citizens. Yet, welfare spending levels among the world's petroleum-rich authoritarian and hybrid regimes indicate that some rulers are more inclined than ot...
This book is a political economy study that tackles the relationship between public finance and politics in Egypt during the period 1981-2003. It analyzes how the authoritarian regime of Hosni Moubarak has adapted to its fiscal crisis and how this crisis has affected the relationships between state and society and between the different parts and levels of the state. Political economy studies on Egypt have maintained that the reproduction of authoritarianism in this country has mainly been ach...
Chirambo, Reuben Makayiko
Though Malawian democracy could still be described as in transition from authoritarianism, it has enabled an atmosphere for critical debate of and dissent against seemingly popular opinions, which was not possible during the authoritarian rule of former life president, Dr. H. K. Banda, 1964-1994. This article examines politicised cultural populism in Malawi under the dictatorship and democracy in comparative terms. President Banda, as a political populist, appropriated culture to legitimate a...
This chapter interrogates how activist social media communication in authoritarian contexts is shaped through the mutual articulation of social media user practices, business models, and technological architectures, as well as through the controlling efforts of states. It specifically focuses on social media protest activity and contention in China, Tunisia, and Iran, authoritarian states which have made a large effort to control online activity. The analysis shows that instead of blocking or...
Full Text Available The concept of civil religion has caught major attention among scholars studying the junction of religion and politics (J.-J. Rousseau, E. Durkheim, R. Bellah. The notion focuses on the phenomenon of cultural contents sacralizing and ritualizing the ruling political institutions of a society, extending support to the integration of the political and social system at a cultural level. The notion of civil religion has recently been operationalized crossculturally, but light has not been shed upon its predictors. In this paper authoritarianism is tested as a predictor of civil religion cross-culturally. Four student samples of Bosnian, Serbian, Slovenian and US students were analyzed. Very strong, significant associations between authoritarianism, as operationalized by a modified Lane scale, and civil religion were found in all cases. Moreover, upon introducing femininity, anxiety and gender into the analysis, a strong, dominant and significant impact on the part of authoritarianism was still found when civil religion was observed crossculturally. When the same predictors were applied to explaining general religiosity, authoritarianism fell short of being a significant predictor in most of the environments observed. Such results suggest an especially close link between civil religion and authoritarianism.
Norma Jo Baker
Full Text Available While much has been written on the failure of the Yeltsin presidency and the transformation of Russian society since 1991, little work has been done that illustrates the participation of established liberal democracies in supporting Yeltsin’s authoritarian, politically unresponsive ‘superpresidentialism,’ or linking this support to the authoritarian nature of the modern liberal democratic project itself. By examining Russian trade union culture and history, as well as international trade union representative involvement, this paper argues that the persistent neglect of unions in the 1990s to challenge social relations of production can be understood as paradigmatic of an authoritarian dynamic focused on the political elite rather than on their membership. With international support, the regime’s concern was with the dismantling of Soviet economic relations and social institutions. Working from the culture and history of Russian trade unions, the unions’ efforts to retain a place in the new era through a strategy of ‘social partnership,’ combined with the collapse of the social welfare system, reinforced a top-down inertia characteristic of the unions. The result, predictably, was an era marked by a politics of irresponsibility, a political ethic is not indicative of an inherent Russian authoritarianism, but that of the authoritarian nature of the liberal modernity itself.
The relationship between three parenting styles (authoritarian, permissive, and authoritative) and the mental health of Arab adolescents was tested. It was hypothesized that parenting style toward boys would differ from that towards girls, psychological adjustment of girls would differ from that of boys, and that the authoritarian style applied within the authoritarian Arab society is not associated with poor psychological adjustment. The Parental Authority Questionnaire, Child Attitude Toward Parents, Lipsitt's Self-Concept Scale for Children, Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale and the Psychological State Scale were administered to 431 Arab adolescents. Sex comparison revealed that the parenting style with regard to girls tends to be more authoritative and less authoritarian than with regard to boys. Girls scored higher than boys on identity disorder, anxiety disorder, and depression scales, whereas boys scored higher than girls on the behavior disorder scale. There was no significant relationship between the authoritarian parenting style and the mental health measures. A significant positive relationship exists between the authoritative parenting style and the mental health of children. Among boys, the permissive parenting style was associated with negative attitudes towards parents, lower self-esteem and increased identity, anxiety, phobia, depressive, and conduct disorders. It seems, therefore, that the effect of parenting style is culturally and gender dependent rather than universal. PMID:15446722
Marlus Heriberto Arns de Oliveira
Full Text Available The Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, enacted in 1988 during the democratization process of the country after the end of an authoritarian regime preceded by several others that show a non-democratic tradition in the Brazilian Republic, remained still remnants an authoritarian Patronizing and Paternalist state, the example of the final part of the Article 5, item IV, which claims to be the free expression of thought, but forbids anonymity, prohibition which deserves to be rethought, especially on the internet, where the navigation data of people deserve protection, as well as their rights to remain anonymous, a fact which entails the need for reflection on the scope and how best to interpret the constitutional provision cited, a debate that, in the proposed article will deal think the ideas of paternalism, authoritarianism and freedom, whose focus will be about within the Internet, social networks and the Knowledge Society.
Kim, Hyesoo; Chung, Ruth H Gim
The authors examined the relationship of authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive parenting styles and the number of years in the United States with self-perception (academic competence, morality, and self-reliance) as recalled by Korean American college students (N = 144). Authoritative parenting behaviors were most common in Korean American families, followed by authoritarian behaviors, with permissive behaviors a distant 3rd. Authoritative parenting styles and the number of years lived in the United States were predictive of higher academic competence. Authoritarian and permissive parenting styles were predictive of lower self-reliance, whereas number of years lived in the United States was related to higher self-reliance. Those findings provide partial support for generalizing D. Baumrind's (1971) model of parenting styles to Korean American families, and the findings demonstrate the importance of considering acculturation issues in parenting studies. PMID:14719780
Ferrari, J R; Olivette, M J
Late adolescent females (N = 86; M age = 19.1 years) completed reliable and valid self-report measures on their perception of both parents' authority style (authoritarian, authoritative, permissive) and their own tendency toward decisional procrastination. Households where daughters perceived both parents as high authoritarian (n = 32) were significantly more likely to raise daughters with strong indecision tendencies than were parents perceived as low authoritarian (n = 23). Mothers and fathers perceived as high (n = 22) or low (n = 22) authoritative, and high (n = 32) or low (n = 24) permissive, did not produce significant differences in daughters' self-reported decisional procrastination. Results suggest that parental authority characterized by stern inflexibility and overcontrol has the greatest influence on daughters who develop chronic indecision tendencies. PMID:8266848
Mallett, Kimberly A; Turrisi, Rob; Ray, Anne E; Stapleton, Jerod; Abar, Caitlin; Mastroleo, Nadine R; Tollison, Sean; Grossbard, Joel; Larimer, Mary E
The study examined parent profiles among high school athletes transitioning to college and their association with high-risk drinking in a multi-site, randomized trial. Students (n = 587) were randomized to a control or combined parent-based and brief motivational intervention condition and completed measures at baseline and at 5- and 10-month follow-ups. Four parent profiles (authoritative, authoritarian, permissive, indifferent) were observed among participants. Findings indicated control participants with authoritarian parenting were at the greatest risk for heavy drinking. Alternately, students exposed to permissive or authoritarian parenting reported lower peak drinking when administered the combined intervention, compared to controls. Findings suggest the combined intervention was efficacious in reducing peak alcohol consumption among high-risk students based on athlete status and parenting profiles. PMID:24109150
Corgiat, Claudia A; Templer, Donald I
The purpose was to estimate the relation of attitude toward body elimination in 93 college students (27 men and 66 women), to authoritarian personality features, participants' perception of their mothers' parenting style, and attitudes toward cleanliness, sex, and family nudity. Subjects were administered the Body Elimination Attitude Scale, the Four-item F Scale, the Parental Authority Questionnaire Pertaining to Mothers, and the items "Sex is dirty," "Cleanliness is next to godliness," and "Children should never see other family members nude." Larger scores for disgust toward body elimination were associated with authoritarian personality characteristics, being less likely to describe mother's parenting style as authoritative (open communication) and more likely to describe it as authoritarian and lower scores for tolerance for family nudity. Implications for further research were suggested. PMID:12785652
Full Text Available The aim of this article is to show how the authoritarianism was renewed in Egypt after the fall of Mubarak. Through the reconstructions of actions of the principal political Egyptian actors, it will be demonstrated that the demands of democratization that arose in the “spring” of 2011 meant only a change in the personification of the authoritarianism, rather than a change of the institutionalized authoritarianism of the militaries. Furthermore, it was established that this structure has been legitimized by the currently President al-Sisi through restitution or “correction” of various practices of the Mubarak era, resorting to repressive measures, the reincorporation of old mubarakists figures and a more aggressive nationalist discourse. In this study, these practices are denominated neomubarakism.
Riley, Dylan; Fernández, Juan J
What is the impact of dictatorships on postdictatorial civil societies? Bottom-up theories suggest that totalitarian dictatorships destroy civil society while authoritarian ones allow for its development. Top-down theories of civil society suggest that totalitarianism can create civil societies while authoritarianism is unlikely to. This article argues that both these perspectives suffer from a one-dimensional understanding of civil society that conflates strength and autonomy. Accordingly we distinguish these two dimensions and argue that totalitarian dictatorships tend to create organizationally strong but heteronomous civil societies, while authoritarian ones tend to create relatively autonomous but organizationally weak civil societies. We then test this conceptualization by closely examining the historical connection between dictatorship and civil society development in Italy (a posttotalitarian case) and Spain (a postauthoritarian one). Our article concludes by reflecting on the implications of our argument for democratic theory, civil society theory, and theories of regime variation. PMID:25811069
McGillicuddy-De Lisi, Ann V; De Lisi, Richard
College students (N = 125) reported their perceptions of family relations in response to vignettes that presented 5 different parenting styles. Participants viewed family relations as most positive when parents were portrayed as authoritative or permissive and as most negative when parents were portrayed as uninvolved-neglecting or authoritarian. Student gender and parent gender effects qualified these findings. Female students reported family relations to be less positive than did male students when parents were depicted as authoritarian or as uninvolved-neglecting, and they rated family relations more positively than did male students when parents were depicted as permissive. Participants viewed family relations as more positive when mothers rather than fathers were presented as permissive and when fathers rather than mothers were depicted as authoritarian. The authors discuss the findings of the study in relation to theories of beliefs about children and implications for future parenting styles of male and female college students. PMID:18232520
Pascual-Sagastizabal, Eider; Azurmendi, Aitziber; Braza, Francisco; Vergara, Ana I; Cardas, Jaione; Sánchez-Martín, José R
This study examines the relationship between parenting style, androgen levels, and measures of physical and indirect aggression. Peer ratings of aggression were obtained from 159 eight-year-old children (89 boys and 70 girls). Parenting styles (authoritative, authoritarian or permissive) were assessed using the Parenting Styles and Dimensions Questionnaire (PSDQ).Saliva samples were obtained from children and assayed for testosterone and androstenedione concentrations. A regression analysis revealed that high testosterone levels were associated with a higher level of physical aggression in boys with authoritarian mothers. Testosterone was also found to moderate the relationship between father's authoritarian parenting and physical aggression in girls, with both moderate and high levels being significant. In relation to indirect aggression, moderate and high levels of testosterone were associated with higher levels of this type of aggression in girls with permissive mothers. Our results highlight the importance of taking into account the interaction of biological and psychosocial variables when investigating aggressive behavior. PMID:24954610
Aubuchon-Endsley, Nicki L; Thomas, David G; Kennedy, Tay S; Grant, Stephanie L; Valtr, Tabitha
Theoretical models linking maternal nutrition, depressive symptomatology, and parenting are underdeveloped. However, existing literature suggests that iron status and depressive symptomatology interact in relation to problematic parenting styles (authoritarian, permissive). Therefore, in the current study the authors investigate these interactive relations in a sample of breastfeeding mothers (n = 105) interviewed at three months postpartum. Participants completed questionnaires (from December 2008 to January 2011) regarding their depressive symptomatology and parenting styles. Iron status (i.e., hemoglobin, soluble transferrin receptors, and serum ferritin concentrations) was assessed from blood samples. Significant interactions were found between iron status and depressive symptomatology in relation to authoritarian parenting style (low warmth, high punishment and directiveness). For those women with hemoglobin below 14.00 g/dL, depressive symptomatology was positively related to authoritarian parenting style (p parenting. Dietary interventions may help to eliminate relations between depressive symptoms and problematic parenting. PMID:22533896
This study examined the relationship between perceived parenting style, filial piety, and life satisfaction among Chinese young adults. A survey was administered to 395 university students in Hong Kong on their perceptions about their parents' parenting practices, filial piety beliefs, and life satisfaction. The results suggest that perceived authoritative parenting is associated with reciprocal filial piety and contributes positively to the young adults' life satisfaction. Both perceived authoritative and authoritarian parenting were associated with authoritarian filial piety, but authoritarian filial piety was not associated with young adults' life satisfaction. Due to the familial interdependence emphasized in the Chinese cultural context, Chinese adolescents' filial beliefs are related to the parenting they have experienced, and these beliefs may be associated with their psychosocial outcomes. PMID:24821523
The Introduction briefly presents the ideas behind this collection of articles, namely to analyze popular mobilization and the role of civil society, political parties, and regional organizations in relation to the developments in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) over the last years, and to...... states, the Introduction emphasizes the continued relevance of focusing on a repoliticized MENA reality. The Middle East is still on the move away from the established image of unshakeable authoritarianism attributed to the region, which made the upgrading authoritarianism paradigm seem forever relevant...
Full Text Available The main hypotesis of this article relys on the Colonial social relationship and the neoclassicists philosophy as the roots of Latin America authoritarian rule. From the concept of “natural” human being, patronizing and clientelism drove to an asymmetric relationship between authority and individuals within a corporative society. Although the Borbonism and liberalism had been strong dynamic forces, they were unsuccessful for changing such scheme and only a secularization process could timidly be carried on. For consequence, the Latin America politic modernization went on an authoritarian way, turning to populism, whereas individual became subaltern of the State; so, citizenship become indefinitely postponed
Using the Rokeach's Dogmatism Scale (DS) the researcher attempted to show that the farther an individual proceeds in his education, the less authoritarian he becomes. The population comprised 96 functional illiterates, aged 20 to 60 years; and 36 graduate students, aged 20 to 60 years. The instrument, which was validated by 7 out of 10 previous…
Hoffman, Lauren P.
The purpose of this article is to argue for a social activist stance in educational leadership that fundamentally addresses social change and human emancipation. This call for social activism is framed within neoliberal, neoconservative, and authoritarian populist discourses in the USA, which to social justice educators and leaders had devastating…
In his book, Taking Leave of Abraham. An Essay in Religion and Democracy, Troels Nørager argues that the willingness to sacrifice one's own son symbolizes the violent potential of authoritarian religion that can be seen today in terror actions. And he argues that this kind of God-relations are not...
Silva, Marc; Dorso, Erin; Azhar, Aisha; Renk, Kimberly
The current study examined the relationships among parenting styles experienced in childhood, anxiety, motivation, and academic success in college students. Results suggested that fathers' authoritative parenting was related to decreases, whereas mothers' authoritarian parenting was related to increases, in college students' anxiety. Further,…
After nearly half a century of authoritarianism characterized by Chinese nationalism and Mandarin promotion, democratization in 1990s Taiwan was accompanied by a Taiwanization movement featuring calls for the revitalization of local languages and the promotion of linguistic equality. To that end, the government began planning for local language…
After the Asian Economic Crisis in 1997 and the fall of president Suharto’s authoritarian regime in 1998, rural and urban Indonesia experienced a surge in vigilante killings and the rise of non-state forms of authorities working within the twilight of legality and illegality, catering the role of...
Colson, Myron Jamal
The purpose of the study was to investigate the relationship of home parental involvement practices, parental style and student achievement. Dimensions of parental involvement practices are parental instruction, parental reinforcement, parental modeling, and parental encouragement. Dimensions of parental style are authoritarian, permissive, and…
Boyes, Michael C.; Allen, Sandra G.
Examined whether adolescents of authoritative parents exhibit a greater preference for postconventional moral reasoning than do adolescents of permissive or authoritarian parents. Subjects (75 high school and 67 undergraduate students) completed Rest's Defining Issues Test and Schaefer's Child Report of Parental Behavior Inventory. Results…
Leeson, Peter; Heaven, Patrick C. L.; Ciarrochi, Joseph
We address a series of criticisms, raised by Woodley (2011), of our paper "Cognitive ability, right-wing authoritarianism, and social dominance orientation: A five-year longitudinal study amongst adolescents" (Heaven, Ciarrochi, & Leeson, 2011). We argue that, while Woodley (2011) presents some interesting points, his criticisms do not alter our…
Asserts that Blood on the Forge, published in 1941 by black novelist, William Attaway, represented a literary achievement in its own right, and at the same time realistically portrayed the transition of a people from a structured, authoritarian, rural existence to an industrialized urban frontier. Attaway rejected traditional forms of agrarianism…
M. Wojcieszak; B. Smith
The uprisings after the 2009 elections in Iran generated debate on new media’s potential to affect dissent in authoritarian countries. We surveyed 2800 young, educated, metropolitan, and technologically savvy Iranians over a year after the election and during the uprisings in the Middle East and Nor
This chapter interrogates how activist social media communication in authoritarian contexts is shaped through the mutual articulation of social media user practices, business models, and technological architectures, as well as through the controlling efforts of states. It specifically focuses on soc
Hrubec, Marek; Dinka, P.
Bratislava: Vydavateľstvo Spolku slovenských spisovateľov, 2012 - (Dinka, P.), s. 209-222. (Pohľady za horizont. 11). ISBN 978-80-8061-470-6 Institutional support: RVO:67985955 Keywords : authority * authoritarian * political philosophy * politics Subject RIV: AA - Philosophy ; Religion
The purpose of this research was to investigate the associations between students’ bullying behaviors in Islamic private schools, Pattani province and classroom management factors (democracy, authoritarian, and permissive classroom management), family upbringing factors (strict, permissive, and democracy upbringing), environment violence factors (influence of peers violence, community violence, and parents violence), and to identify risk factors for bullying behaviors. A cross-sectional surve...
Baker, Norma Jo; Thompson, Chad D.
Higher educational practices in post-Soviet Central Asia remain predicated on an authoritarian conception of expertise rooted in an objective and universal science. While the substance of such education has changed since the Soviet era, the form of education remains rooted in Soviet-era discursive ideological practices, practices that encourage…
Olson, Robert W.
In two decades of Ba'thist rule, Syria has evolved into a centralized, one-party, secular, authoritarian nation-state, which may be destabilized in the 1980s as a result of the conflict in Lebanon and internal Islamic opposition. (RM)
Mills, Rosemary S. L.
Mothers of 3-year-old girls completed measures of parenting patterns and perceived power. Fathers and mothers assessed their daughters' fearfulness and extraversion. Found that low-power mothers appeared to assert greater or lesser control depending on their daughter's temperamental characteristics; mothers behaved in a more authoritarian manner…
Hughes, Sheryl O; Power, Thomas G; Orlet Fisher, Jennifer; Mueller, Stephen; Nicklas, Theresa A
The extent to which general parenting represents feeding styles in ethnically diverse populations is not well documented. Existing measures of child feeding have focused almost exclusively on specific behaviors of European-American parents. A valid and reliable instrument was developed to identify feeding styles in parents of low-income minority preschoolers. Two hundred thirty-one parents (130 Hispanic; 101 African-American) completed questionnaires on feeding practices and parenting styles. Based on self-reported feeding behavior, parents were assigned to four feeding styles (authoritarian, n=84; authoritative, n=34; indulgent, n=80; and uninvolved, n=33). Convergent validity was evaluated by relating feeding styles to independent measures of general parenting and authoritarian feeding practices. Authoritarian feeding styles were associated with higher levels of general parental control and authoritarian feeding practices. Alternatively, authoritative feeding styles were associated with higher levels of general parental responsiveness. Among the two permissive feeding styles, Hispanic parents were more likely to be indulgent, whereas African-American parents were more likely to be uninvolved. Further, differences were found among the feeding styles on an independent measure of child's body mass index. PMID:15604035
States that the inverse relation between the level of education and ethnocentrism, right-wing authoritarianism, or anti-semitism is one of the most robust empirical results to be found in survey research in Germany. Refutes the critique that the empirical result is merely an artifact of method. (CMK)
Andres, Hayward P.; Akan, Obasi H.
Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to determine if "fit" and "non-fit" between authoritarian versus demonstrator teaching and visual versus verbal learning preferences differ in impact on Chinese MBA student academic performance in a large local urban Chinese university setting. In addition, the role of Chinese cultural…
Full Text Available Value oriented education is not authoritarian, Vindoctrination in the right values chosen a priori. It is a process of inducing learning. The nub of value oriented education is to enable students to think, reason, reflect, feel, care, experience, will and act (Seshadri, 2002.
Gibson, Rich; Queen, Greg; Ross, E. Wayne; Vinson, Kevin
Ten years ago, the Rouge Forum initiated its work with this statement: "The Rouge Forum is a group of educators, students, and parents seeking a democratic society. We are concerned about questions like these: How can we teach against racism, national chauvinism and sexism in an increasingly authoritarian and undemocratic society? How can we gain…
In order for leftists to mobilize effective resistance to current economic policies, they must confront right wing groups whose chief rallying points are opposition to feminism and sexual freedom, glorification of the traditional patriarchal family, and advocacy of authoritarian moral and religious values. (Author/GC)
Slone, Michelle; Shechner, Tomer; Farah, Oula Khoury
This study examined cross-cultural differences in the moderating function of authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive parenting styles for Jewish and Arab Israeli children exposed to political violence. Respondents were parents and children aged 10-11 from 94 families (42 Arab, 52 Jewish). Parents completed the Parenting Styles and Dimensions…
Smetana, Judith G.
Reports of parenting styles were assessed in 100 mostly white, middle-class, 6th, 8th, and 10th graders and their parents. Adolescents viewed their parents as more permissive and more authoritarian than parents viewed themselves, whereas parents viewed themselves as more authoritative than did adolescents. Differences were primarily over the…
Bazzul, Jesse; Kayumova, Shakhnoza
This essay's main objective is to develop a theoretical, ontological basis for critical, social justice-oriented science education. Using Deleuze and Guattari's notion of assemblages, rhizomes, and arborescent structures, this article challenges authoritarian institutional practices, as well as the subject of these practices, and offers a way for…
Fearon, Danielle D.; Copeland, Daelynn; Saxon, Terrill F.
The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between parenting styles and creativity among a sample of Jamaican students and their parents. A total of 54 parents and 66 students participated in the study. Results revealed that the authoritarian style of parenting is the most salient predictor of creativity in children and that this…
paved the way either to the strengthening or resurgence of the hegemony, both in policy and discourse, of: [a] “global war on terrorism” over historically sensitive conflict resolution mechanisms; [b] “authoritarian liberalism” over democratization; and [c] neo-liberalism over developmental statism...
In a sense, school reform is Chicago's "perestroika." As in Europe, an authoritarian, survivalist bureaucracy has collapsed, and a radical democracy is proposed as the solution to years of paralysis and backwardness. Unfortunately, the inexperienced Local School Councils lack vision and often promulgate commonplace solutions. Insistence on parent…
AlMusaileem, Muhammad Y.
This study argues for a new theory in school management based on the notion of positive containment which benefited from the integration of the main two patterns of leadership, i.e., the democratic and the authoritarian. In this theory, the school principal has to deal with one external and five internal circles of positive containments. The…
Luescher-Mamashela, Thierry M.; Mugume, Taabo
The transition from one-party rule and other forms of authoritarianism to multiparty democracy in the 1990s has had a profound impact on the organisation and role of student politics in Africa. Against the background of student involvement in African politics in the twentieth century, leading up to student participation in Africa's…
Moore, Shirley G.
Among studies that have examined the relationship between parenting styles and children's development of social skills, the research of Diana Baumrind is noteworthy. In several studies, she has identified authoritarian, permissive, and authoritative parenting styles, which differ on the dimensions of nurturance and parental control. Authoritarian…
Buri, John R.
Baumrind (1971) proposed three distinct patterns of parental authority (permissiveness, authoritarianism, and authoritativeness) and measured these parenting styles through interviews with parents and their children and through observations of parents interacting with their children. This study was undertaken to develop a readily-accessible,…
Moore, Shirley G.
Among studies that have examined the relationship between parenting styles and children's development of social skills, the research of Diana Baumrind is noteworthy. In several studies, she has identified authoritarian, permissive, and authoritative parenting styles, which differ on the dimensions of nurturance and parental control. Authoritarian…
Banham, Victoria; Hanson, Jane; Higgins, Alice; Jarrett, Michelle
In Australia, an exploratory study was grounded in U. Bronfenbrenner's ecological perspective of human development and his principles of reciprocity, affective tone, and developmental opportunity and developmental risk. It used D. Baumrind's (1979) work on child rearing styles (authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive) to explore the effect of…